NEAR the Euganean Hills, betwixt Verona and Pa­doua, lyes Esté, a place of some account with the Ro­mans, but better known since their times for giving the denomination to the most illustrious Family of which I am now to treat. The Atii if we [Page 2] give credit to antient Records, retired from Rome while yet a Republick, and setling here, laid the foundation of their future Greatness under the Emperours long before the barbarous Nations attempted the Conquest of Italy. But lest by going too far back we be apt to mistake the way, where so few footsteps remain to direct us, I shall begin only about the middle of the fifth Century, whence the pro­spect downward is clearer; and do judge this sufficient to assert the anti­quity of the House of Esté, with­out borrowing the help of doubtful conjectures to raise it higher.

Anno Christi 452 The News of Atila's March to­wards Italy, made those who were most in danger, think of putting themselves in some posture of defence; and the general rendezvous being ap­pointed at Padoua, the first man that appeared there with any considerable Train, was Forestus of Esté, whose forwardness we find rewarded with the Command of the Forces sent to re­lieve Aquileia. In his March thither he put sixteen thousand Huns to flight, by whom Atila having notice of his [Page 3] approach, and guessing at his Design, did what he could to prevent him: But Forestus, animated by his former success, forced his passage through some part of the Army, and got safe into the City with the choicest of his Troops. His courage and vigilance at first disappointed Atila in all his at­tempts, till in a Sally, by the treache­ry of some of his Souldiers, he was drawn into an ambush, where it is be­lieved he fell by Atila's own hand.

His Son Acarinus equally concern­ed to defend his Countrey, and re­venge Forestus's death, brought such supplies to the besieged as help'd to delay the Fate of the City; but fa­mine and the Besiegers obstinacy cut­ting off at length all hopes of deliver­ance, after a long and vigorous resist­ance they retired by night to Grado, where they were scarce well arrived, when the flames began to appear that in a few hours buried Aquileia in its Ashes, as a lasting Monument of Atila's cruelty.

The next place of importance after Aquileia was Altinum, built upon the Brink of the Adriatick, which Atila [Page 4] presently gave order to block up: yet his great expedition could not keep Acarinus from supplying it with men and provision, nor from going thither in person to see that nothing were wanting for its defence: but finding all endeavours prove ineffe­ctual, he got together what Boats and Shallops the neighbouring Villages af­forded and conveyed the Inhabitants safe to the Islands of Boran, Mazorbo and Torcello, leaving the bare Walls to the mercy of the Conquerour who treated Altinum as he had done Aqui­leia.

Those of Treviso, Padoua, and Vi­cenza, not willing to trust Atila's cle­mency, nor yet in a condition to re­sist him, were advised by Acarinus to shelter themselves at Malamoco and se­veral other little Islands near enough to be furnished with necessaries from the Land, and yet secure from the Huns attacks; and he himself percei­ving how successful he had been in ad­vising his Neighbours, thought it high time to provide for the safety of those who were more immediately under his care and protection, returning [Page 5] therefore to Esté before the Huns could reach it, he conducted his peo­ple to Palestrina, and Chiozza, near the mouth of the Po.

Every place afterwards yielding to Atila's victorious Army, the Country was soon over-run; and he loaded with the spoils of so many Cities, thought fit to go home, and disbur­then himself, resolving to return the next year; but a sudden Death oc­casioned, as some say, by poison; or as others, by drunkenness; put a stop to this torrent, freed Italy from the apprehension ofa second invasion, and the World from such a scourge of Gods wrath as former Ages had not felt.

This drew Acarinus back to Esté with thoughts to repair the Walls, had not fresh troubles diverted him. The Empress, full of resentment a­gainst Maximus for procuring the death of her Husband Valentinian the III. called in Genserick King of the Vandals, who waited only for such an invitation. Whereever the Van­dals came they left greater marks of their cruelty than ever the Huns had [Page 6] done; the only comfort was, they made no long stay, but went back in­to Africk, and in requital of the Em­presses kindness carried her and her two Daughters with them as Tro­phees of their Victory.

Italy had not time to breathe after such a terrible blow when the Alains who had hitherto contained them­selves in France and Spain, cross'd the Alpes to seize upon what the Vandals Anno Christi 461 had left; the people therefore whom Acarinus had made retire unto the Islands of the Adriatick, finding things every day grow worse, chose rather to struggle with the inconveniences of those barren habitations than to be exposed to fresh dangers; and then did the repeated Calamities of Italy give the first beginnings to the City and Republick of Venice, which have since prov'd its greatest Ornament, as well as the maintainer of its Liberty: So that in this alone Italy must own it self sufficiently rewarded for what it then suffered, and all may here trace the admirable methods of Divine Pro­vidence, which made use of those barbarous Nations to raise this bul­wark [Page 7] for after Ages against the en­croaching greatness of the Ottoman Power, more formidable to Italy and to all Christendom than ever were Huns, Vandals or Alains.

But to return to Acarinus, his me­rit was now too well known to be long without employment. Severi­anus the Emperour having raised an Army to chase away the Alains, made Richimer Commander in chief, and Acarinus General of the Horse, the next place in dignity and trust under him; and in this he did behave him­self so well, that the success of that great battel near Bergamo, in which the King of the Alains was kill'd, his Army irrecoverably lost, and Italy thereby once more freed from slavery was chiefly due to Acarinus's con­duct. Whereupon he was made Go­vernour of all beyond the River A­thesis, as the fittest person to guard the Frontiers against the barbarous Anno Christi 471 Nations which commonly made their inroads that way.

All the rest of his life he enjoy'd this great trust which few had either merit or courage to aspire to; at last [Page 8] Odoacer King of the Herules consider­ing to what a weak pass the Empire was brought, ventured to tread the footsteps of the Alains, and found Acarinus ready to oppose him. Af­ter several skirmishes they came to a general Engagement, not far from Lode, where Acarinus, over-power­ed by number, and refusing to yield, sealed all his generous undertakings for his Country with his life. He being killed, Odoacer met with little more resistance; but having taken Augustulus Prisoner, he became Ma­ster of Italy. And thus was the Western Empire utterly abolished, which by Foreign Invasions and Civil Broils had been in a languishing condition of a long time.

Acarinus had two Wives, the for­mer was Gardena Queen of Damascus, who accompanying Atila in his Ex­pedition was perswaded to exchange her Crown for the Christian Religi­on. By her he had Atius, so named from his Family; and by a second Wife he had Constantius.

Though Odoacer's Government proved more gentle than was expect­ed, [Page 9] yet Atius (or Azo, a great name since in the House of Este) and his Bro­ther Constantius, not thinking them­selves secure, retired into Germany; and coming into the Court of Theodo Duke of Bavaria, had a reception from him full of respect and kindness, Anno Christi 481 which he afterwards confirmed by the Marriage of his Daughter to Azo.

When Zeno was created Emperor of the East, as he was concerned for his Title to Italy, though not able to make it good, so being willing like­wise to find employment for a War­like Prince abroad, whom he look'd upon as a dangerous Neighbour, he declared Theodorick King of the O­strogoths his General against Odoacer. Theodorick clothed in this Expedition with the Emperours Authority found many Friends, and none more zealous than Azo and Constantius. In the three several Battles where Odoacer was overthrown, and at the Siege of Ravenna, where he was glad to yield up a part of his Kingdom to save the rest. These two Brothers were emi­nently Anno Christi 491 serviceable to Theodorick; and as he had found them most active in [Page 10] his Establishment, so in his long and glorious Reign none shared deeper in his favour and bounty than both of them did.

In the life of Azo we find little af­terwards remarkable, but his Brothers last action, far surpassed all that he had formerly done. For when The­odatus imprisoned Amalasuntha Theo­dorick's Daughter, Constantius mind­ful of his obligations to that Family, Anno Christi 534 used all possible means for her escape; which the Tyrant suspecting, thought not himself secure till he put her to death. This did so affect Constantius, that he sent immediately to Justinian the Emperour to give him an account of the tragical end of the innocent Queen, and to implore his aid against the Murtherer, assuring him of his and his friends assistance, if he would espouse so just a cause. The Empe­rour embracing the invitation, inva­ded Italy, and Constantius who made good his promise, had the satisfaction to see Theodatus dethron'd and kill'd. With much ado he escaped the fury of Vitiges, who lookt upon him as the chief Author of this war, and liv'd [Page 11] not long enough to see the progress Anno Christi 539 Bellisarius made.

Basilius his Son, and Boniface his Cosen, who accompanied Bellisari­us in his first expedition, were upon his being recalled in danger of falling into Totila's hands; nor do we hear a­ny more of them till Narses came to ac­complish what Bellisarius had twice be­gun. The reputation it seems of this Ge­neral encouraged them to take Armes, for both of them assisted in that great battel where Totila was kill'd, and the Goths overthrown; and here Bo­niface fighting valiantly upon the Head of the Auxiliary Troops received a wound of which he soon after dyed, leaving his Son Valerian with his Co­sen Basilius, to help Narses in prose­cuting this War, which ended in the extirpation of the Eastern Goths after Anno Christi 553 they had reigned above seventy two years in Italy.

BAsilius and Valerian seeing Italy thus reunited to the Empire af­ter so long a Train of miseries, were expecting to taste the fruits of peace and of Narses's bounty, when on a sudden the Lombards, a people not yet known in the Western Parts of the World, threatened them with a Anno Christi 568 new Storm. Here the Greek and La­tine Historians do much differ; for these in relating the cause of the Lom­bard's invasion fix it upon Narses, who after having recovered Italy to the Emperour, expected to receive a treatment suitable to his merit; but Justin the Second, governed by his Empress, as Justinian had been all a­long by Theodora, slighted the service which he could not sufficiently re­ward, and was so ill advised as to make known his displeasure against Narses before his return: whereupon [Page 13] Narses, as the Latines write, called in the Lombards; but, grieved for what he had done, dyed before their arri­val. The Greeks, who allow great weakness and ingratitude in the Em­perour's carriage in suffering a Gene­ral to be exposed to the affronts of his Empress and her Women, who had deserved so well the honour of a triumph, with every thing else that the Emperour could do in ac­knowledgment of his extraordinary merit; say nothing of his being pri­vy to the Lombard's Design: but on the contrary highly extol the pru­dence, courage and piety of Narses, which certainly they would never have done, had they known his last action to be so black.

Whoever they were that betrayed Italy to the Lombards, we are sure Basilius and Valerian of Esté had no hand in it, they being the only per­sons who had the courage with a few Followers to stop Alboinus in his pas­sage. In this they followed the ex­ample of their glorious Ancestor Fo­restus, but came short of his success; for their Forces bearing no proportion [Page 14] to the Lombards in number, they were glad to give way to Alboinus's Fortune, and make the best terms for themselves and their Subjects they could. And as the Country which submitted to this Yoke has ever since been known by the name of Lombar­dy; so Italy upon the other side of the Apennin must have expected no bet­ter Fate, had not the Queen for be­ing forced to drink out of her Fathers Scull, seasonably revenged this barba­rous affront by the death of her Hus­band Alboinus, before he could finish Anno Christi 574 his Conquest.

Clephis, who succeeded him, was likewise killed after eighteen Months Reign, and the Lombards, not agree­ing upon a new choice, divided their whole Dominion among thirty of their chief Officers with the title of Dukes. Basilius and Valerian, glad to see them cantoniz'd after this man­ner, got together a small Army, with which they fought Agisulphus Duke of Friuli, who narrowly escaped being made Prisoner upon the defeat of his Army. The neighbouring Dukes, of Trent, Bergamo and Brescia, alarmed [Page 15] at this success, and jealous of their growth, enter'd into a confederacy Anno Christi 585 joyntly to oppose them in all their motions; this put a present stop to Ba­silius and Valerians proceedings.

The Emperour Justin not able of himself to give the Lombards great disturbance, took occasion from their late incursions into France, to engage that Nation against them; but the be­haviour of the French in this action, did neither answer their forwardness nor the opinion the world had of them, for they scarce enduring one charge of the Lombards, turn'd their backs, and left many of their Chief Officers dead upon the place: among the rest we find Valerian of Esté here lost his life, fighting for the Liberty of his Countrey, as his Father Boni­face had done many years before in the War of Narses against the Goths.

The Family having lost Valerian, Anno Christi 594 his Son succeeded him, before he was either by age or experience qualified to Govern; for Basilius by what we can learn, was then dead or un­fit for action. Agisulphus Duke of Friuli mindfull of the defeat given [Page 16] him by Valerian judged it now no hard matter to be revenged upon his Son. Montselice which belonged to the Family of Esté, and which of all the places in that part of Italy, could only boast of never having received a Lombard within its walls, was the prize he aim'd at: but young Aldo­ardus Heir to Valerian's courage as well as his fortune, did so bravely defend it, that Agisulphus retired with confusion, leaving the place to the just owner.

This Action which sufficed to have raised Aldoardus's reputation, was in a short time back'd with many other proofs of his valour and conduct; at length Ariovaldus King of the Lom­bards Anno Christi 626 (the Monarchy being again re­stored) knowing how to value Aldo­ardus's friendship satisfied him in all his pretensions; and further to unite Aldoardus to his Interests, gave him the Duke of Fruili's Daugh­ter in marriage. Aldoardus by this means freed from the apprehension in which his Ancestors had lived ever since the first Invasion of the Goths, past the rest of his time in great tran­quillity, [Page 17] and dying without Children left his Cozen Eribert heir to a plen­tifull fortune.

All the Family of Esté had been Anno Christi 663 bred up in Arms except Eribert, whose inclinations sutable to his Education were all for peace. This the Lom­bards well understood, and were rea­dy to put the design in practice which they had been long hatching against him, but happily his death prevent­ed Anno Christi 694 it, and made way for his Son Er­nestus, who resolv'd not to part on so easie terms as his Father was like to have done, with what his Ancestors had purchased so dear: the Lombards seeing the occasion lost, thought fit to compose all differences, and to re­new with Ernestus the friendship for­merly made with Aldoardus.

About this time the Sclavonians Anno Christi 711 were formidable to all their Neigh­bours, infesting daily the Coasts of the Adriatick, and making incursi­ons into Friuli with such numbers, that many were afraid it would in a short time come to a form'd Inva­sion: The Lombards had an Army sufficient to oppose them, but either [Page 18] because they had no person among them fitly qualified, or because the enterprize was so dangerous that all their Captains declin'd it: Ernestus was chosen General, and did discharge this great trust much to the satisfacti­on of those that employ'd him, for having beaten the Sclavonians in se­veral battles, he brought them to the Lombards terms.

This success removed the Lombards jealousies of a Foreign Power, yet while Ravenna had an Imperial Gar­rison under an Exarch, as an Evi­dence of the Emperours Title to what they posses'd, there wanted not mat­ter for fears: here was kept a fire which though stifled at present might one day break out to their destru­ction; and therefore they thought their Arms could not be better em­ploy'd than in reducing it; but Er­nestus, instead of countenancing this design immediately declared for the Anno Christi 718 Emperour, and help'd to defend Ra­venna.

Gregory the seconds bold Usurpa­tion in pretending to free Italy from Anno Christi 726 any Soveraignty Leo Isaurus had o­ver [Page 19] it, because that Emperour fierce­ly opposed the worship of Images, which Gregory was then introducing, proved more favourable to the Lom­bards designs, for by this unjust sen­tence the Emperours Ministers were cast out of most places, and that sha­dow of Authority left him, was quite lost, and they encouraged to under­take the siege of Ravenna the second time: But miscarrying again in their attempt, they set upon Rimini, which they had scarce well invested when a Venetian Army under the Conduct of Ernestus gave them battel, and after a hot dispute forced them to retire with great loss, leaving their Kings Nephew prisoner to be led by Erne­stus Anno Christi 740 in triumph to Venice.

All these disappointments did more enflame the Lombards against Ra­venna, upon which the fate of Rimini and the other places under the Em­perour depended. And Ernestus judg­ing it the true interest of Italy that the Emperour should keep this Key to open a passage for his Army when ever the occasions of his Friends re­quired it, did earnestly sollicite the [Page 20] Pope to repeal the severe sentence he had past, and to come to some ac­commodation with the Emperour, lest the Lombards taking advantage of their difference, might e're long become Masters of that Important place which hitherto had kept them from fastening their chains harder upon Italy. But no arguments how weighty soever, being able to work upon the Popes obstinacy, unless the Emperour would consent to the ere­cting Images in Santa Sophia at Con­stantinople, as he himself had done in S^t Peters at Rome; Ernestus made hast to Ravenna, where the Lom­bards were assembling themselves from all hands; nor did he ever abandon the place during its long and close Anno Christi 752 siege of almost three years, till an ar­row from the Enemies Camp killing him out-right, opened a breach for them to enter upon the possession of what they had long toil'd for.

The fatal consequence of the Popes unjust dealing with the Emperour, was the same that Ernestus had fore­told; for the Lombards being now absolute Masters, grew insupportable [Page 21] under King Astolphus; nor did any find their yoke heavier than the Popes, who well deserv'd it by cut­ting off that arm which was most likely to protect them, and it was re­markable, that God prolong'd the in­jured Emperours life, till he recei­ved the news of the Lombards ha­ving sack'd Rome, and in requital of Gregory the seconds favours, carried away all the Images of Saint Peters Church, which his superstitious zeal had with excessive charge there pla­ced. Nor is it to be doubted, but Leo's prejudice against Images was more confirmed when he perceived the hand of God visibly joyn with him in opposing them. After his death his Son Constantine Copronymus, though earnestly courted by the Pope, yet could never be brought to meddle with the affairs of Italy, being mindfull of the ill usage Leo had met with; but France was more Anno Christi 755 easily wrought upon, and Pepin be­gan the War with his Son Charles the Great, finished by the destruction of the Lombard Monarchy, renewing the Western Empire in himself and his fa­mily.

DUring Pepin's Invasion we find no mention of Henry the Son, or as some Writers will have him, the Grand-child of Ernestus; the only War I observe from Atila down to this time, in which we cannot prove, that any of the House of Esté had part. Seeing the Historians silence leaves us to our conjectures, it seems most probable that the unhappy death of Ernestus, and the incon­troulable Power of the Lombards af­ter they got Ravenna, might keep Henry from engaging till he had a certain prospect of their ruine; and therefore when Charles the Great came, he first appeared upon the head of the Venetian Troops sent to assist the French against the Lom­bards. Ernestus had been formerly their General at Rimini, which made [Page 23] them the more willing now to employ Henry: Nor could he decline so fair an occasion of being revenged upon the Lombards.

How well Henry behaved himself in this War, or how much his own merit, joined to that of his Family, made him regarded, can best be pro­ved by Charles the Great's Bounty to him, after Desiderius King of the Lombards was taken Prisoner, and the Army dismiss'd: For besides the con­firmation Anno Christi 774 of what he formerly possest, he had Treviso given him, the Coun­try also of Scodosia, with the Title of Count, and his Son Berengarius was invited to Court, as the fittest place for his education.

No sooner was the Emperour gone, but those who retained any kindness for the Lombards began to hatch new Projects how to restore Adalgisius the Son of Desiderius to his Fathers Throne. The great Contriver of this was Rodigaud Duke of Friuli, who being jealous of their placing Henry at Treviso upon the Skirts of his Country, as a Spy upon his actions, concluded that nothing could be done [Page 24] till he were dispatched; by the Dukes instigation then the factious Party in Treviso pretending the breach of some priviledges, suddenly took Armes, kill'd Henry, imprisoned his Wife and Children, and forc'd those of his Train to leave the Town. Their success here gave encourage­ment to insurrections in other places; so that it was like to have broken out into an open Rebellion, had not the Emperours return confirmed his Au­thority, and given him occasion to enquire into the Authors of such pra­ctices.

Rodigaud being found guilty of the Murther of Henry, lost his head, those of Treviso were severely dealt with, Henry's Wife and Children were set at liberty; and to secure the peace of that Country, Berengarius, Henry's Son, being high now in the Empe­rours favour, was left in his Fathers place, and did in every thing answer the good opinion the Emperour con­ceived of his zeal and fitness for his service.

While Berengarius lived at the Em­perours Court, his winning carriage [Page 25] made him to be highly regarded by all, and particularly by Prince Lewis the Emperours Son, who, succeeding Anno Christi 814 Charles the Great, invited Berengarius into France. At his arrival he found the purple had no way changed the Princes former inclinations; and after some stay at Court, an occasion was offered by which he was assured of the Emperours confidence in him, and the Emperour likewise of his fi­delity. Charles the Great had decla­red his Grand-child Bernard King of Italy, but he being young and ambi­tious, suffered himself to be perswa­ded by his Favourites, That the Im­perial Crown did of right belong to him, as the Son of Lewis's Elder Bro­ther. This, with the invitations sent him from the disaffected Party in France, did soon engage him in a War against his Unkle. Upon the News of Bernard's March towards France, the Emperour, who was jea­lous of most about him, gave the Command of his Army to Berengari­us Count of Esté, who, without ha­zarding a Battel, being afraid of the treachery of his under Officers, who [Page 26] either were or easily could be corru­pted, did so manage the business that King Bernard, disappointed of the French that were to join him, and a­bandoned by most of those he brought from Italy, was perswaded by Beren­garius to come in person to the Em­perours Court, there to owne his rashness, and to humble himself to his Unkle; But the barbarous usage he had, did much lessen the Glory of Berengarius's action: For the poor Prince, when he expected only a gen­tle rebuke, and leave to return home, was cast into a loathsom Prison, after Anno Christi 818 many indignities had his eyes put out, and died in three days, partly through pain, partly through anguish. Indeed his Fate was deplorable, being inconsiderately hurried upon his own ruine, when he had scarce compleat­ed the 19^th year of his Age; and though the Emperour thought this in­stance of his severity upon his Ne­phew and his Followers, who were all treated after the same manner, did secure his Crown, yet he found by woful experience that it irrecovera­bly lost him the affections of his peo­ple.

[Page 27] Upon King Bernard's death the Emperours Son Lotharius was sent in­to Italy, and because he was young and not acquainted with the customs of the Countrey. Berengarius by his Fathers Order did accompany him thither, to advise him in all affairs of moment. Berengarius, proving more useful to the Emperour in Italy than he could be elsewhere, continued there several years; and by his credit ordered things as he pleased. Some sparks of jealousie afterwards appear­ing betwixt the Emperour and his Children, were industriously blown up into a Civil War by those who could never forgive King Bernard's death. Berengarius, ever true to the Emperours interest, upon the first report of his danger made what haste he could towards him, yet came too late; for the Emperour was already strip'd of his power, and confin'd to a Monastery, where they intended he should have past the rest of his time in expiating by a rigid penance the Anno Christi 583 crimes he stood accused of.

If they had dealt more gently with him, it is likely he had never been a­ble [Page 28] to weather so violent a storm; but however strange it may seem, his being brought so very low was the occasion of his speedy re-establish­ment. For that popular fury which at first he could not withstand, was presently turned to compassion, and the Emperour again put in a conditi­on to call his Sons to an account while they were at variance among them­selves. We have reason to believe this unexpected change was not wrought without Berengarius: For we find he had no inclination to re­turn again into Italy, where Lothari­us governed, but spent the rest of his life at Court, had his share in those troubles which came thick upon the Emperour in his latter days, and died at Paris with the repute of one of the wisest and greatest Captains of his Anno Christi 840 Age. It was indeed his misfortune to be the chief Instrument in King Ber­nard's ruine, which if he had foreseen, no doubt he would have declined the employment.

He left his Son Otho so young that he never appeared at the Court of Lotharius, who besides had no kind­ness [Page 29] for his Family; but when his Son Anno Christi 856 Lewis the Second came to the Empire, Otho got as much into his favour as Berengarius had done into that of Charles the Great, or of Lewis his Son. He had been trained up in Military Discipline under his Father, for which the Emperour made him General of the Horse; and this charge requiring his constant attendance at Court, the management of his affairs in Italy was left to his friends. He had the City and Territory of Com­machio given him as a reward of his and his fathers services done to the Im­perial Crown; which is evident by the Grant from the Emperour yet to be seen among the antient records of Esté. Nor doth this a little aggra­vate the injustice of Clement the 8^th to the family of Esté, who seizing upon the Dutchy of Ferrara in the Year 1598. upon a pretended devo­lution took from them at the same time the City of Commachio with its Territory, which they only ow'd to the Emperours bounty, and to which the Pope or Church could not pre­tend any Title: but truly the carri­age [Page 30] of Clement in this whole business was most illegal and tyrannical, as I question not, before I conclude this History, to make appear to all who are not highly partial.

The Venetians who were ever jea­lous of their growing Neighbours, did what they could to keep Otho's Son Marinus from taking possession of Commachio; and failing in this em­ployed fresh arts to thrust him out. Marinus heard of their practices, and had secret information that the Doge's Brother was to pass within a few miles of Commachio, in his way to Rome, to treat with the Pope about it: Ma­rinus to prevent this, took a rash and injustifiable course; for having laid wait for the Ambassadour, he brought him to the City, and made him there swear, that neither he nor his Brother should ever attempt any thing in prejudice of Commachio or of what belong'd to his Father.

The Venetians highly resenting the affront they here received in the person of the Ambassadour, sent im­mediately their Navy against Com­machio, which being ill provided, [Page 31] could not long hold out, Marinus re­tir'd first to Ferrara, then into France, where having given an account to his Father of what had happen'd, he soon after fell sick and died. But the Empe­rour concern'd to make good to O­tho Anno Christi 874 what he had given him, did by his Authority, compose the difference with the Venetians, saw him possest of Commachio, and renewed the anti­ent friendship betwixt the Republick and the family of Esté.

Whether Otho continued in the same station at Court, after the death of Lewis the second, we cannot cer­tainly learn; but it is plain he lived to the latter end of the Reign of Carolus Crassus. He was married to Anno Christi 887 the Duke of Friuli's Daughter, by whom he had four Sons, two of which were Ʋbertus and Sigifred: the Sara­cens had long infested Italy, and never wanted encouragement from such as preferred the revenge of their private quarrels, to the weal of their Country. Most of the Cities put themselves un­der the protection of some person of courage and interest, which made Parma, and Luca chuse Sigifred, [Page 32] they of Luca had suffered much of late by those Infidels, whom Alberi­cus Marquess of Toscany had call'd in out of Malice to the Pope, upon con­dition they would not meddle with any of his Subjects; but as soon as Sigi­fred was engaged, both Luca and Par­ma found themselves as much out of danger, as those that belong'd to Albe­ricus did, and upon much more ho­nourable terms owing their safety wholly to their Generals courage, without making that base contract of freeing their own Estates at the charge of their Neighbours. Ʋbertus was Count of Esté and Commachio, the Hi­story of whose life the writers of that age, have thought fit to leave us in a few, yet so weighty words, that if there were extant a perfect Journal of his actions, we could not thence form a more glorious Panegy­rick or a compleater Idea of his worth, ‘he treated always his Subjects, say they with the same tenderness, as if they had been his Children, by which he did so gain upon their affections, that they were rather loth than a­fraid to offend him, and his discreet[Page 33] indulgence preserved his Authority more than severity could have done.’

Italy reaped no benefit by its union with France; the Imperial Crown had of late been set upon some Heads that did ill fit it: For the Race of Charles the Great was strangely dege­nerate, and almost spent; the late Emperour Carolus Crassus, who at first filled the Empire with the expectation of an extraordinary Prince, was after­wards laid aside for insufficiency, and brought so low as not to have a ser­vant left him, nor any thing allowed for his maintenance except what flowed from the Bishop of Mentz's Charity. Arnulphus who came after him found more business in Germany than he could well deal with; and Lewis of Provence was making haste towards Pavia, nothing doubting the Conquest of Italy. Most of the Ita­lians therefore being weary of a Fo­reign Yoke began to think of chu­sing a Prince of their own Nation, a blessing they had not enjoyed of ma­ny Ages. Vido Duke of Spoletum, and Berengarius Duke of Friuli both descended of Charles the Great by [Page 34] their Mothers, thought their quality equal, and their title better than that of Lewis, whom they forced to return into France, and agreed the matter so, that Vido should be Empe­rour, and Berengarius King of Italy. Vido miscarrying in his attempt fell Anno Christi 890 out with Berengarius, dispossessed him of all, and Berengarius, with some of his most trusty friends, among whom was Ʋbertus Count of Esté, took San­ctuary at the Court of Arnulphus, whom he engaged in a War against Vido: At their coming into Italy they found Vido dead, and his Son Lambertus in his place; and after great variety of successes, and much blood-shed, Berengarius was again re­stored; but before he was setled, had new disturbance given him from Lewis of Provence, countenanced by Anno Christi 899 the Marquess of Tuscany, who could not endure to see any Italian greater than himself, and by the Marquess of Eporoedia, though he had married Gi­scla the Daughter of Berengarius. Notwithstanding all their endeavours Berengarius had the better, and made Lewis enter into a solemn vow, never [Page 35] to return more into Italy: After­wards Lewis not valuing this oath, which he said was extorted, under­took a third invasion, in which his success did justly answer his perfidy; for being taken prisoner, according to the barbarous resentment of that Anno Christi 903 age, he had his eyes put out.

