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A DISCOURSE OF Foreign War: With an ACCOUNT Of all the Taxations upon this Kingdom, from the ConEngland.
Formerly Written by Sir Robert Cotton Barronet, and now Publiſhed by Sir John Cotton Barronet.
LONDON, Printed for Henry Mortlock, at the Phoenix in St. Paul's ChurchWhite-Hart in Weſtminſter-Hall. 1690.
SO ſtrange a deſire and itch of writing, doth poſſeſs the greateſt part of the world; and men are ſo in love with their own imagiSr. Tho. Brown.Religio Medici hath theſe words; I have heard ſome with deep ſighs lament the loſt lines of
What a multitude of books (Cicero; others with as many groans deplore the combuſtion of the Library of Alexandria: for my own part, I think there be too many in the world, and could with patience behold the Urn and Aſhes of the Vatican, could I, with a few others, recover the periſhed leaves of Solomon. 'Tis not a melancholy U
of my own, but the deſires of better heads, that there were a general Synod; not to unite the incompatible difference of ReHomer's words, Laud's againſt Fiſher, Mr. Chillingworth againſt Knot, The Author of Via Recta, and Via Devia, and that incomparable pair of learned men Dr. Stillingfleet and Dr. Tillotſon, with the moſt Learned and Pious Dr. Hammond againſt that Peſt and Serjeant) the Major part, are (as he ſaith) a ſpurious brood, the laborious effects of eaſe and idleneſs, not worthy the Vacant hours of a ſerious perſon. Having ſaid this it may juſtly be objected againſt me, why I by put
FRames of Policy, as well as works of Nature, Armes was laid the foundation of this State, wheSaxon or the Norman. It was War that of ſeven Crowns in the Heptarchy made one fit for that Monarchy, that ſince by many glorious exploits hath made good in for
We never were ſo near peril by ſhipwrack in any tempeſt abroad, as at home by the calm governHenry the ſixth. For France by the awful hand of his father reduced, it fared with us as with the miſtreſs of the world, Remoto Carthaginis metu, & Imperii aemula, when the fear of Carthage her competitor for the EmPraecipiti curſu ab Armis ad vo
ruſhed headlong from arms to pleaſures, from employcum ab externis cauſis tutae videntur, ipſae ſuis viribus onerantur, when there is no longer fear of forraign enecum foris non habent hoſtem, domi inveniunt, when people have no enemies abroad, they'l find ſome at home; as all warNe novus populus otio & nimia pecunia laſciviret, leſt that other people ſhould grow wanton through too much wealth and idleneſs, and we in the end enforced with the Satyriſt N
Luxuria incubuit—
The facility to effect this being now more than ever by the addition of ſtrength, and ſubſtraction of diverſions, in this happy union of the Britain Empire.
French & Spaniſh attempts exceeding ever the charge in getting; and the Revenues of the ſubjected SigniNormandy, Aquitain, &c. ſupporting with much and vantage the expence in keeping: Our Honour, as the Stile of our Kings, by confluence of ſo many Titles increaſed; & by acceſſion of ſo many Territories as we held in France, our Dominions and liberties ſo far inlarged.
that thoſe times wich have been glorified with the mightieſt Princes and wiſeſt Councils, would ever acknowledge that
Pax una triumphis Innumeris potior; one Peace outgoes for worth Innumerable triLawrel and Olive Garlands to adorn with victory and peace our Gates and Temples, have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our CiTaxes and Penury; That this additiRevenue hath tyed us to a perpetual iſſue of our own Treaſure; That by theſe titles of Honour we have bought Slavery, and by extenture of Territories, Danger; And that difficulty either to undertake or purſue any forraign enterEngliſhman will either love his own errour ſo much, or his Countrey ſo little, as to adviſe a courſe ſo far eſtranged either from judgement or ſecurity.
IT is manifeſt by warrant of our own examEngland, (except in ſome heat of Youth, which is not the beſt director of Counſel) preferred unjuſt Peace before the juſtTerritories, or imagiHenry the ſeExpenſarum nomine, under the notion of expences, to the French King, ut firmior Pax haberetur, that he might have a firm and ſetled Peace. His ſucceeding ſon pro quieta clamatione de ſorore ſua ducenda, for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his ſiſter, which was like to make a fraction, gave to the French King docem millia librarum, ten thouſand pounds. Three hundred thouſand marks John gave to the French King, to match his calm enScotland, and invading of the Land by Charls de Valoys the French King provoked Edward the firſt, he never diſquieted France with noiſe of war, as after he did by the Richmond and Lancaſter, although Boniface the Pope incited him thereunto. His Son, the ſecond Edward, anno 2. requireth the Biſhops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him, and the people of this State; the words are, ut Deus nos regat & dirigat in mundi hujus turbinibus, that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world; for that having ſought all means with France he could for Peace, ut Guerrarum diſcrimina vitaret, that he might avoid the dangers of war, he reaped nothing but bitterDutchy of Gaſcoigne, his Rebels inhoſtiliter cepit, & Mercatores interfecit, took in a hoſtile ſort. and ſlew the Merchants. The Parliament quinto of Edward 3. France, and to ſollicite the Pope for mediation. The truce from hence efContracts, Intermarriage, and to take up the Croſs with France, in ſuccurſum Terrae Sanctae, for ſuccour of the Holy Land. But all he could do could abate no whit of the French
Aquitain, England by the Scots, ſurprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain, whom at Paris ignominioſae morti tradidit, he put to ſhameful deaths; there and in Gaſcoign murdering the reſt of his Subjects, and raſing his Caſtles nor would upEt pia Armaquibus nulla niſi in Armis ſpes eſt, War is to that man juſt and lawful, who hath no hope of help but by war. And this his Clergy was injoynChriſtian blood-ſhed. In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people gravia onera & multa mala, heavy burthens and many miſchiefs, as the Recum ſplendet frangitur, when it ſhineth cleareſt is
France to ſeek peace divers times; and to ſtrengthen his affections with the beſt hopes, he injoyneth all the Biſhops of England to offer devotas preces ſuppliciter ad Deum, humble and devout prayers to God, to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Countrey, nec non ad totius Chriſtianitatis commodum, and the advanPope, but could not effect it: And in the third year after anno 29. to redeem himſelf and ſubjects from the hard tasks they had undereffuſionem ſanguinis Chriſtiani, quantum potuit, vel decuit, pacem quaeſivit, the ſhedding of Chriſtian blood, he ſought peace as much as in him lay, and as far as was fitting, ſending the Duke of Lancaſter to Avignon in interceſſion, but all in vain; he ſtood upon his own ſtrength. By which his confident adverſimul parta & ſperata decora, at once both the honours we enjoy and thoſe we hope for. And we may truly conclude of this Kings ſucceſs, as Livy
Roman fortune, Propterea bella felicia geſſiſſe, quia juſta, that there
improbe Neptunum ac
he blames Neptune very unjuſtly who ſuffers ſhipwrack French King con
contrary to vexillis ex
with banners diſplayed, invaded his doFrance, and with a Fleet intended England, ad ipſum Regem viribus ſub
utterly to undo the King by force of Arms.
Richard the ſecond, whom as well he left Succeſſour to his troubles as to his Kingdom, Guien, Callis and the reſt, he
Until Charles of France had received Owen Glendowr, by the name Metuendiſſimi Principis Walliae, the moſt Wales, into a ſtrict confederacy Henricus de Lancaſtria) by Wight by Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul,
Gaſcoign himſelf, and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this Land, Henry
Burgundy
France) meanCallis, and annoy this Realm.
The Uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in French King had refuſed all reaſon, denying to render his priſoners, or ranſom thoſe taken at Agin-Court battel: ſo that the King was driven to his laſt hope, which was by dint of ſword to ſeek his peace, concluding thus his ſpeech; Bella faciamu
Let us fight, that we may obtain peace; for the end of war is peace.
Henry the ſixth, to ſave the expence of his peoMayne, to make up a peace with his uncle of France.
Againſt the Duke of Somerſet it was objected York, that he (contrary to the Oath and Council, by breaking the Amity beNormandy.
There is extant in the Treaſury Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men, propace habenda, that they might have peace.
Neither intereſt of right, nor jealouſie of inHenry 8. unto the quarrel of France; until the Church complained againſt Lewis 12. William to aſpire to the Papacy, aided in the Boucy Alfonſo of Ferrara, and the Benivagli, both Traytors to the Papal See, where Italy,) and beſought him for the pitty Saviour, and by the virtue of his famous Anceſtors (for I uſe the words of the Popes Brief) League, they having Lewis, Coput foeder is Italici, Head of the Italian League.
Edward the ſixth,
The quarrels of France in the time of his ſucSpain, were
Her Siſter of holy memory, to effect the peace with France, forbore Callis for Spain, by many Spa
eternizing her memory, or that Rome, ſo the firſt in Britain
Pace Populo Britanno terr
having ſetled Britai
in peace by Land and ſea, I have ſhut up the doorJanus Temple.
Forraign arms the ground of trouble at home, by the
It is evident by our own examples, that for the mo
There is in the Regiſter of State no time that Edward the third. Out of many examples I will ſelect ſome few, beginning with the tenth of his reign; at what time his intention was to atFrance, but diverted by Philip, who, muſtring in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum
Regnum Angliae, in the parts of
to invade the Kingdom of England, a Edward the third to fall France, in the thirteenth of his Plymouth and Southampton, places
In the firſt of Richard the ſecond, after the Creſſy, when they feared our too much cito repoſcit quod dedit, quickly Normandy, to draw home our forces, levieth an Army of forty thouſand men at armes, and forty Engliſh Subjects Normandy, and to the French King an yearly tribuEdward the third.
The Coaſt-dwellers were ſo frighted from their habitation, as in the thirteenth year the King commanded the Earl of Richmond
ſex leucas à mari, ſix leagues of th
It was no whit altered under his ſucceſſour Richard the ſecond; for in his entrance the Frenc
burnt the Town of Rye, and in the third year after Graveſend. And in the tenth year of his reign, to change his intended journey for France in perſon, the French King prepareth an Army to inneſcit Plebs jejuna timere, an half-ſtarved rabble fears nothing,) the fatteſt parts of our borders were left waſte, the men and cattle of England (as 16. of Edw. 2.) impetus Scotorum fugientes, being fled for ſafety to the Forreſts and deſart places. The like I find in the firſt of Edward the third: they ever thus interFrance; as in 20 Ed. 3. and in the firſt and ſecond of Richard the ſecond, in the fifth of Henry the fifth, and in the fourth of Henry the eighth, when he undertook his holy voyage againſt Lewis the twelfth.
And either being no leſs ready to nouriſh the leaſt ſpark of Rebellion in this State, as that of the French King to counterpoize King John; or work out Henry the third from his Dutchy of Normandy, as France did; or moving underhand by the Duke of Britain, the Earl of Hartford to reach the Crown of Richard the ſecond, and when he had got the Garland, ſuborning Owen Glendowr (with whom he contracted as Prince of Wales) to buſie the ſame King at home, that he might divert his intended purpoſe from France or Scotland.
Henry the third had devoured in his Sicily, the Nobility finding the expence of Treaſure, and fearing the expoſing of their own perſons, grew ſo unwilling, that by the bent and courſe of the record it ap
A judgement there muſt be between powers and undertakings, that though affections may carry a man to great things, they make him not attempt Popes
ſimplicitatem Regis circumveniens, cir
The Earls of Hartford, Bohun and Bigot, made Edward the firſt for exacting their Service in the quarrel of Gaſcoign, a forraign Countrey. And they might ſeem to have ſome colour to refuſe, but in a more mannerly faſhion, either attendance France, ſince ſo many conſents in Parliament as Rich. the ſecond, the ſixth and ninth of Henry the fourth, the firſt and ſeventh of Henry the fifth affirm the Commons not to be bound pour ſupporter ſes Guerres en la terre de France ou Normandie, to ſupport his wars eiFrance or Normandy; declaring no leſs by publick proteſtation, than they did by undutiful denial.
Charge, it was no leſs diſtaſteRoman Provinces ocExactions. In the Conquerours time the Biſhop of Durham was killed by the tumulmurmuratio & imprecatio Praelatorum in Regem Joannem, mutterings and curſes from the Prelates againſt King John, for demanding in the eighth of his reign a relief of them and the Laiety for his wars. In the ſixteenth year Cives Londinenſes Joannem odio habuerunt pro injuſtis Exactionibus quibus Regnum fatigaverat, the Londoners deteſted King John for his tiring out the Kingdom with unjuſt taxations. deſaevire quotidie cum incremento, to grow every day more unreaſonable in his carriage toeas bonis ſuis variis modis ſpoliando, by deſpoiling them ſeveral wayes of their goods. Hinc ſecutum eſt Bellum inter Regem & Barones quod cum morte Joannis ſolum finem habuit: This was it which kindled that war betwixt the King and his Barons, which nothing could quench but the death of John himſelf.
In the twenty ſixth of Henry the third, ob exactionum frequentiam eſt Regi cum Baronibus contentio, by reaſon of the continual exactions there aroſe a contention betwixt the King and his Barons multoties ei auxilium dederunt, they had many times ſupplyed him; and ex
ſo many Eſcheats, by the vacancy of rich Biſhopricks, death of ſo many Barons and others that held of him, that thoſe alone would have made him rich if they had been well imployed. That the Itinerant Juſtices had by amercing the defaults gleaned them ſo near, that per illa amerciamenta & alia Auxilia prius data omnes de Regno it a gravarentur & depauperarentur, ut parum aut nihil habeant in Bonis, by thoſe Amercements and the Subſidies they had formerly given him, all the Kingdom was ſo cruſhed and impoveriſhed, that they had little or nothing left them. And that was the ground of their reſiſtance. Archiepiſcopus Cantuarienſis & alii Praelati reſiſtunt Regi, the Archbiſhop of Canterbury and other Prelates reſiſt the King, when in his fifteenth year he demanded Scutag
And although he laid open to the Parliament his great debt cauſa bellicae expeditionis in partibus tranſmarinis, occaſioned by his forraign expeditiRanulph Earl of Cheſter, the mouth of the Laiety, That in the former Aides Pecuniam ſuam effuderunt, quod inde pauperes omnes receſſerunt, unde Regi de jure auxilium non debebant, they had poured out their money ſo li
The Clergy of the Realm in the twenty fourth of Edward the firſt denyed the demand of Contribution
in expeditionem Regis contra Gallos & ad reprimendos Scotos, towards the Kings expeFrench, and the repreſſing of the Scots. And ob has crebras exactiones magnus fit tumultus inter Regem & Barones, by reaſon of theſe frequent extorſions, there aroſe a great difference betwixt the King and the Barons.
One of the Articles of treaſon objected againſt Mortimer
Edward the third, was the offence he bred in the Commonwealth, by cauſing a Subſidie to be exactTrevers,
Proclerus for perſwading Theodoret the Goth to crave a Subſidy.
The Clergy in the twelfth of Edward the third, France. The like anſwer they make the forty fourth of the ſame King, when he Parliament a Subſidy of them and the Commons of 100000l. And the ſame King grown doubtful of his people preſt down with Impoſitions, requireth the Archbiſhop, Quod cum Populus Regni ſui variis Oneribus, Tallagiis & Impoſitionibus praegravetur, ut idem Archiepiſc. Indulgentiarum muneribus, piis Exhortationibus, & aliis modis, eundum Populum placare ſtudeat, & ipſum Regem excuſet, that ſince the Subjects of his Kingdom were over-charged with many Burthens, Tallages, and other Impoſitions, the ſaid Archbiſhop would by grant of Indulgences, ſeaſonable Exhortations, and other ways endeavour to pacifie the people, and excuſe the King.
By reaſon of the Cenſus per Capita, Pol-money impoſed by Parliament in the third of Richard the ſecond to defray the wars in France, there
dirae imprecationes in Regem, & magnae
heavy and bitter imprecations againſt quod non trahatur in conſequentiam, that Grants, which they profeſſed to proceed ex libera &
And when Henry the ſixth in anno 20. would de aliqua
of ſome conſiderable ſumm; he Propter inopiam, &c. populi il
that in regard of the pover&c. of the people it could not be granted. The Prerogative ſo far, untill by putHenry the fourth in the one, and the Nobility under Henry the third in the other; who hereby quitted the State oppreſſed (as they thought) with the Kings Half-brothers, the Poictovins and other Strangers.
Subjects fear to have the enemies of their Soveraigns too much weakned, leſt themſelves become Tyrants. And it is in the fartheſt reſpect in the Baronage under John, Henry his ſon, and Edward the ſecond, to fear as much the abſolute Greatneſs of their Soveraign, as they did the Diminution of their own eſtates. And therefore when they found their King to grow too faſt upon any neighbour Adverſary, then would they lend their beſt aid to diminiſh his power or fortune; left by inlarging himſelf upHenry the firſt, Aſſumpſerat cornua audaci
having once overcome his brother Robert and other enemies, with audacious and preſumptuous horns he goared as well the Church, as the reſt of the Kingdom, breaking his Seal, his Charter, and his Oath.
The memory of this cauſed the Nobility French Kings Son, when John their Soveraign began to know his own authority (as they thought) too much. And the French SubHenry the third againſt
Britain journey. This (as the Stories report) being a practice uſual in thoſe days.
THe laſt miſchief is the diſpoſition that Mili
It is rarely found that ever Civil troubles of
King John had been after Joan.
ſine Regno without a Kingdom, as he was at firſt ſans terre without land, if his rebenediction had not wrought more upon the diſloyal deſigns of Fitzwalter and Marſhal, (whom his own elective love had made great in opinion by the Norman Services) than either his rebated Sword or blaſted Sceptre could.
Simon Montfort had not been too much improved in Experience and his own Opinion by the many ſervices he underwent in the GovernGaſcoign, he had never ſo much dared againſt Duty, as to come over at the firſt call to make head againſt his Maſter, and purſue him with that fury of Ambition, until he had forced him to redeem the liberty of his perſon by the blaſting of ſo many flowers of his Imperial Crown: and to ſet himſelf ſo far below the ſeat of Majeſty, as to capitulate with them upon even conditions, which not performed (I uſe his own words) Liceat omnibus de Regno noſtro contra nos inſurgere, it ſhall be lawful for all perſons in our Kingomnia quae gravamen
noſtrum reſpiciant, acſi Nobis in null
ſo to act all things in reference to the grievances from us upon them, as if they were by no tye obliged to us.
If Richard Duke of York had never learned to be ſo great a Souldier at the coſt of his Maſter Henry the ſixth in another State, he had never diſquieted the calm of his Times, or given juſt occaſion to his Oppoſite Somerſet to ſay, That if
he had never learned to play the King by his Regency in France, he had never forgot to obey as a Subject when he returned into England.
Our own times can afford ſome, whoſe ſpirit improved by Military imployment, and made wanton with popular applauſe, might have given inſtance of theſe dangers, if good ſucceſs had been a relative to bad intentions. And every age breeds ſome exorbitant ſpirits, who turn the edge of their own ſufficiency up
But war ſome may ſay mouldeth not all men thus: for vertuous men will uſe their weapons for ornament amongſt their Friends, againſt Enemies for defence. And to thoſe men their own goodneſs is not ſafe, nam Regibus boni quam mali ſuſpectiores ſunt, for Kings ſuſpect good men ſooner than bad. Kings muſt have their Mipares negotiis fit for their buſineſs, and not ſupra above it, or too able for it. For another
THe meaner ſort having forgot the toile of Silla's Army, making no difference between ſacred and pro
Againſt the fury of ſuch ſeditious Outrages maHen. the ſixth have been ſollicited for redreſs. And that example in Champaign after the Peace at Callis 1360. where this licentious Rout at the cloſe of thoſe wars ſlew the Duke of Bourbon, and beſieged the Pope at Avignon, may ſuffice to expreſs this miſchief.
It hath no leſs weakened the bond of mutual Trade: ſince our Merchants, whom the neceſſity
Maxime of their Myſterie and our State, That the directeſt way eiRapine and Spoil: and to cloak their own ends pretend the common good; as if the State ſtood by their affections, when in truth they themſelves cannot fiſh but in aqua turbida in troubled waters: and therefore would have Incendium Patriae a bonefire of their Countrey, if it be but to keep warm and awake their own humours.
THe laſt motive from Neceſſity is, the eaſe War bringeth to a ſurcharged State. InWar but as the Sink, and Souluno partu at one birth ever bring forth; proportioning to the number of the Children the condition of their Strength and Ap
But admitting the former ground, whether by this way of waſte we be ever able and at pleaqui ſuis ſtat viribus, non alieno pendet arbitrio, who ſtands by his own ſtrength, and not at the pleaſure of another) is conſiderable; ſince to begin cuivis licet, deponere cum victores
is eaſie for any man, but the laying down Empire by Conſtantine in France) left this
being left naked of Souldiery, and robbed of France, the waſte of our people was ſo great, that to ſupply extremity we took purgamenta urbium, the dregs Curtius ſaith of Alexander;)
Bankrupts by protection, as in Edward the firſt; and enPlacita corum in reſpectu qui in obſequium Re
Pleas in the behalf of ſuch as Tacitus
emunt militem, non
they buy their Souldiers rather than make Utlegati, Banniti, aut de Feloniis indictati, ſi cum Rege tranſitare voluerint, out-lawed, excommunicated, or indicted of Fe(b) And in the eighteenth of Edward the (c) Ex Rot. Original. in Arch. Theſaur.Edward the third, and Edward the fourth we did the like. An army better apted by Neceſſity than Election to Quibus ob Egeſtatem & Flagitia maxima peccandi neceſſitudo eſt, whoſe Richard the ſecond, the State began to be ſeFrance, ſet oarm
—Deny therrour in his Government: whereto Chancellour
Henry the fourth, declared publicklPeace, (for I uſe the wordChivalry and Rock of Noble
within the Realm was in a manner conſumed.