Berengarius as soon as he was eas'd of the fears of so dangerous a Rival, dis­posed of what he could among his friends, and none had a larger share either in his bounty or affection than Ʋbertus, who never had deserted him in all his troubles. Ʋbertus by his last Will committed his Son Albertus to the Kings care and protection, which thing succeeded happily to the Family; for Giscla the Kings Daugh­ter being divorced from the Marquess of Eporoedia her former husband, for his siding with Lewis of Provence, was given in marriage to Albertus.

The ancient root of Esté was at this time conspicuous in its branches, Sigifred whom I mention'd before, was still alive, both lov'd and obey'd by those of Luca and Parma, which were grown considerable under his [Page 36] Government. Almericus Cousin Ger­man to Albertus was invited to Fer­rara to be Rector, for so they named the Chief Magistrate in that City; but his equity in the decision of all their differences, and his zeal in uni­ting them in one common interest, prevailed upon them so far, that they soon abrogated the Office of Rector as too mean and precarious, and decla­red him their Prince. Giscla had also enrich'd the Family, with two Sons Hugo and Azo, and a Daughter, who was afterwards married to Petrus Candianus Dogé of Venice.

Albertus being thus happy in his Kinsmen, happy in his Off-spring, and above all, in his Father in Law, lest the world in good time before the scene changed: For Berengarius after twenty years glorious reign was mur­dered Anno Christi 923 at Verona, and leaving no Male Issue, Berengarius, Giscla's Son by her former husband laid claim to his Grandfathers Crown. The Princes of Italy having no great Opinion of his merit, being unwilling likewise to submit to one of the same rank with themselves, call'd in Rodolphus King [Page 37] of Burgundy; presently weary of Ro­dolphys, they sent to Hugo of Arles, with whom Rodolphus adjusted all differences, by giving his Daughter Adeleidis to Lotharius Hugo's Son, and Anno Christi 948 to him resign'd his pretensions to Ita­ly. Lotharius prov'd but a weak Prince, and this put Berengarius again in a condition to dispute his Title, which he did to so good purpose, that getting the Power into his hands he left Lotharius only the empty name, nor did he ever rest till Lo­tharius was kill'd, and thereupon had himself created Emperour, and his Son Albertus King.

He came to the Crown by the same difficult steps his Grandfather Beren­garius the first had done, which made many hope he would imitate him in his Princely Virtues, and restore to Italy that Government which they were not sensible of while they en­joy'd it. Yet his carriage presently discovered that he design'd nothing less, seeing he neglected those whom the ties both of nature and gratitude ought to have made him regard. What in all outward appearance could [Page 38] have been more for the Interest of Hugo and Azo of Esté after their Grandfathers death than to have their Brother Emperour; but it proved much otherwise, for Berengarius, ei­ther jealous of Hugo's aspiring to the Crown, whom he knew to be popu­lar and bold; or still angry when he reflected how much he and his Bro­ther were caressed at Court in their Grandfathers time, took all occasions to slight and discountenance them. Hugo could hardly bear such ill usage, and just when his long-stifled anger was ready to break out, as fair an occasion of being revenged upon Be­rengarius presented it self as Hugo could have desired.

Adeleidis the Wife of Lotharius, who by her excellent deportment had strangely insinuated her self into all peoples affections, promised not to leave Italy in the condition where­unto Berengarius had brought it, and he knowing how little he was belo­ved, design'd her for his Son Alber­tus, hoping by this means both to strengthen his interest, and keep her from any other match which might [Page 39] prove in the end fatal to him and his Family. But Adeleidis in her heart hated Berengarius as the Author of her husbands death, and rejected Al­bertus upon his Fathers score. Beren­garius resolving to gain by threats her, who was proof against all allurements, confin'd her first to Pavia, then to a more narrow prison, whence there was no hopes of deliverance but by consenting to a marriage with Alber­tus.

Hugo who knew nothing to be more natural to Berengarius than cru­elty, being sensible of the Queens danger, whom he judg'd not likely to yield, generously ventur'd all to rescue her, and oblige Otho King of Germany, for whom Adeleidis was designed before her imprisonment. Having therefore got without suspi­cion into the Castle where she was kept in the midst of a Lake, by the help of a Priest, of whose fidelity and courage he had formerly experience, the Queen was let down out of a Window, and convey'd away in a Boat which lay ready for that pur­pose, into the next Wood, where she [Page 40] continued several days with Hugo, the Priest furnishing them with such en­tertainment as he could procure from the neighbouring Villages. Notice being given to Otho of the Queens e­scape, his Army presently advanced towards Italy; and this put all in such a consternation, that Hugo and the Queen got without any further dan­ger into the Castle of Cannossa, where Azo expected them.

Otho having received his Queen Anno Christi 952 from the hands of Hugo her Delive­rer, marched on towards Berengarius, whose tyranny had now render'd him so odious, that being deserted by all his friends, he delivered himself up Prisoner with his Son Albertus; and Otho without much trouble pos­sess'd himself of the Imperial Crown which has ever since continued in the German Nation. No reward seeming too great for the person to whom he ow'd his Queen, Hugo was made Governour of all that Country, which is now known by the name of the Dutchy of Milan, the Dutchy of Montferrat, Pie­mont, and the territory of Genoua, [Page 41] and Berengarius was carried Prisoner into Germany.

AFter a short confinement Beren­garius had leave to return into Italy with the title of King, but much limited in his Authority, which he was too apt to abuse; scarce was he well setled when forgetfull of the Emperours clemency and his own en­gagements, being enraged at those who had helped to humble him, he behaved himself more cruelly than ever. Hugo whose splendid way of living did eclipse him, was the chief object of his wrath, but too power­full for him to meddle with. After Hugo's death he took occasion to fall out with his Brother Azo about their Mother Giscla's inheritance, and their difference ended in Azo's being turn­ed out of all he had, and forced to [Page 42] fly for his life into Germany with his Anno Christi 960 Son, whence neither of them ever re­turned.

With them must the family of Esté have perished, had not the hopefull Issue of Sigifred Prince of Parma sup­ported it, Sigifred himself was dead; but his eldest Son Azo entering upon his Cousins desperate fortune in spite of the Tyrant maintained his right, and confirmed his younger brothers in theirs at Parma and Luca.

The loud cryes of Berengarius's op­pression, and the complaints of such as every day fled from Italy, reaching the Emperours ears, brought his Son Lodolphus with an Army from Ger­many against the Tyrant. Lodolphus being suddenly kill'd, Azo the third happening to be then in the Camp, was chosen General in the Princes room. In this station he had not continued many dayes, when enga­ging the enemy he obtained a sig­nal victory, and reduced several places to the Emperours obedience. Where­ever he came the people crouded to welcome him as the deliverer of his Countrey, Piacenza and Regio desi­ring [Page 43] to live under his protection, pre­sented him with their keys, many Ci­ties being weary of their late suffer­ings, were making hast to free them­selves from the yoke of Berengarius, who on the other hand was using all diligence to raise forces, and to put a stop to Azo's success. But Otho's appearing the second time with a strong Army after some few skirmishes rather than fights, took Berengarius prisoner, and sent him into Germany, there to endure perpetual imprison­ment for the miseries he had brought upon his Native Countrey.

Otho's occasions requiring his spee­dy return into Germany, he resolved to put the Government of Italy into sure hands; and none having deserv­ed so well of him, nor being so able to do him service as Azo, he commit­ted all to his trust, with the title of Vicar of Italy: This unlimited Power Anno Christi 970 Azo discreetly employ'd for the esta­blishment of the Emperours Autho­rity, yet not without giving satisfa­ction to those he govern'd, by which he added greatly to the former lustre of his family.

[Page 44] Azo left several Sons, the eldest was Albertus the second, Otho's chief Fa­vorite, whom some of the Italian writers call Albertatius; the second was Thedaldus, whom the City of Ferrara mindfull of its former happi­ness under a Prince of the house of Esté, chose in the place of Almaricus lately dead. After the death of his Father and Uncle he had likewise Regio, Parma and Luca, by which he laid the foundation of that Power and Riches which his Grand-child, the Countess Matildis so famous in the Histories of those times, did foully mis-imploy in setting up the Papal Authority against that of the Empe­rours; as we shall relate hereafter.

The vast possessions fallen to Al­bertus by his Fathers death might have invited him home, had he not been deeply engaged at the Emperours Court. From the time of Charles the Great, the Family of Esté had been dignified with the title of Counts, which Otho changed into that of Mar­quess; and thinking he could never too well requite Hugo's kindness in rescuing Adeleidis from the hands of [Page 45] Berengarius, he gave his Daughter, by Adeleidis named Alda, in marriage to Albertus, with ten Castles in Lombar­dy, and the City of Friburgh in Ger­many.

Upon the death of Otho the Great, dissensions arose about the Succession, for his Brother Henry of Bavaria trusting in his Interest, with the neighbour Princes, endeavoured to wrest the Imperial Crown from his Nephew Otho the second. But Alber­tus being zealous for the young Prince, engaged so many in his be­half, as made good the Justice of his Cause against the Usurper. This did beget him the irreconcileable hatred of Henry, which he little valued, while he was so fast united to the Emperour. Harald King of Denmark was one of those that declared for Henry, and brought an Army to the Fields to over-aw those who should offer to oppose him; but Albertus with the Emperours Forces gave him such a blow, that all his threats end­ed in a peace with Otho upon very unequal terms.

Things thus setled at home, Otho [Page 46] the second went to free Naples from the Saracens, whom the Greeks had called in; the flower of the German Nobility accompanied him in this Ex­pedition; and Albertus hoping his ab­sence might then be dispensed with, stopped in Lombardy to look into the concerns of his Family, which the Emperours Affairs had made him long neglect. Otho gave the Saracens bat­tle under the walls of Benevent, where by the treachery of the Romans his Army was overthrown, and he him­self made his escape most miraculously after having been sometime, though unknown, in the enemies hands. Al­bertus having the news of the Empe­rours defeat hasted towards him with what Troops he could raise, and came in time to help to reunite the Empe­rours scatter'd Army, which there­upon made head against the Saracens when they least expected it; kill'd all that made any resistance, and then pursuing the advantage, never gave them time to breathe till they had cha­sed them out of Naples; from thence had Otho the title of Saracenicus gi­ven him. At his return to Rome, he [Page 47] treated those who had betrayed him with the utmost severity, and was go­ing on to see deeper every day into their indirect practices, when he was seized with a desperate feaver which killed him in a few dayes.

Otho the third came to the Crown so young, that Henry of Bavaria's ill success formerly did not discourage him from a second attempt; he had got the young Prince into his hands, pretending he was his Guardian, and that till he were of age none ought to question his Right to Govern. Al­bertus who well understood if Henry succeeded in this, so long as he lived, Otho was never like to enter upon the Government, shew'd no less con­cern now than he had done formerly for Otho the second. Others who re­member'd that he had been too hard for Henry, were encouraged to joyn, and form'd a strong confederacy in defence of Otho, that Henry seeing the difficulty of the enterprize, with the doubtfulness of the success gave it over.

Albertus lived to see Otho the third in sure possession of the Crown which [Page 48] he had been so eminently instrumen­tal in setting both upon his, and his Fathers head. Never did any man promote the interest of Princes more than Albertus did that of the three Emperours under whom he lived, nor have we any ground to tax them of backwardness in acknowledging his merits. He was honour'd with Otho the first's Daughter in marriage, un­der Otho the second, and Otho the third, he had the chief trusts of the Government committed to him, and had such a strange influence upon all their Counsels, that nothing but the assurance of his integrity could have justified their prudence in placing any man in so high a sphere.

Alda brought him three Sons, the eldest was Hugo the second, who suc­ceeded his Father, not only in his Possessions and Title, but which is a rare thing, in his Interest at Court. About this time Rome grew big with a new project of setting up an Italian Monarchy in opposition to the Emperours. The severity, or as some termed it, the cruelty of Otho Anno Christi 993 the second, made the Romans con­ceive [Page 49] an unalterable prejudice against his Family and his Nation, and those who expected to advance their for­tunes by a change, did most careful­ly foment these humours. The great Engine which moved all was one Cre­scentius, who according to the chara­cter given him by the Italian Wri­ters wanted none of the qualificati­ons necessary for such an underta­king: Upon all occasions he did in­veigh against the Emperour with e­qual boldness and eloquence, com­plaining how much his Countrey-mens spirits were debased from those of their Ancestors, in suffering a dull phlegmatick People, and a Priest (the Germans he mean'd and the Pope) to keep the Mistriss of the world thus in slavery. Being created Consul he en­deavour'd to retrieve some of the lost Power to that empty name, and began with the Pope whom he chased from Rome, that so he might order things as he pleased.

Otho had notice of all that past; and judging it a business of too great consequence to be neglected, set for­ward towards Rome, accompanied by [Page 50] his Cousin the Marquess of Esté, and many of the German and Italian No­bility. In his march he had advice of the Popes death, which made him create a Kinsman of his own, and a German, Pope, by the name of Gre­gory the fifth, whom he sent to Rome before him to see if they would ac­quiesce in his choice. Crescentius and the Romans to divert the present dan­ger, received the new Pope with much outward respect, confessed their rashness in calling the Emperours Au­thority in question, and readily pro­mised entire submission for the future, though it soon appeared they intend­ed nothing less: for scarce was the Emperour gone when the former project being again set on foot, Gre­gory was rejected as an Usurper; and John Bishop of Piacenza a Greek by Nation, friend to Crescentius, and the richest Prelate of Italy, placed in the Chair.

Otho enraged at their proceedings made what preparation he could for a new Expedition, resolving not to be put off a second time with fair words; with the German Army, and [Page 51] the Troops that Hugo of Esté had raised in Italy, the Emperour invested Rome, which Crescentius having for­tified, refused to deliver; but there being neither Provision nor Forces sufficient to hold out a long siege, the City was taken, and in it the new Pope, who had his eyes put out, his nose and ears cut off, and with his face backward, was afterwards carri­ed upon an Ass round the City in triumph. Crescentius retired to the Castle of S^t Angelo, which he defend­ed with such obstinacy, that the Em­perour seem'd glad to agree to what terms he would; but he was the more liberal in his promises, because he never design'd to perform them: for Crescentius after having suffered many indignities in his person, was sentenced to end his life upon a Gib­bet. He was a person of rare en­dowments, and might have deserved a more honourable death, had he im­ployed himself in a better Cause. In short, Crescentius had truly the fate of all unsuccessfull Traytors, to be infa­mous to Posterity for miscarrying in his attempt; but if his Fortune had [Page 52] bore any proportion to the greatness of his mind, we had found him rank­ed among the Worthies of Italy.

All must own that Crescentius did not make good his promise to Otho; yet this could not vindicate Otho's breach of his Royal word, or secure him from the subtle contrivances of the Romans, who vowed the death of Crescentius should be revenged; and they had so ordered the matter, that when the Emperour fancied himself free from all danger, he must have fallen into their hands, had not his Cosin Hugo of Esté disappointed them, by conveying him away by night. The sense of so narrow a deliverance, with Hugo's great performances in this and the former expedition, made Otho Create him Marquess of Italy, a Title Anno Christi 1000 never given to any other. This ren­dred Hugo so conspicuous, that the Histories of those Times call him the Marquess without any further distin­ction, as we gather from Arnulphus of Milan, and Scafnaburgensis, and even down to the time of Villani and Dante; when they spoke of the Mar­quess, he of Esté is to be understood, [Page 53] as having a particular right to this Title above all the Families of Ita­ly.

Though Hugo had helped the Em­perour to humble the Romans, and by discovering the Conspiracy against his person, seem'd to have brought things to that hopefull pass, that there remained no further ground for fears; yet the restless attempts of Otho's ene­mies at length succeeded, for some Roman Gloves were presented him by Crescentius's widow, in which the richness of the perfume did cover such a deadly poison as kill'd him be­fore his Physicians knew he was in­fected: this the ambitious Woman was said to have done, not so much upon her husbands account, as for the affront done to her self, whom the Emperour promised to marry, but af­terwards changed his inclinations, which her haughty Spirit could not digest.

Otho the third dying without Chil­dren, Henry of Bavaria came to the Crown, which his Father had so much coveted in the minority of the two late Emperours; and was as I have [Page 54] already mentioned, opposed in it by Albertus of Esté; nor did their quar­rel end with their lives, but was en­tail'd upon their Sons, as might be seen in Henry, who from the begin­ning discovered a dislike to Hugo's management of the affairs of Italy, and let drop some expressions that he designed to remove him from all Publick Trust, as soon as he found himself setled. This preposterous re­solution lost him Italy for some years, because Hugo having notice of it en­gaged his whole interest to exclude Henry and set up Ardoinus Marquess of Eporoedia, who supported likewise by most of the Nobility of Lom­bardy came without much opposition to be chosen King at Pavia. The success he had at his entry upon the Government against Henries Army put him in peaceable possession of his Crown, the disturbances of Germany not allowing Henry to look any fur­ther at present. The only person Ar­doinus could never gain was the Arch-bishop of Milan, who ceased not to solicite Henry till he brought the Germans again into Italy, and [Page 55] then did Ardoinus part with his King­dom upon as easie terms as he had got it; and Hugo was fain to retire to the Greek Emperours General in Naples, whither Henry pursued him, and took him prisoner with his three Sons.

Henry having got Hugo and his Sons in his power, did beyond their expectation shew a rare example of clemency; for when in them he might have extirpated the family, remem­bring his rash expressions had in a Anno Christi 1024 great measure occasioned their revolt, he generously restored Hugo to what­ever he formerly possessed, renewed his Commission of Vicar of Italy, and dismist his Sons with great expres­sions of kindness. Hugo to shew him­self worthy of the Emperours confi­dence, did make it afterwards the whole study of his life to promote his Service, and effectually recovered him by his gentle Government the hearts of the Italian Nation, which the se­verity of Otho the second, and Otho the third had alienated. He lived to a great age, was universally lament­ed at his death, and proposed to po­sterity [Page 56] as the true pattern of a wor­thy Magistrate, who could advance the Princes Authority, without inva­ding the Peoples Rights.

Azo the fourth succeeded him a­bout the same time that Henry the se­cond dying without Children, left the Imperial Crown to Conrard Duke of Franconia; who out of a particular value he had for Azo, promoted his match with Cunigunda the Duke of Anno Christi 1026 Bavaria's only Daughter. By her Azo had a Son called Welpho, who inheri­ting all his Grand-father the Duke of Bavaria's Territories, gave the first rise to the most Illustrious Family of Brumswick and Lunenburgh, which is thus descended of the Family of Esté. The Abbot of Ʋrspergh writes that the Original of that Family was from an Italian Marquess who married in Germany; and this Marquess, both the Records of Esté, and Aventinus in his History of Bavaria, prove to have been Azo Hugo's Son, of whom I now treat.

Cunigunda died young, leaving this only Son Welpho; who was plentifully provided for in Germany: After­wards [Page 57] Azo married, as some write, the Emperour Conrards Daughter; as o­thers, Anno Christi 1037 his Niece or his Grand-child, by whom he had several Children; the eldest was called Azo the fifth, after his own name, who if the Pope had not shewed himself most unjust in the matter of his marriage with his Cou­sin the Countess Matildis, was in a fair way to have been one of the richest Princes of that age, as I shall now make appear, and hope to give the Reader some satisfaction in treat­ing of Matildis, whose double Rela­tion to the Family of Esté, both by Blood and Marriage, makes her natu­rally fall under our consideration in this place; and if I do enlarge, the great influence she had upon all the remarkable transactions of that age, seems to require it.

THedaldus (whom I made men­tion of) a younger Brother of this Family, and Uncle to the great Hugo, had raised himself to vaste wealth; this his Son Boniface did so much enlarge, that none in Italy came near him. He was called Marquess of Tuscany, and had Ferrara, Mode­na, Mantoua, Regio, Parma and Luca, and upon his Marriage with Beatrix the Emperour Conrards Daughter, he had Verona, and that which is since called the Patrimony of S^t Peter gi­ven him; all which after the death of his little Son Frederick fell to his Daughter Matildis, under the tuiti­on of her Mother Beatrix.

Beatrix being left so rich by Boni­face, though her Father Conrard was dead, yet under her Brother, Henry the third did manage Italy as she pleased; but her disposing of her self [Page 59] and her Daughter Matildis to God­frey Anno Christi 1053 Duke of Lorrain and his Son, without the Emperours consent, just­ly offended him; seeing by this she gave footing in Italy to a Powerfull Family, which might have given the Empire trouble if there had been any Issue by either marriage. Yet that which made Henry most jealous was lest these Princes should joyn with the Popes, who of late were become very troublesome; for taking advan­tage of the Emperours absence, they did every day make some encroach­ments upon them: and were then come to that pass, that instead of al­lowing the Emperours Prerogative in confirming them which had been alwayes practised, Benedict the ninth took upon him to deprive Henry the third of his Right of Succession, and gave the Imperial Crown to Peter King of Hungary, upon condition he would depend upon him and his Suc­cessors.

Henry to give a check to an Usur­pation of so dangerous consequence, and likewise to remove the great scandal occasioned by three Popes, [Page 60] all Reigning at once, passed into Ita­ly, called a Councel at Rome, where Benedict the ninth, Sylvester the third, and Gregory the sixth being convi­cted of several Crimes, were all laid aside, and Clement the second cho­sen Pope; and for preventing such abuses, it was Decreed, That none should be admitted for the future, except such as the Emperour appro­ved of; all that were present at the Council confirmed it by Oath; and during the rest of the Reign of Henry the third, this method of Election was observed: But Henry the fourth be­ing left young under the Govern­ment of his Mother, the Romans when there was nothing to apprehend for­got their Oath, and made choice of Stephen the ninth, without consult­ing the Emperour: Soon after they openly declared, he was not to med­dle either in the nomination or ap­probation of Popes; and this Doctrine never openly taught before, in a short time by the Empresses conni­vence, and the countenance it had from Matildis and her Mother, was so universally received, that Henry [Page 61] when he came of age, found his chal­lenging it as a right the source of all his calamities.

Matildis gave early proof of her blind attachment to the Pope, which her Husband (either to secure a par­ty upon occasion against the Empe­rour, or to comply with Matildis's inclinations) did much encourage at first, and grew sensible of his folly in it too late, when he saw her forget not only her duty to her Soveraign the Emperour, but likewise to him­self who was her husband.

The person that bewitched Matil­dis was Hildibrand, afterwards Gre­gory the seventh, to whose Councils she gave her self up so entirely, that her Forces, her Money, and her In­terests were all at his disposal. Hil­dibrand was of mean extraction, the Son (as Cranzius an accurate writer sayes) of a Smith, and designed for a Monk; but being more enclined to business than devotion, or a retired life, he abandon'd the Cloister, and went to Rome, where his natural sub­tilty and ambition, masked with an appearance of virtue and a publick [Page 62] spirit, raised him in a few years to such a pitch, that whatsoever Pope they chose without his consent, was soon dispatch'd; and even those whom he advanced, if they prov'd not for his purpose had no better luck, as Ben­no and other of their Writers inform us. By the means of one Brazutus his old acquaintance in the Magick School, no less than six Popes were poison'd in thirteen years. Every one could easily discern how well Matil­dis was like to thrive in such hands.

The Pope that immediately pre­ceded Hildibrand was Alexander the second, formerly Bishop of Luca, whom he had set up in opposition to the Emperour, but eas'd him of the trouble of governing; the Bishops therefore of Lombardy not longer able to see Henries Authority thus con­temned, the decree of their Council slighted, and their oath broken, per­swaded the Emperour to call a Coun­cil at Basil, where Alexander was de­clared an Usurper, and Cadolus Bi­shop of Parma chosen Pope by the name of Honorius the second; most of the Prelates and Nobility of Lom­bardy [Page 63] accompanied Honorius in his journey to Rome; but Matildis at the head of an Army opposed him and the Emperour, in behalf of Alexan­der and Hildibrand. After many con­tests both parties agreeing to hold a Anno Christi 1063 Council at Mantoua, the Emperour, though there present was betrayed; for Matildis by Hildibrands direction corrupting one part of the Council, and over-awing another in her own City, had Honorius cast, and Alexan­der confirmed: And Hildibrand not satisfied with the Popes Authority, and his Revenue, procured a dose to be given Alexander to make way for himself.

From one raised by such steps they could not but expect extraordinary things; at first he seemed to appre­hend the Emperours resentment of his illegal election, but Matildis offering to sacrifice Life and Fortune in his Cause, quickly removed his fears, and Anno Christi 1073 encouraged him to write to the Em­perour in a style not used by his pre­decessors; nor was this all, he sum­moned him by his New Authority to appear personally at Rome, there to [Page 64] answer in a Synod to such Articles as were brought against him, threatning that if he refused to come, he would pass to the sentence of Excommunica­tion. The divisions of Germany made the Emperour unwilling to come to a breach with the Pope, who he knew had made sure of Matildis; yet no reasonable condescension being able to satisfie Gregory, they advised the Emperour to take the start of him, and to assemble a Council at Wormes to look first into Gregories actions. At the opening of this Assembly, strange were the accusations brought in against Gregory, and none plainer than those of Hugo, one of his Car­dinals, who presented Letters from Rome, signed by many persons of un­suspected integrity, shewing at large his Crimes, both before and after his coming to the Papacy; and how the Election was carried for him by Ma­tildis and her Guards, whose acclama­tions served him to better purpose, than the Votes of those who were to chuse. All which being impartially examined and considered, Gregory, as the Abbot of Ʋrspergh relates, was de­clared [Page 65] an Usurper, an introducer of dangerous Novelties, and a person of a scandalous life that had no right to his dignity, and was no longer to be obeyed. The news being brought into Italy, several of the Lombard Bi­shops at Pavia confirmed what had past at Wormes.

Matildis and Gregory all this while were very hard at work, she in rai­sing Forces to defend the Pope, if any should attempt to dispossess him, and he in laying out her treasure a­mong the Bishops, that things might pass against Henry, according to their minds in the Synod appointed at Rome. Little did they think that any durst have proclaimed the Decree of Wormes in an Assembly composed of Gregories own Creatures, and where he in person did preside, guarded by Matildis's troops: but one Roland a Priest of Parma coming boldly up, without paying him any respect, re­quired him, in the name of the most Religious Emperour, and of the most Reverend Bishops of Italy, France, and Germany, to resign the Sacred Charge, into which by craft, simo­ny, [Page 66] and other evil arts he had thrust himself: declaring that he was no true Shepherd, Father nor Pope, but a Thief, a Wolf, and a Tyrant: and while all were in a consternation to hear such words, Roland happily made his escape.

Matildis was now become a wi­dow by the death of the Duke of Lo­rain, and had indeed liv'd as such for several years past; her jealousie of the Dukes being no friend to Gre­gory made her afraid to be advised by him, or to allow him leave to meddle in her affairs; and her Hus­band upon the other hand seeing him­self neglected and no gainer at all by his great Match, retired into his own Countrey full of trouble, and survi­ved his Father but a few years. Gre­gory judging it against his interest to have Matildis married to any foreign Prince, in whom he could have no confidence, proposed to her Azo Mar­quess of Esté, who was the only per­son of all the Lombards that had ne­ver countenanced Honorius the se­cond, but adhered to Alexander and him: Matildis readily accepted of [Page 67] Gregories choice of her Cousin for a Husband, nothing doubting but he would espouse the Popes concerns as much as she had done; and Azo seemed glad likewise of so rich a pur­chase as he hoped Matildis might prove. Yet both parties were fru­strated of their expectation, as we learn by what follow'd.