And the whole State by war had been thus ſub
But ſince the end of mans creation is not for thCharity, or Example, (for Rome did by Coloni
inlarge and confirm her Empire) is to tranſplaIreland we may inIndi
many ſervants: a world from our Forefathers conquirendus potius miles quam dimittendus, Souldipoſt
after war forces are rather to be cheriſhed than waſted.
THe profits gained by Forraign Expeditions Taxes and Lones, whePrerogative power leproviſions of Victuals raiſed to ſupply the neceſſity and expence of War.
WIlliam the Conquerour in the entrance of Conqueſt, to defray ſuch charge as either the defence of the Land from ſpoil, or the Sea from Piracy, ſhould exDane-geld, Gelda Regis, or Hidage, and was ſeſſed by the Hide or Plough-land, like to that Jugatio per jugera taxation by the acre in Rome, yet by no rate deExaction, taken, as the Monk of S. Albans
ſive per fas ſive
per nefas, by fair means or by foul. He paſſeFrancs into the liſt of charge he ranke
William Rufus anno 7. ſet upon the heads of ſFrench wars tean. 9. he to the ſame end ſpoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and Holy veſſels, and levied four Hidages of every Plough-land, Trib
nEngland wine reſpirare potuit Anglia ſub ipſo ſuffocata, England was quite ſtifled by him, anQuid jam non Regibus auſum? Aut quid jam Regno reſta Scelus?—What durſt not Kings then do? What miſchief could the Nation ſuffer more? in this Kings time.
Henry the firſt anno 5. magnam à Regno exegit Pecuniam, exacted a great France: and by this means gravabatur terra Angliae oppreſſ
was born down with many oppreſſions. Danegeld.
Quod inter eum & Regem Francorum magnum fuit diſſidium, Anglia fuit variis depreſſa Exactionibus, & Bonis ſine peccato ſpoliata, by means of the great differenoe betwixt him and the King of France, England was oppreſſed with divers exacti
Stephen there need no more than the Monk of Gisborn,
Poſt annum ſextum Pax nulla, omnes partes terrebat violenta Pradatio, after the ſixth year of his reign there was no quiet, but all parts of the Land became a prey and ſpoil to violent men.
Henry the ſecond, alluding not unlike to the
given the Eremitae in the decline of the Empire, as Salaries by which they ſtood bound to defend the Frontiers againſt the Incurſions of the Barbarous Nations, continued the Policy of his Progenitors, who allotted the Land into ſuch and ſo many equal portions, as might ſeem competent for ſupportation of a Knight or man at Arms; from whom (as occaſion required) they received either ſervice or contribution. This TeEngland are no leſs) a great eaſe, ſtrength and ſecurity to his State; for they are totidem Hoſtagia, ſo many Hoſtages, as Bracton ſaith; it were a thing perillous now to alter, after ſuch a current of time and cuſtome. This King to unpublico praecepit edicto quod quilibet Praelatus & Baro, quot Milites de eo tenerent in Capite publicis ſuis
inſtrument is ſignificarent, he cauſed it to be proin capite. By this rule of Scutage, conſtant in the number, he levied alwayes his SubScutage,
anno 5. amounted to 124 millia librarum argenti, thouſand pounds of ſilver; which reduced to the ſtandard of our money five ſhillings the ounce, whereas that was not five groats, will amount to near 400000 l. An. 7. Scutagium fuit aſſeſſum ad duas Marcas pro Exercitu Tholoſae, a Scutage was aſſeſſed two Marks for the ArTholouſe; which if ſummed up by the receil. The like in the next year. In an 11. pro ſervientibus inveniendis in exercitu, to find men to ſerve in the wars, of two pence de unaquaque libra in every pound. And 4. ſequentibus annis de ſingulis libris ſingulis denariis, in the four following years a penScutage was aſſeſſed ad Marcam unam de ſingulis Feodis, one Mark on every Fee. And anno 18. Scutagium pro quolibet Feodo, a Scutage for every Fee. A Tenth of all moveables was granted in the thirty fifth year of his Reign. In which year dying, Richard 1.millia librarum in auro & argento, praeter utenſilia & jocalia, reliquit, he left in money 900000 pounds, beſides Plate and Jewels.
Richard the firſt in the beginning beſides cutagium Walliae aſſeſſum, a Scutage aſſeſſed upon
at ten ſhillings, levied as in the ſuccour of the Et eleemoſynae ti
cloaking his ravemillia marcarum argenti ad pondus Columni
150000 marks of ſilver to pay his ranScutage aſſeſſed at twenty ſhillings. Tenementale. Extremity (for by nova & varia praedandi vocabula, new and ſundry Tacitus
Centeſima & Quinquageſima, an hunCiſtertian Monks
ſine Pecunia
at a Fine. For his Army into Normandy
Scutage aſſeſſed at twenty ſhilBurrough and duos palfridos & totidem ſummari
two horſes and as many ſummaries: and of every Abbot half as much. Then loſing of purpoſe his great Seal, proclaimed that Omnes Chartae & Confirmationes novi Sigilli impreſſione roborarentur, all Charters
Henry the third, when all again wqui ſuis volebant libertatibus gauder
as many as would enjoy their Liberties, ut inn
to rRichard had in the end to beChancellour Hubert then Archbiſhop, ſpent infrae biennium undecies centena mill
within le
His brother John ſucceeding Scutage aſſeſſed at two Marks Scutage as before, the fortieth part of the Revenues Scutage, and the Baronage and Clergy A Scutage aſſeſſed at two Marks an. 5. Scutage; and the thirteenth part of Moveaan. 9. he exacted by redemextorſit tributum grave, ſcil. 140 millia librarum à viris Eccleſiaſticis, he extorted a great tribute, viz. 140000 pounds of the Church-men. And to furniſh his Army, Clericorum Horrea invadit, he came
Scutage aſſeſſed at two marks, beſides an exaction l. from the Ciſtertian Monks. He took Scutage aſſeſſed at 20 s. pro exercitu Scotiae, and another at two marks proexecitu Wallia, &c. for his Welch Army; exScutagium aſſeſſum fuit pro exercitu Pictavia ad 3 Marcas, a Scutage was aſſeſſed at three marks for the Army in Poictou. Thus in the ſpace of ſeventeen years the State was delivered but thrice from Impoſitions.
In the time of Henry the third, Scutages; one at ten ſhillings, two at twenty, eight at two Marks, and four at forty ſhillings the Knights Fee. Church: ſix times for a year only, and by it ſelf; once accompanied with the Firſt-Fruits: once for three years; and once for five. gravis exactio, a heavy exaction, and worthily, if to the eight hundred Marks impoſed upon Edmunds
Bury all the other Abbyes were rated acWillihelmus de Middleton
de exitu Judaiſmi 402000
And as in all the fifty ſix years of his reign (exExactures, either for Carriages, or Victuals, or perſonal attendance. In the ſixWinchelſey were enut providerent decem bonas naves & magnas ad transfretandum in Pictaviam in ſervitium Regis, to provide ten good and ſtoPoictou.
Dunwich and Ipſwich five a piece, and the Ports proportionable, all at their own charge. In the ſame year Church not forborn in thoſe charges Wincheſter
Wheat and Oates, and one thouſand of Beam was taken. Exactions, coming—ut unda ſupervenit undae acſi eſſet Anglia puteus inexhauſtus, as waEngland were a pit nevpro Exercitu ſuo de ſ
upon every two Hides unu
and to bring ſecum v
victuals with them: and thoſe fo& quos R
and ſuch as he pleaſed ſhould continue at home, to contribute victuals to thoſe that went for forty dayes: commanding the Sheriffs ad Arma qui poſt cum remanebant in Anglia, in forma qua jurati fuerant tempore Joannis Patris ſui, to Armes, who ſtayed behind him in England, after the manner they were ſworn in the time of King John his father; by which OrJohn all able Subjects from Youth to decrepit Age were bound to arm themſelves, and be in continual readineſs, à
from night to morning, (for Henry the third in anno 14. mandavit Vicecomitibus quod venire faciant
commanded the Sheriffs to ſend all thoſe Loricas, Habergiones, &c. Coats of Maile, Habergeons, &c. and to ſuch as neglejurgatoriè eò quòd, &c. tartly &c. and after fining them according an. 26. Willihelm. de Umfrevile pro quietatione paſ
for the ſecuring of his paſſage into Gaſ
100 Marks; and ſo in proportion of many thers.
Edward the firſt exacted from the land of his Scutage, aſſeſſed every time Auxilium novum, a new Aide, which he farmed out for ready money. Of the Rents of the Clergy he took a Tenth part twice
Provinces, and once for two years from Canterbury only.
The poſſeſſions of the Priors Aliens he ſeized once into his own hands, putting the Monks to a bare Penſion of eighteen pence a week. Of the goods of the Clergy he took the thirtieth, the fifteenth, and the fifth part once, the Moiety three times, and the Tenth ſeven times; whereGrant was firſt for two years, and then for three years, and once for ſix years. anno 22. ſu
for the ſuccour of the Hcommuni in general, or per capita by the Poll. And twice the like upon the Jews: whereof the one amounted to fifty thouan. 31. de peditibus eligendis de tota Anglia, for the chuſing of foot-Souldiers throughout all England; and to be found and furniſhed by their ſeveral Countreys: calling Earles, Barons and Knights to perſonal ſervice according to their Tenures.
His Son the ſecond Edward aſſeſſed upon the Scutage; once at two Marks, and once at forty ſhillings the Knights Fee. From the Revenues of the Clergy rated by the book of Tenths, he at diſtinct times took 4 d. 5 d. and 12 d. in the Mark; and once the fifanno 10. quia exitus Regni ſui & terrarum, bead ſumptus Belli ſufficere noluit, was not enough to defray the charges of his wars, and that he muſt infinitam pecuniam effundere, ſpend a vaſt deal of moin depoſito to pay his Souldiers; and took from the Nobility and Gentry a large contribution towards his wars; and ſeized omnes Lanas & Coria Mercatorum, data ſecuritate Poſſeſſoribus de rationabili pretio poſtea ſolvendo, All the Wools and Hides of the Merchants, giving ſecurity to the Owners that a reaſonable price ſhould be paid for them afterwards. He charged the Ports and Sea-Towns twelve ſeveral years ad coſtos ſuos & ſumptibus villarum, at their own coſts, and the charge of the Villages about them, (as the Record ſaith) to ſet to Sea in his ſervice Ships furniſhed Armis & victualibus, with Armes and Victuals; ſometimes for one moneth, as anno 11. anno 12. and ſometimes for ſeven as anno 4. the number of Ships more or leſs as occaſion required. In anno 17. Southampton was charged with ſix, and an hunanno 18. an. 20. or of fifty Tuns and upward, as
23. contra hoſtiles aggreſſus Gallorum, againſt French. Cauſing Southampton anno 6. anno 1, 2, 3, 4, 9. to provide de Exitibus Comitatuum certum proti
at the charge of the County a certain Rate, Quarters of Corn and many Baanno 16. Carrecta & Carracum Equis & Bobus, Carts and Waggons with Oxen anno 7. ibidem diſcariari, to be there unladed, but to order them by ſecurity for thoſe parts where the Kings Army was lodged.
And not ſparing the Church, exacted Frumenta & alia victualia pro exercitu ſuo, Corn and other Victuals for his Army from them.
Beſides the former Charges, the Perſons of Men, as well of the Nobility as meaner rank, were at their own Charge often enjoyned to ſerve by reaſon of the wars. an. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 16. ſingulatim man by man, as well Widows as Knights ſub forisfactura terrarum & Catallorum, Equis & Armis, ſumptibus propriis,
de hominibus a
men for the ſervice beſides their ordinary Servants: accordAuguſtus
Viri Foeminaeque ex Cenſu coactae dare Militem, both men and woClergy was not exempted anno 16. of this King. And out of every Town one ſumptibus propriis, at their own charges, for forty dayes, as anno 15. or for 60. as anno 9. or pr
for ſeven weeks, as anno 4. anno 3 an. 11. and (g) Clauſ. an. 18. m. 13.anno 15. London ſumptibus Civitatis at the Cities charge, found 500. men for forry days anno 12. and the like anno 18. contra inſultus Regis Eranciae, againſt the invaſions of the King of France.
anno 16. that all of forty ſhillings land and upwards ſhould rateably ſend to his ſervice men; an. 9, 10, 15, and 16. that all jurati ad arma, ſworn to Armes, or from ſixteen to ſixty, ſecundum Statutum Winceſtriae, according to the Statute of Wincheſter, ſhould attend their Services. anno 13. injoyned all from twenty to ſixty to be armed and victualled at their own charge. annis 6, 7, 8, 12, 16 and 18. to ſee all the able men of England ſo furniſhed, that Parati ſint & muniti ad veniendum ad Regem quando vocati fuerint, they ſhould be provided and in a readineſs to
ad
at the charge of their neigde habenda
a Rot. clauſ. anno 15 E. 2.
to bring them before the Council, who knowing of it before, refuſed the expedition, as anno 15. 1. the parties impriſoned, and their goods ſeized into the Kings hands, as anno 9. & 16. or elſe redemption by fine, as the Buckingham and Bedford did their men for ſix hundred Marks anno 15. The owner of forty ſhillings land to redeem his firſt default cum tertia parte Bonorum, with the third part of his Goods; the ſecond cum tota reſidua, with the remaining parts; at the third, ſint Corpora corum ad voluntatem Regis, their Bodies to be at the Kings diſpoſal; and of Knights, qui non fuerunt in exercit
which were not in the Kings Army, 20 l. for every Hide, as anno 13.
I have the longer inſiſted upon this King, that tanquam in ſpeculo, as in a glaſs we may behold the intolerable miſeries of the Nobility and Commons inſeparably accompanying the times of War.
Edward the third charged Commons he took once the ninth part, and fifteenth of Forreſt and Waſte; twice the tenth, thirteen times a fifteenth for one year,
Burroughs and Cities, four Tenths, Lords the teninterim ſecurity themſelves by Bond to the Earl of Brittain, to whom their Soveraign ſtood engaged. Of the Clergie alone one Tenth for four years, three for three years, and one for one year. Beſides a Contribution in the twelfth of his Reign, ſeizing in the ſame year all the Goods of the Cluny and Ciſtertian Monks. Of the Church and Laity together he received ſix times the tenth of all their Moveables. From the Merchants and State a Subſidy of Wooll for three years. Impoſing anno 33. 26 s. 8 d. upon every Sack tranſported: which doubled the Impoſitions of his Father and Grandfather. Advancing it afanno 38. (being the year he reſumed his Stile of France) to 46 s. 4 d. the Sack of Wooll. Taking Pound. of all Commodities inward and outward and enjoyning the Merchants for every Sampler of Wooll tranſported to return in forty ſhillings Bullion to his Mint. Devonſhire and Cornwall anno 12. in auxilium ſupportationis onerum Belli, to help him bear the burthen of his wars: aſſeſting upon the heads of his Subjects a fine of 4 d. ſeverally anno 51. Beſides in anno 20. he took a Loan of the Biſhops, Abbots, Juſtices, & aliis potentioribus Regni, de diverſis pecuniarum Summis, inter Summas de 1000 l. & 40 l. and
l. and 40 l.
In the firſt of his Reign ſumptibus propriis & duplici Eskeppamento, at their own proper charge, and with double Skipan. 10. ut eas per diſtrictiones & alias punitiones prout expedire viderint compellent, to force it by diſtraining, and what other puLondon, qui ex tranſmarinis paſſagiis lucra adquirunt, who had traffick in foranno 13. the Cinque-Ports ſet out to ſea thirty Ships, and maintain them during the ſervice, half at their own, half at the Councils charge. Four ſcore Ships being furniſhed and deOut-Ports, the Admiral directed to embargue all other Ships for the Kings ſervice. Parliament) receive no further relief, than that the King would not have it otherwiſe than before.
For Proviſion of his Arms, the King took at one time, and at a rate of loſs to the Subject, nineteen thouſand quarters of Grain, two thouſand two hundred Oxen ſalted, and three thouſand Bapro guerris neceſſariis, ubi id magis commode fie
for the neceſſities of his wars, where
The Perſons of all his meaner Subjects from ſixteen to ſixty he cauſeth ad praemonitionem 5. dierum, at five dayes warning; the Decrepite to contribute ad expenſ
towards the expences of the reſt: an
they might be dealt withal as enemies. Archers, as anno 13. with other proportions Armis & Equis competentibus, ſerquod ſint parati Equ
with Horſe and Arms and all neceſſary accoutrements to attend the King in his wars.
Theſe wars (which as Edward the third proHonour be mainanno 22. they complain in Parliament of the miſeries they underwent thereby: As of their Aids advanced to forty ſhillings Fine, that by law ſhould be but twenty ſhillings. Their ſetting forth of men, and the Kings taking of their Victuals without pay
Richard ſucceeding his Grandfather declareth Richard 2. a Parl. an. 2, & 14. Rot. 2. n. 2.a anno 2. and 14. that the great Wars he was left in, and the Territories he inherited beanno 21. granted one Tenth to him, and a fifteenth and a half of either of them yearly for the term of life. From out of the Burroughs and Cities thrice a full Tenth, and once a Moiety. Out of all Merchandiſes he received three years d. in the pound, and once 12 d. And for every Tun of Wine, and ſuch Commodi&c. by Edward the firſt rated at a Noble the Sack, and under his Son increaſed as much more, was to this King advanced to twenty anno 14. amounted to one hundred and ſixty thouſand pound. From out of the goods of the Clergie he had eight Tenths and a half; and one out of thoſe and the Laiety together; beſides a Loan anno 5. of ſixty thouſand pound. By the poll or heads of all his people from above fifteen years, he collected twice a Contribution, aſſeſſed proportional from the Begger to the Duke: Beſides in ſtrength of Prerogative only, of every Ship and Fiſherman ſix pence the Tun: the like of Newcaſtle Coals, and of every Laſt of Corn inwards or outwards the like ſumm.
To furniſh his journey for Ireland he took their Horſes, Armour, Cattel. Hinc factus eſt ſuis Subditis inviſus, Hereupon he came to be haLondon. And ſo it ſeemed: For at his depoſing, it was one of the objected Articles againſt him.
He the firſt year of his Reign impoſed upon his Subjects, as formerly his Anceſtors had done, a perſonal ſervice ab anno primo, That all the Clergie ſhould array Armis & Equis competentibus, with ſerviceable Horſes and Arms, from the age of ſix& eos in Millenis & Centenis poni faciant, & cauſe them to be entred into Regiments and Companies. And two years after commandEquis & Armis, with Horſe & Arms to attend the wars. But theſe the courſes of elder times were about this time much altered, and the King for the moſt part ever ſupplyed in his wars by conPell plenty yet remaining. Thus under grievous burdens did the State labour continually all his time; for his Treaſury being waſtefully emptied, was, as Tacitus ſaith of Tiberius,
Scelere replendum, to be filled ſome ill way; by which he meant intolerable racking of the people. Hence it was that often in this Kings time
But he little regarding the tears or groans of his heartleſs People, anſwered them as an. 4. That their Petition and his Honour could not conſiſt to
Henry the fourth in thirteen years out of the auxilia de medietate Feodorum, an Aid of the moi&c. one Subſidy for one year, four for two apiece, and one for three years. A Poundage at 8 d. once, four times twelve pence, whereof the laſt was for two years. The like number and years of the Tunnage, the firſt only rated at two ſhilanno 8. a it a gravis, ſo heavy, that it was granted ea conditione, ne trahatur in Exemplum, & ut Evidentiae poſt datum Computum cremarentur, upon this condition, that it ſhould not be made an Example to following times, and that after the Account the Evidences ſhould be burnt.
Next him ſucceeded his Son Henry the fifth; in Chancellor bewailed to him in Parliament the Feebleneſs and Poverty of the People by reaſon of wars and ſcarcity of money, he (who of as matotidem fecit Monumenta victoriae, raiſed himſelf ſo many MonuLivy ſaith of an excellent SolPacem voluit etiam quia vincere potuit, he preferred Peace becauſe he knew he could overHeir, nimium felix malo
ſuo, too happy to his own undoing, as the event proved. For retaining nothing ex paterna Majeſtate praeter ſpeciem nominis, of his Fathers Greatneſs more than the ſpecious Name of a Great King, by Fear and Facility he laid the way open to his Factious Ambitious Kindred, to work themanno 14. and douEdward the firſt, but of all Free-hold and Coppy-hold under 200 l. and two in twenty of all above. He further iml. raiſed by a moiety of a tenth and fifteenth, and again of all goods ſix ſhillings eight pence in the pound. Of the Merchant, of Subſidies rated as in former times, he had them by grant once but for a year;
Deniſons, and fifty three ſhillings four pence of Aliens. The Sack of Wooll was twice granted for four years at a time, and anno 31. for term of the Kings life. Beſides a Subſidy alone of Aliens goods, Tonnage and Poundage improved to ſix ſhillings eight pence he took in his eighteenth year. And after the Rates of his Fathers time he had it firſt thrice by his ſeveral grants and years, then as often for two years, and again by a new grant for five years, and in the end for term of his life. Of the Clergie he had beſides one half of Diſmes, four entire tenths. And by the State in general an. 31. two thouſand Archers maintained for half a year at the common Charge. By the Poll he exacted anno 18. of every Merchant Stranger if a houſeanno 27. ſix ſhillings eight pence of every ſuch Stranger, and twenty pence of their Clerks. An. 31. he had granted for term of life ten pounds a year of all Inhabitants meer Aliens, and a third leſs of Denizons, and twenty ſhillings of every Stranger Merchant that came into the land. The firſt Monopolies
Nota Firſt Monopolie.anno 29. the Spinellos, Merchants of Genua, had by grant for eight thouSouthampton had all Allome for the like ſumm. Yet for all the Contributions, Taxes and Shifts, (whereby the impoveriſhed People were enforced to petition reanno 10. ſuman. 11. to comanno 18. the debts were ſwoln again ſo great, that the Parliament was reinforced not only to see them, but to ſupport and victual his houſeLepidus, à Militibus & à fortuna deſerebatur, being forſaken both of Souldiers and Fortune, he was left a while to a diſgraced life, ſ
and deſpoiled of that Dignity which he was not able to maintain:
Edward the fourth, de facto, and not de jure to Reign, but alſo of thoſe made by Attaintures flowed daily inBenevolence in anno 14. which Fabian calleth a new Contribution: And charged them anno 12. with wages of his Arl. Of the Merchant he had Tonnage and Poundage for term of life. BeDenizons as others, a Subſidy the Edward the fifth. For,
The Fates only ſhewed him to the world, and took him away again.