But to return to the Synod at Rome, there Gregory carried things with a high hand, thundering the sentence of Excommunication against the Empe­rour and his followers, freeing his Subjects from their Allegiance, and exhorting the Princes to come to a new Election; nor did he stop here, but encouraged by the party he had made in Germany, declared he would meet a Synod at Ausburgh, that what had past at Rome against the Empe­rour might be confirmed there, as the Sentence of Wormes against him had been confirmed in Italy. Great pre­parations were made for his journey, his affairs in his absence were recom­mended to the care of Matildis, who he knew would never fail him; and she with her Army intended to [Page 68] see him safe within the borders of Germany.

The Emperour observing the ill effects these proceedings already had upon the factious party, durst not ven­ture the issue of Gregories journey, but resolved to prevent it by hum­bling himself to any terms; and there­upon with a small train posted to­wards Gregory, who was not yet got out of Italy.

The Pope upon the first news of the Emperours approach would trust himself no where but with Matildis in her strong Castle of Cannossa; up­on better information, guessing at his errand by the meanness of his train, he flatly refused to see him, purpose­ly that the Emperour might apply himself to Matildis, and become her debtor for his reconciliation; no in­tercession but hers could have ob­tained him the favour of access, which yet was clogged with such hard con­ditions as never were required of any Crowned head: And every one thought strange that Henry a proud and a warlike Prince, could be brought to prostitute his honour af­ter [Page 69] this manner, and appear not so much like an humble supplicant as a criminal; a posture which ill became a Roman Emperour, and the first Po­tentate of Christendom.

Nor was it less strange to see Ma­tildis the Emperours Cousin-German by her Mother, enriched by his and his Fathers bounty, so easily to for­get both the ties of Nature and gra­titude, and to support the Pope in all these extravagancies. If she be­lieved ill things of the Emperour while yet in Germany; and that he would not agree to any reasonable proposals, none can much wonder, who considers her information came only from the Pope; but to see him so ignominiously treated at her own house, and to approve of it, shewed in her little sense of honour, and great want of discernment.

It proved much otherwise with her Husband Azo, who hitherto had like­wise been abused; but being an eye­witness of Gregories insolence, he did afterwards serve the Emperour all he could; this cost him dear, for Gre­gory perceiving it, used arts to alie­nate [Page 70] the affections of Matildis from him, and then grounded a divorce upon their being within those de­grees of consanguinity to which the Canons deny marriage. While Azo continued of Gregories party this was never question'd, and being now of the Emperours, it was too late to hope for a dispensation.

It seems strange that Baronius should be at so great pains to perswade the world, that Matildis was never marri'd to Azo, when the strongest of his Argu­ments amount to no more than a few Chronological scruples which cannot weaken the testimony of so many ap­proved Authors that writ before him. It is observed he had an excellent fa­culty of raising doubts, which would any wise make for his purpose, and it appears plainly in this, because he designs it to help Matildis to pass for a Virgin, but her marriage first to the Duke of Lorain, and afterwards to the Duke of Bavaria, leave no co­lour for this pretence: And if we give credit to the Histories of those times, though she had never been married, the freedom she was plea­sed [Page 71] to allow Gregory, put her out of the category of Virgins. How much would the Abbot of Ʋrspergh, Scaff­naburgensis, Benno, Lambertus and o­thers, have pitied the ignorance, or rather partiality of our age, had they imagined Matildis was to be set up for either Virgin or Saint amongst us. But we cannot lay any blame upon them, who spared not to represent her to posterity in her true colours.

The Emperour had no benefit by his submission, the Rebels in his ab­sence having crown'd Rodolphus Duke of Suevia King, whose Election Gre­gory confirmed, and thereby made the breach wider than ever. But though the Pope declared for the Usurper, heaven favoured the better Cause. Rodolphus was overcome in four se­veral battles, and received a mortal wound in the last, together with the loss of his right hand, which being brought to him alittle before his death, he confessed Gods Justice in the manner of his punishment, be­cause with that hand he had signed the Oath of Allegiance to his Sove­raign, and afterwards perfidiously [Page 72] lift it up against him. While Henry was employed to maintain his Right in Germany, Lombardy lay exposed to Matildis, who heavily persecuted the Loyal Party, especially Gilbertus, Arch-bishop of Ravenna, Chancel­lour of Italy, and the Emperours best friend.

A little before Rodolphus's death Henry call'd a Synod at Brixina in Bavaria, where thirty Bishops did a­gain depose Gregory, and chuse Gil­bertus Pope. Among the Crimes laid to Gregories Charge, I cannot but ob­serve two; the former is that of He­resie, as being one of Berengarius Dis­ciples, and of the same Sentiments; but those of his party need not la­bour much to vindicate him in this particular, seeing none I presume will endeavour to bring Gregory the seventh in as a witness to the truth, or a forerunner of the Reformation. The Doctrine of Berengarius had stronger Pillars in all Ages to support it, than the Infallibility of such a Pope, un­der whose Patronage Truth it self might have been suspected; nor could Satan more effectually recommend an [Page 73] errour to all well-meaning men, than by procuring Gregory the seventh to oppose it. In a word, if Gregory really embraced this truth, no wonder if it then proved unsuccessfull, God re­serving it for better times, and for better instruments. The other Crime which they had better reason to fa­sten upon him, was his separating Wives from their Husbands; and in this undoubtedly they had an eye to Matildis, whom he had first parted from the Duke of Lorain, and after­wards most unjustly divorced from Azo of Esté, a thing really worthy of the cognizance of that Synod.

Henry being now at leisure to call Matildis and Gregory to an account for their cruelty to his friends, and to see Clement the third Enstall'd, bent his whole Forces against Italy, and Anno Christi 1084 notwithstanding all Matil is endea­vours, went directly to Rome, nothing except Florence giving him any stop. Rome against which the chief design was laid, wanted neither provision nor troops, and Gregory was there in person performing all the parts of a good Officer during the siege. Upon [Page 74] the surrender of the City, he retired to the Castle S^t Angelo, & from thence to the Normans in Naples, whom he had engaged in his quarrel; but finding them in no condition to restore him, nor the Romans disposed to receive him again, who had for many years behaved himself so imperiously a­mong them: and last of all, the passage for Matildis being so shut up by the Emperours Forces, that she could not come to his assistance; trouble and an­guish, when he saw he was thus de­serted in his old age, occasion'd a fea­ver, which in a few dayes put a pe­riod to his life.

He was Canonized after his death, as Baronius informs us in his Roman Martyrology; but whence they had the proofs, either of the sanctity of his life, or the miracles he wrought, we cannot guess. The Characters not only given him by his Contemporaries who writ of him, but by the Synods of Wormes, Pavia, Mentzs and Brixina did little countenance this design; his apparent Miracles, if any such were alledged, did flow from the same source with those of the Aegyptian [Page 75] Magicians, in whose studies he had spent some part of his youth, he pre­tended to the spirit of prophecy when he foretold the Emperours death, of which he thought he had made sure; but his Instruments failing him, he was fain to save his credit by an equivo­cation: And to say no worse, their thrusting Gregory the seventh in a­mong the Saints, gives us just ground to suspect their Catalogue is not so pure as it ought to be; and that all to whom they address themselves, are not in so happy a state as their mi­staken superstition is willing to sup­pose.

It was hoped Gregories death would have calm'd the storm, and that the Emperour might afterwards enjoy his Crown, and Clement the third his dig­nity without disturbance, if grief had killed Matildis at the same time as it was like to have done: But Gregory by his last Will recommending his party with much earnestness to her protection, the war and the Schism were continued.

Welpho Duke of Bavaria and his Son of the same name, Rebels former­ly [Page 76] with Rodolphus, began to sow new divisions in Germany; whereupon Ʋrban the second, the true, though not immediate successour of Hildi­brand, judged the young Prince a person fitly qualified for a Husband to Matildis; and the match was quickly made up, where the parties both aimed at the same thing, that is, the Emperours depression. This did further declare their great injustice to her former Husband, for Welpho was a Grand-child of the House of Esté, nearly related to Matildis as well as Azo, only there was no cause to suspect him of being in the Empe­rours confidence: But such indirect courses were justly blasted, and Wel­pho reconciled after some time to Henry, by which he lost Matildis, whose love to her Husbands was al­wayes grounded upon their devotion to the Pope; he could not both be the Emperours friend and Matildis Husband, and therefore a new pre­tence was found out for a divorce. A greater Title was design'd for Ma­tildis by the Greek Emperour, who sent an Ambassador to court her in [Page 77] his Name; but Ʋrban who could promise himself no good by sending her so far from home, disswaded her from any such thoughts: And now her zeal growing with her years, no Title pleased her so well, as to hear her self every day called the Daugh­ter of S^t Peter, the pillar of the Truth, and the Protectress of the Church: names invented by the Court of Rome, to gratifie the humour of a bi­gotted Woman.

There remained still one expedi­ent to ruine the Emperour, which was to perswade his Son Conrard that he ow'd him no Duty, but that he might take up Arms against him, and seize upon the Crown, which his Fa­ther by being cut off from the Com­munion of the Church, had forfeited long ago. Thus did Ʋrban stir up a Rebellion more unnatural and black than any Gregory had attempted; and what the Popes Words made lawfull, Matildis Army made practicable: so Anno Christi 1094 that Conrard coming into Italy re­ceived the Crown, but justly was he punished with a short reign, for his u­surping that which with honour and [Page 78] security by the course of Nature, he might e're long have expected.

Conrards death did break all their measures, yet they could not dispair while the Emperour had another Son, Ʋrban was dead, and Pascalis in his place who debauch'd Henry from his Anno Christi 1105 Duty, as much as his predecessour had done his elder Brother, and was assisted in it by some about the young Prince, whom Matildis had corrupt­ed. A meeting of all the Emperours enemies being held at Mentz, the Arch-bishops of Mentz and Collogue were sent to the Emperour to de­mand his Crown for his Son; the Emperour understanding the business for which they came, desired to know the reason why they proceeded so se­verely against him; it was answered, because he had made a Schism in the Church, had exposed Ecclesiastical dignities to sale, and had not ob­served the Canons in his choice of Bishops. To this the Emperour smartly reply'd, If you pretend I have sold Dignities, what had I, pray, from either of you for the Arch-bishopricks of Mentz and Collogne, the greatest [Page 79] and richest of Germany? You who turn accusers are best able to vindi­cate me, and ought to discounte­nance those who are guilty of Re­bellion against me their Soveraign: Many other considerations he laid be­fore them, but they still insisting, he desired at least a day might be ap­pointed in which he should resign his Crown, that both for his honour and theirs, it might seem his own volun­tary act: This reasonable request also was denied, and the Arch-bishop of Mentz most impudently coming up to him, snatch'd away his Crown, o­thers by his example strip'd him of his Purple, and the other marks of Royalty, and carried them to his Son, who was immediately declared King, and confirmed by the Popes Legates. The Old Emperour retired to Liege: thither his Friends resorted from all hands to assist him in the recovery of his Crown; with these he gave bat­tle to his Sons Army, and was at first successfull: Yet money and large promises having corrupted his party, he was abandon'd by all, and in de­spair and necessity was forced to [Page 80] make his application to the Bishop of Spire, that he might be received a petty Canon in a Church which he himself had there founded; but this small favour being also beyond ex­ample denied him, he died within a few dayes, leaving to posterity one of the greatest instances, perhaps that any age has afforded, of the incon­stancy of worldly grandeur.

Those who were much wedded to the Interests of Rome, could present­ly discover the immediate hand of Divine Providence, revenging in Henries death the long persecution he had carried on against them, little reflecting that Gregory the sevenths dying outed of his dignity, and in a most forlorn condition several years before, gave no less advantage to the Emperours party. Others therefore who were not byassed made no such inference from thence, knowing if there were no surer arguments to di­rect men in their judgments than the undertakers success, the best causes might oftentimes suffer, and the most palpable usurpations be vindicated.

The Pope and Matildis after they [Page 81] had compassed what they long de­signed, thought it now an easie mat­ter to manage not only Italy but Ger­many also, and the young Prince as they pleased: All the grievances of their Party were to be redressed, and the pretended corruptions of the Cler­gy of Germany to be reformed in a Synod at Ausburgh, where the Pope the better to confirm his Authority among them, was to be present; but they were much disappointed in Hen­ry the fifth, who as soon as he was setled in his Throne, began to disco­ver a strong dislike to their proceed­ings with his Father, and as he hear­tily wished, he had no wayes been accessary to them; so to atone his guilt, his whole thoughts were em­ployed on maintaining the Dignity & Prerogatives of his Crown, which had been so much violated by the late Rebellion.

There was little encouragement then for the Pope to appear at Aus­burgh where he was sure to be cros­sed in whatsoever he proposed; be­sides Henry had an Army in readiness to go into Italy, there to receive the [Page 82] Imperial Crown. It frighted Matil­dis to hear of his coming in this po­sture, yet dissembling her fears, she was the first when he past the Alpes who sent to welcome him: The Pope likewise with great expressions of confidence invited him to Rome, be­cause he knew he could not hinder his coming thither. Upon the day appointed for his Coronation, the Arch-bishop of Milan, by whom ac­cording to the custom he had first been crowned King of Lombardy pre­sented him to the Pope, who before he proceeded any further in the Ce­remony, required him publickly to renounce all pretension to the colla­tion or investiture of Ecclesiastical Dignities; this Henry flatly refused to do, telling him he would not be tied to any such conditions, and that he expected his Crown after the same manner that Charles the Great, and Lewis his Son had received it; the contest lasted several dayes, not with­out great heats, and threatnings on both hands, the Pope declaring up­on Henries refusal to comply, that he must come to his spiritual Arms; and [Page 83] Henry letting him understand that his Army was ready at a call; so that nothing could perswade Henry to de­part from this generous resolution, not valuing the Popes Arms so much as the Troops he had brought with him from Germany: at length the Pope was forced to yield that as a Right to the Son which had been de­nied his Father, and which Matildis and the former Popes had made the ground of all their wars. The Em­perour prouder of retrieving this lost Prerogative than of the Imperial Crown returned to Germany, where the first thing he did, was to see his Fathers body enterr'd; a favour his enemies malice had not thought fit to allow it.

No wonder if it pierced Matildis to the heart to see all her encroach­ments upon the Emperours power for so many years brought to nought in a moment, and the Papal Authority, which with so much cost, pains and danger she had highly advanced, now reduc'd to what she had found it in the beginning of Henry the fourths reign, and all this by one whom Pascalis and [Page 84] she had helped to set up upon his Fa­thers ruines; grief then and old age cast her into a languishing distemper which in the end proved mortal.

She had all along designed, that not only the Popes, in whose times she lived, but their Successours also should reap the fruits of her bounty, which made her easily hearken to those who judged it the securest way to put the Church in possession of the best part of her territories, and that it must be a particular satisfacti­on to see her own will executed to prevent the trouble it might occasion after her death, and to hear the fre­quent Panegyricks of those who ex­tolled her munificence, and whose in­terest it was so to do. By these insi­nuations they had already got into their hands that which is called the Patrimony of S^t Peter, with several Cities in Tuscany. And now lest upon Anno Christi 1115 her death-bed she should seem to a­bate of her wonted zeal, she confirm­ed what was formerly granted, adding thereunto all the rest.

I cannot find she was ever Cano­nized, but the best of their Pens have [Page 85] been employed to celebrate her Vir­tues, and her memory is still more precious among them than that of most of their Saints; of this Ʋr­ban the eighth in our own time, has given testimony by having her body, or what at least past for it, translated from a Church near Mantoua to Rome where it lies buried in S^t Peters un­der a stately Monument erected 1635. at his charge, with an Inscription, which expresses both his value for her Piety and Virtue, and his grati­tude for her protection and bounty; and if oftentimes both in speaking and writing of her they call her a Saint, it is no strange thing, if one consider the stile of the Countrey, according to what Philip de Comines observed in his passage through Mi­lan; where wondering to read the name of one of their worst Dukes, with this glorious Epithet of Saint upon the front of a Convent, a Priest ingenuously told him, it was their cu­stom to call all those Saints to whom they were much obliged. In this re­spect then, envy it self must allow, never any could lay juster claim to [Page 86] this title than Matildis, who deserv­ed better of the Popes than any that went before her, or that hath been since her time: for let them amuse men as much as they list with pre­tended donations from Constantine, or from Charles the Great, it is plain, the Countess Matildis first set them up, and it is her whom Rome must chiefly thank, and others blame for the Popes bearing such a figure since, among the Temporal Princes of Ita­ly.

The event did verifie what was apprehended before, that Matildis actions would be called in question afterwards; for Henry the fifth de­clared he would not agree to what she had done, because she could not dispose of what came to her by her Mother Beatrix, but that by her death it return'd to the Crown; and in truth there seem'd to be a great deal of reason in what the Emperour alledged, seeing it was too much that she had abused while she lived, the power derived from his Ancestors, without entailing it for ever upon his enemies; the Pope on the other [Page 87] hand thought he had good right to what was left him, chiefly when it was strengthen'd with possession: and betwixt these two powerfull Competitors, the Family of Esté, whose Title certainly was best, had the least share.

HAving insisted more largely up­on Matildis actions than so compendious a History will well bear, I return to her Family, which she like an unnatural branch, drawing sap from the root, and bestowing else­where, had almost destroyed. Her Husband Azo, though he could ne­ver well digest the trouble conceived upon his divorce, yet lived long af­ter, and with his Brother Bertoldus did meet Henry the fifth at his arri­val [Page 88] in Italy, and had by the means of his Kinsman Welpho Duke of Bavaria, Matildis last Husband, a reception full of respect and kindness. The Empe­rour was not then to learn how much Azo or his Family had suffered by ad­hering to his Father, and therefore enlarged his priviledges, and gave him assurances of his protection; whether at that time he made known to the Emperour his just pretensions to a share of Matildis, Estate no History that I have seen doth satisfie me; but it appears Bertoldus's Son afterwards did highly resent his having no repa­ration made him, and thereupon took Arms against the Emperour.

The concerns of the Family not dispensing with the absence of both Brothers, Azo after some dayes spent with the Emperour, took his leave, and returned to Esté. Bertoldus ac­companied him to Rome, where he and Welpho were the persons who composed all differences, and made a perfect reconciliation betwixt the Em­perour and the Pope, upon the pro­mise made by the latter, not to med­dle in the affairs of Germany, which [Page 89] he and his predecessors had for many years embroiled; this gave Bertoldus great credit, and raised him so high in the Emperours confidence, that had not his Brothers death called him home, he must have gone into Ger­many; the rest of his life being spent in governing his people, gives no great occasion to the Historians to mention him, only we find at his death he left his Son Rinaldus very Anno Christi 1137 young, who afterwards prov'd so great a General in the Wars of Mi­lan against Frederick Barbarossa.

The other branch of the Family of Esté raised to infinite riches and power in Germany, calls us thither till Rinaldus comes of age, and if it be at all to be called a digression, yet I presume it will be no unpleasant one to the Reader: Henry of Esté Duke of Bavaria married the Daughter of Lotharius the third, who succeeded Henry the fifth, and after the death of his Father in Law made war upon Conrard the third, for violating the Agreement made with him at his Co­ronation; Conrard to ease himself of some part of the burden of the War, [Page 90] required the assistance of the Princes of the Empire in a Diet assembled for this purpose, in which he bitterly in­veighed against Henry, yet contrary to his design, gave ample testimony both of the antiquity and greatness of the Family, as his Harangue still ex­tant shews; he makes Henry an Up­start in Germany his great Grand-fa­ther, being the first that setled there, but at the same time he owns him to be of the blood of Esté, descended of the Ancient Roman Family of the Atii, swell'd, as he sayes, with the Names and Titles of his Ancestors, he puts the Princes in mind of the trea­chery of Henries Ancestor Hugo, who stirred up Ardoinus Marquess of Epo­roedia against Henry the second: and last of all, he charges him with a de­sign of over-turning the Ancient Con­stitutions of Germany, complaining that his Interest there joyned to that of his kindred in Italy was too like to effect it.

Henry's death gave him not leave to vindicate himself and his Family from Conrards aspersions, but his Bro­ther Welpho did it in another Assem­bly [Page 91] to the satisfaction of all there pre­sent, that his Great Grand-father was a stranger in Germany, being of the blood of Esté, and of the Illustrious Family of the Atii, he was not, he said, ashamed to own; but they all knew he was a German by his Great Grand-Mother, and that by her he inherited the rich Dutchy of Bava­ria: That Hugo of Esté had coun­tenanced Ardoinus was true, but the Emperours resolution to ruine him, had put him upon that course to pre­vent it, and that after their reconci­liation no man did ever more faith­fully or successfully promote the Em­perours Service: And lastly, Conrards accusation of their going about to subvert the Laws of Germany, he re­torts upon himself for the unjust sen­tence past against his Brother Henry and himself, by which they were de­prived of all they possest: He gives warning to all the Princes to look to themselves, and hoped if they did not joyn with him in so Just a Cause, that at least they would approve of his taking Arms for the recovery of his Dutchies from Conrard, whom he [Page 92] looked upon as the real subverter of the Ancient Laws of Germany.

The War then begun by Henry a­gainst Conrard, but being intermit­ted by his death, it was renewed by Gwelfo, and kindled such a flame in Germany, as rivers of blood could scarce quench; the Nation was divi­ded betwixt them, though not equal­ly, for all the Princes that consented to the forfeiture of the Dutchies of Bavaria and Saxony were engaged in honour to assist Conrard, and such as enjoy'd the fruits of it could do no less. Some few of the Princes who had declared against Conrards severe proceedings with Henry, and the greatest part of the Bavarians did joyn with Gwelfo: And what he wanted in Germany was made up from abroad, for Roger King of Si­cily supplied him with vast sums of money, which drew foreign troops to his Service, and four of the Princes of the house of Esté raised what forces Anno Christi 1145 they could for him in Italy.

Some Writers make those famous factions of Gwelfs and Gibellins which first appeared in Germany, and for [Page 93] many ages rent Italy to have had their rise from this War, those who were with the Emperour being called Gi­bellins from Giblinga, the place of Conrards Nativity; and the others Gwelfs from Gwelfo, the head of their Party: And though most will have the original of these names to be of more ancient date, yet all must a­gree that they then began to be gene­rally used to distinguish the Imperia­lists from the Bavarians; and after­wards in the wars of Italy, by Gwelfs were understood such as favoured the Pope.

Gwelfo's Army was in the progress of the War so weaken'd, that not able to keep the field he went to Winbergh whither Conrard pursued him, and shut him up so close, that the best terms he could obtain was, that he with his followers should con­tinue prisoners of War, and the place was to be exposed to sack; but Gwelfo's Princess who was there with her Husband, made it her humble sute to Conrard, that she with the Ladies of her Court might first be permit­ted to retire without any other bag­gage [Page 94] than what they themselves could carry; this request being readily granted, they took their Husbands upon their backs, declaring as they past through the Camp, that these were the only Jewels they desired to secure from Conrard and his Army; this generous act of the Princess and her Ladies did so surprize and please the Emperour, that he would see his word made good, and thereupon not only pardon'd but was reconciled to Gwelfo, giving him back some part of his Brothers inheritance: Gwelfo af­terwards accompanied Conrard in his expedition to the Holy Land, which the treachery of the Greeks rendered insuccessfull; at his return he made ready an Army to go into Italy to re­ceive the Imperial Crown, and de­signed to carry Gwelfo with him, of whose company he seem'd to be very fond, because he durst not leave him behind; but his journey being put off by his sickness, he lived not to re­ceive that honour, and though he left a Son, yet his Nephew Frederick Bar­barossa succeeded him.

Frederick's first work was to ce­ment [Page 95] all the breaches of Germany, which he did with so much equity and discretion, that he gave satisfa­ction to all parties. His Mother was of the House of Bavaria, and this made him willing to restore that Dutchy to the Son of Henry, and to his Uncle Gwelfo he gave all that the Emperours had recovered of Matil­dis Estate; which I confess was a do­ing right in some measure to the house of Esté, but not to that part of it that had suffered most by her.

This brings us back to Italy, which we shall now find the chief Scene of Affairs, and Rinaldus of Esté of age to be the chief Actor, for whose sake we must give a more particular ac­count of things, as they then stood when Frederick came thither.

The long absence of an Emperour had brought Affairs into great disor­der, especially in Lombardy, where every City form'd it self into a sort of Republick; and dissensions naturally arising betwixt them, there was no person that had either Authority to determine their differences, or power to see his determinations received. [Page 96] The City of Milan affected the Do­minion over all the rest, had already made some submit, and was every day encroaching upon others with an insupportable insolence. Many com­plaints were brought to the Empe­rour from most of the neighbour Ci­ties, declaring, that they must submit to the Queen of Lombardy, for so Milan stiled her self, unless they had his protection. The Emperour pro­mised to make what hast he could to­wards them, and to put an end to all their quarrels. When he came to the Lago di Garda near Verona, he recei­ved the complements of the Italian Princes; amongst others were Boni­face, Fulco, Opizo and Albertus of Esté his Kinsmen by his Mother who had all conferred on them special marks of his favour: But we find nothing of Rinaldus the Chief of the Family, who it is thought absented himself, be­ing highly disgusted that Matildis E­state should be setled by Frederick up­on the German Line. The Emperour having rebuked those of Milan and Tortona for their late carriage, and re­quired them to make reparation for [Page 97] the injuries done their neighbours, went towards Rome, and being Anno Christi 1155 Crowned Emperour by Adrian the fourth he returned into Germany.

Fresh troubles in Italy called him soon back, but as his presence con­verted all their Rebellion into Humi­lity and Duty; so his being reconci­led upon too easie terms to Milan and Brescia, the authors of discord encouraged them to renew their pra­ctices when he was gone; and for A­drian if we honour him for his Coun­trey, as being of our neighbour-nati­on of England, we must condemn him for his malice against this great Em­perour in fomenting their Rebellion. When Frederick came to Italy the third time, Milan and Brescia had se­veral other Towns joyn'd to them, and stood out a long siege; yet be­fore he left them, they were made to accept of what conditions he pleased to impose, which yet were much more gentle than they, especially Mi­lan did deserve, after having twice abused his clemency.

About this time Adrian the fourth dying, the Election of two Popes, [Page 98] Alexander the third, and Victor the fourth occasioned a new Schism more dangerous than any of the former: both writ to the Emperour then be­sieging Crema, to confirm their Ele­ction; but he out of pure zeal for the peace of the Church refusing to declare for either, called a Council at Pavia, where they were summon­ed to appear to have their Cause heard and determined by their Bre­thren the Bishops. Victor came thi­ther at the day appointed, but Alex­ander continued at Rome; whereup­on the Council offended at his con­tempt, and judging his not appear­ance to flow from a diffidence in his Cause, gave it in favour of Victor, whom the Emperour did then con­firm, and sent Letters to the Kings of France, England and Spain, to give an account of what was there con­cluded.

Alexander was excommunicated by Victor at Pavia, Frederick and Victor by Alexander at Rome, and the par­ties being now irreconcilable, Alex­ander sent a Legat to those of Milan to declare them absolved from the [Page 99] Oaths they had lately sworn, and not obliged to make good the Articles which necessity had extorted from them. Milan and the Confederate Cities took Arms immediately, and resolving to carry on a formed War against the Emperour, invited Rinal­dus Marquess of Esté to be their Ge­neral, who thinking himself injured and neglected by Frederick, did too readily undertake the Patronage of so unjust a Cause.

The Emperour judging his Army too weak to deal with so many, gave order for New Levies in Germany, which were finished, and sent with great expedition to Italy, the Kings likewise of Bohemia, Denmark and Norway came in person to his assi­stance with their choicest troops, so that when all his forces were united he had no less than seventy thousand Foot, and forty thousand Horse; the Confederates likewise had made great preparations, Rinaldus of Esté their General brought six thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse, Brescia, Bergamo Piacenza, Verona, Ʋi­cenza, Padoua and Bologna, sent the [Page 100] numbers agreed on; the general re­view was made at Milan, where ac­cording to most of the Italian Wri­ters, they were fifty thousand men well armed; the very first night the Emperour sate down before Milan Ri­naldus ordered a sally at four several gates, which put the Imperial Army into such confusion, that the enemy was like to have dispossest them of their Camp.