Richard his Brother ſucceeded, homo ingenioſiſſime nequam, & facundus malo publico, a Benevolences, that his opinion was, Ditare magis eſſe Regium quam diteſcere, that it was more King-like to enrich his Subjects, than to grow rich himſelf. Whereas he did but lively imitate Nero, that took away the law Manlia de vectigalibus, only ut gratioſior eſſet populis, to ingrati
Henry the ſeventh ſucceeding, reſumed in the anno 19. out of their Goods and Lands a tenth peny, and of their Goods only three times the Tenth, five Fifteens, beſides a Tenth and Fifteenth ariſing to 120000l. He took three Subſidies, whereof the laſt was not above 36000l.
Benevolence, the proportion of every Alder300l. and the entire ſumm of the City of London 9688 l. 17 s. 4 d. Of the Clergi
had twice the Tenth, and 25000 l.
Subſidy.
Lond. rated at 6000 l. the other not definite in proportion, but ſo aſſeſſed as Commiſſioners and the Lenders could agree.
And as well to eaſe the expence of wars, as iſſue of the good money going over to Bullen,
Dandeprats: A courſe that neceſſity after enforSymptome of a conſumed State. But that whereby he heaped up his maſs of Treaſure, (l.
His Succeſſor, reaping the fruit of his Fathers an. 4. amounted to 16000 l. and that anno 7. 110000 l. Tonnage he had and Poundage once for a year, and after for term of life. Of the Clergie four Tenths by one grant, and three by ſeveral, every of them not leſs than 25084 l. Of Subſidies he had one of the Province of Canterbury, another of both; the Stipendary Miniſters there to be taxed according to the rate of their wages. In anno 22. they granted a moiety of all their Goods and Lands, payable by equal portion in five years, every part ariſing to 95000 l. And not long after he had added 150000 l. to the yearly Revenues of his Crown, by an inhumane ſpoil of ſacred Monuments, and impious ruine of holy
Prerogative: As Benevolences and Loans from the Clergie and Commons. Of the firſt there were two remarkable, that in anno 17. acted by Commiſſioners, who as themſelves were ſworn to Secrecy, ſo were they to ſwear all thoſe with whom they conferr or contract. The Rates directed by inſtructions, as the thirds of all Goods, Offices, Land above 20 l. and the fourth under. And although the Recuſants (whether from DiſDeſign Original under the Kings hand, it hath ſo fair a name as an Amicable Grant. The other about an. 36. exacteth out of all Goods, Offices, land from forty ſhillings to 20 l. 8 d. in the pound, and of all above 12 d. And amongſt the many Loans, there is none more notorious than that of an. 14. l. in the hundred of all Goods, Jewels, Utenſils, and Land from 20 l. to 300 l. and twenty marks of all above, as far as the Subjects Fortune, revealed by the extremity of his own Oath, would extend. And to ſtop as well intentions if any had been, as expectations of rean. 21. acquiLetter Miſſ
Edward the ſixth his Son, beſides Tonnage and an. 1. received of his Lay-SubMary remitted in an. 1. of her reign; yet French King ſuccouring her Rebels, and ſuffering her money adulterated in his Dominions, purpoſely to be hither tranſported, as alſo to ſide the quarrel of Philip her husband againſt him) being drawn into wars, ſhe was inforced to preſs upon her people, who beſides the Loan in an. 3. and Tonnage and Poundage an. 1. for term of life granted unto her by Parliament, took five Fifteens of the Commons, and of them and the Clergie three years Subſidies.
Her Siſter of happy memory ſucceeding, beanno 5. when William Herle was diſpatched into Germany to take up at Intereſt for ſix years great ſumms of money, the like anno 18. from the Merchants of Colen and Hamburgh upon Bond of the City of London, and again of Spinello and Pallavicini upon the former ſecurity, ſtrengthened with the aſſurance alſo of many of her chiefeſt Councellors) had by grant of her Subjects thirty eight Fifteens, twenty Subl.
HAving thus far (with as light a hand as I Edward the third in the Patent to William de la Poole confeſſeth that propter defectum pecuniae negotia ſua fuerunt periculoſiſſine retardata, for want of money his affairs were dangerouſly delayed, (they are the words of the record) and the honour of him and his Royal Army magne fuit depreſſioni paterter expoſitus, & progreſſus non ſine dedecore ſuo perpetuo impeditus, he was brought to a maniDe la Poole had not as well ſupplyed him with the credit of his Security, as with the beſt ability of his own Purſe. For which ſerBaronets, and five hundred pound land
The intereſt of Henry 3. ad plus quam centum quotidie libras aſcenderat, ita ut imminer
came to more than a hundred pound a day, ſo that preſent ruine and deſolation hung over the heads as well of the Clergie as the People.
Queen Mary
Flanders at fourteen in the hundred, beſides Brocage upon collateral ſecurity.
The late Queen was enforced Londons aſſurance, as before, and with her William, that took out of Churches ſuch money as ſeveral men had committed thither for more
Charles the fifth, that to repair the waſte of his Italian wars, went in perſon to Barcilona, to ſeize into his hands a Maſs of money called Depoſitum Tabulae, which as well Strangers as Subjects had there laid up in Sanctuary. But theſe are not the conditions of Princes of our times only: for in the lives of Caligula, Nero, and Veſpaſian, Suetonius of them ſeverally writeth, Exhauſtus & egenus Calumniis
being drawn dry and grown poor, they bent their minds to Calumnies and Rapines. For Pernicioſa res eſt in Imperante tenuitas, Want in a Prince is a dangerous thing; and as Theodoricus ſaid, Periculoſiſſimum animal eſt Rex pauper, a Poor King is the moſt dangerous creature living.
It hath abated the Regalities of Houſes; an. 16. Richard the ſecond and 18. Henry 6. when as well from want of means, as the SubExpeditiſſi
the readieſt way to raiſe the Revenue is to take down Expences,) they have much leſſened their Hoſpitality; their Tables being either deHenry the ſixth, or as Henry the third, when by neceſſity ita conſueta Regalis Menſae hoſpitalitas abbreviata fuit, ut (poſtpoſita ſolita verecundia) cum Abbatibus, Clericis, & viris ſatis humilibus hoſpitia quaeſivit & prandia; the wonted hoſpitality of the Kings Table was ſunk ſo low, that (with
ſell and alienpoſſeſſions of the Crown: as Henry the thiEdward his ſon Licentiam
leave to pawn Duchy of Gaſcoign; And cauſed himſelf l. (except ſome pittances reſerved) Signiory of Normandy. What reſumed the poſſeſſions
Kings enforced to make Reſumption of their Lands.
Edward the ſecond an. 5, Omnes donationes per Regem factas
all the Grants made by the King to the leſſeRichard the ſecond anno 1. did the like ofEdward the third. Thus did Henry
an. 1. and Hen. 6. in the twenty eighth Edward 4. in anno 3. and 12. AHen. 7. in an. 3. with all Offices of his CroUſurper or his Brothquae ad ſacrum Pa
which belong to
But when neither Credit, Frugality, or SNer
Antonius the Emperours to ſell and pawn
Jewels. The Archbiſhop of York had Henry the third an. 26. impignorandi Jocalia Regis ubi
to England to Edward the firſt ſendeth Egi
to Edward the third pawnL. Beaumont and the Black
Prince was conſtrained to break his Plate into Mo
Richard the ſecond pawned Vaſa aurea &
Veſſels of Gold and divers Robert Knowles.
Henry the anno 3. to a Merchant for money invadi
ingaged his Tablet and ſtools of Silver which he had from Spain.
Henry the ſixth
and ſelleth to the Cardinal of Wincheſter
an. 10, 12, and 29. Queen in
And Extremity hath yet ſtretched ſome of our Edward
invadiavit magnam Coronam An
pawned his Imperial Crown three ſeveral an. 17. in partibus tranſmarinis in forJohn W
his an. 30. in whoſe cuſtody it remained Henry Biſhop of Wincheſter Henry the fifth invadiavit magnam Coronam auream,
Henry the thiomnia Inſignia Regalia,
Aurum & Jocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confeſſ
the Gold and Jewels belonging to the ShriEdward the Confeſſour, (A courſe moWilli
the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines
Churches, or as Clement the ſeventhCharles the fifth mePauper ſum, omni deſtitu
The ſauro; neceſſe habeo ut me juvetis: nec aliqui
I am poor, and have Ramſey, to ſay, Amice, obnixe ſupplico quatenus me juvas mi
My friend, I beſeecmajorem Eleemoſyn
that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants, than to give to one that begged from door to door. So that of the waſte of theſe timeSatyriſt ſay,
Thou ſeeſt the Bones of Kings ſpoil'd of their Marrow.
In the Expeditions of Henry the third, their purchaſes were ſo great, that the Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back, than for the expence of their own moneys: For
Cum labor in damno eſt creſcit mortalis egeſtas,
When Toil brings Loſs, Begg'ry muſt needs increaſe.
The ſame King, although called in by the NoFrance
Conſumpta pecunia infinita, & Nobilibus & Militibus innumer abilibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati, vel fame attenuatis, vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem, with the having ſpent an infinite deal of money, his Nobles and Souldiers with
Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence Henry the third and his people in his Sicilian SEngland was Puteus inexhauſt us quem
a Well not to be empEdward the third, the fourth and ſeRichard the ſecond, the eighth of Henry
the fifth, and tenth of Henry the ſixth, ever com
The Treaſure Henry the eighth ſpent in aid of Matoimilian about recovery of Veron
brought him nothing elſe but Loſs and Diſhonour. For the Emperour having his turn ſerved, delivered contrary to Contract, that City to the French, threatning to Confederate with them, ni Rex ei continuo perſolveret, unMinis & terrore ab hoc Rege pecuniam poſſe haberi, that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words. For the great Army of this King ſent over into France, and the Million almoſt of Crowns he ſupplied the Emperour and Duke of Bourbon with in their wars of Millan, his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home, and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad,
inter Mayſem,
betwixt Moſes, Chriſt
Mahomet, with this word, Quo me vertam
Which way to turn me I know not. For Crowns beſtowed in purchaſe Tournay, not without ſuit of his own, he deliFrance at no greater Edward the ſixth for l.