Rinaldus perceiving the Confede­rate Army to dwindle away insensi­bly, partly by Famine, and partly by Sickness, occasion'd by their being shut up so close in the hottest season of the year, called a Council of War, where it was resolved, That all should be in readiness next morning to bring the business to an issue; the whole Army being accordingly assembled in the great Market place, Rinaldus led them out into the Imperial Camp a little before noon, where falling in upon the Danes and Norvegians that were secure and unfit for action, by reason of the great heat, he did so great execution, that no perswasion could make them continue the siege [Page 101] longer, and their marching off did so dishearten the rest, that the Em­perour thought best to follow them; Rinaldus pursued him in his retreat, but the Emperour not able to bear this affront, and considering his Army to be still the more numerous, offer­ed him battle; Rinaldus to make up the disproportion in the number by the advantage of the ground, posted himself upon a hill, dividing his Ar­my into four parts; he gave the Van towards the plain to his Son Azo and Torrisedi Governour of Verona, the Milan Troops were placed at some distance behind, those of Bergamo, Brescia and Piacenza had the top of the hill, and the General himself re­tired to the other side out of the ene­mies view.

The King of Bohemia commanded one Wing of the Imperial Army, the Kings of Denmark and Norway ano­ther; Frederick with the Duke of Bavaria stood in the middle.

The King of Bohemia's Wing be­gan the fight about noon with Azo and Torrisedi, and for a long time it was doubtfull to which Party victory [Page 102] enclined, till the King being wound­ed and carried back to the Camp half dead, his men retired in disorder: Azo encouraged by this, and second­ed by the Troops of Milan, bore all down before him till he came to the main Body, where the Emperour with his German Horse sustained his charge, killed those who led the Troops of Milan, and took Azo prisoner. They upon the top of the hill who hither­to had no occasion to act, seeing the rest in distress marched briskly down to their assistance; and while the Im­perialists bent their Forces that way, thinking the whole Confederate Ar­my was now engaged, Rinaldus came with such violence upon their Rere, that they presently gave ground and marched off, with his own hand he took the Imperial Standard, and fol­lowed the Emperour so close, that he was obliged to the darkness of the night for his escape; but the news of his Sons being carried off prisoner did much abate the joy of his success; nor could any arguments prevail on the Emperour to give him up so long as his Father lived. It is believed, if [Page 103] this advantage had been pursued, the Emperours Affairs in Italy might soon have been brought to a weak pass; but the Confederate Troops, as if they had already done enough, went all home to their own Cities to re­ceive the applause and carresses of their friends, and could never again be united. Rinaldus also gave up his Commission, not willing to exaspe­rate the Emperour while he had such an Hostage from his Family; nor could the Emperour make sure any other wayes of one who did so un­justly head the Confederates, that had so often violated their Duty, and failed in their promises to their Prince.

Frederick had been alwayes hither­to Victorious, and now his Fortune seemed to decline, having after this manner besieged Milan several months to little purpose, and at last retired with so great loss; but this blow did rather hasten his success, for being doubtfull what course to take, the news was brought him of the Confe­derates being gone, and this encou­raged him to return to the siege of [Page 104] Milan sooner than they expected; the City seeing it self abandon'd sent to capitulate with the Emperour, but he absolutely refused to agree to any terms, telling them that he expected to enter at a breach in their Walls as a Conquerour, and to treat them ac­cordingly; whereupon trusting to his Clemency their Gates were opened; the Emperour then mindfull how per­fidiously they had dealt with him, commanded all the Inhabitants to de­part within three dayes, and the City to be razed to the ground; and up­on the fourth day after, he entered at a breach with his whole Army to see his Sentence put in execution; the neighbour Cities were forward e­nough to revenge the injuries recei­ved in pulling down each a part; the wretched Inhabitants standing without the Walls to express their sorrow in cryes and tears when they saw the deplorable fall of the City: Novara pull'd down one quarter, Cre­mona another, Como a third, and Lode a fourth, Churches and Convents, Hospitals and Palaces, without respect Anno Christi 1162 were thrown down, nothing except [Page 105] two small Chappels of all that stately City was left standing; the very Bro­glio or great Market-place was sow'd with Salt: And thus Milan which had long aspired to the Soveraignty of Lombardy, and which for its large­ness, its beauty, and the number as well as riches of its Citizens began to emulate Rome, felt in a few dayes this terrible desolation, as a just reward of its insolence to its Neighbours, and of its perfidy to an indulgent Prince, who had already three several times pardon'd its rebellion.

The destruction of Milan, the sub­mission of all the other Cities, and the changing the Ancient Magistrates into Imperial Podesta's seem'd to se­cure the Peace of Italy for many years: Yet the haughty carriage of these new Ministers in the Emperours absence, and the Arts of Pope Alexander drew on in a short time a fresh Rebellion: they wanted only a Head, and knew by former experience, that none could either do them credit or service like Rinaldus, but his tenderness for his Son was such, that no perswasions could engage him again.

[Page 106] If Rinaldus of Esté's denying to joyn with the Confederates, did at first retard their motions, the baseness of Henry of Bavaria, one of the same Family did afterwards spoil the Em­perours Affairs, when he was in a fair way to reduce all; he was the Empe­rours Cousin, and had been restored to the greatest part of his Fathers Do­minions at the same time that his Un­cle Guelpho had those of Matildis gi­ven him in Italy: Yet upon a vain scruple arising from Alexanders Ex­communication he left him when he had most occasion for him and his Troops. The Emperour went after him to perswade him to return, but no arguments nor condescension in the Emperour could work upon an obstinate humour, cloak'd with a pre­tence to conscience: Nor was it only the loss of him and his followers, for his example was like to draw others away; so that the Emperour percei­ving the ill disposition of his Army infected by the very air of that rebel­lious Countrey, sent to Alexander to procure his reconciliation; this he obtained indeed, but upon such terms, [Page 107] that it is hard to say, whether Alex­ander the third, or Gregory the se­venth treated an Emperour with most insolence; what Gregory did at the Castle of Cannossa only with Matil­dis, Alexander may be said to have done solemnly in the face of the whole Senate and people of Venice.

The Emperour finding his kind­ness to Henry of Bavaria so little con­sidered, turn'd him out of all, and Henry who had married a Daughter of England, fled thither for protecti­on, where he stay'd, till by that Kings intercession the Dutchies of Bruns­wick and Lunenburgh were restored to him by the Emperour; in this his former greatness was indeed much im­paired, yet still he continued in the first rank of German Princes, which figure his successors have ever since sustained to the great honour of the Family of Esté from which they are sprung.

Two years before died Rinaldus the most popular Prince, and the greatest General of the Italian Nati­on Anno Christi 1175 in that time. Whereever he ap­peared his reputation brought an Ar­my [Page 108] together, and he had been suc­cessfull in all his undertakings, but the badness of the Cause he all along espoused did much lessen the glory of his actions. The latter part of his life affords nothing remarkable be­sides the taking Rovigo, because the Emperour knowing his restless spirit, would never part with his Son, by whose confinement he was sure to bind Rinaldus to his good behavi­our.

When the Emperour had the news of Rinaldus's death, he call'd to him Azo, shew'd him how much his Fa­ther had been his Enemy, how ill Henry of Bavaria had requited his favours, and how both being his near Kinsmen had been consequently most of all persons obliged to promote his service and honour: Yet that the former had been a great Instrument in the Rebellion of Milan, the latter of his unseasonable accommodation with the Pope; but that the world might see he had no design to de­stroy their Family, nor to revenge the Fathers guilt upon the Son from whom better returns might be ex­pected, [Page 109] he freely dismist him, that he might go and enjoy what Rinaldus had left, adding thereunto the Go­vernment of Milan granted formerly by Otho the Great to his Ancestor Hugo. Azo's unexpected advance­ment gave great joy to those who wish'd well to his House, but he died before he could express his sense of the Emperours Generosity, and left this as a debt upon his Cousin Opizo who succeeded him.

Opizo's rise did beget great emula­tion in the breasts of two powerfull Neighbours, and the most dangerous Enemies the Family of Esté ever dealt with, Salinguerra Taurellus of Ferra­ra, and Actiolinus of Onara, who had married Rinaldus's Daughter: the former was a man of extraordinary parts, the latter a stout Captain, and both of them were enflam'd with am­bition, which Opizo's greatness seem'd to check; Salinguerra possest the peo­ple of Ferrara with an Opinion that the Marquess of Esté design'd their ruine, whereupon they came to acts of hostility with his Subjects without further examining the business. Ac­tiolinus [Page 110] raising a Title by his Wife to Anno Christi 1184 Rovigo seized upon it, agreeing with Salinguerra to joyn Forces in case the Marquess prov'd too hard for ei­ther; the difference with Ferrara was soon made up, when it appeared that Salinguerra had created this mis­understanding, only to compass his own ends: And as ill grounded jea­lousie when dissolved, makes some­times way for the most lasting friend­ship; so the Marquess, and those of Ferrara were hereby provoked to mutual offices of kindness and confi­dence, the Marquess to confute Salinguerra's calumnies did effectually intercede with Henry the sixth in be­half of Ferrara to retrieve some pri­viledges, which that Cities undutifull carriage to his Father had lost: And this friendly act did so affect them, that they never ceased till the Mar­quess sent his Son Azo to live among them: And from that instant we may date the house of Esté's taking sure footing in Ferrara, which afterwards proved so happy under its influence. Actiolinus was more obstinate, refu­sing to restore Rovigo till Henry the [Page 111] sixth interposed his Authority. Ac­tiolinus afterwards to secure the Em­perours favour, and to strengthen his party against the Marquess, declared himself Head of the Gibellin Faction, which obliged Opizo to take upon him the protection of the Guelphs.

These German Factions began in Italy during Frederick's War with A­lexander the third, and were by the sowers of Sedition improved to that degree under Frederick the second, that they divided the whole Nation, they put all the Families at variance with one another, and the Cities in­to Civil Wars within themselves; and if any were indifferent in their judg­ment, for their own security they were forced to declare themselves of either Party. Sometimes one Brother would be a Gibellin, that is, for the Emperour, and the other a Guelph for the Pope; and thereupon forget­ting all the tyes of Nature, would mortally hate and persecute one an­other; robberies, assassinations, and all sorts of violence and revenge were allow'd against those of the contrary Faction: and the breach being once [Page 112] made was too like to continue, seeing the wayes of uniting them were cut off, no man could expect reparation by Justice which lay dead; and the Families of one Faction could hardly be perswaded to match with those of the other: Their publick meetings did for the most part end in quarrels, and in the streets they used to point at one another as Traytors or Rene­gadoes. Nor was the long duration less strange than the violence of these Factions, for though the flame did not always burn with equal fury, be­ing sometimes stifled several years, and then breaking out again; yet it last­ed almost four hundred years (from Frederick Barbarossa's time till the Reign of Charles the fifth) before it was quite extinct. Upon strict en­quiry I find the better sort can still tell which Families were Guelphs, and which Gibellins in several places, but they have now laid aside all rancour or malice upon this score.

Actiolinus was now grown a very nneasie Neighbour: with an Army of Padouans he went towards Vicenza and Verona, pillaging and burning all [Page 113] where he came, the People of Verona did in this strait cast their eyes upon Azo Opizo's Son, who with such as follow'd him from Ferrara and Esté fought Actiolin near Bachilio, and took five hundred of his Party prisoners. It is probable Azo was chiefly em­ploy'd in this service, because Opizo did then lie ill, and died a few dayes after.

This early proof of Azo the se­venths valour seem'd to presage great happiness under his Government, Anno Christi 1193 which made them receive him at Esté upon his return with extraordinary expressions of joy; and there he con­tinued some time till his friends at Ferrara troubled to lose the only per­son that could curb Salinguerra, found a charm to bring him back. His Wife the Count of Savoy's Daughter, by whom he had several Children, was lately dead; they therefore proposed to him a match with a Lady of their City, who for riches and interest ex­ceeded, all that liv'd in those parts; her Uncle was the Chief Magistrate, and the much richest Nobleman of Ferrara, who besides what he had [Page 114] there, was also Hereditary Govern­our of the Mark of Ancona, to all which having no Issue, his Niece was to succeed. This was too advanta­geous a proffer for Azo to neglect, and Salinguerra's endeavouring to hinder it, did bring it on the sooner; they were married privately, and after­wards received by the Magistrates and People of Ferrara at their com­ing thither, with all the formalities of Princes.

Salinguerra highly enraged went to the Emperour who was then in Sicily, with heavy Articles against Azo; first, that he design'd to make himself ab­solute Master of all the Cities near him, as he had already done of Fer­rara, and that with his ambition he discovered a hatred to the Emperour and his Government: Secondly, that he could not forbear to express his resentment of their Families having lost the Dutchies of Bavaria and Saxony; and thirdly, that of all his Ancestors he did most extol Rinaldus, whom it was plain he intended to i­mitate by making himself Head of the Guelphs his Majesties professed [Page 115] enemies. These words of Salinguerra, set out with all the advantage of Elo­quence, of which he was a great Ma­ster, did so work upon Henry the sixth, that it was thought, if he had liv'd to come back it would have gone ill with Azo.

In the Election of a New Empe­rour Germany was divided betwixt Philip Henries Brother, and Otho of Esté Duke of Brunswick a Nephew of England, nor could the matter be accommodated till Otho marrying Philips Daughter wav'd his pretensi­ons to the Crown at present, upon condition he should enjoy it after his Father-in-Laws death. Salin­guerra at his return from Sicily re­newed his Confederacy against the Marquess by marrying the Daughter of Actiolinus while Azo retired to Esté upon the death of his Wife. No Anno Christi 1200 sooner was he gone but Salinguerra began to bear sway after his old man­ner, and not content to be absolute at home by his Father in Laws means he got to be Podestá of Verona.

Every one could easily guess what Actiolinus and he aimed at, but none [Page 116] in Verona had the courage to oppose them, except Count Boniface, who told the people plainly, they were hasting towards slavery, and that the only way to save them, was, to seek to the Marquess of Esté's protection: Most agreeing with the Counts mo­tion, they sent to Azo, who marched thither, encountered Actiolinus and Salinguerra in the Market-place, took the former prisoner, while the other escaped; and restored the City to its Ancient Freedom. Upon advice that many were fled to Pescera, he went and besieged the place, and upon its surrender dismist the Common Sol­diers, but sent the Officers prisoners to Esté, with those that were taken at Verona, he set Actiolinus at liberty upon his bare promise, not to give any disturbance afterwards to him or his friends. The news of Azo's success drew all whom Salinguerra banished to his Party, with whom going di­rectly to Ferrara he chased Salin­guerra and his adherents thence, and put the Government into the hands of his own friends, promising his as­sistance upon the least notice of Sa­linguerra's [Page 117] being about to attempt any thing.

Next year was yet more favour­able Anno Christi 1209 to the House of Esté by the ad­vancement of Otho to the Imperial Crown. In his journey towards Rome he was met by Azo and his Sons near Verona, whom he received and treat­ed as his Kinsmen, he composed their differences with Actiolinus and Salin­guerra, and desired that for his sake all the prisoners at Esté might be set at liberty. The Marquess continued with him till the Ceremony of his Coronation was over, and then that the Family might reap some advan­tage as well as honour by his digni­nity, he gave to Azo the Principality of Verona, together with the final ap­peal of the Province, and likewise the Government of the Mark of An­cona, with several Castles belonging to Vicenza: Where among the mo­tives inducing the Emperour hereun­to, express mention is made of their kindred, as appears by the Grant yet extant.

THe Crown was not well setled upon Otho's head when Inno­cent the third gave it away to Frede­rick the second, pretending that Otho had broke his Coronation Oath, and forfeited his Dignity by invading the Dominions of Frederick, and of the Church: Whether the Pope were more injust in setting Otho up to op­pose Philip, or in degrading him now to advance Frederick, whom he him­self had formerly injured, I leave to others to decide. But plain it is, that no Apology can be made for Azo's behaviour in this juncture, seeing he who had so lately been own'd for Otho's Kinsman, and had received so fresh marks of his favour, was the most forward of all the Nobility of [Page 119] Lombardy to countenance the Popes sentence, and declare for Frederick. By his means were Otho's Garrisons turned out of most of the Cities of Tuscany; and so great was his zeal for the Cause, and so entirely did the party confide in him, that he had the young Prince committed to his trust till he got safe into Germany: This rendered him still more consi­derable among the Guelphs, who were become too strong for the other Par­ty by Otho's depression; but while they were projecting how to model the Government of Lombardy after their own way, Azo's death broke all their measures.

Salinguerra hoping to find in his Son Aldobrandinus a person easie to deal with, would not stand to the treaty made with Azo a little before his death, complaining that he had been over-reached in it; besides, he considered, if the Marquess once got Modena and Regio into his hands, as he was like to do, with what grief he must from the Walls of Ferrara see himself surrounded on every side with the Territories of the House of [Page 120] Esté, and therefore made what hast he could to come to a breach before he were in a manner shut up at home. Notice being given to the Marquess of Salinguerra's intentions, he sent to Bologna the guaranty of the Peace be­betwixt Salinguerra and his Father, to demand their assistance; they who knew Salinguerra to be a man of a rest­less temper, that observ'd no agreement longer than it made for his advan­tage, joyned with the Marquess, and marched towards Ferrara, which they took without great resistance; and Salinguerra retired to a Castle be­longing to Modena, from whence by frequent excursions he did greatly annoy the other Party; but percei­ving them resolved to have the place, he engaged Bologna to intercede with the Marquess, that upon surrender he might have leave to return to Fer­rara with solemn protestations, that he would give him no further distur­bance.

The difference with Salinguerra was the sooner made up, because the danger Esté was in by Actiolin and the Padouans called for speedy relief [Page 121] from the Marquess, who just got back in time to save it. A Party in the Mark of Ancona commanded by the Count of Celano declared anew for Otho, pillaging and burning every place that would not joyn with them. Aldobrandinus, to whom that Govern­ment did of right belong, though the Counts of Celano alwayes disputed it, went thither, fought Otho's Party, killed the Count, for which Innocent gave him the Title of Marquess of Ancona; and having thus in a short time humbled Salinguerra, raised the siege of Esté, and recovered his Au­thority in the Mark: He died sud­denly in the flower of his age, not without suspition of poison given him by one of his Servants, whom the Count of Celano's Brother had cor­rupted: Anno Christi 1216 he left two Daughters, whom we shall mention hereafter.

The Enemies of the Family of Esté got nothing by Aldobrandin's death, his Brother Azo the eighth, or as some will have him the ninth who succeed­ed him, being a person for his skill both in the Arts of Peace and War, well qualified for those difficult times. [Page 120] [...] [Page 121] [...] [Page 122] The first thing he did after quelling an Insurrection in Ancona, was to set­tle at Ferrara, that so he might have an eye upon Salinguerra's motions, whom he knew ready to take advan­tage of every change, and Salinguer­ras Opinion of Azo kept them several years on good terms; but the flame that was smother'd and not extinct, did too easily break out again; and now all began to declare themselves openly Guelphs or Gibellins. Salin­guerra being gone Podestá to Man­toua, the Guelphs in a popular tumult pulled down his Pallace, destroy'd his fine Gardens, broke his Statues in pieces, and made havock of every thing they met with. This news did so incense him, that coming upon them unexpected, he killed every Guelph he found, and by the help of the Gibellins forced the Marquess to leave the City to his mercy. This Ci­vil War which none can deny Azo's Party began, did for three years plague Ferrara; sometimes the Mar­quess and the Guelphs had the bet­ter, sometimes none were to be seen but Gibellins; those that prevailed [Page 123] were sure to pull down all the good houses that belonged to the other Party; so that at last the City lay in a heap of rubbish, and of thirty two Steeples that were in it when Salin­guerra went to Mantoua, not one was left standing.

The Marquess assisted by Verona and Padoua shut Salinguerra so close up within Ferrara, that he seemed willing to come to any accommoda­tion; but when Count Boniface up­on his Invitation went in to treat with him, most perfidiously he kept him prisoner, telling him withall, that as Azo was obliged to the Troops of Verona for the advantage he now had, so he expected his own terms before he parted with him. Azo's tender­ness for Count Boniface whom he judged in great danger, made him yield to such things as Salinguerra durst never otherwise have propo­sed; for it was agreed, that all the Gibellins banished by the Marquess as well as the Guelphs by Salinguerra, should have leave to return, and be a­gain possest of their Estates, and of the grounds where their houses had stood, [Page 124] for very few of them were left entire, that all places and trusts should be di­vided betwixt them, that Salinguerra should continue at Ferrara, but the Marquess might not come thither a­bove twice a year, and then he was to leave most of his train without the Gates, and to stay only a few dayes. This Peace beyond all mens expecta­tion lasted fifteen years, which help­ed much to repair the ruines of the City.

About this time Actiolinus, the de­clared head of the Gibellins, after ha­ving long glutted himself with blood, cruelty and oppression, renounced the world to dedicate the ruines of his old age to a Monastick life, lea­ving a Son of the same name, who carried on the divisions of Italy, and Anno Christi 1226 out-vied him in all manner of wick­edness. Salinguerra could not expect to better himself by falling out again with the Marquess; yet that he might one day or other make work for him, he underhand employed all his inte­rest to get Actiolin the younger crea­ted Podestá of Verona, by which that Party was much strengthen'd.

[Page 125] If things went ill with the Guelphs where Actiolinus and Salinguerra were in Authority, the Gibellins made as great complaints of their hard usage in Ancona, where the Marquess being absolute Master, was much encoura­ged in his severities by Honorius the third, and Gregory the ninth; the latter seeing Frederick engaged in the Holy War thought to seize upon the Kingdom of Naples, and communi­cating his Design to Azo, found him too ready to engage in it; nor could any thing but the Emperours speedy return have prevented them.

No wonder if Frederick were much offended with the Pope and Azo's proceedings, and they conscious of their guilt armed the Guelphs, lest the Emperour should attempt any thing against them, which made A­ctiolinus and his Party not think themselves secure, unless they were in the same posture; so that for a long time in form'd Armies they lay in wait for one another, and put a stop not only to all manner of Trade, which much impoverished Corpora­tions, but also to agriculture, upon [Page 126] which a Famine was like to ensue: Both Parties being at length tired out, and their brutal fury in some measure spent, first a cessation of Arms, then a Peace was concluded and sealed with the marriage of A­ctiolins Niece to Rinaldus Azo's Son.

Andrew the second of Hungary in his return from Rome was entertain­ed by Azo at Esté, where charmed with the beauty of Beatrix, Aldobran­din's Daughter, and her Uncles Mag­nificence, he demanded her in Mar­riage, and Azo consenting to it, she was sent after him into Hungary with a Noble Train; a few months after Andrew died leaving the Queen with Child, and she apprehending her self in danger from the next Heir of the Crown, retired to her Friends in Ita­ly, where she was brought to bed of Anno Christi 1237 Stephen, Father to Andrew the third King of Hungary. Her younger Si­ster Alexina was married to Albert Duke of Brunswick.

The Peace betwixt Azo and Actio­lin at best signified little, seeing their acts of hostility were scarce ever dis­continued; but Gregory the ninth, [Page 127] taking occasion to quarrel with the Emperour for refusing to go again into Syria, brought things to a worse pass than before: they had drawn the Guelphs and Gibellins into bodies, openly defying one another; the Emperour upon his Excommunicati­on was marching towards Rome; and Salinguerra was entering upon the last and most Tragical Act of his Life, which I must not pass in silence.

The Venetians required a certain acknowledgement for all goods car­ried up the Pó to Ferrara, which Salinguerra was not willing to pay; and their ships being sent to lye at the mouth of the River to hinder any thing to enter, Salinguerra with what Boats he could make came upon them, and after a sharp dispute had the bet­ter, taking some, which he brought to Ferrara as Trophies of his Victory over the Venetian Navy. The Re­publick not able to digest this affront, joyned with the Guelphs to be re­venged upon Salinguerra, who su­specting some design upon the City did hasten his ruine by command­ing all of that Faction to be gone, [Page 128] and receiving Germans in their place.

This was declared to be a plain breach of the Treaty with Azo, who thereupon being chosen General a­gainst him, went towards Ferrara in the beginning of February, accompa­nied by the Dogé of Venice, the Popes Legate Boniface, and many of the Chief Nobility of those parts; Salin­guerra made for four months a stout resistance, till Provisions beginning to fail, without any prospect of supply, the Land Army having destroyed the Harvest; the Venetian Navy block­ed up the River, and the Germans growing mutinous, Hugo Rambertus, a man of great Authority, did in the name of the City desire him to make peace with Azo. Salinguerra had no disposition towards it, yet yielded to Hugo's importunity, and upon the Generals, the Dogés and the Legates promise, that he should be permitted to return safe into the City, ventured out into the Enemies Camp to treat.

The Legate was for seizing imme­diately upon Salinguerra, pretending that no faith was to be kept to one [Page 129] that had broken his so often, but the Marquess would by no means agree to it, at last it was concerted among them, that leaving the General in the Camp with the Army, the rest should accompany him safe into the Town to make good their word, and there make him prisoner; and while Salin­guerra entertained them at a sumptu­ous Banquet he was laid hold upon, clap'd in chains, and sent in a Galley to Venice, where he died soon after in the eightieth year of his age. This we must say of Salinguerra, that no man ever took more pains to bring trouble upon himself, nor used greater address to be dis-intangled: Most of his actions shew how little he was ob­liged to Fortune, though much to Nature, being of a gracefull person, affable, bold, eloquent and bounti­full, all which helped to make him popular; but those blessings were o­verballanced by cruelty, dissimulati­on and ambition; that at last he had hard measure cannot be denied; yet his treacherous carriage to others made his fall the less pitied.

Salinguerra's death brought the [Page 130] Marquess a sufficient reward for all the pains and danger undergon in behalf of Ferrara, the whole City in a body, with the Bishop, declaring him their Prince, to whom they were willing to commit their Lives and Fortunes, without tying him to any other Rules of Government than what his Prudence and Goodness should judge most for the Cities ad­vantage. The Venetians for the charge and trouble they had been at in this Expedition, were allowed to settle a Magistrate there, whose Authority in all their Councils was for some time great, but after a few years limited by the Marquess to such things as im­mediately concerned the Republick. The Popes Legate also took upon him to confirm in his Masters Name the Cities choice of the Marquess▪ which at first appeared no more than a matter of Ceremony, but was strangely made use of afterwards to prove the Popes Title to that City. This Azo's Successors found by sad experience, when allowed only to be feudatary Princes, they were at last forced to part with that to the [Page 131] Church, which they owed to the peo­ples Free Choice; and in truth it was a high piece of injustice, by them called subtilty, for the Pope to pre­tend to give away what was not his own, that so he might call it back at his pleasure.

Actiolin had with grief beheld the fall of Salinguerra, and the ruine of his Party in Ferrara, by the advance­ment of the Marquess, which he pre­vented as long as he could, and wait­ed only for an occasion to do mis­chief, which alwayes comes too soon. Gregory the ninth, Azo's best friend be­ing dead, the Emperours Arms threat­ning the Guelphs, and the Marquess being employed at Ferrara, Actiolin upon a sudden falls into his Countries of Esté and Rovigo, made prey of whatever was worth carrying away, burnt the rest with the villages, and killed without respect to sex or age, all the persons he met with, and re­turned to Padoua which had for some time groan'd under his yoke. The Marquess with his Army went thither and sate down before it, knowing how much Actiolin was hated; but [Page 132] this cost many of the Padouan Nobi­lity dear; for being suspected to have encouraged the Marquess in this at­tempt, without further proof, they were by the Tyrants order most bar­barously murdered. To relate all the particulars that past betwixt Actiolin Anno Christi 1246 and the Marquess, were to give an entire History for many years of the Guelphs and Gibellins of Lombar­dy, who acted nothing remarkable but in their presence, or by their di­rection; I advise the Reader then, who desires to be informed of the most remarkable passages of several years, till we come towards Actiolin's death, form within himself Ideas of the greatest confusion, murders and villanies pacticable, and in these look back upon the deplorable state of I­taly in that time.

Conrard after the death of the Emperour Frederick caused some to poison Rinaldus Azo's Son, who had been many years kept prisoner in the Kingdom of Naples; but his Son O­pizo escaped to his Grand-Father with the news of Rinaldus's death. It was no strange thing that Conrard should [Page 133] deal thus with the Son of his greatest Enemy, if it be true which is report­ed, that he helped to dispatch the Emperour his Father; and this may in a great part excuse his Brother Manfred for poisoning him.

Manfred did Arm mightily in Na­ples, and encouraged Actiolin to do the same in Lombardy: his Neighbours to whom he was grown terrible with­out any other Army than his con­stant train, knew what they might ex­pect, if the Gibellins were brought together under such a General; this made the Venetians, the Pope, and the Anno Christi 1256 Marquess of Ferrara enter into a strict Confederacy against Actiolin; and that Forces might be raised with the more expedition, it was declared a Croisado, and plenary indulgences were granted at Bologna, Ferrara and other places through which the Popes Legate past, to such as should engage in so pious a War; and in­deed Actiolin had so laid aside all sen­timents of humanity, that at Padoua where he did most reside few dayes past without instances of signal cruel­ty, to be only banished, though with [Page 134] the loss of Estate, was thought no small favour, for by this means life was secured, which no innocence could do at home; his fury often­times broke out against those who thought themselves most his favou­rites, and who had really deserved best of him: In a word, all within his reach, and he had then a long arm, did tremble under the apprehen­sion of his wrath.

Actiolin upon the news of the Con­federates march, and of their design upon Padoua, not willing to meet them, nor judging it for his reputa­tion to be besieged there, left the place with a good Garrison to his Nephew, and went in person to be­siege Mantoua, as if he had appre­hended no danger behind him; but this act of vanity lost him Padoua, which having made a short and a faint resistance was taken by assault: Most of the Inhabitants, instead of seeking for lurking places, as is usual upon such occasions, run to meet the Marquess and Legate at their entry, falling down at their feet, ready to a­dore them, as sent from God, to de­liver [Page 135] their City from so horrid a Ty­rant; and then walking before in a Solemn Procession to the Great Church, with a good heart they sung Te Deum. From the Church they went to the prisons, freeing fifteen hundred from their chains in one place, six hundred in another, besides many Women of quality, who had not seen the light, nor their friends, nor known how things went in the world for several years. Upon the surrender of the Castle, the whole City run to see that place of which next to hell they were most afraid, it having been of a long time the in­famous Theatre of Actiolins cruelty: Upon search, in the Dungeons above four hundred and sixty persons were found so pined away with hunger, and covered with filth, that none pre­sent could know them, either by their voices or countenances, though after­wards most of them proved to be Pa­douans. The great number and va­riety of Instruments of torment, with the heaps of dead bodies that filled the corners of those loathsom apart­ments, did strike the beholders with [Page 136] amazement. And indeed as other great Men delight in stately Palaces, and fine Gardens, Actiolin's whole study was employed in those hellish Inventions; his prison was a Labe­rinth in which he commanded the person who presented him the Model to be shut first up to see if it were so ingeniously contrived as he pretend­ed; and it is certain, as many thou­sands ended their dayes in it, so nei­ther the unhappy contriver, nor any other ever found the way out, to come and give the world an account of it, till the Marquess and the Legate got thither.

While Padoua was expressing its joy for so unexpected a deliverance, it went ill with the poor Padouans at Verona, Actiolin happened to arrive from the siege of Mantoua at the same time with this unwelcom news; and the poor Messenger who innocently reported it was by his order immedi­ately put to death; but it being in a few hours confirmed by many of his Officers who had made their escape, Actiolin commanded his Army to be lodged within the City, and the Gates [Page 137] to be shut up, and all the Padouans who were there, either under confine­ment, or soldiers in the Army, or Of­ficers of his House to be apprehended and killed; and so punctually was he obeyed by his Guards, and the other Ministers of his Cruelty, that in a weeks time, of eleven thousand only twenty eight remained alive.

Having offered up such a bloody sacrifice to his wrath, as hardly any History can parallel, he marched to­wards Padoua, but finding it was not to be recovered at his return to Ve­rona, those twenty eight, whom in regard of the singular services done him, he had formerly exempted from the common butchery, were all hang­ed in the Market place. Then joyn­ing with Pallavicino and some other Gibellins, he beat the Legates Army, took himself prisoner, and got into Brescia almost upon as easie terms as the Marquess and the Legate had Pa­doua: But his allowing no share in the Conquest to those who assisted him, made Pallavicino go over to the Marquess for whom the honour of ruining Actiolin was reserved; for [Page 138] while he was attempting no less than the Conquest of Milan, the Marquess and Pallavicino gave him battle, and having the advantage, they so pur­sued it, that Actiolin with five horse only endeavouring to recover Berga­mo, was over-taken before he got thither, and so fell into their hands alive.

When the Soldiers heard Actiolin was taken, they crowded to behold the Monster, whom they fancied not to be shaped like other men, it being a constant tradition among the Com­mon People, that a Devil cloathed with a body, supplied his pretended Fathers place when he was begotten; many of them calling to mind, how much he had made them suffer in their persons, in their estates, or in their friends, could scarce by the Ge­nerals Authority be contained from offering him violence: but he being recommended to Pallavicino's care he was convey'd first to his tent, af­terwards to Soncino, where giving lit­tle sign of sorrow for the rivers of innocent blood he had split, and ob­stinately refusing to have his wounds [Page 139] searched, or to eat or drink enough to keep him alive, he thus helped to dispatch himself; nor could his great­est enemies have wished him to fall by a more polluted hand.

The joy for Actiolin's death was soon allay'd by the actions of Alberi­cus his Brother in whom he seemed still to live. His cruelties at Treviso, and other parts of the Mark called for a new Croisado, of which the Marquess was again declared Gene­ral: Albericus had strongly fortified the Castle of S^t Zeno, and provided it with all necessaries, resolving to make it his last refuge, and thither he now retired with his Treasure, his Family, and a few of his most trusty Friends, who helped him to keep it out so long beyond expectation, that the besiegers engaged, that all in the place should be set at liberty, except Albericus and his Family, who were to be given up, which being accord­ingly done, the vengeance of such as he had injured, he was brought with his Wife, his six Sons, and his two Daughters into the middle of the Camp, where, first, the Sons, in his [Page 140] and their Mothers presence had their legs and arms cut off and thrown at their Parents, their bodies were hew­ed in pieces and carried as relicks to the poor disconsolate Widows whom Albericus had deprived of their Hus­bands much after the same manner be­fore he left Treviso. His Wife and his two Daughters, whose innocence and beauty deserved a better fate, were fasten'd to stakes and burnt alive; and Albericus in the last place being tyed to a Horse tayle, was dragged about the Camp, and all that would, had leave with hot pincers to tear out his flesh, and what remained of his Carcass became a prey to the Wolves of the next wood. After this dreadfull manner was the Family of Onara extirpated, which had for several Ages aimed at an Absolute Dominion over that part of Italy: but the insupportable tyranny of the two Actiolin's and Albericus drew the wrath of Heaven and Earth upon them, and has made their memory o­dious to all posterity.

THe loss of Actiolin to the Gibel­lins was repaired in Mastinus Scaliger, who coming to be Created Podestá of Verona, declared himself head of that Party; Most of the Ita­lian Writers make Mastinus of a very mean extraction, raised to great riches under Actiolin, and now to the chief trust in the City, which was so ma­naged by him, that he and his Off-spring continued Absolute Princes there for above a hundred years, till their Ambition and Insolence provo­ked their Neighbours to arm to their ruine. The first thing Mastinus un­dertook was to chase away Count Boniface and the Guelphs; but they going to Ferrara made known the danger their Party was in from such a growing enemy, and Actiolin's crea­ture, and easily engaged the Mar­quess [Page 142] to assist them, but Mastinus up­on their approach, not thinking him­self able yet to deal with him who had so lately ruined Actiolin and his Family agreed to restore the Count, and those he had banished, and kept himself afterwards within the terms of moderation, as long as the Mar­quess lived.

The support the Gibellins had from Manfred made Ʋrban the fourth who was a French-man offer the Crown of Naples to Charles Count of Anjou, a Brother of France, which he accept­ed the more willingly, because he was much encouraged by the assurances that were given him from the Mar­quess and the Guelphs of Lombardy, but while preparations were making on all hands, the Marquess died much lamented by his Party: He had been wonderfully successfull in most of his attempts, though he had to do with the greatest men of that Age, and that often times upon very unequall terms; he cannot be much taxed, ei­ther with cruelty or breach of pro­mise, yet he wanted not his frailties, only the wickedness of his Rival A­ctiolin [Page 143] both helped to cover them, and render his virtues the more conspi­cuous. And upon the whole matter it must be acknowledged he was en­gaged in the worst Party, seeing the Gibellins Cause, how ill soever they managed it, was much the justest, they maintained the Emperours undoubt­ed Rights, which the Guelphs pre­tended the Popes Spiritual Arms had cut off.

Azo leaving his Grand-child Opizo too young to undertake the Govern­ment, the Bishop of Ferrara under a pretence of the danger of the times that required a Prince able to pro­tect them, would have come to a new Choice; but such was the respect the City generally had for the Family of Esté, that the Bishops practices ser­ved only to make them the more watchfull in preserving Opizo's right. In this Mantoua, Padoua, and the Neighbour places encouraged them, offering their assistance if required towards Opizo's establishment; and the Turcii a powerfull Family, who with most vigour withstood the Bi­shop, were appointed Guardians du­ring [Page 144] the young Princes minority.

Clement the fourth, no less an ene­my to Manfred than Ʋrban his Pre­decessor, sent to Charles of Anjou to make hast if he expected the Crown designed him, and finding the most decent, the most effectual, and with­all the cheapest way for the Church to make war was by Croisado's, where a red Cross, and a plenary indulgence which cost nothing, made the good men of those dayes fight more de­sperately than any pay. The War a­gainst Manfred was declared a Holy and a meritorious Expedition, and none in Lombardy promoted it more than Opizo, or rather his Guardians: The issue of all was, Charles and the worst Cause prevailed, Manfred lo­sing Anno Christi 1266 his Crown with his Life under the Walls of Benevent.

The Gibellins only hope was pla­ced in Conrardin, Manfreds Nephew, and the Grand-child of Frederick the second, whose journey into Italy Ma­stinus Scaliger, Prince now of Verona, did as earnestly sollicite as the Mar­quess did formerly that of Charles. Conrardin came and past most of the [Page 145] winter with Scaliger consulting about the method of carrying on the war while Opizo's Guardians, and the Guelphs, nothing frighted by the ene­mies nearness, raised what Troops they could for Charles: Early in the spring both Parties appeared in the field, but the fate that pursued Bar­barossa's Family soon overtook Con­rardin. The Germans and Gibellins were beat, the poor Prince made prisoner, and in the eighteenth year of his age sentenced by Charles, not without the Popes privacy and dire­ction, to die as a common traytor by the hand of an Executioner for en­deavouring to recover what of right did belong to him.

The Guardians resigning the Go­vernment to Opizo now of age, he by his strict Union with Charles co­vered himself from all the storms Ma­stinus Scaliger, and the Gibellins rai­sed. It is true, the extinction of Bar­barossa's Family in Conrardin had brought them so low, that for some time they durst scarce own the name or the quarrel, however they want­ed not wayes to continue the divi­sion, [Page 146] and Mastinus kept them in hopes of great things under a new Emperour; but when application was made to Rodolphus Count of Hapsburgh, the first of the House of Austria that had the Imperial Crown, no arguments could work upon him to come into Italy, or to intrigue himself at all in the concerns of that Nation so fatal to his Predecessors, whom, he said, he could trace going thither, but could meet with no foot-steps of their return: from him as Si­gonius, and the best Writers observe, Italy may date its liberty, seeing any City could purchase of Rodolphus what Government it pleased; though if we look narrowly into this thing, it proved rather a changing Masters than any true liberty, and in many places a losing the protection of an Emperour to be under the lash of some petty Tyrant, it made way for the greatness of the Church, esta­blished the French, and in general, it fared worse with Italy afterwards, though in some places they fell into gentle hands, as happily Modena and Regio did when joyned with Ferrara under the same Prince.

[Page 147] The Church was soon sensible how little it had got by exchanging Ger­mans for French, who seeing them­selves once fixt in Italy, could not be satisfied, unless they had the spiritual power likewise; and according to the vanity natural to most people in pro­sperity, but in a peculiar manner to the French, they talked of nothing but a French Pope, a French Consi­story, and to have all new modelled in their way. This made Nicolaus the third a proud Italian of the House of Ʋrsini who hated and contemned all Tramontani, and particularly the French, vigorously bestir himself a­gainst Charles, and the first that found the ill effects of his displeasure was Opizo, against whom he armed Al­bertus Scaliger, and the Gibellins, that Anno Christi 1276 by this means he might weaken the Kings Party in Lombardy, which Opizo kept up. We have not the particu­lars of the War betwixt Scaliger and the Marquess, only it is to be suppo­sed it went not ill with Opizo, be­cause the Articles of the Peace after­wards concluded are most favourable to him.

[Page 148] After the Peace was made up be­twixt Opizo and Scaliger, the Popes Arts, and the insolence of the French drew suddain ruine upon them in Si­cily; for Peter King of Arragon mar­ried to Manfreds Daughter, coming thither with his Navy, the Sicilians, as it was before agreed on, at the hour of Vespers fell upon the French in all parts of the Kingdom, and with­out compassion or respect, massacred Men, Women and Children, and pre­sently Peter with his Spaniards land­ing, took possession of the King­dom.

The Popes hatred against Charles, and Peter's success did not a little help to set up the Gibellins again, who began in several places to return up­on the Guelphs the ill usage they had lately met with: But Opizo bore no Anno Christi 1286 share in those disturbances, having made a Peace to his mind, and mar­ried the Prince of Verona's Daughter, and now he was so far from taking pleasure in heading a Faction, that for the future he resolv'd to put on the person of an Umpire, and to use his Authority in composing diffe­rences [Page 149] among his Neighbours. For his honour he was the first man that thought of employing himself this way, because the animosities they had been bred up to from their Infancy, had so heated and sour'd their tem­pers, that their whole study was how to ruine one another, looking upon this as the only method to secure themselves. Yet Opizo shewed the world, that as he could put off those Principles his Grand-father had infu­sed in him, so by his means others could be brought to righter appre­hensions of things, and differences be made up betwixt Families which were judged absolutely irreconcileable.

An instance of this he gave at Mi­lan, where he brought several Fami­lies which had long lived in open de­fiance to an entire friendship; and scarce was he got back to Ferrara, when Ambassadors from Modena and Regio, came to declare him their Prince: The Emperour likewise ap­proving of this choice, confirmed to Opizo, and his Successors, the perpe­tual Principality of those Cities, which continue to this day in their Allegi­ance [Page 150] to the House of Esté, and have in these latter Times given signal marks of their fidelity to their Princes, beyond most people of Lombardy.

So great were the distractions of Modena, and Regio, when they chose Opizo for their Prince, that it was thought strange they could ever be brought to agree in any thing; yet the Opinion both parties had of his worth and justice, made them not only unanimous in chusing him, but likewise in submitting all their diffe­rences to his determination, and his Prudence and Authority soon put an end to them: This was the last re­markable passage of Opizo's life, for at his return to Ferrara he died. He was a prudent and a fortunate Prince, had in his youth shewed both resolu­tion and conduct in several enter­prizes; but the latter part of his life was still the most glorious, and he got also more in a few years by pro­moting the peace of Italy, than his Grand-father had done all his time by fomenting their unnatural divi­sions.

He left three Sons, the eldest was [Page 151] Azo the ninth, whom the French in Naples highly caressed, knowing his friendship to be necessary for the sup­port of their interest in Lombardy: But the Padouans were like to have given him much trouble by setting up his younger Brother Aldobrandin, had not the Patriarch of Aquileia ad­justed the matter before it broke out into an open war. The City of Par­ma had more respect for Azo, and resolved to follow the example of Modena and Regio; but Bologna did so deal with the Gibellins, that they could not be brought to consent to it. This ill office the Marquess did much resent, and thereupon began a war with Bologna, which lasted a Anno Christi 1297 long time, and was prosecuted by him with such heat, that Bologna sen­sible of the danger, sent to the Pope and the Florentins, to intercede with the Marquess for a peace. The Fa­milies of Visconti and Torriani had long divided Milan, either of them affecting the Soveraignty by the ruine of the other; at last by the favour of the Emperour Henry the seventh, who began again to meddle with the [Page 152] affairs of Italy, neglected by his pre­decessors for almost sixty years, Vis­conti not only prevailed but grew on a sudden so powerfull, that he was like to swallow up all near him; the Cities of Pavia, Vergelli, Novara, Cre­mona, Crema and Bergamo, apprehend­ing themselves most in danger, did with the Marquess of Ferrara, Mont­ferrat, and Saluzzo, enter into a con­federacy to pull Visconti down; and Azo being declared their General, did so successfully manage the war, that Visconti was soon humbled, and might have been brought low enough, had the League continued. After the conclusion of the Peace, Beatrix, Azo's Sister was contracted to Gal­liazo, Visconti's Son, and the marriage solemnized at Milan with such mag­nificence as Italy had not seen of late years.

Visconti being a little depressed, Azo was absolutely the greatest Prince of Lombardy; for besides Ferrara, Modena, Regio, Rovigo, Commachio, with several other places of less note, all his own, Bergamo, Cremona, Cre­ma, and Pavia lived under his pro­tection, [Page 153] and were ready at a call: This made Charles the second, King of Naples, willingly hearken to a match betwixt the Marquess and his youngest Daughter, having married her three elder Sisters to two Kings, and the first Prince of the blood in France: Such an Alliance we must allow was highly for the honour of the House of Esté, but proved un­happy in its consequences; for the Neighbours grew jealous of Azo, as they had formerly been of Visconti, and it was given out that the King of Naples and he designed to Con­quer, and then to divide Italy be­twixt them; that Azo was to have all upon this side, and the King all beyond the Appenin. Scaliger there­fore of Verona, with those of Man­toua, Parma and Bologna, by the Popes means declare war against the Marquess, and Regio narrowly esca­ped being taken by those of Parma, as Modena, likewise by those of Bo­logna, and both places after some time fell into their hands by the trea­chery of a few disaffected Inhabitants, who by night opened the Gates for the Enemy to enter at.

[Page 154] The loss of two Cities gave not so much discouragement to Azo, as the revolt of his Brother, with others of Anno Christi 1308 his Subjects, which made him doubt­full whom to trust; but the season­able arrival of his Father in Laws troops from Naples, and of some from the Swisses, together with seven hun­dred Catalonian Horse did remove his fears, and put his affairs in so good a posture, that it is believed, it would have gone hard with his Enemies, if he had lived to finish that Campagne.

No wonder if Francis who durst rebel against his Brother, did dispute the Title with his Son Friscus after his death; but it seems there was a Will either found or feigned, in which Azo had declared him his Successor; by this and the Legate of Bologna's help, he raised a tumult against Fris­cus, got possession of the City of Fer­rara, and was by the Magistrates and People saluted Marquess. The Castle whither Friscus retired had a Vene­tian Garrison, and made a stout re­sistance, till Friscus seeing things de­sperate, stole away by night to Venice where he died, and left the Garrison [Page 155] to the mercy of the Legate, who cau­sed the eyes of all the Venetians to be pulled out: Francis likewise had lit­tle reason to brag of his Conquest, for the Legate assuming the whole Authority, sent him to reside at Ro­vigo, where by his order he was soon after murdered.

The Pope, first by countenancing, and then by murdering this ambiti­ous Prince got Ferrara to himself; but such wicked practices did so alie­nate the hearts of the People, that to preserve it from the Emperour he was advised to consign it into Robert King of Naples hands: Robert, though Brother to Beatrix Azo's Wife, kept it more by the strength of the Gar­rison than the affections of the Inha­bitants who retained an inward re­verence and passion for the injured Princes of Esté, and waited but for an occasion to express it. One day it happened that the Governour in his anger gave a blow to a Gentle­man of Ferrara, of which he died; whereupon in an instant all were in Arms, and he with the Garrison, with much ado got to the Castle, which [Page 156] was ill provided to hold out long: The news came immediately to Ro­vigo, where Azo the Son of Francis and his Cousin German Rinaldus, Al­dobrandin's Son then lived, who while they were resolving with their friends what course to take, a solemn invita­tion from the City of Ferrara, remo­ved the fears of their not being wel­come, and determined them in their resolutions, so that they began their journey thither next morning: Up­on advice of their approach, all, be­sides those who were actually employ­ed in the siege of the Castle went out to meet them, accompanying them first to the Church, then to the Pa­lace, without the least disturbance; the Garrison in a day or two came to capitulate, and were dismist with their Governour; and the City in a gratefull remembrance of so unexpe­cted a delivery, kept every fifth of August a day of Thanksgiving, so long as there was a Marquess or Duke of Anno Christi 1317 Ferrara.

The joy for the Princes Restaura­tion was doubly allay'd; first, by the death of Azo, to whom Rinaldus Al­dobrandin's [Page 157] Son succeeded, then by the Popes procedure which could not have been more violent if Rinaldus had been accessary to his Uncles death, whom the Legate murdered, or had been guilty of Usurpation in accepting his own, he was presently excommunicated, and his Subjects commanded in thirty dayes, under the like pain, to cast off Rinaldus and his Ministers, and receive the Popes: But neither in Prince nor People did the Pope meet with that compli­ance he expected, for Rinaldus could not be so easily frighted from what he was sure he had so good a right to, and the Citizens instead of reje­cting him, did by an humble Address entreat him, that he would not aban­don nor give them up who had been so faithfull to his Ancestors, and so ready to shake off the Churches yoke to return to their Allegiance, assuring him, that no threats nor allurements should ever debauch them from their Duty to their Natural Prince. Im­mediately Ambassadors were dis­patched to their Neighbours, with an account of the Popes dealings, [Page 158] and the resolutions of Rinaldus, and Galleazo of Milan, Canis Scaliger of Verona, with the great Castrucius of Luca, and the banished Florentins enter into a League for the defence of the Marquess of Ferrara, in case the Pope should proceed any further in his unjust pretences. But after many attempts for several years to little purpose the Pope took off the sentence which he had so rashly and unjustly pronounced against Rinal­dus, and confirmed whatever was done at Ferrara during the inter­dict. Anno Christi 1327

A short time discovered the Popes Peace with the Marquess of Ferrara, and his Brothers was intended only to disarm them, that so he might the better fall upon the City: In order to it the Legate of Bologna made great preparations, and notice being given to the adjacent places of Ro­magna, to be in readiness, the whole business was carried on so closely, that the Legate invested Ferrara with an Army of thirty thousand men before the Marquess suspected his design: Every Gentleman of Ferrara shewed [Page 159] as much concern as the Marquess could to disappoint the Pope, who had so treacherously surprized them: and the place, though ill provided, held out by this means beyond ex­pectation, till the thing being blaz'd abroad, Visconti from Milan, Gonza­ga from Mantoua, Scaliger from Ve­rona, without exception of Guelphs or Gibellins in this common danger sent Forces to relieve it. The Mar­quess having private information of their approach, went out by night, leaving the place to his Brother O­pizo, with Order to make a Salley at such a time as he with the Confede­rates should advance towards the E­nemies Camp; which being accord­ingly performed, the Popes Army was unexpectedly beset upon all hands, and received such a total over­throw, that very few escaped being killed or taken prisoners.

The Marquess upon his return, ac­cording to the custom of that age, after any signal military performance, was solemnly Knighted with his Bro­thers by Taurisanus, the most repu­ted Captain of the City: This sort [Page 160] of Knighthood they judged so honou­rable, that the greatest Princes were willing to receive it from the hands of their own Subjects; an instance of this we meet with in Francis the first, who thought it worth the while to send for the compleat Chevalier de Bayon, one of his Generals in Italy to be Knighted by him, as if he looked upon this to make him somewhat more a Gentleman than the Crown of France did.

Not long after died Rinaldus, and Modena which he had besieged many months, fell into his Brother Opizo's hands: To grace his first entry up­on the Government, this City hav­ing deprived it self for above thirty years of the protection of the House of Esté, tost from one Master to an­other, could never find rest till it took sanctuary there again.

NOthing is more entertaining than the History of the ebbings and flowings of the Ruling Families of Lombardy in those dayes; when any one of them grew too Great the rest combined to level it. Thus it had lately fared with the Families of Esté and Visconti, as I observed; and now Scaliger was to have his turn, being the only object of their jea­lousie: for besides Verona he had ten more Cities under him, kept five thousand Germans constantly in pay, affected the Title of King of Lom­bardy, and was grown intolerably insolent. The first that began with him were the two Republicks of Ve­nice [Page 162] and Florence; afterwards Viscon­ti, the Marquess of Ferrara, and Gon­zaga agreed to enter into the League, both that they might be sharers in the Conquest, and thereby keep the Republicks from enriching themselves too much, and likewise when they thought fit might stop the current before Scaliger were utterly ruined. In a short time Scaliger lost seven of his Cities, which were divided a­mong the Conquerours. But the Flo­rentins, for all their subtilty, and con­tempt of the Lombards were outwit­ted by the Venetians and Visconti, and had scarce enough allowed them to defray the charges of the War: the Hostages for performance of the Ar­ticles of the Peace were consigned by all Parties into the hands of the Mar­quess, who towards the latter end behaved himself more like a Media­tor than an Enemy to Scaliger.

Azo of Correggio not being able to keep Parma sold it to Opizo, and the City it self, willingly came under a Prince of Esté, having found it self so happy when Governed by that Fa­mily four hundred years before; the [Page 163] people at Opizo's arrival to express Anno Christi 1347 their affection to their new Master, strengthened his Title, by chusing him anew: but after some time the Marquess perceiving how Visconti and Gonzaga both lay in wait for it, how uneasie a thing it would be for him to keep it, there being no Commu­nication betwixt this and his other Cities, and how at best he must re­solve to entail a War upon his Po­sterity with these Princes, was per­swaded to part with it upon the same terms that he bought it.

Opizo past the rest of his time in great tranquillity, and having out­lived all his Brothers, left at his death seven Sons very young; this encou­raged his Nephew Francis that was supported by Visconti, whose Niece he had married, to make an attempt upon Ferrara; but Aldobrandin the second, though he was not then a­bove seventeen years of age, and had none of his Family fit to advise him, yet behaved himself so well, and found the Nobility so faithfull, that Francis seeing no likelihood of com­passing what he designed retired to [Page 164] Milan, and never afterwards offered to give him the least disturbance.

The Wars betwixt the Republicks of Venice and Genoua engaged most of the Princes of Lombardy in their quarrel, Visconti declared for Genoua, and contributed largely towards the charge; Aldobrandin, Scaliger and Car­rara of Padoua were for the Vene­tians. Visconti not knowing well how to come at the Venetians, resol­ved to set upon their Confederates, and by the help of Bologna laid siege to Modena, which was looked upon as the easiest enterprize; but young Aldobrandin with thirty thousand Anno Christi 1356 men entering into Visconti's Terri­tories call'd him home to defend his own Countrey before he could take the City. His grief for being thus treated by so young a Captain ha­stened his death; and soon after him died Aldobrandin, the most hopefull Prince of Italy, being but in the flower of his age.

When Nicolaus Aldobrandin's youn­ger Brother found Barnabas Visconti like to be as troublesome as his Fa­ther, he offered to the Legate of Bo­logna, [Page 165] to Gonzaga & to Scaliger, whose Daughter he married to concur in keeping a standing Army as the best expedient to bridle his ambition, by which Barnabas was so highly pro­voked, that the first thing he under­took was to invade the Marquesses Countrey: Nicolaus having secret advice of his design, made himself ready, and gave Barnabas such a brisk reception, that many of his men being killed, and several of the No­bility of Milan taken prisoners, he with the rest made a shamefull re­treat. Barnabas then seemed willing to hearken to a Peace, offering to refer all their differences to the Em­perour Charles the fourth, nor could he have wished for a more favour­able Umpire than him whose Grand-father had first set up the Visconti at Milan, who had himself made his Father Visconti Vicar of Italy, and who had lately expressed great kind­ness for himself; yet upon second thoughts, Barnabas concluded it not so well for him to make Peace with Nicolaus, till his lost honour were in some measure repaired, which made [Page 166] him prepare another Army against the Marquess; but the Emperour ta­king it ill to have the business first referred to him, and then to have Barnabas think of revenging himself, deprived him of the Title of Vicar, and of all other Imperial Priviledges, forbidding any of the Vassals of the Anno Christi 1365 Empire to assist or countenance him. Barnabas to wave this storm accept­ed of what terms were proposed him.