ſpent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars, his State received of inrichment, it ſeemeth ſo
Until the late Queen was drawn into wars, l. but after ſhe was l. at which time ſhe was but l. in the Low-Countries, from 1587. until 1593. the yearly disburſement for Fluſhing and the Brill
the debts of the States 800000 l. and the Aides of the French King ſince he atl. was after that time. Thus by reaſon of war, beſides Taxes upon her People to the Summ of two Mil
Spain, it may be well caſt up by two examples of oCales
anno 30, and 34 of the Queen, wherel. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy, ariſing in the ſame yeal. As to the greateſt Loſs, expence of Chriſtian Blood, it may well ſuſfice to bemoHorace,
THe laſt motive from Utility is increaſe of ReDominions. Which can receive no anſwer ſo full of ſatisfaction, as to inſtance the particular Summs, exhauſted in every Age to retain them. Beginning firſt with the Duchi
Normandy: For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence, (as the Theſauris innumeris, with unacſive per fa
gatherNormandy. His Son ad retinendam Normanniam, Angliam excoriavit, to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin. To the ſame end by Henry the firſt, Anglia fuit bonis ſpoliata, England was deſpoiled of its Goods. His Scutagium pro Exercitu Normanniae, a Scutage for his army in Normandy three times at a high rate: and was inforFrench to build and man de novo & integro, intirely new.
Richard the firſt ut potentes homines Regis Franciae ſibi conciliaret, ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur, therewith to make himſelf friends amongſt the moſt powerful Courtiers of France, ſo to keep quietly his poſſeſſions in Normandy.
King John
Henry the fifth, France. In the quiet poſſeſſion of his Son Henry
(John Duke of Bedford then Regent) this Duchy coſt the Crown of England 10942 l. yearly. an. 10. Crom
Treaſurer of England, that out of the Kings Exchequer at Weſtminſter the entertainRichard Duke of York was in the fifteenth year of Henry the ſixth
the certain Expence over-ballanced the
l. And an. 27. Haſtings Chancellour of France declareth in ParNormandy was not able to maintain it ſelf. But thus it continued not much longer; for this Crown was both eaſed of the Duchy and Charge ſhortly.
Of the Principality of Aquitain, the Duchy
Gaſcoign, Guien and the Members, I find the ſtate thus in record. In the twenty ſixth of Henry the third. Weſtminſter 10000 l. for payGaſcoign; beſides an infinite proportion of Victuals and Munition thither ſent. To retain this Duchy in Duty and poſſeſſion, are alieno graviter obligatus, Theſauris, Donativis, Tallagiis, & extortionibus in Anglia conſumptis; very much indebted, and having ſpent all his Treaſures, Grants, Tallages, and other Extortions in England. Beſides the people there at his departure extorſerunt ab eo confeſſionem quadraginta millia Marcarum, forced an acanno 38. Ille per multos labores & expenſas inutiliter recuperavit Caſtra ſua propria Vaſconiae, with a great deal of toile and expence, he unprofiGaſcoign; of which the Labour was more than ever the Benefit could be.
And thus it appeareth to have continued; for an. 17. Edward the ſecond, the money diſEngland to defray the ſurcharge there came to 46595 l. 9 ſhillings 7 d. beſides 29660 Quarters of Grain, and of Beeves and
Edward the third Gaſcoign were 10000 l. above the Revenues. The Signiories in Aquitain
l. 4 ſhill. 5 d. de receptis forinſecis only, it was delivered in Paran. 1 Rich. 2. Gaſcoign, and ſome few other places that were then held in France, coſt yearly this Crown 42000 l. And in the ſevenBordeaux
l. As Fronſack in Aquitain 5787 l. for double that time; when the intire Duchy exceeded not 820 l. in yearly Re
The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry the fourth l. annually out of the ExcheEngland. By accompt Aquitain (beſides Guien 6606 l.) was the Henry the fifth in ſurpluſage of charge 11200 l. and the Town of Bordeaux the five firſt years of the ſame King 6815 l. In the eleventh of Henry the ſixth, Sir John Ratcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treaſury of England pro vadiis ſuis, &c. 2729 l. and for expence in cuſtody of Fronſack Caſtle only he payed 666 l. 13 ſhill. the profits of the Duchy no wayes able to clear the Accompts.
The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Britany,
Henry the third confeſſeth that ad defenſionem Britanniae non ſufficiebant Angliae Theſauri, quod jam
per triennium comprobavit, that the Treaſure of England would not ſuffice to maintain Britany, which he had found to be true upon three years tryal: and left in the end tam laborioſis expenſis amplius fatigari, to tire himſelf farther with ſuch
The Town of Breſt
Callis.
Richard the ſean. 9. in 13118 l. 18 ſhill.
For Callis, I will deliver with as much ſhortEngland,) disburſed. Edward the third, until the one and twentieth, in which ſpace it was taken, the charge amounted to 337400 l. 9 ſhill. 4 d. Anno 28. of the ſame King for little more than a year 17847 l. 5 ſhillings. In anno 29. 30581 l. 18 d. for two years compleat. Richard de Eccleſhal Treaſurer of Callis from the Biſhop of Wincheſter Treaſurer of England, 17847 l.
l. 15 ſhill.
Richard the ſecond de receptis forinſcecis, which was money from the Exchequer at Weſtminſter, 20000 l. for three years compleat. Anno 5. 19783 l. For three years ending anno 10. 77375 l. For the like term until an. 13. 48609 l. 8 ſhill. And l. 19 ſhill. And for the laſt three years of his Reign, 85643 l.
From the end of Richard the ſecond until the fourth of Henry the fourth for three years l. 17 ſhillings. And for one ſucceeding,
l. The Charge in Victual and Proviſion for two years five months in this Kings Reign l. 15. ſhillings.
In the firſt four and peaceable years of his Son there was iſſued from the Treaſury of England
l. 10 ſhill. for this place. And from anno 8. until the 9. 65363 l. It coſt Henry the ſixth l. 5 ſhill. in an. 11. The Subſidies in England were an. 27. Callis. And the Callis: and the like authority directed the fourth of Edward the fourth, England. The disburſement thereof one year being 12771 l.
de Portu London, Hull, Sancti Botolphi, Poole, & Sandwico, by the Ports of London, Hull, Boſton, Pool, and Sandwich, 12488 l. paid to the Treaſury of Callis.
an. 20. from out of the Cuſtomes of the ſame Ports to the ſame end 12290 l. 18 ſhill.
l. And the year followl. The ſetled ordinary wages of the Garriſon in this Town yearly was 24 Hen. 8. l. And about the thirtieth, when the Viſcount Liſle was Deputy, 8117 l. And from the thirtieth of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did coſt the Crown 371428 l. 18 ſhill. From the firſt purchaſe of it by Edw. 3. until the loſs
Queen Mary, it was ever a perpetual iſſue of the Treaſure of this Land, which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us, than any Fort of Security. For from the waſte of money, which is Nervus Reipublicae, the Sinew of a Common-wealth, as Ulpian ſaith, we may conclude with Tacitus, Diſſolutionem Imperii docet, ſi fructus quibus Reſpub. ſuſtinetur diminuantur, it foreſhews the ruine of an Empire, if that be impaired which ſhould be the ſuſtenance of the Common-wealth. And thereFrancis the French King inHenry the eighth to put off that Kingmajor pars vicit meliorem, the greater party out-voted the better,) that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable than profitable, and the keeping more than the enjoying. The iſſue was in Tournay, Bullen, and this Town manifeſt. Beſides the jealouſie that Nation ever held over our deGraecia libera eſſe non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Compedes tenuit, Greece could never be free ſo long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his cuCallis we had an eaſie deſcent into, and convenient place to trouble the Countrey, a Fetter to intangle them, they neither had aſſurance of their own quiet, nor we of their Amity. And it was not the leaſt Argument from Conveniency in the detention of Callis (after the eight years expired of ReChancellour of France,
Callis, and make war there. God hath made a ſeparation natural betwixt both Nations, a ſure wall and defence,
Et penitus toto diviſos Orbe Britannos;
That is, the Engliſh were divided from all the world.
But a little more to inform the weight of theſe Charges, it is not amiſs to touch (by way of comfort) that from which we are ſo happily by the infinite bleſſings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered; and alſo that other of burthen ſtill, (though much lightened) until conformity of Affections and deſigns of Councils ſhall further effect a Remedy.
The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in Edward 3. was 3129 l. for three years. In the end of Richard 2. and entrance of Henry 4. l. And Henry 6. the Cul. In the 2 Mariae the annual Charge of Barwick was 9413 l.
an. 2 Elizabeth 13430 l. And an. 26. 12391 l.
The Kingdom of Ireland, beyond the Revenues, was 29 E. 3. l. An. 30. l. and an. 50. 1808 l. All the time of Richard 2. Henry 6. 4000 Marks omnibus exitibus & proficuis, in all the rents and profits yearly,
Cromwel Lord Treaſurer, not above 3040 l. But paſſing over theſe elder times: in the Reign of the late Queen, when the yearly Revenue was not 15000 l. the expence for two years l. In an. 1584. for leſs than two years came it to 86983 l.
John Parrots Government ending 1586. was 116368 l. In anno 1597. the Rel. the iſſue was 91072 l. And when in 35 Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdom exceeded not 27118 l. the Disburſement in ſeven moneths were 171883 l. The Charge 1601. l. And for the two years following accounted by the allayed money 670403 l. And in the firſt of the King, 84179 l. Whoſe Government alRevenue by forraign Dominions.
As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Territories; it may ſuffice in anſwer, That ſo long as this Crown was actualSigniory, the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vaſſalage; than which nothing to ſo free a Monarch as the King of England (who is Monarcha in Regno, & tot & tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio, a MoDomino Regi noſtro Franciae, To our Lord the King of France, as during the time we held the Provinces in France, we uſuHonour. And whether upon every command to act in perſon thoſe baſe ſervices of Homage and Fidelity, as firſt in putting off the Imperial Crown, the kneeling low at the foot of that King, and taking an Oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France, a liege ſubject to the Kings of France, &c. we in performing ſo the duties of a ſubject, do not much more diſparage the dignity of a Soveraign, is no queſtion of doubt. From theſe conſiderations of ReputaEngland have as far as to the forfeit of thoſe Signiories, either avoided or refuſed the ſervices. As King John did Normandy; and Edward the Normandy and Aquitain, acDuchy of Aquitain, to put off the act of homage from himHenry the ſecond, who having made his Son Conſortem Imperii, a King of England with him, Homagium à Filio noluit (ſaith the Record) quia Rex fuit, ſed ſecuritatem accepit; would not receive Homage of him, becauſe he was a King, but took his Security. In the ſeventeenth of Richard the ſecond, the Lords and Juſtices would not conſent to a Peace with France, unleſs the
Homage, they held it ſo baſReputation that either in Title or Territory thoſe ſubordiante Duchies in France added to this Crown.