This Peace it was hoped might have lasted a long time, but Barna­bas still in his heart hated Nicolaus as the occasion of the Emperours being displeased with him; and Nicolaus could never be well reconciled to Barnabas, while he kept Regio, which of right belonged to him: so that no wonder if both parties watched only for an opportunity of falling out. After many and great disputes too tedious to be set down, Nicolaus recovered Regio that had long been Anno Christi 1374 out of the Family, and then was he contented to stand upon his own de­fence: The most he did was to bal­lance all Parties when either of them [Page 167] grew too strong; but he chiefly em­ployed himself in deciding their dif­ferences, by which he got a great Name, and never wanted business, the Venetians and Carrara of Padoua, the Cities of Bologna and Florence, with several others freely submitted them­selves to his arbitration.

When Nicolaus had spent many years in this desirable station, Gal­leazo Visconti fell upon the Scaligers, chased away the Father, killed the Son, and took Verona. It troubled Nicolaus to see the Family out of which he had married a Wife, ruined in an instant, and to see Visconti, for whom of all other he had the least kindness, so great a gainer by it; he solicited hotly the Princes and Free Cities of Lombardy to take Arms a­gainst Galleazo, and brought them al­most to a resolution; but his sudden Anno Christi 1387 death, and the fate of the House of Scaliger made all endeavours to save it ineffectual.

Nicolaus left but one Son, who en­tering into a Religious Order, resign­ed all to his Cousin Albertus; Galleazo was now too great for Albertus to [Page 168] oppose, w^ch made him side with Gal­leazo, that so if he got nothing by the ruine of Scaliger, he might at least save himself, that was most likely to suffer next. This League they term­ed everlasting, though as the motives upon which it was made, seemed to promise no such thing; so neither did it prove such in the issue: for as soon as Galleazo was engaged in a War with Florence, his new Subjects of Verona and Padoua revolted, and threatened to fall upon the Marquess, unless he would joyn with them. Al­bertus being afterwards at leisure founded the University of Ferrara, whither his bounty drew some of the chief Professors in all Arts and Sciences, amongst others Salicetus that most famed Civilian; but when he thought to have dedicated the rest of his time, and no small part of his Revenue to the Muses, his sudden death deprived the Learned of the best Patron of that age.

By his Will he recommended his Son Nicolaus, being yet a Child, to the tuition and care of the chief Fa­milies of Ferrara, ordering, that by [Page 169] turns they should have the admini­stration of Affairs till he came of age, that so all having some share in the Government, they might the more heartily espouse their young Princes interest. Most thought it a thing not practicable for so many persons, sometimes to sit at the Helm, and then to return to their private stati­ons, and to own the Superiority of those whom they had lately com­manded: But for several years this course did wonderfully succeed, none while in Authority, shewing any o­ther ambition than that of dischar­ging their trust faithfully; and in compliance to the Orders left by Al­bertus, giving up their Commissions at the time limited, with the same chearfulness that at first they recei­ved them. During the Princes mi­nority, Azo the Son of Francis, and a Grand-child of the Family of Vis­conti, did by open force, as well as by poison, and other wicked pra­ctices, attempt the death of Nicolaus, till happily he was taken and kept prisoner, notwithstanding the endea­vours used by those of Milan for his [Page 170] enlargement. The obligation of be­ing Anno Christi 1396 alwayes in Arms upon Azo's ac­count, put the Government to so great charge, that a considerable summ was borrowed of the Venetians, and Rovigo given them in pledge for it. By this Republicks means a match was concluded betwixt Nicolaus and the Daughter of Francis Carrara, who now next to Visconti was the most powerfull Prince of those parts, he being then absolute Master of Ve­rona, Vicenza, Bellimo, Feltry and Pa­doua, most of which came to his Fa­mily, first by the depression, and af­terwards by the ruine of the Scali­gers.

The Plague about this time break­ing out in Ferrara, many of the No­bility retired to their Countrey­houses; Carrara who had no liking to the Government setled there by Albertus coming thither with a Train, that might rather have past for an Army; he turned out the Nobility, and put the Prince and the City in­to the hands of his Subjects and Fa­vourites. Nicolaus fell ill soon after, and if he had died, no doubt Carra­ra [Page 171] had kept that City; but upon his recovery, being jealous of his Father in Law's ill intentions, he dismist the Padouans, and made use of those who had formerly served him.

The designs of John Galleazo, late­ly Created Duke of Milan by Wen­sislaus the Emperour, tended plainly to the subversion of Lombardy; Bo­logna by the slaughter of the Bentivo­glio's was fallen to him; he had like­wise Perugia and several other places upon that hand; and if he had lived a few months longer, Florence could not have saved it self. His death en­couraged the Pope and others to en­ter into a War with his Son, a Le­gate being sent to Ferrara to declare Nicolaus General of the Church; but the Dutchess Dowager of Milan a­fraid of what might follow upon such a Combination, made earnest sute for Peace, which she bought with the loss of Bologna, Perugia and Asizi.

The friendship betwixt the Vene­tians and Carrara ending in a bloody War, both Parties courted Nicolaus, who at first was perswaded to declare for his Father in Law; but foresee­ing [Page 172] his ill management of Affairs, and his obstinacy in refusing to yield up a little to secure the rest, must at length ruine him, he made Peace with the Venetians, and Carrara ha­ving lost Verona, Vicenza, Feltry and Bellimo, and being besieged at Pa­doua, was betrayed and delivered in­to the hands of his Enemies, who carrying him prisoner to Venice, with his two Sons, put him there to death: His Off-spring are yet at Padoua, and of late have been glad to be admit­ted among the Gentlemen of that Republick, which put their Ance­stors out of the Rank of Princes, in Anno Christi 1406 which they had lived almost ninety years. It was the fall of Carrara which made the Venetians first consi­derable upon the Terra firma.

Regio was now in the hands of Ot­tobon of Parma, who resolved never to be at Peace with the House of Esté, till he had likewise Modena; but Nicolaus joyning with the Duke of Milan, and other Princes, procu­red Ottobon to be declared a distur­ber of the Peace of Lombardy, and his Countrey to be exposed to all [Page 173] that bore him any malice. For an Insurrection at Parma, Ottobon hang­ed sixty five of the Chief Citizens; and dangers threatning him both at home and from abroad, he seemed willing to give satisfaction to Nico­laus whom he had most injured, and appointed a Conference with him, hoping by this means to have an op­portunity to kill Nicolaus: Advice being brought to Nicolaus of Otto­bon's design, he came to the place well guarded, and leaving his men at some distance, as Ottobon also did his, both with a few trusty friends came together to discourse the business: Franciscus Forza afterwards Duke of Milan, being there with Nicolaus, and observing some of Ottobons fol­lowers cast themselves into a certain figure, which they were to do before they fell on, prevented them, by lay­ing hold upon Ottobon, and second­ed by others, killed him out-right; all his party deserting him besides his Brother and one other Officer. Since Actiolins time there had not been a more cruel Tyrant than Ottobon, yet they advised Nicolaus to satisfie the [Page 174] world by a publick Declaration, that what he did was in his own defence; nothing but this being able to vin­dicate the killing any man after such a manner.

While the Marquess lay before Re­gio, an Ambassadour from Venice ar­rived in the Camp to give him no­tice that the rest of Ottobons Family being fled thither, as to the sanctuary of the oppressed, they sent to offer their mediation, expecting he would proceed no further. Nicolaus thought it a little hard to be required, not to meddle with what belonged to his Family; yet not being willing to come to a rupture suddenly with Ve­nice, he endeavoured to gain time in returning a smooth and ambiguous answer, and in a few dayes had both Regio and Parma delivered him. When the Venetians understood this, they wisely declined medling any fur­ther in so desperate a business, with­drawing their protection from Otto­bon's friends, and owning the Mar­quess for their Confederate; this Ni­colaus took so kindly, that he never ceased, till by his mediation the Peace [Page 175] was made up betwixt the Emperour Sigismund and the Republick, and the Articles signed at Ferrara. Anno Christi 1416

The Emperour was troubled to see the Church rent by so many Popes at one time, and thereupon assembled the Council of Constance, where Be­nedict the thirteenth, Gregory the twelfth, and John the twenty fourth were deposed; and Martin the fifth chosen, and the new Pope in his re­turn from Germany to Rome passing by Ferrara, was with all his train sumptuously treated by the Marquess, whom in the name of the Princes of Italy he thanked for the Peace con­cluded by his means, betwixt the Em­perour and the Venetians, and for his constant forwardness in promoting the publick good: Parma growing troublesome to him, he sold it to the Duke of Milan, who at the same time renounced all his pretensions to Re­gio. It was thought that Lombardy was then sufficiently purged from all seeds of discord; when Philip Duke of Milan's seizing upon Genoua, and threatning Florence, gave a fresh al­arm, the Venetians offered the Flo­rentins [Page 176] their assistance; but Nicolaus though jealous of the Dukes great­ness could not be engaged till they declared him General, and by their Ambassador sent him S^t Mark's Ban­ner, with an unlimited Commission: after several battles, the Duke hav­ing already lost Brescia, and being in a fair way to lose more, Nicolaus at the Popes request proposed a Peace, Anno Christi 1427 which all parties by their Ambassa­dors agreed to at Ferrara. The Duke of Milan not being able to bear the loss of Brescia, without ever dismis­sing his Army, fell more hotly upon the Venetians than before, yet with no better success, for after much trea­sure spent to no purpose; instead of having the first Peace confirmed with the loss only of Brescia, by this he was obliged to give up also Berga­mo.

Who could have imagined, that after having thus smarted, the Duke should have come to another breach; but the natural inconstancy of that Prince, the ill grounded opinion he had of his own sufficiency, and the flatteries of those about him, who [Page 177] when ever he miscarried, pretended he was betrayed, never suffered him to live at ease; the Venetians on the other hand, understanding perfectly with whom they had to deal, seem'd to be afraid of his Power, that so they might hasten a rupture, being sure alwayes to gain somewhat by falling out with the Duke of Milan: How hard a task then had the Mar­quess Anno Christi 1436 to keep the ballance even, be­twixt two so unequal parties, which yet he did all his time? This made his Friendship to be valued both by the Pope and the Emperour Sigis­mond, who honoured him with a Vi­sit in his return from Rome, was treated at a rate suitable to his great­ness, and at his departure, he con­firmed by a new Grant to the Mar­quess and his Posterity, his Title to Modena, Regio, and the other places, which he held of the Empire.

From the design then a foot to Unite the Greek and Latin Churches, I must beg leave of my Reader to give a short account in the first place of their differences, which were both about some speculative points; as [Page 178] that of the Procession of the Holy Ghost, and also about Rituals, as the Consecrating leavened or unlea­vened Bread; but that which chiefly made the breach so wide, was the Contest about Supremacy. The Popes pretensions to Universal Juris­diction over all Christian Churches, are too well known to be much en­larged on. Upon the other hand, the Greeks only allowed them to be Patriarchs of the West, and said that the rise of their Dignity was not from the pretended Succession to S^t Peter, but from Romes being then the Metropolis of the Roman Empire, which clearly appeared by what fol­lowed upon the translation of the Imperial Seat to Byzantium; the Bi­shop of that See, being declared in two of the first four General Coun­cils Equal in all things to the Bishops of Rome, excepting only Preceden­cy; because Constantinople was New Rome, expressing by this what Opi­nion they had of the Rights old Rome then enjoyed, seeing they did not ascribe them to a Divine Original, but to the Dignity of the City. Up­on [Page 179] this great disputes arose betwixt the Bishops of those Sees, while the one would not acknowledge a Supe­riour, nor the other an Equal; the Popes endeavoured to engage in their behalf the Patriarchs of Alexandria and of Antioch, as ancienter than those of Constantinople, to whom they were not to yield the precedency. From the dayes of the most learned Pho­tius these unhappy differences setled in a formed Schism, and gave no small advantage to the Saracens and Turks over the Eastern Christians, in whose ruine the Popes seemed but little concerned.

An Union betwixt the Churches had been long desired, and Eugenius the fourth, Martin's Successor find­ing in this a plausible pretence to ruine the Council of Basil then as­sembled, called another at Ferrara, where he knew he had a friend in Nicolaus, and invited the Greeks with large promises thither. Nor could the Pope have wished for a more fa­vourable conjuncture, seeing the dan­ger of the two Eastern Empires of Constantinople and Trapezond, that [Page 180] were ready to be swallowed up by the Turk, made them, in hopes of as­sistance from Italy, willing to come to any accommodation. The Emperour of Constantinople, John Palaeologus, to promote the business, resolved to be there in person; and Nicolaus upon his arrival at Venice, went thither to welcom him, had him lodged in the Pallace of Esté, and then returned to Ferrara to make ready for his reception. The Emperour being accompanied by his Brother Deme­trius, Despot of the Morea, the Am­bassador of Trapezond, and the most considerable Bishops of Greece, in all seven hundred, were met by Nico­laus, and a Noble Equipage at some distance from Ferrara: The Empe­rour was conducted directly to the Pope, who to shew him, as they pre­tended, an extraordinary mark of re­spect, would not suffer him to kneel, but embraced him in his arms with great expressions of kindness; after­wards Nicolaus brought the Empe­rour to an apartment richly furnish­ed for him in the Palace, called Pa­radise, where he received the Com­plements [Page 181] of the Cardinals, and other Chief Prelates.

The Patriarch of Constantinople who stayed at Venice till he had an account of the Emperours reception, came to Ferrara a few dayes after, but refused a publick Audience of the Pope, because he would not observe the Formalities required, and all dis­putes about Precedency being waved as much as possible, they held the first Session with great solemnity. Here was an occasion for Nicolaus to shew his hospitality, and the splendour of his Court; and to do him justice, though but a private Prince, he came much nearer the Magnificence of the Great Constantine in his entertain­ments, than the Fathers of this Coun­cil did those of Nice in the purity of their Doctrine, or in the sanctity of their lives: There was never a Spi­ridion, nor a Paphnutius in this As­sembly, and scarce an Athanasius, un­less in Marcus Bishop of Ephesus, who boldly defended his Church a­gainst the Errours of Rome; but on the other hand, there were more than one Eusebius of Nicomedia, and [Page 182] in Bessarion no ill Image of Eusebius of Caesarea in his behaviour, but the true reverse in his change, which un­happily was for the worse: after fif­teen Sessions the pretended fears of a Plague, and really that of the War betwixt the Venetians and the Duke of Milan, who favoured the Coun­cil of Basil, made the Pope translate his to Florence, where he carried things as he pleased. But the servile compliance of the Greeks meerly up­on a prospect of interest did after­wards appear, when being disap­pointed of their expectations at their return home most of them anathema­tized what they had subscribed in Italy. Bessarion and Isidorus only of all the Greeks charmed with the dig­nity of Cardinals, and foreseeing the approaching ruine of their Countrey, continued in the Communion of the Church of Rome.

The Venetians in the beginning of this War with the Duke of Milan, gave the Marquess back Rovigo with­out requiring the summ borrowed upon it; but besides this, there were other motives to perswade the Mar­quess [Page 183] to befriend them, for the Duke by the valour and conduct of his Ge­neral Francis Forza, was like to re­pair all his former losses, and to wrest the terra firma out of the Venetians hands. Nicolaus knowing well the Dukes temper found wayes to sow the seeds of jealousie betwixt him and his General, which in a short time brought Forza over to the Veneti­ans, Anno Christi 1446 and with him the Dukes For­tune. The siege of Brescia was pre­sently relieved, Verona recovered, and the Dukes New General Picininus beaten. The Duke was sensible of his folly in disobliging Forza, and agreed to give him his Daughter in marriage, recommending the manage­ment of the business to Nicolaus, who made up the match betwixt Forza and the Lady, and the Peace betwixt the Duke her Father and the Repub­lick: This was the last remarkable action of Nicolaus's life, for going to visit the Duke of Milan he died there, and in him did Italy lose the wisest Prince it had bred of many ages; he came short both of the Ve­netians and the Duke of Milan in [Page 184] power, but by turning the scale al­wayes towards the party for which he declared, he raised himself as it were above both, his riches he em­ployed in living splendidly, and had entertained two Emperours, and three Popes, besides many other Princes at his Court; his two Sons by the Mar­quess of Saluzza's Daughter, Her­cules and Sigismond, being yet but Children, he left the Government to Leonel, to whose Mother it was be­lieved he never was married.

Leonels first Wife of the House of Gonzaga being dead, and he raised to a higher station, Alphonsus King of Naples accepted of him for his Son in Law; and Leonel sent his Brother Borsius with the Venetian Gallies, to conduct the Princess to Venice, where the Doge and Senate took occasion to express their respect to King Al­phonsus, and the Marquess in the great state with which they received her. When she entered into the ter­ritories of Ferrara, the whole Gen­try a horseback, with the Ladies in rich Coaches, made such an appear­ance, that the Prince of Callabria her [Page 185] Brother, who came to see her safe with her Husband seemed equally pleased and surprized with the splen­dour of the Court of Ferrara: The Prince in his return home was ac­companied by Hercules and Sigismond, recommended by Leonel to the King of Naples, at whose Court, he said, his Father upon his death-bed desired they should be bred; but many thought it an honourable and secure sort of banishment, while they were kept at a Kings Court indeed, yet still under the eye of Leonel's Father in Law.

The Pope, the King of Naples, the Duke of Milan, the Venetians and Florentins being all in War, Leonel in imitation of his Father, observed a perfect Neutrality; and as soon as the Parties were disposed for Peace, offered his Mediation which they ac­cepted, and sent their Plenipoten­tiaries to Ferrara: This, with the many Treaties held there in the time of the former Marquess made Pla­tina and Sabellicus term Ferrara the House of Peace, or as we find it in some Letters, the Venerable Temple of [Page 186] the Quiet and Liberty of Italy. While Leonel and the Plenipotentiaries were at work, the death of Philip Duke of Milan, in whom the Race of the Visconti failed, put a stop to their proceedings; the Duke leaving things in that confusion, as if he had designed to entail upon Lombardy the divisions which he had all his life fomented.

The City of Milan weary of so Absolute a Government enclined to form it self into a Republick, seve­ral other places were given up to the Neighbour Princes, Leonel out of his kindness to Forza had given him no­tice of the Dukes death when it was kept secret; and now Pavia and o­ther places which sent to him, desi­ring to be received into his prote­ction, he turned over to Forza, en­deavouring to get for his friend what he had not courage to take for him­self. It is certain if Nicolaus had been alive he had ordered things more for the advantage of the House of Esté; but Leonel was not so well known, and every one could see that his love for Peace, or rather for ease, did ill fit him for a New Conquest.

[Page 187] The Venetians were of a much dif­ferent temper, who having so fair an invitation to enlarge their Domini­ons upon the terra firma, pretended that the Duke dying their declared Enemy, they might seize upon what they could. Forza by his Wife could set up no Title to the Dutchy, she being a Bastard, yet desirous to put in for a share, offered to be General of Milan against all who had any design upon it, and under this plau­sible pretence question'd not to ad­vance himself, which he did. The Dutchess Dowager knowing Forza's ambition, endeavoured to cross him all she could, and threatned to call in Savoy and France to oppose him; but the Venetians jealous of France countenanced Forza, though after­wards they were sorry to see him be­come so soon Duke of Milan, and their gains so small by so considerable a change: they solicited therefore Leonel to engage the King of Naples in a War with the New Duke, which he was not forward to meddle in, having helped to raise Forza to that greatness; and while these designs [Page 188] were a foot, Leonel died with the re­putation rather of a good than an a­ctive Prince.

He was a great Patron of Letters, for besides the Learned Men, whom he kept alwayes about him, and who had plentifull provisions in his Uni­versity, Theodorus Gaza, Georgius Trapezuntius, Laurentius Valla, and several others at Rome found the ef­fects of his bounty, and much did such persons stand in need afterwards of so good a support in the time of Paul the second, and of Sixtus the fourth, especially of the latter, to whom Theodorus Gaza presenting a Book with a fine Dedication, after having bestowed what money his poverty could spare in the neatness of the binding, the Popes liberality to him scarce amounted to that charge. But Rome was then what an Ingenious French Writer observes of it under a certain Heathen Emperour, when one pitiful Cook had a larger allow­ance than fifteen excellent Orators: For it is certain, that if those who fled from Constantinople and other places, with the ruines of the Greek [Page 189] Learning, had not found a true friend in their Countrey man Bessarion, ne­ver sufficiently to be commended up­on this score, they had as good have stayed in the Seraglio, as have come to the Vatican: They could have but starved there, and so they might at the Court of Sixtus, if the Greek Cardinal, and some other generous persons, such as the Princes of Esté, and the House of Medici, had not contributed towards their mainte­nance.

LEonel was no sooner dead, but the Magistrates came to Borsi­us his Brother to salute him Marquess, who though he made some difficulty at first upon the account of his Bro­ther Hercules, whose right it certain­ly was; yet they soon wrought up­on him to accept of the Government for some time, and when he was once [Page 190] in possession, all parties appeared so well satisfied, that there were no thoughts of removing him while he lived. In his Youth he had been bred up in Arms, had made several Campagnes in the Venetian Army un­der Forza, and also in the Milanese Army had behaved himself so well, that many thought that Duke hav­ing no Sons, designed to have a­dopted him. The City of Luca hear­ing of Leonels death took Arms, and seized upon some Castles belonging to Modena; but the Troops dispatch­ed thither by Borsius, soon recovered them, and he was going in person to besiege Luca, when the Floren­tins at the request of that City made up the business, giving full reparati­on to the Marquess for all the da­mages received.

This success discouraged others from giving Borsius any further trou­ble, and he seeing the occasion his Brother had of getting more by the Duke of Milans death now lost, re­solved to enjoy what he possest, and in his way of living to tread his Fa­thers foot-steps. Frederick the third [Page 191] in his passage to Rome was invited by Borsius to Ferrara, and treated there for a week most magnificently with all his Train, consisting of a­bove two thousand persons; he pre­sented the Emperour at his depar­ture with forty of the finest Horses of Italy, besides other rarities, the German Princes also and Nobility e­very one according to his Quality carried away some token of the Mar­quesses generosity. Anno Christi 1452

The Emperour wonderfully taken with the Noble Nature of Borsius, resolved to advance him to the Dig­nity of a Duke, which was done at his return in this manner; a large Theatre being erected in the middle of the Piaza before the Palace, and upon it a Throne of Cloth of Gold, the Emperour in his Imperial Robes, with the Crown which the Pope had set upon his head some days before, came thither, and being placed in his Throne, the King of Hungary sitting upon his right hand, and the Count of Tirol his Cousin, or as some Wri­ters say, the Duke of Austria, upon his left; besides many Italian and [Page 192] German Princes placed according to their Quality: Borsius being richly apparell'd, and attended by four hun­dred Gentlemen, dressed all in the same manner, began his Cavalcade at the old Castle, and rid from thence towards the Piaza, three of the Chief Officers of his Court carrying large Banners before him; the first of which had the Imperial Eagle, with the Arms of the House of Esté, in a field verd, and immediately after them a Gentleman with a naked Sword; when they came near the Theatre and saw the Throne, all light­ed, and Borsius advancing towards the Throne, kneeled before it, and had his Ducal Robes put on by the Emperour, who delivered him the first Banner for the Earldom of Ro­vigo, the second for the Dutchy of Modena and Regio, the third with the naked Sword, as a Badge of his Absolute Authority, and then decla­red him Duke of Modena, and Regio, and Earl of Rovigo, making him take his place by the King of Hungary: whereupon all the Princes and Am­bassadors came to the Duke to Com­plement [Page 193] him: The Emperour in his Patent expresly mentions his doing now the same Honour to the House of Esté, which Frederick the second had done about two hundred years be­fore, to that branch of it that setled in Germany, meaning the Dukes of Lu­nenburgh and Brunswick; he gave the Family a new Coat of Arms, and leave to seal with white wax, a pun­ctilio much observed among the Prin­ces of Italy. The Ceremony being over, they returned to the Palace where the Emperour was treated ac­cording to the Solemnity of the oc­casion; and having stay'd some dayes longer went for Germany, Frederick and all his Court being fully satisfied that this great honour was well pla­ced upon Borsius.

Forza was now more considerable than ever the late Duke of Milan had been, for though he had not en­larged his Dominions, yet being the greatest Captain of his age, and one who had raised himself to this heighth meerly by his virtue, he made all I­taly sensible of the Power of Milan under such a Duke. Some, as the Flo­rentins, [Page 194] were glad at any rate to buy his friendship, others who could not be threatned, as the King of Naples and the Venetians entered into a Con­federacy against him, and the lesser Powers according to their inclinati­ons sided with either, and so divided Italy, only Borsius having no prospect of advantage by declaring, resolved to continue in peace well armed, and to give or refuse passage to their Troops as he should judge most con­venient. It is plain Forza and the Venetians fought for no less prize than the Soveraignty of Lombardy, the ruine of either party, as the case then stood, making it sure for the other: And it was remarked to the great scandal of Christianity, how that very day in which Mahomet seized upon the Imperial City of Constantinople, their armies were hotly engaged, being both of one Religion, and of one Nation. If instead of sheathing their Swords in one anothers sides, the common in­terest of Christendome had happily u­nited them under such a General as Forza, they might have saved that City and Greece from bondage, and [Page 195] so far at least have checked the inso­lence of this young Tyrant, that he durst never have landed Forces in Italy to take Otranto as afterwards he did.

Upon the news of the loss of Con­stantinople, the Pope dispatched Le­gates to Naples, Venice and Milan, conjuring those Princes to take pity on the dangerous state of Italy; that so composing all differences, they might make Head against the Com­mon Enemy, and joyn with Scander­beg the King of Epirus, whom all al­lowed to be the best General against the Turks that any age had produ­ced. Borsius was thought the most proper person to promote so good a work, and to him the King of Naples immediately sent the terms he was willing to treat on: the Venetians like­wise being apprehensive of the Turks above all others, gave him encou­ragement to go on in it. Borsius's In­terest in the Duke of Milan made him not fear any stop there, and so warmly did he follow the business, that the peace was soon concluded: all expected in the next place a Con­federacy [Page 196] against the Turk, which the death of Nicolaus the fifth retarded. His successor Callistus indeed appear­ed very earnest in it at first, but ha­ving got into his hands what money he could, the design was let fall.

Pius the second, formerly Aeneas Silvius set the same design again a Anno Christi 1459 foot, but could bring it to nothing, till the heat of the War of Naples, invaded by the French, was a little over; and then going towards Man­toua, where he had called a Council, he visited Borsius, and stayed with him twelve dayes, consulting about so great an undertaking, for the Pope knew his Prudence and Interest could much advance it: and so well was he satisfied in discoursing the matter with Borsius, that he declared he would Create him Duke of Ferrara, as the Emperour had done of Mo­dena some years before. At Man­toua mighty projects were laid, and afterwards some Forces raised, but all vanished with the Popes death, and the Dukes additional Title was re­served for Paul the second to be­stow.

[Page 197] The Dukes Brothers whom Leonel had sent to Naples were grown wea­ry of that Court. Ferdinand by joyn­ing a Spaniard in Commission with Hercules in the Government of Apu­lia, and by not treating him upon o­ther occasions suitably to his birth and merits, had so highly disobliged him, that he and the Prince of Ta­ranto, with several discontented Ba­rons, took part with the French; wherefore Borsius seeing Hercules in danger, and Sigismund discountenan­ced, sent for them home, and that it might appear he had not the least jealousie of either, the one was made Governour of Modena, the other of Regio. The Emperour Frederick com­ing again into Italy, could not pass that way without visiting Borsius, as he likewise did in his return; and to say no more, was both times treated at a rate peculiar to Borsius.

The French afterwards sent to Anno Christi 1470 Borsius to make known their resolu­tion of invading Naples again, being encouraged in it by Paul the second; but the Duke, though he had no kindness for Ferdinand, yet instead [Page 198] of giving any assurances to France, sent to the Pope to represent to him the unreasonableness of the thing, how little he could expect from the French, how much he would disturb the quiet of Italy, by calling them in, and disoblige all the Princes, and that it would much better become him to consult the common safety of Christendom, and the quiet of Italy, by employing such restless Princes a­gainst the Turk. The Pope being taken with the Dukes freedom, invi­ted him after some time to Rome, and made good what Pius had pro­mised, by Creating Borsius Duke of Ferrara: This new Title he did not long enjoy, for falling sick, in a few dayes after his return he died.

Borsius was a just, a splendid, and a bountifull Prince: every day he u­sed to walk in the Outer Court of his Palace, there to hear whatsoever com­plaints were brought him; if he ob­served any that had not the confi­dence to come, he called to them, and by his affable carriage encoura­ged them to speak; oftentimes both parties appearing, he presently came [Page 199] to a determination, and where the business was difficult, he would be sure first to ask the Opinion of those about him; and in this he took such a particular pleasure, that he often said it was the chief work of Princes to be ready to examine and redress the grievances of the meanest of their Subjects; the rest of his time he spent in hunting, in hawking, and in Horse­matches, his Stables being the best furnished of any in Italy: His con­stant habit was rich Brocade, and the same he allowed to all his Buffoons, of whom his Court, according to the humour of that age was full; one of them called Gonella of Ferrara had so great a Name, that every witty saying, and brisk repartee was fa­ther'd upon him, and he was talked of in all the Courts of Italy. The hospitality, and bounty of Borsius was yet beyond all the rest; who­ever came within the Court might eat or drink what they pleased, Of­ficers still being in readiness to treat them according to their quality: the names of all the poor in the City were written down, their wants plen­tifully [Page 200] relieved, and portions given by the Duke with their Daughters in marriage: such persons were likewise desired to give notice of their con­dition, and had Physick, and other necessaries accordingly sent them. E­very Christmas day, the Treasury be­ing opened, Borsius came thither in person, and called all to whom he or his Officers owed any thing, to re­ceive their money; which being done, as seldom it was then to do, what remained he divided with his own hands among the Gentlemen of his Court: In one word, such was the bounty of his Nature, that there could scarce be given an instance of his ever having refused what any asked him. These Princely Virtues made his Subjects heartily love him, and the love of his Subjects was of all things most proper to recommend him to strangers; the Duke of Mi­lan and the Venetians, who differed in most things, agreed in their good Opinion of Borsius. His Family af­ter him bore the honourable badge of the value the Emperour and Pope had for him; and as if all this had [Page 201] been too little, or as somewhat of par­tiality had been in it, because pro­ceeding from those of his own Coun­trey, or of his own Religion, a great Mahumetan Prince, the Sultan of Aegypt, by an Embassy and rich Pre­sents sent to Borsius a little before his death, did demonstrate, that his re­putation was too large to be confi­ned within Italy, or indeed within Europe.

THe Mother of Hercules upon her Husbands death, and Leo­nels advancement, retired to the Mar­quess of Saluzzo's, with a vow, that she would never see Ferrara till her Son were in possession of his Right. Many melancholy years had she spent while her Son lived in an honourable sort of banishment at the Court of Naples: his returning home safe, which she scarce expected, and his Brothers [Page 202] treating him with much kindness, did a little raise her languishing spi­rits; but now hearing that Borsius was dead, and the injury done Her­cules in some measure repaired by the accession of a higher Title, she with unexpressible joy made hast towards Ferrara, where being scarce well ar­rived, she had the comfort to see her other Son Sigismund return from Na­ples with the Kings Daughter for a Dutchess to Hercules, and to Crown her with all worldly happiness, the next year brought her a Grand-child Alphonsus, Heir to the Dutchies of Ferrara and Modena.

After all the troubles Hercules met with, and his late establishment in what was undoubtedly his at his Fa­thers death, Nicolaus, Leonels Son, who never durst mutter while Bor­sius lived, had now the impudence to disturb his quiet: He was a Grand-child of the House of Mantoua, and wanted not those at Ferrara, who upon the least success were ready to declare for him: this encouraged him with what Forces he could make to come by water from Mantoua, [Page 203] when the Duke seemed most secure, and being brought safe by night with his men into the chief street of Fer­rara, he beat the Drums early in the morning for those of his party to take Arms; but seeing none offering to joyn with him, the Guns playing from the Castle upon his Souldiers, and men beginning to appear in arms about the Palace Gate, he made hast to get away, and was taken in his re­treat: the Duke enclined to save him, but those who knew his temper, being of another mind, he was for­mally condemned and beheaded with the Chief of his Followers; the rest of the Prisoners were to be set at li­berty, only a true-hearted German who had lived long with Nicolaus, and deserved a more fortunate Ma­ster, when he saw his dead body, re­fusing the benefit of the Dukes par­don, died the most gloriously of any in that quarrel. Two dayes after a Gentleman brought the Duke the names of all in Ferrara that were privy to the late design; but Her­cules without ever opening the paper burnt it in the Gentlemans presence, [Page 204] telling him he intended to punish no more upon that account; that he would gladly have pardon'd his Cou­sin Nicolaus, if it could any wayes have consisted with his safety; that he desired not to know who had been his Enemies, lest he were there­by tempted to bear them a grudge; and that he would not have such think he knew them, lest it might occasion a jealousie of his being less tender of them than of the rest of his Subjects.

Sixtus the fourth who succeeded Paul, designing to exalt his Nephews at any rate, and hoping if he could make sure of Iulian, and Laurence of Medici, Florence might easily be sei­zed upon, procured the one to be murdered at Church before the very Altar, and the other to be desperate­ly wounded, and as they thought killed: But the blackness of the acti­on put the whole City into such a fury, that none of the Conspirators, no not the Arch-bishop of Pisa esca­ped, being hanged from the Palace windows, only the Popes Nephew, against whom the Evidence was not [Page 205] so clear, they shut up in prison. The Pope grieved for the disappointment, as likewise for the Arch-bishops igno­minious death, and the imprisonment of his Nephew, made ready the arms of the Church, and those of the King of Naples against the Florentins; but they who were not to be threaten'd, neither by his Excommunication, nor the Kings Troops, out of their Liber­ty and the Justice of their Cause, had assistance from Venice and Milan with the Duke of Ferrara for their Gene­ral: The War was carried on but faintly in the Popes behalf by the Duke of Calabria, and a Peace at length was concluded betwixt Fer­dinand King of Naples and Florence, the Pope having lost his honour with­out reaping any advantage by this Anno Christi 1479 wicked enterprize.

Some disputes arising about the Confines of Rovigo, neither the Duke of Ferrara's proffering to refer the matter in contest to any two Princes, nor Ferdinand King of Naples, and Iohn Galeazo Duke of Milan's en­deavouring an accommodation by their Ambassadors, could keep the [Page 206] Venetians from a War with him, the Pope they were sure of, because he hated the Duke since the war of Flo­rence; but Galeazo and Ferdinand declared for him, and Frederick Duke of Ʋrbin, esteemed the greatest Cap­tain of Italy after the death of Fran­cis of Milan, undertook the Conduct of his Army: The Venetians at first went on furiously, because their For­ces were much more numerous than the Dukes, and the Pope denyed pas­sage to the Troops of Naples; but Matthias King of Hungary, who had married the Dutchess of Ferrara's Si­ster, and Ferdinand of Spain her Cousin, never gave over soliciting till the Pope broke with the Vene­tians, and then the Duke of Calabria having leave with his Army to march towards Lombardy, things went bet­ter with the Duke: and after seve­ral Campaignes, both parties being al­most tired, acts of hostility came in­sensibly to cease, a more dangerous war for Italy then breaking out.

Galeazo's Son of the same name be­ing now Duke of Milan, and married Anno Christi 1489 to the Duke of Calabria's Daughter, [Page 207] his Uncle Lewis Forza kept all the Power in his hands, much to the grief of the young Dutchess, who was more impatient than her Husband, so that she never rested till she enga­ged her Father to write to Lewis to resign the Government to his Ne­phew that was then of age, threat­ning that in case he refused he would see reason done to his Son-in-Law. Lewis, that he might find employ­ment elsewhere for Alphonsus, invi­ted Charles the eighth to the Con­quest of Naples, to which he could make a specious Title, and the King being young, stout and ambitious, to say no worse, was easily engaged. What Lewis did, all thought to be by the advice of the Duke of Ferrara, whose Daughter Beatrix he had mar­ried: for the Duke, though he ap­peared not much in it, yet went with Lewis to meet the King of Alexan­dria. This Expedition is so exactly set down by Guiccardin, one of the best of the Modern Writers, that it will save all who come after him the pains of enlarging upon it; but in short, there are few instances of a [Page 208] Kingdom Conquered in less time, or with less resistance: wherever Charles came the Gates were opened, and the Magistrates ready to salute him King; and at Naples he was welcom­ed as Emperour of the East: whe­ther this were to gratifie a vanity they observed in the French, as A­lexander the sixth had done before at Rome; or if Charles and his Of­ficers really gave out that he design­ed to pass unto Greece against the Turk I shall not determine; but too true it is, that this empty Title given him at Naples, cost many thousand Christians in and about Constantino­ple their lives: for Bajazet the Father of Selym seemed jealous of some such design, and of their being privy to it. The Kings great success frighted the Princes of Italy into a Confede­racy to cut him and his Army off in his return, and no person was so for­ward in this as Lewis Forza who had brought him in; but the Duke of Fer­rara, tho' he had only complemented the King, stood more upon his Ho­nour, and could by no perswasions be brought to the field against him: [Page 209] The Confederate Army trusting in its number, which was four to one, stop­ped the King near the River Taro, where he bravely fought his passage, and got safe into the Duke of Sa­voy's Territories.

The Duke of Orleans, afterwards Lewis the twelfth, kept Novara, whi­ther the Confederate Army marched to be revenged on him for the Kings escape; but there was no getting the place, till by the Duke of Ferrara's mediation honourable Articles were granted the French: First, that in lieu of Novara, Forza should pay the Duke of Orleans a considerable summ of money. Secondly, that neither he nor the Venetians should assist the house of Arragon in Naples; and in case the Venetians did, that then For­za should be obliged to make war upon them: and for the performance of these Articles, the Castle of Ge­noua was consigned into the Media­tors hands, who sent Francis Rau­goni one of the chief Gentlemen of Modena, to take possession of it, and to continue his Government there.

After the death of Charles the 8^th, [Page 210] Lewis the twelfth, being mindfull of Forza's treachery, and encouraged by the Venetians invaded Milan; and notwithstanding the endeavours of Maximilian the Emperour, and the great diversion given the Venetians by the Turks, whom Forza had stir­red up against them, Forza lost Anno Christi 1500 Milan, and was carried prisoner to France, there to end his dayes in a melancholy dungeon. The Duke of Ferrara not knowing how to med­dle betwixt the King that was his Friend, and Forza to whom he was so nearly related, had observed in this War a perfect neutrality; but when the French Troops marched a­gain to the Conquest of Naples, none was more forward than the Duke to assist them. The Great Gonsalvo, Fer­dinand of Castiles General, being then in Sicily, they fatally advised Lewis to secure his friendship by allowing him a share, which being agreed to, the division of the Kingdom betwixt them cost more time than the Con­quest: for what opposition could two such powerfull Princes meet with from Frederick, whom his Subjects [Page 211] hated and contemned. But Naples was too narrow to satisfie both the French and the Spaniards: and Gon­salvo was a man of such unlimited ambition, that a Controversie began about a small parcel of Ground, to which both parties pretended, and which nothing but Arms could de­cide. In this the French had so ill success, that they were suddenly beat out of all, Gonsalvo with the Spani­ards becoming then sole Masters of the Kingdom of Naples, which they have kept ever since.

About this time died Hercules Duke of Ferrara, whose life doth repre­sent to us Fortune in all her diffe­rent aspects; he was born the un­doubted Heir of one of the richest Princes of Italy, was left young by his Father, which made him come the later to his Estate after the death of two Brothers: Many storms did he weather both in the Court and Wars of Naples, his own Courage and the Kings Malice exposing him to every danger, till at length he changed par­ties. At his return from thence he lived for some time a Subject in his [Page 212] own Principality, being glad to be a Governour of one of his Cities un­der his Brother. But the latter part of his life made a fair reparation for the former, no Prince of Italy being more valued or courted than Her­cules; that very King of Naples, who hated him so much, sent to proffer him his Daughter in marriage, by whom he left a hopefull Issue: the Kings of Castile and Hungary when he was in danger by his War with Venice, gave testimony how much they were concerned to support him: Henry the seventh of England com­plemented him with the Order of the Garter; and three several Kings of France sought his Friendship as necessary for the advancement of their interest upon the other side of the Alpes.

HErcules had four Sons, Alphon­sus who succeeded him, Hippo­lytus the former of the two famous Cardinals of Esté of that name, Fer­dinand and Sigismund; Alphonsus was twice married in his Fathers time, first to the Daughter of Iohn Gale­azo Duke of Milan when he was very young; and when she died, a Match by Lewis the twelfth's means was made up betwixt him and Lucretia Borgia Pope Alexander the sixth's Daughter, the King designing by this to unite the Duke with Caesar Borgia, and both to himself. The first re­markable action we meet with in Al­phonsus after his Fathers death, Caesar Borgia being then ruined, was his de­fending Bologna for Iulius the second, and his defeating Bentivoglio, from whom the Pope had lately taken that City, and recommended it to the Duke. Not long after was the League [Page 214] of Cambray concluded, where Alphon­sus joyned with the Emperour, the Pope, the Kings of France and Spain, to take the terra firma from the Vene­tians.

The King of France began the War, and gave the Venetian Army, which was commanded, or rather di­vided by two Generals of quite dif­ferent tempers, so great an over­throw, that the other Confederates did thereupon make the more hast. The Venetians seeing themselves in no condition to defend their Subjects, wisely made a virtue of necessity, and allowed them the liberty to make the best terms they could with the Enemy, and so prevent their ruine: for they presumed, and upon good grounds, that this instance of their tenderness, would invite them home to their ancient Masters as soon as the storm was over: being attacqued then on all hands, nothing except Treviso was left them in a short time, and the Duke of Ferrara for his share was once in possession of Ro­vigo, la Badia, with Monfelice, Esté, and other places which formerly be­longed [Page 215] to his Family. Besides the places he had taken, the Pope decla­red him the General of the Church, which made the Venetians discharge their whole fury upon him both by Sea and Land; but such was their ill success in every enterprize, that their very Navy became a prey to him that had no ships: for having chained them up by night within the mouth of the River where they thought themselves secure, he burnt some, took others, and returned to Ferrara in a sort of Naval Triumph upon one of their Chief Gallies. Anno Christi 1510

The sole hope now left the Vene­tians was to break a League in which so many Princes of different, or ra­ther incompatible Interests were uni­ted; and this they found no hard matter, Julius being willing not only to take off his censures, but also to fall out with France, and to help to chase Lewis out of Italy, if they would give him the places in Ro­magna, which by the League were designed for him. It was not now time for the Venetians to stand at any thing, and therefore they readily ac­quiesced [Page 216] to the Popes proposals, and he sent to the Duke of Ferrara to acquaint him with what he had done, and to desire him to forbear any fur­ther acts of hostility against the Re­publick; but the Duke excused him­self, saying that he could not in ho­nour nor in conscience abandon those with whom he was in Confederacy. Julius taking this excuse for a direct upbraiding himself with what he had done, excommunicated the Duke im­mediately, sent Orders to Romagna to seize upon what places he posses­sed there, and exhorted the Vene­tians to fall upon him to revenge his and their quarrel: the Duke in a short time lost Rovigo, all the Pole­cine, Monfelice and Esté on the one hand; and upon the other hand, all the places of Romagna, and which grieved him most, Modena and Sas­suolo, with several Castles near him: his only comfort was, he knew, that if he had pleased to make honour and conscience truckle to Interest, he might have been a saver. But never resolving to stear by this compass, nor to follow the precedent given [Page 217] him by P. Iulius, he waited for bet­ter times, till he could fairly recover what he had unjustly lost.

Never was Pope freer of his thun­ders than Iulius, who seeing his suc­cess against Alphonsus, took his aim a little higher, at Lewis the twelfth, deprived him of his Title of the most Christian King, and of his Crown, and exposed his Territoris as a prey to those that could take them; but though his lightning did shine, it was not felt in France, otherwise than in provoking the good King to Vow, and to publish his Vow also in his coin, That he would destroy Baby­lon, meaning Rome. The King of Ca­stile sent an Army to assist the Pope and the Venetians, which made Lewis likewise re-inforce his Troops under a new General Gaston de Foix, Duke of Nemours, to him he particularly recommended the concerns of the Duke of Ferrara, whom of all the Italians he had found the most trusty Confederate, and the French Army then lying in Romagna, the Duke re­covered his places from Iulius. Ga­ston was impatient till he gave the [Page 218] Enemy battle, which he did near Ra­venna: the Duke commanded that part where the Artillery was planted, and they observed he used it with such advantage, that it helped great­ly to obtain the victory. When the Enemies main body was routed, and their Officers gone, in a little action fitter for some young Captain than a General, Gaston was unhappily killed, and by his death he made that day remarkable above all others, that a victory may be too dear bought with the loss of a General: for from that hour the French Arms declined in Italy, and did every day lose ground, leaving those at last, whom they had beaten, in possession of what they fought for. There being now no French Army in the field, the Duke enclined to an accommodation with the Pope, Fabricius Colonna whom he had taken prisoner at Ravenna, and had used with great civility, and dismist without any ransom, promi­sing to procure it upon equal terms; the Duke had an invitation from Iu­lius to Rome, with assurances, that he should find a reception answerable [Page 219] to Colonna's promise, as indeed he did, being immediately absolved from all his censures; but when they came to treat, such unreasonable demands were made, that he chose rather to venture all than agree to them, and the Pope seeing his resolution design­ed to keep him there: Colonna who was the occasion of the Dukes com­ing, thought his honour now so much at stake, that not valuing the Popes indignation, he brought the Duke from Rome by night in spite of the Guards, and committed him to the care of his Cousin Prosper Colonna, who with great Address in the midst of the noise of his escape brought him safe through the Popes Territo­ries.

The Pope being upon this more enraged than ever, did, contrary to his promise, send to the Duke of Ʋrbin, and his other Officers to get what they could before the Dukes return; most of the Dukes Subjects looked upon him now as irrecoverably lost, not only the places in Romagna, but also Regio, Brescello and Carpi yielded, so that little remained to him upon [Page 220] that hand, and all concluded that it must have ended in his utter ruine, had not God happily put an end to the life of Julius.

The person in the whole Colledge next to his Brother Hippolytus whom the Duke could have wished to suc­ceed Iulius, was Iohn Cardinal of Me­dici, who in the former reign had se­cretly favoured him, and found wayes when employ'd as Legate in those parts to decline the executing the Popes vi­olent resolutions against him. Upon the joyfull news of this Cardinals ele­ction, who is known by the name of Leo the tenth, the Duke went im­mediately to Rome, and came in time to be absolved anew, and to carry S^t Peters Standard, as great Confalo­nier, or General of the Church at the inauguration of Leo, who pro­mised to restore whatever Iulius had taken from him; but in a little time he was so strangely altered, that far from the least performance, he watch­ed every opportunity to take from the Duke what was left him. Upon a report of his being dead, Leo or­dered his Troops to march that way, [Page 221] and when it proved a mistake, he did endeavour to excuse it, as if his de­sign had been to secure the Dutchy for Prince Hercules, the Dukes eldest Son. His ill intentions were more plainly discovered two years after, for he hired one Rodolphus a Captain Anno Christi 1520 in the Dukes Guards to kill him; but the Captain by good luck had neither the courage to go through with what he had undertaken, nor yet to deny it. In short, the Duke was much dis­appointed in Leo, who could never be brought to make good his promise till Francis the first, who succeed­ed Lewis the twelfth, being well sa­tisfied that all the Duke of Ferrara's sufferings, proceeded from his con­stant adhering to the French Interest, did refuse to enter into any treaty with the Pope, unless the Duke were comprehended in it.

After Leo's death no Prince com­plemented Adrian the sixth with so noble an Embassy, as the Duke of Ferrara did, who upon the Popes ar­rival at Rome, sent his Son Hercules thither attended by many of his chief Nobility: the young Prince was then [Page 222] but fourteen years of age, yet having his audience of Adrian before the Consistory, he harangued so finely, and with so good a Grace, that the Pope embraced him with tears, and having asked him several questions in Latin, found him so much a Master of that Language, his answers so per­tinent and lively, and in his whole behaviour a modest assurance so fit­ted to his age and quality; that Adri­an declared before all the Cardinals, that he must grant the Duke of Fer­rara whatever he demanded by such an Extraordinary Ambassador. Lu­eretia the Mother of Hercules being dead, there lived a young Gentle­woman at Ferrara, called Laura En­stochia sufficiently qualified every way for a Princess, except in her birth; her person, her air, but above all, her wit did so charm the Duke, that af­ter having sometime Courted her, she came to be his third Dutchess, and brought him two Sons, Alphonsus and Alphonsinus.

Much were the Duke and the Prince grieved for the death of so friendly a Pope as Adrian, when they [Page 223] perceived that Clement the seventh be­gan to renew the practices of Leo, of­fering the Emperour great summs of money to have Modena and Regio given to himself and his Family; but the Emperour being unwilling to ad­vance the House of Medici by an act of injustice to that of Esté, would not hearken to the proposal, though the Popes bounty to his Ministers who were to further it, had drained the Apostolical Chamber: this disap­pointment which cost Clement so dear, helped to hasten his unhappy breach with the Emperour, by which Rome was exposed to the most barbarous usage it had met with since the Goths and Vandals sacked it, and he him­self imprisoned in the Castle S^t An­gelo by the Duke of Bourbon's Army: Duke Alphonsus instead of insulting over his Enemies misery, was as for­ward as any to contribute towards his releasement, and at Ferrara was a League of most of the Christian Princes concluded against the Empe­rour to this very intent.

No man questioned but the Duke in this action had for ever secured to [Page 224] himself an interest in Clement, who by his Legate offered to renounce all his pretensions upon Modena and Re­gio, and to renew the investiture of Ferrara as soon as she should be set at liberty; yet all was presently forgot; and the only advantage the Duke had by this League was the match then made up betwixt his Son Hercules and Renata, Lewis the twelfths younger Daughter, who proved the most ex­cellent Princess in all respects that e­ver Italy saw.

Amongst other things, Clement had promised upon the death of Cardinal Gonzaga, the Bishoprick of Modena to the Dukes second Son Hippolytus; but it was given away to a Son of one of the Emperours Chief Favourites, purposely that the Duke by dispu­ting the business might draw upon himself the Emperours Indignation, if not his Arms: Other subtle Arts were used by Clement to ruine the Dukes Interest at that Court, yet to no effect, for when Charles the fifth came to Bologna, the Duke did fully satisfie him of the Justice of his pro­ceedings with Clement; and the Popes [Page 225] pretensions upon Modena, with the Anno Christi 1530 Dukes Title, being referr'd by both parties to the Emperour, sentence was afterwards past in the Dukes fa­vour, and Orders sent to the Impe­rial Governour there, to deliver him up the City much to the grief of Cle­ment, who taxed the Emperour with great partiality for one of the justest decisions that ever Prince made.

Some time after the restitution of Modena, the Princess Renata was brought to bed of Alphonsus the se­cond, the fifth and last Duke of Fer­rara; and Clement the seventh died, who had made it the whole business of his reign to create himself and o­thers trouble in heaping up riches for the House of Medici.

Upon the Election of Paul the third, Prince Hercules designed to go in person to complement him; but while things were preparing for his journey, the Duke his Father fell ill and died. Alphonsus was a just and a valiant Prince. He had been hardly dealt with by three several Popes, Iulius the second, Leo the tenth, and Clement the seventh: Yet neither [Page 226] threatnings nor promises could ever make him break his word, or abandon the French, though this constancy was several times like to have cost him his Dutchy. In all his troubles he countenanced men that were Emi­nent in any profession, and none more than his Subject and Citizen the great Ariosto, who at the Dukes instance was by Charles the fifth so­lemnly Crowned with Bayes at Man­toua, as a second Virgil, for his Orlan­do Furioso. Before his death he dis-intangled himself from all his trou­bles, and left things in good order to Hercules the second, having like­wise provided the Sons of the last Dutchess with large Revenues and in­dependent Jurisdictions.

HErcules considering how wel­come an Ambassador he had been from his Father to Adrian the [Page 227] sixth, resolved still to pay that re­spect in person to Paul the third, which he was to have done in his Fathers name. When he came to Rome the Pope received him with much kindness, absolved him and his Territories from all manner of Cen­sures, renounced what pretensions the late Popes made to Modena, and granted him the Investiture of the Dutchy of Ferrara; from thence he went to Naples to see the Emperour, and to thank him for the Justice done in his Fathers differences with Cle­ment; at his return he found his Dutchess safely delivered of a young Princess, named Lucretia, who after­wards married the brave Francis Ma­ria Duke of Ʋrbin; and the next year she brought him a second Son, called Lewis after his Grandfather the King of France. Amidst all these blessings he narrowly escaped being assasinated by a Gentleman of his Court, who had of late born him a grudge; the design being discovered the Gentleman fled to Venice, where by the Senates Order he was taken, put in chains, and sent to Ferrara to [Page 228] be beheaded for his villanous inten­tion; but the Duke in remembrance of their ancient friendship, remitted the punishment, being satisfied only to secure himself, by condemning the Criminal to a perpetual imprison­ment.

His Brother Hippolytus being alrea­dy Arch-bishop of Milan, and one of the richest Abbots of France, had a Cardinals Cap given him; his pro­motion was welcome to those that remembred the late Cardinal his Un­cle, so celebrated in the Court of Rome for his profuse liberality: nor did the Nephew disappoint their ex­pectations, Anno Christi 1540 for as in riches he was e­qual to the former; so was he also in that greatness of mind, which put no restraint to his bounty. And as his Un­cles Palace had been in Leo the tenth, Adrian the sixth, and Clement the se­venth's reigns; so now his was the sanctuary of all distressed Gentlemen, and poor Virtuoso's: And to compleat the parallel, the same imputation lay upon both, of having no deep impres­sions of Religion; for that cursed lea­ven of Atheism that poisoned Leo the [Page 229] tenth's Court, had not a little infe­cted these two Princes, whose irre­verent and light expressions in mat­ters of the highest importance, are not yet forgot. The Duke behav'd himself much better, in making rigid Laws against all such as were convi­cted of blasphemous words, or of scoffing at things sacred, proposing rewards to the discoverers.

The Pope going to Parma to put his Son Peter in possession of that Dutchy came to visit the Duke at Ferrara, where nothing was left un­done that could express his respect towards a Pope, who had shewed so much kindness to the Family. I have seen a long description of the man­ner of his Reception, of his Enter­tainment, of the Balls and Come­dies acted by the young Princes, and the Chief Ladies of the Court, with the mutual presents that past at their departure, which though in them­selves truly great, yet can have no place in so compendious a relation: That which seems more remarkable, is, the honour the Duke did to Alphon­sus his younger Brother, by his Fathers [Page 228] [...] [Page 229] [...] [Page 230] last Dutchess, who being married to the Duke of Ʋrbin's Sister, the Duke with a great part of his Court, ac­companied him to Pesaro to bring home his Princess, and she was re­ceived at Ferrara, as if she had been his own Dutchess.

Paul being dead, and Julius the third chosen, in several places of Ita­ly they discovered some inclinations to the Reformed Religion, and no where more than at the Court of Anno Christi 1550 Ferrara, especially among those who attended on the Dutchess, and there were shrewd suspicions that the Dutchess did inwardly favour that perswasion: for professing her self a great lover of Learned Men, and all such being welcome to her, under this mask several Eminent Protestants, among the rest Calvin had free access and opportunity to confirm her in her favourable Opinion of them: the Duke being informed of these things, was advised to bring in the Jesuits, who then began to have a vogue for their zeal and subtilty in supporting the declining Religion; and no soon­er were they setled, but great alte­rations [Page 231] followed at Court; the for­mer freedom in Conversation could no longer be allow'd, the French ser­vants were on a sudden dismist, strangers were forbid coming thither, the poor Dutchess was confined to a few rooms in the Castle, and had new Servants put about her; and the young Princesses, as if in great dan­ger with their Mother, were sent to a Monastery, there to be instructed anew by the Nuns, who were to re­ceive directions from these good Fa­thers.