As for the Kingdom of France, the people of England were ſo little in love with that Title, as any France reHonour to them, that by Acts of Parliament 14 Ed. 3. and 8 Ed. 5. they provided that the Subjects of England ſhould owe no Obedience to the King as King of France, nor the Kingdom of England be in any wiſe ſubjected by ſuch Union to that Crown.
And ſo much we have ever been in fear of that France poſProvincial Government: as in 17 H. 6. the ComFrance would induce the Kings aboad there, and by ſuch abſence cauſe great decay and deſolation in this State; beſides the tranſport of our money in the mean time, which would inrich that Countrey, and impoveriſh the Realm at home, whereby we ſhould juſtly again ſay, Britannia ſervitutem ſuam quotidie emit, quotidie poſcit, The Britains are every day begging to be ſlaves, every day giving money for it.
THe laſt motive is, the advantage we now have of greater Facility and aſſurance of Succeſs in Union of both Kingdoms, than ever any of our Anceſtors had.
Place, the next in Perſon. In the France (whether thoſe for the defence of particular Signiories, or competition of the intire Kingdom) we had ever Ports to land at, and Forts to retire to, which now we have not. The coaſt of Normandy was our own, by which we might enter the midſt of France. And Edward the third when he intended to annoy the Eaſt part, ſided with Montfort againſt Charles de Bloys, whom he inveſtDuchy of Britain, that ſo he might have there an eaſie footing. Thus by leave of his ConfeFlanders he had ſafe entrance for all his Army to invade the other ſide, and a ſure retreat, when upon any occaſion he would come back, as he did to Antwerp. And whereſoever any Army may have a quiet deſcent, the greateſt difficulty is overChance, wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevail than Vertue. But ibi grave eſt Bellum gerere, ubi nullus eſt Claſſ
There 'tis a hard task to wage war, where there is no Port open for our Navy, the Countrey our enemy, no City our Confederate, no place to make a ſtand or to march out from, but whitherſoever a man looks, he can ſee nothing but hoſtile intentions againſt us. And this muſt be now our caſe, which was never our Anceſtors.
A Party
For the Confede THe Confederates our Kings held
Perſons conſiderable, the aDukes of Burgundy, Earls of Britain, Dreux and others in France, offendConfederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico & Regi Angliae, became ConfeHenry Earl of Britain and King of England; and thereupon drew him over into Britain.
l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction againſt their Lord and their own Loyalty. Edw. 3. had never undertaken the conqueſt of France, if Robert de Artoys (diſpleaſed with the Sentence of Philip his MaEarldom) had not incited and complotted for him, as Godfrey of Harecourt did after. Nor Henry
French King, the jealouſie of thoſe Princes and Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune.Edwards, the fifth and eighth Henries. Whereas Henry the ſixth, that was of all the reſt left moſt naked to himſelf, although the greateſt otherwiſe in opportunity, loſt all the purchaſe of his Anceſtors in the end. It is not amiſs in ſuch a foundation of Greatneſs as Confederacy, to lay down ſucceſſively, firſt, with whom we tyed that knot of love; then, what were the motives, or aſſurances; and laſtly, whether the ſame in both is left to our occaſions, and will now or no.
Henry the firſt, but to aſſure his own poſſeſſiHen. the firſts Reign to the end of the laſt Queen. Henry 2.adſcivit in praeſidium Comitem Britanniae, & Theobaldum Comitem Bleſenſem, called to his aid the Earl of Britain, and Theobald Earl of Bloys.
Henry the ſecond did the like with Robert Earl of Flanders. And again Richard 2.cum Theodorico Comite Flandriae, Baronibus, Caſtellanis, & caeteris hominibus Comitis, with Theodoric Earl of Flanders, the Barons, Governours of Caſtles, and other the Subjects of the ſaid Earl; who ſtood bound to ſerve him in ſummonitione ſua, ſicut Domino, pro feodis quae de ipſo teneant, upon a ſummons, as well as their own Lord, for the Fees which they held of him.
Baldwin Earl of Flanders contracteth under Bond mutui ſubſidii, quod ſine Rege Richardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Francorum, of mutual aid, that he would not come to agreement with the French King withRichard King of England. And the Britains
relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo adhaeſerunt, forſaking the King of France, did joyn with King Richard.
Between King John
Flanders there was a Combination mutui auxilii
contra Regem Francorum, of mutual aſſiſtance aFrench King. Henry 3.Doway and Earl of Holland.
Hen. 3. anno 11. drew Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy againſt the French; and Fernand Earl of Flanders with a Penſion ananno 38. Alfonſus King of Caſtile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homines in mundo, againſt all the men in the World. To whom he rean. 8. and 10 Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King, but ad preces & inſtantiam at the inſtant ſuit of the King of England.
Edward 1. an. 13. Florence Earl of Holland from the French to his party; Black-mont, the Earl of Flanders, who in an. 20. aſſiſted him in the wars of Gaſcoign.
Adolph King of the Romans, and the Earl of Gueldres; tying the Nobility of Burgundy with a yearly donative of 30000 l. Turonenſium to aid him contra Regem Francie, againſt the French King. Guido Earl of Flanders and Philip his ſon for 100000 l. Turonenſium in pay againſt the French King, an. 24, 25, and 31. of his Reign; Gueldres by pay of 1000000 l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000 l.
Burgundy by a Penſion of 30000 l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300 l. Turonenſium in his ſervice the ſame year. anno 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Beliardi & alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae, Reginald Earl of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians againſt the King of France.
Edward the ſecond had auxilium tam maritimum
quam terreſtre à Genoeſibus, aſſiſtance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeſes.
anno 18. beſides his Alliance with Flanders, John Protector of Caſtile aideth him contra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus & peditibus, & Scutiferis 10000. againſt the French with 1000. horſe and foot, and 10000. other armed men.
Edward the third Philip, the Earl of Henault and Holland her Father aſſured to him; and retained John of Henault and his Followers, qui venerunt in auxilium ad rogatum Regis, who came to aſſiſt the King at his call, with a Salary of 14000 l. yearly. Before he adventured to avow and mainFrance,
Lodowick the Emperour, (who the better to countenance his enterpriſe, eleVicarium Imperii, Vicar of the Empire.) Reginald Earl of Gueldres, Lewis Marqueſs of Brandenburg, Conrade Lord of Hard, who ſerved him with fifty men at Arms, the Cardinal of Genoa and his Nephew, who aided him with Gallies, the Magiſtrates of Colen, Bruxells, Lorrain and Mechlin, and Jaques de Artevile head of the Gantois Faction; who having
Earl, ſubmitted themſelves and moſt of Flanders to the ſervice and protection of Edward the third, who to free them of two Millions of Crowns, wherein, as a Caution of obedience to the Crown of France,
France, and imployed John Duke of Brabant and Lorrain, William Marqueſs of Juliers, and the Earl of Henault and Holland, his aſſured Friends, Procuratores ſuos ad vendicandum Regnum Franci
his Procurators to claim the Crown of France.
Tournay with one hundred thouſand men, as Robert de Artoys did with fifty thouſand at S. Omers againſt the French King. And thus he atSicily in the eighteenth year, the Duke of Millain, and the King of Caſtile for mutual aid; and Simon Butangre Duke of Genoa, and his Subjects for hire and reward. In the ninteenth year Duchy of Britain aſſured him of John de Montford; againſt whom the French King maintained Charles de Bloys for that Duchy. In anno 24. Genoeſes; and in the thirtieth made a conven& mutui auxili cum Rege Navarre, and of mutal aid, with the King of Navarre. In Peter King of Caſtile: and in that and the one and fortieth Britain: and anno 45. Genoeſes and Lewis Earl of Flanders and Duke of Brabant;
an. 46. with Ferdinand King of Portugal.
Richard the ſecond reneweth anno 1. the confederation that his Grandfather had with the Duke of Britain; and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew, as he had done anno 2. with Lewis
Flanders. In the ſixth Flemings
contra
againſt the enemies of them both; with Naples, Sicily, Navarre and Arragon, de mutuis auxiliis, for mutual aid; Winceſlaus the EmpeContra Carolum Regem Franciae & Robertum Regem Scotiae, againſt Charles King of France, and Robert King of Scotland. In anno 8. Jeruſalem, Sicily, and Portugal. In the tenth with Portugal, who at his own charges aided this King with ten Galleys. And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis, for mutual aid. And anno 12. Albert Duke of Bavaria.
an. 20. with the Earl of Oſtrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae, againſt the King of France. And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene anno 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King.
Henry the fourth entred alliance William Duke of Gueldres and Mons.
Sigiſmund King of Hungaria.
Berry and Orleans, laid the baſis upon which his Son that ſucceeded reared the Trophies of his Renown.
Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered, ſtrengthened himſelf anno 4. Sigiſmund the Emperour; renewing that of Richard the ſecond John King of Portugal, as his Father had done. He entred a contract with the Duke of Britain, and with the Queen of Jeruſalem and Lewis her Son for the Duchy of Anjou and Mayn; and with the King of Portugal and Duke of Bavaria for ſupply of Men and Munition by them performed. Agincourt ſendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Burgundy
ſerviti
in his ſervice in the Kingdom of France, or the Duchy of Aquitain; eſteeming the alliance of that houſe the readieſt means to attain his end.
Henry the ſixth (i) ſo long as he held the AmiBritain (for which he contracted) and the (e) Ex ConRurgundy, his friend of eldeſt aſſurance and beſt advantage, which he did to the ſixteenth year of his Government, there was no great decline of his Fortune in France. But when Burgundy
France, and dealt with this Crown, but as a Merchant by way of intercourſe, firſt at the Treaty of Bruges 1442. then at Callis 1446. the reputation and intereſt we held in France declined faſter in the ſetting of this Son, than ever it increaſed in the riſing of the Father.
And Edward the fourth who ſucceeded, ſenBurgundy
anno 7. he did, to joyn for the recovery of his right in France.
Britain to that Confederacy. In the Charles of Burgundy the bond of mutual Aid; and contracted the next Portugal. And in an. 14. pro recuperatione Regni Franciae contra Ludovicum Uſurpantem, for the recoveFrance out of the hands of Lewis the Uſurper, (Burgundy and Britain:
Henry the ſeventh anno 5. & 6. entertainSpain againſt the French King. The like in the eighth with the King of Portugal: and in the tenth Burgundy for Intercourſe and mutual Aid.