After Julius the third, Paul the fourth, whom Hippolytus by his In­terest advanced, falling out with Phi­lip the second of Spain, engaged France in his quarrel: the Duke of Ferrara was declared General of the French Arms in Italy, as likewise of the Church; but he declining the Employment, it was given to his Son Alphonsus, who was well known at the Court of France, and high in the esteem of Henry the second: The Dukes refusal while his Son accepted the Command, signified nothing to Philip, who laboured hard to make [Page 232] a breach betwixt him and the Vene­tians; but they not being disposed then to enter into a War in the Spa­nish Quarrel, excused themselves, pre­tending that the Dukes being a Gen­tleman of Venice, and a member of their great Council, he must first for­feit that priviledge before they could so far disown him as to come to a War. The great overthrow the French received at S^t Quintin, put the Duke and all that party in Italy in some apprehensions; but the Victo­ry not being pursued, a Peace was some time after concluded betwixt the two Crowns, and then died Her­cules the fourth Duke of Ferrara in the fiftieth year of his age. In his youth he had been the most hopefull Prince of Italy for all manner of ac­complishments: After his Fathers death he lived in peace, govern'd his Subjects with great gentleness, no Prince ever was readier to pardon injuries, or to oblige every person about him; the expence of his Court being great, and his Subjects slow in granting new Subsidies, he did much anticipate his Revenue, by borrow­ing [Page 233] money upon several branches of it, in which his Subjects did not think fit to concern themselves, see­ing it only emptied his Exchequer, and made the Government uneasie for his Successor.

AN Express was immediately dis­patched by the Dutchess to her Son Alphonsus then at the Court of France, who making what hast he could to Marseilles, took ship, and had a quick passage to Legorn, where Cosmus Duke of Florence with many of the Toscan Nobility were ready to welcome him, and saw him safe in his own Territories. Near Modena his Uncle Alphonsus, and the whole Gentry of that Countrey received him; and at Ferrara he made a pub­lick entry, passing through five tri­umphal Arches erected at the Cities charge. Next morning was the death [Page 234] of Hercules the second published, Al­phonsus by sound of Trumpet was pro­claimed Duke, the Scepter and Sword delivered to him by the Chief Magi­strate upon his knees; and an Oath of Allegiance taken by him to the new Duke, in the name of all the people: the Duke also according to the usual form, swearing he would be a Just Prince, and consult the Com­mon Interest of his Subjects. Which solemnity being over, Alphonsus made his Fathers Funeral Rites be perform­ed with great decency; and then he sent Francis one of the Princes of Esté to Florence to bring home his Dutchess that Dukes Daughter. Ac­cording Anno Christi 1560 to the account I have seen, nothing could be more magnificent than the train she brought along with her, and the manner of her recepti­on at Ferrara.

The Dutchess Dowager having no comfort in her stay in Italy after her Husbands death, returned to her Na­tive Countrey, from which she had been so many years absent; and left all Ferrara, except the Jesuits, in tears for the loss of so incomparable [Page 235] a Princess. The Gentry when she first came thither, considering her as Lewis the twelfth's Daughter, bred up in the most glorious Court of Christendom, where Princes of the blood, especially the Kings Children could not have too much respect pay­ed them, expected to be kept at a greater distance now than they had been under the former Dutchesses; but on the contrary, access to her was so easie, her conversation so free, and her whole deportment so modest, that had she been the Daughter of a little Duke of Saluzzo, or an Eustochia Laura raised by her virtue, she could not have taken less state upon her: All the Learned found the good ef­effects of her Patronage, and were as liberal in setting out her Virtues, as she could be towards their support: The Poor and the Sick were sure of relief, and Orphans of care and pro­tection. So that in the whole City of Ferrara there was scarce a person, that could not shew some instance of that unlimited goodness which had so long time diffused it self upon all her subjects without missing rich or poor.

[Page 236] Prince Lewis after his return from France, whither he went to accom­pany the Dutchess his Mother, was created Cardinal; and while the joy of his promotion filled the Court with Balls and Banquets, the death of the Dutchess Lucretia changed the scene: she had lived but fourteen months with her Husband, and had left him childless; yet this was in some measure repaired by the birth of Caesar the Son of Alphonsus, and Ju­lia of Ʋrbin in whom the Duke could not want a Successor.

Cardinal Hippolytus had been Le­gate in France, and returning thence with the Cardinal of Lorrain, and many French and Italian Noblemen, they were all treated at his Nephews Court, where at the same time there happened to be several other Princes; and then it was that Hippolytus play­ing at Cards, with a vast summ at stake, and all the good Cards in his hand, made a hard shift to lose, whis­pering to one of his Confidents, who seeing his hand seemed surprized, that he was more a Gentleman than to win so much money of strangers at the [Page 237] Court of Ferrara; but if he had such luck in France or at Rome, he knew how to make the best of it.

The Duke was easily reconciled to a second marriage, when the Empe­rour Maximilian proffered him the Princess Barbara his Daughter; the Cardinal Lewis went to meet her at Trent, and brought her to Ferrara with all the state that either the Princes of Esté, or that City could shew upon so solemn an occasion. The War in Hungary growing hot with the Turk, Maximilian invited the Christian Princes to his assistance, and thither went the Duke of Fer­rara with fifteen hundred Horse, ha­ving sent the Officers of his House­hold before with the Baggage: soon after their arrival in the Imperial Ar­my, Solymans death put an end to the War. This Expedition was very chargeable to the Duke, for besides the length of the march, he had three hundred Gentlemen cloathed in Vel­vet richly embroidered, with Servants all in the same Livery; the rest also were so finely accoutered, that they seemed rather designed for a Caval­cade [Page 238] than an Army; his zeal how­ever and his magnificence in this great appearance was so much taken notice of, that some years after they named him in Poland among the Princes who were Candidates for that Crown; and it was thought, if Maximilian had not in vain design­ed it for himself, he might have car­ried it for his Son in Law the Duke of Ferrara.

The Duke having no concerns at Rome for three or four reigns, which therefore I pass in silence, spent his time in entertaining all the Princes that came that way, and in divert­ing himself. Great complaints were brought him of the Countrey peo­ples Anno Christi 1570 spoiling his Game at a distance from the Court, which made all the penal Laws against such abuses be re­newed; but they continuing still to transgress, trusting either that they should not be discovered, or if they were, that the Duke would not be rigid, a more effectual course was found out: for several high-way-men being sentenced for other crimes to die, were ordered to be hanged up [Page 239] in those fields, some with Partridges, some with Pheasants, some with Hares about their legs, the Dukes Officers giving out that they were put to death for killing such. This so fright­ed the people, that never was Game in Italy so preserved, as in the Coun­trey about Ferrara; but withall it did beget in them such an Opinion of the Dukes cruelty, that they could never afterwards be brought to have a hearty kindness for him: and though others who were privy to the thing, laboured to disabuse them, yet it was now sunk too deep to be removed.

The Dutchess Barbara being dead, the Duke was again married to a Daughter of Mantoua; but there be­ing no hopes of Children by any, he began to look upon Caesar, the Son Anno Christi 1580 of his Uncle Alphonsus, as most like­ly now to succeed him: with this prospect he procured a marriage for him with the Great Dukes Daughter, and made him larger appointments than formerly. Sixtus Quintus being lately chosen Pope, Caesar by the Dukes advice went to Rome, whence he returned very well satisfied: soon [Page 240] after died Lewis the Cardinal to the great grief of the Duke his Brother, and this grief was not digested when he had news from Blois of the fatal deaths of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise, whose Mother was the Dukes Eldest Sister.

Italy had been a considerable time without War, but the Bandito's were now grown more terrible than any Enemy; especially in Romagna, where listing themselves in three Companies, above six hundred in all, they put the whole Countrey under Contri­bution, they had the impudence to erect Judicatures, try men for their Lives, give Passports, and Commis­sions, impose Taxes, and to act by a Soveraign Power they had assumed to themselves; they mocked all Prin­ces, especially the Pope, upon whom they lay heaviest; and when ever those of Religious Orders were brought before them, they would have them fall down and worship them: If any Town failed to send them what they required, within a few dayes it was sure to smart for it; for they being all desperate Bandito's [Page 241] well armed, there was no resisting them, till upon grievous complaints of their cruelty, the Duke sent Count Montecuculi, with some other good Officers, and several Companies well provided with ammunition, who in two months time killed the Chief of them, and dissipated the rest, of whom few escaped, the whole Coun­trey rising upon them.

The Duke being grieved at the loss of his Brother, and of his Nephews, as also to see himself decay apace Anno Christi 1590 without Children, sent to the Empe­rours Court to renew the investiture of the Dutchy of Modena and Regio to himself and his Cousin Caesar; which was accordingly done without any difficulty: at Rome he was not so fairly dealt with, but put off with empty excuses from time to time, and the Popes dying before the business could be brought to an Issue, in the next reign he was obliged to begin again. When he heard of the Electi­on of Clement the eighth, he did not question, but he was fallen into good hands, Clement's Father, having raised himself by the bounty of the [Page 242] late Duke, and of his Uncle Hippo­lytus, not only from a low but from a necessitous condition, as Clement had alwayes own'd while a Cardinal; but now being Pope he grew more re­served in his acknowledgements, yet upon every occasion expressed a most particular zeal for the House of Esté: The Duke trusting in his kindness, and foreseeing his own death at hand, made his last Will, by which he de­clared his Cousin Prince Caesar his Heir; three or four dayes after he was taken ill of a feaver, in which at first there appear'd no danger, but the malignity of the distemper disco­vering it self, and Nature being quite spent, he called to him Prince Caesar, made his Will be opened, and read in the presence of many of the Nobi­lity, recommended his particular Friends and Servants to his Cousins care; exhorted him to be a Just Prince, and the Nobility to continue dutifull and obedient as he had ever found them; and then died with great composure of mind. He was tall of stature and well proportion'd, Anno Christi 1597 of a fresh complexion, and a chear­full [Page 243] countenance; and besides the or­dinary traits of a good face, had ac­cording to the observation of one that knew him, some thing of Maje­sty proper to the House of Esté; which challenged an awfull Reve­rence as well as Love from all that beheld him: They were disappointed who expected treasures at his death, and no wonder, for the constant charge of his Court, with the extra­ordinary charities he did in time of Famine, gave a full account of his Revenue. The Court of Ferrara, though very ancient, yet may be said to have received its first Lustre from the Marquess Nicolaus, before Euge­nius the fourth kept his Council there. Leonel did endeavour to imi­tate his Father; but Borsius his second Son, and the first Duke, raised things to a higher pitch, and became famous all Europe over for the greatness in which he lived. Hercules the first, with his Dutchess Leonora of Arra­gon, added every thing that was Gen­tile at the Court of Naples, making Ferrara not only a Court fit for Gen­tlemen, as it was in the time of Bor­sius [Page 244] who lived single, but for Ladies also: under Alphonsus the first, not­withstanding his constant War, no­thing of the former state was lost. And when Hercules the second brought his Dutchess Renata from France, the alterations she made were much for the better: But the late Duke did yet outdo those that went before him, rendering his Court an Epitome of whatever was fine or great in France, Germany or Italy. Princes came long journeys on pur­pose to see it, and by all their con­fessions, though some Courts might be greater, yet none in other respects did come near that of Ferrara.

Nor was it an empty shew; for with that noble entertainment such as Italy has not since seen for stran­gers of all qualities, some thousands of poor had their daily maintenance thence: The young Gentlemen of Quality were at such an age received into the number of the Dukes Pages, and bred up to all manner of exer­cise beyond any Academy of the world; and owing their Education to their Prince, for the most part [Page 245] they dedicated their lives to his ser­vice, either being entertained as Of­ficers of his Household, as Captains of his Guards, as Governours of his Castles; or employed as Ministers in foreign Courts, where the Ambassa­dors of Ferrara in their Equipage and behaviour gave strangers some notion of the place from whence they came. None of the Dukes Subjects that excelled in any thing needed go to a foreign Court for want of encouragement at home; and Cava­lier Guarini the Author of Pastor Fido, who rashly engaged himself to the Duke of Savoy, much repented him of his change, but could not a­again be restored to his Countrey, or to the favour of his Prince, who thought himself affronted by his de­parture. The loss of Guarini was sufficiently repaired in the great Tor­quato Tasso a Neapolitan born, who in his distress, as he himself owns, found shelter at Ferrara: There it was that he composed his Gierusa­lemme Liberata, esteemed to be abso­lutely the best Heroick Poem of all the Moderns.

[Page 246] The happy influence a Virtuous Court has upon all near it, was here apparent: for the whole City resem­bled a great University: Academics being erected for Painting, Musick, Poetry, Mathematicks, and the like in every corner; the very Monaste­ries and Nunneries turned Seminaries of Virtue, and most Citizens consult­ing the capacity and genius of their Children spared no charge in breed­ing them to what one day they ho­ped might advance their fortunes in the Court they little imagined this envied felicity was so near a period, that Alphonsus the second was to be the last Duke of Ferrara, or that the Court: of Esté was to be remo­ved to another City; while they ha­ving no Prince either to reward their Virtue or redress their grievances, were to be left to the mercy of Mi­nisters, that bought their places at Rome, and came thither only to re­imburse themselves at Ferrara's cost.

WHen the death of Alphonsus was known at Rome, it was presently given out there, that the Dutchy of Ferrara came by devolu­tion to the Pope, because the pre­sent Dukes Father the Son of Alphon­sus the first, was not as they falsely pretended at Rome, begot in lawfull wedlock, nor Laura Eustochia whom we upon good grounds call Alphon­sus's third Dutchess, ever married to him: That which gave the rise to this report was the familiarity observed betwixt the Duke and this Lady be­fore they owned a marriage, and their having been married privately without any of the formalities ob­served by Princes upon such occa­sions. This Alphonsus did to hu­mour his Son Hercules by his former Dutchess, who had no kindness for [Page 248] the Lady Laura; and therefore he gave too much way afterwards to this false report, being angry likewise with her Sons, his younger Brothers, because his greatness was impaired by the loss of the Lands, and indepen­dent Jurisdictions bestowed upon them by Alphonsus. But to clear a matter of such importance, and to do Justice to one of the most Illustrious Races in the world, I have at the end of this History set down in Ita­lian and English what was offered in writing to Ʋrban the eighth by the present Duke of Modena's Grand-fa­ther Francis the first, who if he had lived was likely enough to have made good his Title to Ferrara by his Sword, as well as his Pen; being the stoutest Prince, and greatest Cap­tain of Italy in our age. To the Dukes own words then as of unque­stionable Authority, I refer the Im­partial Reader, not doubting but they will satisfie others as much as they did my self.

The death of Alphonsus the second being published, and the whole Ma­gistracy, Nobility and Representa­tives [Page 249] of the People being assembled, the Judge of the twelve Savii, after having condoled the loss of the late Duke, commanded his Will to be read openly; and then according to the ancient custom of that City, asked them if they were not willing to have Don Caesar of Esté the Grandchild of Alphonsus the first, and the Testators Cousin German, for their Prince, to which all did answer in the affirmative, and with great ac­clamations of joy declared Caesar Duke of Ferrara, &c. Next morning in a solemn manner they came to the Pa­lace to pay their homage to their New Duke, who sitting upon a Throne in his Ducal habit, received them, and the Judge of the Savii kneeling before the Throne, did in the name of all the rest deliver him the Sword and Scepter: Then Caesar with his Ducal Crown upon his head coming out of his Palace, and taking Horse in the great Piazza, having the Ambassador of Florence upon his right hand, and the Judge of the Sa­vii upon his left, the Marquess of Bentivoglio, carrying the naked Sword [Page 250] before him, began his Cavalcade through the City: all the streets as he past, ecchoing, with Long live Caesar Duke of Ferrara; the Cavalcade end­ed at the great Church, where after High Mass, the Judge did administer him his Coronation Oath, and then Te Deum being sung, he returned to his Palace.

The solemnity being over, the Duke resolved in Council to dispatch Ambassadors to the Pope, the Empe­rour, the Kings of France and Spain, to the Republicks of Venice and Ge­noua, and to the rest of the Princes of Italy, with an account of what had past: For these Embassies the Chief of the Nobility were designed, but afterwards he found his mistake too late, when that to complement foreign Princes, he deprived himself of those persons, who for their Loyalty and Interest could have done him better service at home in so critical a con­juncture.

Advice being brought to Rome of the Dukes Coronation, Clement the eighth, without expecting the Am­bassadors arrival, gave order for a [Page 251] Monitory to be immediately issued out, requiring the Duke within four­teen dayes to render an account at Rome of the reasons of his pro­ceedings. The Duke by an express to his Ambassador, endeavoured to divert the Pope from this violent course, by suspending his Monitory, or at least by granting him longer time in a matter of that consequence; of­fering moreover to refer the whole difference betwixt him and the Pope, either to the King of Spain, or any other Prince, whom Clement should think fit to pitch upon: Most persons thought the Pope would readily have complyed with so reasonable a pro­posal, which yet he could by no means be brought to hearken to, but dismist the Ambassador without any hopes of an accommodation.

After the Ambassadors departure, the Pope called a Consistory, that he might have the advice of his Cardi­nals, before he proceeded further in what concerned the Apostolical Sea so near; there the Cardinals did much differ in their Opinions, some by a faint compliance with what they [Page 252] judged the Pope enelined to, were for his going on immediately, both with his spiritual and temporal arms against the Duke; others looked up­on this as a method not so suitable to the Apostolical See, where nothing of precipitancy ought to take place; and therefore gave their judgment that his Holiness was never to have recourse to such severe remedies, till such time as it appeared the Duke was not to be wrought upon by gentler means. But those who un­derstood what fair proffers were made by the Ambassador of Ferrara, did disapprove of violent courses at any rate; being of opinion, that the Pope had better wave his pretensions to Ferrara, than by excommunica­ting the Duke, to enter into a War, and so kindle a fire in Italy which would not easily be quenched: they urged that the City of Ferrara was well fortified and peopled, and that no Princes were ever more beloved of their Subjects than those of Esté, whom undoubtedly they would not easily be brought to part with. Be­sides they had reason to believe the [Page 253] Duke had made sure of his Allies, and of all those who were already jealous of the Popes greatness; whereas on the contrary, they could think of none a­mong all the Princes of Italy, that would declare in favour of the Pope.

The Pope seeing the Cardinals so much divided broke up the Consisto­ry without coming to any resolution; but while he was doubtfull within himself, whether it were better to proceed in his undertaking, or to give it quite over, one of the Car­dinals having obtained a private Au­dience, told him, that notwithstand­ing all the difficulties proposed in the Consistory, yet if his Holiness would vouchsafe to follow his advice, Fer­rara should undoubtedly fall into his hands without putting him to much expence, either of money or of blood. I confess, sayes he, the City of Ferrara is strong and well peopled, and that the Prince is there generally beloved more than any where else in Italy, which per­haps may discourage your Holiness from making good your Title; yet I question not but by the discreet management of some person of credit and interest at [Page 254] that Court, in whom you may confide, many of the Dukes friends may be gain­ed, his most secret Councils revealed, and the City it self made glad to re­ceive your Holiness. We know, sayes the Cardinal, how Ferrara abounds with Nobility, whose Fortunes are nar­rower than their minds, and who can­not all expect preferment at that Court; besides there are questionless some there, as about all Courts, who are angry with the Government, not thinking them­selves considered according to their me­rits. Ʋpon such ambitious and dis­contented spirits large promises made in your Holinesses name, will be sure to work, such must be made sensible of the happy exchange from a private Prince to a Pope, in whose power it is to re­ward the Virtuous, and those who de­serve his favour, with the highest dig­nities, subjects are capable of; and how those who are immediately under the Church, have much the advantage of all others in their pretensions at Rome. And when the person, sayes the Cardinal thus employed can shew his Authority for what he promises un­der your Holinesses hand and seal, they [Page 255] will strive to out-do one another in their zeal to promote your service.

The Pope did heartily approve of this project, and as soon as the Car­dinal was gone, the French Ambassa­dor came to assure the Pope in his Masters Name, That he was resolved to declare for him, and to fall upon those who should appear in the be­half of the Duke of Ferrara. Henry the fourth renouncing the Reformed Religion, had reconciled himself to Rome some time before, and thought this a fit occasion to express his un­feigned zeal for the Church, which many still questioned: But truly his abandoning thus the House of Esté, which had for many ages adhered so stedfastly to the Interests of France, did little raise his reputation any where, except at Rome; nor doth this deserve to be recorded by Po­sterity among those Heroick Actions, which have got him the Name of Henry the Great. In short, the Car­dinals subtile advice seconded by the hopes of assistance from France con­firmed Clement in his former resolu­tion of setting all expedients a foot [Page 256] to turn Duke Caesar out of Ferrara.

The Duke renew'd his instances, either to have the matter in contest referr'd to the King of Spain, or at least to have a competent time allow'd him to sum up his reasons, in which he was confident, not only to satisfie all indifferent persons, but even the Pope himself; but at Rome it was re­solved, that neither reference nor rea­sons should now take place; and that the Duke, for not complying with the Monitory, though it required of him things impossible, was forthwith to be excommunicated. That the ex­communication might give the smar­ter blow, Colonels and Officers were named, and Forces raised to go a­gainst the Duke: there was also a great deal of money coin'd with the Arms of Aldobrandin upon the one side; and upon the other was a small ship tost by the waves, and S^t Peter sitting at the Helm, with this Motto in Latine, Non praevalebunt, They shall not prevail.

The Duke being inform'd of all that past publickly, but ignorant of the secret practices against him, dis­patched [Page 257] immediately a famous Civili­an to Rome, who undertook to satis­fie such as the Pope should appoint to hear him: First, that the Princes of Esté never held Ferrara of the Church as a feudal City, by proving which he removed one of the chief pillars of its pretended devolution. Secondly, that Alphonsus the first, Duke Caesars Grand-father, was married to the Lady Laura Eustochia, of which he brought most unquestionable te­stimonies; and this removed the o­ther objection against the Dukes per­son: but the Excommunication being now drawn up, and the Forces already upon their march, there was nothing more to be done by way of Treaty; so that the Duke was at length forced to have recourse to his Arms for main­taining the Justice of his Cause: hav­ing therefore called the Magistrates, and the Chief of the Nobility toge­ther, he gave them an account what endeavours he had used, though un­successfully to sweeten the Pope, and prevent a rupture, that now being necessitated to take Arms in his own defence, he hoped all of them would [Page 258] concur, and not suffer the Princes of Esté, under whose auspicious Govern­ment, they and their Ancestors had for many ages enjoy'd so great privi­ledges, to be violently and unjustly thrust out of their Native Countrey; then the method of carrying on the War being set down, every one seemed chearfully to undertake some part of the charge and danger, tho' in effect, the Popes Emissaries had al­ready laid the train according to the Cardinals project; and the Duke had now no greater Enemies than some of those who were most in his confi­dence.

Upon the news of the Excommu­nications being published at Rome, and sent by the Army towards Lom­bardy; the Duke sent once more to Clement, expostulating about his ill u­sage, and entreating him to consider how hard it was to hasten so severe a sentence, without first allowing time and appointing Judges (as he had most earnestly decreed) to hear his reasons. And, last of all, he modestly laid before him how little it would be for the ho­nour of the Apostolical See for his [Page 259] Holiness to proceed after this manner in an affair wholly temporal, where­in he himself was both Judge and Par­ty, which made the Duke still hope, that upon cooler thoughts he would think fit to put a stop to the Sentence before it were published in Lombardy.

The Excommunication notwith­standing all the Dukes endeavours, being published at Bologna, and else­where, order was given to keep strict watch at all the Gates of the City, where every person who entered was to be examined and searched, lest it should be brought to Ferrara, and affixed by night upon the great Church: and people being now in a general consternation, betwixt the news of the Sentence which was ex­prest in the most dreadfull terms, and of the Popes Army, which was ad­vancing towards them, Father Pal­ma a Jesuit, with the wonted assu­rance of those of his Order, demand­ed Audience of the Duke, and after having made a grave discourse, like a Divine, of the great danger of being cut off from the Communion of the Church, and of forfeiting all those [Page 260] priviledges that Christians enjoy, he put on the person of a Statesman, and shewed the Duke how unreasonable it was for him to think of resisting the Papal Power, with which few Kings were able to graple; he put him in mind that he had not to do with him who bore S^t Peters Keyes only, but also his Sword; that the Pope was no inconsiderable Prince in what immediately belonged to the Church; and that besides this, he had a party in all other Princes Do­minions and Courts, and could never be supposed to want assistance from abroad more than other Princes could reasonably promise themselves, and therefore upon the whole matter, af­ter great protestations of kindness for his Highness, and his most serene Fa­mily, he conjured him, not to stand out, concluding that the circumstances in which the Duke then was, obliged him to follow his advice, because those whom he most trusted were ready upon occasion to betray him: that there was a design also upon his other Dominions, and that he was sure the Pope wanted not friends at [Page 261] Ferrara, who, if the business were not soon accommodated, would at length compass their ends in the Dukes ruine.

When Palma was gone, the Duke began to reflect upon what he had said, especially upon the latter part of his discourse, which he thought was not to be slighted, having reason to believe, that none knew more of the designs afoot against him, than that good Father and the rest of his Order. Whereupon growing jealous, lest Mo­dena and Regio might be lost, while he laboured in vain to preserve Fer­rara, a sudden resolution was taken to part with it, and the Dutchess of Ʋrbin was forthwith employ'd to go and treat with the Popes Nephew, Cardinal Aldobrandin. The Articles were too soon agreed on, but might have been much more for the Dukes advantage, had he pitched upon an­other Plenipotentiary than the Dut­chess, who most palpably sacrificed his concerns to secure her own. The Duke having according to the agree­ment resign'd the Government into the hands of the Magistrates, and sent [Page 262] the Prince his Son hostage to Bolog­na for the performance of the other Articles, made what hast he could to retire to Modena, for he now began to hate Ferrara, and that upon good grounds: Don Mario Farnese sent thi­ther by the Cardinal, having plainly shew'd him, that all his secrets had been revealed, and the manner of seizing on his Dominions concerted by many of those about him, as Let­ters there produced under their hands and seals did testifie, and that the City was to have been delivered to the Popes Army within a few dayes, had not the Duke prevented them by a voluntary surrender.

Nothing can excuse Caesar's part­ing with his Dutchy upon so easie terms, but the evident danger he saw himself in of being betray'd by his own Subjects, who expected great things under a New Government: Yet we must not brand all of them with this black mark of perfidy, as is too common upon such occasions: A few traytors may bring an undeser­ved blot upon the Nobility and Gen­try of a whole Nation, which in ge­neral [Page 263] abhors such hellish practices; of which we had too signal an instance, in the never enough detested delive­ry of our late Soveraign of blessed memory, where the crime of a few was charged on our whole Nation: And the same harsh opinion might we have of those of Ferrara, that others have rashly entertained of us, did not our unjust sufferings put me in mind to vindicate them: the most conside­rable then among the Nobility, and indeed the greatest part did behave themselves both dutifully and faith­fully towards the Duke; and foresee­ing the misery which was like to en­sue upon the loss of their Prince, took their leave of him with unfeign­ed expressions of sorrow, and most them out of love to the injured House of Esté, would have forsaken with a good heart their Native Countrey, and setled at Modena, could they have carried their Estates along with them.

After this manner was the flourish­ing City of Ferrara lost, I may al­most say, ruined; that very night Duke Caesar departed, five thousand [Page 264] of the Inhabitants, who depended up­on the Court, wanted bread; in a few months many of the shops were shut up, and the Tradesmen forced to go into other Cities, not being longer able to maintain their Fami­lies there, the Nobility found their condition very comfortless, and those who had betrayed the Duke in hopes of preferment were justly disappoint­ed of their expectations: the New Government with new Customs and heavy Taxes, brought in strangers in­to most of the good Offices which the Natives enjoyed under their Dukes; so that even those who were most for a change, if they had fore­seen what was to come, would all, as one man, have sacrificed their lives in the Dukes defence. Modena upon the other hand growing every day more populous and rich, became soon sensible of the benefit of a Court, for what was raised by Taxes seemed ra­ther lent, being repay'd oftentimes with interest by the Dukes expences among them: besides the Nobility who formerly gave their attendance at Ferrara spent all their Rents now [Page 265] at home; so that in a few years the Inhabitants were double in number to what they had been before the Courts coming thither: But it was observed, that of sixty thousand per­sons whom the Duke left at Ferrara, after some years there was scarce half the number to be found there, and at present (as I was credibly inform­ed upon the place) they cannot rec­kon twelve thousand, and of these no inconsiderable parts are Jews; some Lanes of that melancholy City are ut­terly forsaken, most of the Palaces are ruinous, and the chief street so little frequented, that grass appears in many places. In a word, there are few instances of Cities, which with­out suffering by any long siege, or ex­traordinary casualty have decayed faster than Ferrara has done in lit­tle more than fourscore years since its Union to the Church.