Henry the eighth in anno 4. Portugal; and the next year combineth with the Emperour Maximilian againſt Lewis the French King, who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with four thouſand horſe and ſix thouſand foot; whereupon he winneth Tournay,
Conſilio, Auxilio, & favoribus Maximiliani Imperatoris, with the advice, aſſiſtance, and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian. In anno 7. French King, he enHelvetian Cantons by his Commiſſioners Wingfield and Pace; and with Charles of Spain for Amity and mutual Aid: inMaximilian the Emperour and Joan of Spain
an. 12. with the Emperour Charles and Margaret Regenteſs of Burgundy he maketh a Confederation againſt Francis the French King, as the common enemy: & quia Rex Angliae non poſſit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum numerum congerere, the King of England could not furniſh ſuch a quantity of Horſe of his own Subjects, as was mentioned in the contract, the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany. And the Pope in furtherance of his intendment, interdicteth the French Territories, calleth in aid Brachii Seculdris, of the Secular power, Emperour Protectorem & advocatum Eccleſiae, the Churches Advocate and Protector; and ſtileth their Attempt ſancta expeditio, an holy expedition. Windſor the next year confirmed and explained. Renewing in the years French King, if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk.
And although Edward the ſixth in the firſt year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the houſe of Burgundy perpetual; yet Edward 6.France, diſabled (as he pretended) by reaſon of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him; Bullen to the Imperial Protection.
During the Reign of Queen Mary, there was no other but that Emperour, Spain and Burgundy;
Queen Mary.
Cambray of Amity and Neutrality.
Our late Renowned Miſtris entertained with the Prince of Conde
Elizabeth.
New-haven, and Charles the ninth 1564. and at Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the acceſſion of the Crown of France to him, and after Britain, and laſtly by the Duke of Bullen
Netherlands in the years eighty five
By all theſe paſſages, (being all that well either our Story or Records can diſcover) it appeareth manifeſt the Kings of England neEngland.
Britain, Lords of the Netherlands, the City of Genoa, the Kings of Portugal and Spain, and the Empire, ſince knit into the houſe of Burgundy.
As for the remote and in-land Princes of Germany, the Kings of Denmark, Poland and Sweden, (ſo far removed) I have ſeldome obſerved that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Aſſiſtance or Confederacy, but of Ami
Genoa.
Genoa was their Penſions and Traffick here. All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they ſtood of themVicinum Incendium, the fire began in Millain, they put themſelves into the protection of Spain, foreſeeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to ſtand Neutral, accorAriſthenus counſel to the Aetolians,
Quid aliud quam nuſquam gratia ſtabili praeda victoris erimus? What elſe will become of us, being in firm friendſhip with neither ſide, than to be made a prey to the Conquer our? Since which time Spain by eſtating Doria, Grimaldi, and the Spinellos, chief Families of that City, with great Patrimonies in Naples, retaining their Gallies in his perpetual ſervice and ſalary, the Inhabitants of all ſorts in beneSpaniſh party, than if it were commanded by a Cittadel; ſo that it muſt ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown.
Navarre and Britain (while States of themAppennagii, more potent than ever it hath been under the Houſe of Capet.
Burgundy was ſo long our friend, as either France, who not only claimed Soveraignty over moſt, but a proprietary intereſt in part; and therefore had reaſon to give Aid and Arms to ſuch a Confederate as did by a diverſive War ſecure, and by particular Immunities inrich that State. But now growing into Spain, they need no ſuch aſſurance in the one; and we al
Spain may ſeem to give us the beſt hope of a Firſt, for that he is abſolute, and that we be equally devoid of demand, neither having againſt the other any Titles. Next, for that the entercourſe of Trade is more reciprocal between us than France, and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood. To this may be made a two-fold anſwer, from the change of their Diſpoſitions: Firſt, for that they never aſſiſt any now, but to make themſelves Maſter of their State. Thus ended they the ſtrife between the Competitors of Portugal. And when they were called into Naples by the Queen againſt the French, they combined with her Adverſary, and divided the
Ga
under their Leader Gonſalves, taking an advantage, they defeated the whole Army of the French, holding ever ſince that entire KingSpain will admit neither Equality nor Fellowſhip, ſince upon Union of ſo many Kingdoms, and famous Diſcoveries, they begun to affect a fifth Monarchy. The other; that the late hoſtility between them and us hath drawn ſo much blood, as all forms of antient Amity are quite waſht away: and as Paterculus
Carthage to Rome, ſo may we of Spain to England, Adeo odium Certaminibu
The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure ſo laſtingly, that the very conquered party cannot forget it: and in ſuch a caſe the very places muſt ceaſe to be, before the hatred and envy towards it can ceaſe.
BEſides theſe local conſiderations, there will Intention, and the other of Religion. In the one, when either the Confederate hath ſafely atHenry the third ſerved, called over by the Earls of Tholouſe and March: they in the mean time having made their Peace with France:
Et expertus jam infidem, imo perfidiam Pictavenſium, turpiter receſſit, & feſtinans non pepercit Calcaribus,
Poictovins, he was forced diſhonourably to retreat, and for haſte to ſpurr away; the peril the poor King was left in being ſo great. He was handled like to this by Pope Alexander the fourth, who having drawn him into the wars of Apulia againſt Manfred, in the end, depauperato Regno Angliae, & undique bonis ſuis ſpoliato, his Kingdom of England being impoverNavarr callEdward the third France, and appointing the Iſle of Gerſey the Rendezvous of their forces, revolteth to the French, after he had by countenance of that preMaximilian the Emperour to induce Henry the eighth not only contracteth to aide him in perſon to recover the Crown of France, & pro tyrannico Rege repellendo, and to remove the tyrannical King, (they are the words of the League;) but conferreth upon him in the ſame Coronam Imperialem & Imperium Romanum, the Imperial Crown and the Roman Empire in reverſion; and eſtateth the Duchy of Millain after recovery upon his perſon, & ſuorum naturalium maſculini ſexus haeredum; modo feodorum Imperialium, and his heirs male lawfully begotten, to hold in Fee of the Empire: yet in the cloſe left the King to his own fortune, his turn for Millain and Verona ſerved. Charles the fifth when by the incurſiFrench he ſaw his portion in Italy diPulſe of the Spaniſh, (as he uſed himſelf to ſay,) for it ſupplied his Army with great LeMonarchy; he then ingaged Henry the eighth in the wars of France, and bound himſelf (as Bourbon his ConHomager to Henry the eighth as to his Soveraign. But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and diſtreſſed the French King, he in his anſwer to Maſter Pace the Kings Ambaſſadour refuſed that aſſurance of duty, and gave a juſt ſuſpiEmperour never meant to the King of England; left by ſuch footing in France, he might grow ſo great as to give Law to his neighbours. And to fall off upon ſuch grounds hath ever been excuſable, howſoever the bonds of Alliance were. Thus did Henry the eighth as often change his hand of help, as either Princes of Spain and France got ground of the other. And the Spaniard now, to keep the States in Italy diſunited, compoundeth differences at his pleaſure, or taketh part with the weaker, not ſuffering any, though his own dependant, to grow too ſtrong: which was lately ſeen in patronizing the D. of Mantua againſt Savoy, according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy,
Non tantum intereſt Aetolorum opes minui, it doth not ſtand us ſo much in hand to break the ſtrength of the Aet
(yet they were enequantum, non ſupra modum Philippum creſcere, as it doth to ſee that Philip grow not too potent, who was their friend.
The difference in Religion may bring likewiſe a twofold danger. The one with our Confederates, the other with the Subjects of this Crown.
Catholick Prince, as France, where we have the faireſt pretences, for with any other we are like to have no queſtion; then is all ConRome a diſcharge of all Contracts, although they were by Oath. For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks, as that between Edward 3. and John King of France, and that between John of Gaunt and the King of Caſtile; they ever out of ſuch ſudiſpenſationem, &c. either per Eccleſiam Romanam, vel per aliquam aliquam, a Diſpenſation either by the Church of Rome, or any other way, to do contra formam Tractatus, contrary to the form of Agreement: How much more muſt their jealouſie be to us? And thereHenry the eighths time, France or Spain, it was reRome,
Rome touchCatholick Prince to be inſtanti diſſolved, becauſe we are by them ranked in the liſt of Hereticks; which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the ſixth ſent by Bull to Wenceſlaus King of Bohemia, and Charles the Emperour, (beConſtance,) declaring all ConfeLege Divina temerariae, illicitae, & ipſo jure nullae, etiamſi forent fide data firmatae, aut Confirmatione Apoſtolica roboratae, to be by the Law of God invaſeparati ab Unitate ſanctae Eccleſiae, ſeparate from the Unity of Holy Church,
ſi poſtea ſint effecti, if they become ſo after. What aſFrance, who is reRebenediction, into the Boſome of the Church, and his ſon made Adoptivus Filius Eccleſiae, an adopted Son of the Church; or againſt him with Spain, who being Protector and Champion of that See Apoſtolick, ſub
John King of England and Lewis the twelfth a ſide of their own Subjects, (as it did after in the ſame Kingdom againſt Henry the third, though all three conforCatholick Church hath many Jeſuits to raiſe Faction, and divert people from duty; the Recuſants many, and Malecontents not few; all which with war will diſcover themſelves, but now by this happy calm unaſſured of aſſiſtance, lock up their riches in ſecurity, and their hearts in ſilence. And therefore by any enterprize, it is not with the rule of Seneca ſafe, concutere felicem ſtatum. For by provoking of ſome adverſary in reſpect of Paſancta expeditio, the holy expedition againſt Lewis, will be made Bellum Sacrum, a holy War againſt us.
But admitting no leſs than in former times an eaſineſs to attempt; it is not a meditation unneretain. For firſt we muſt more than tranſgreſs Limites quos poſuerunt Patres, the Bounds which our Fathers owned; and relin
and commit our Frontiers (had we never ſo much Alii, ſicuti Jura populi defenderent; Pars, quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret, bonum publicum ſimulantes: ſome declaring to maintain the rights of the People, others to uphold the authority of the Senate, all pretending to act for the publick good. Hence was it that Auguſtus
coercendi intra Terminos Imperii, to keep the Empire within due and fitQueen, who refuſed the ſoNetherlands,
Rome, by beEurope: whereas we are thruſt out of the world; to which we have no other contiguity, than an unſure element of fluxible foundation, the Sea, ſubject to tempeſt, contrariety of wind, and more commodious for a potent enemy to intercept, than our ſelves to ſeRome may ſufficiently example this: For ſo long as the Orbe of that Empire ſo moved about her, all things kept on their courſe with order, and eaſe; but after the Seat was by Conſtantine removed to an extremity of the Circle, it ſtood a while ſtill, and in the end diſſolre praeſenti, there muſt fall out infinite defects in the directions. Or if none, either by reaſon of Diſtance they come too late, or if nor, by reaſon of remiſneſs, he who is to execute will be bolder with his Inſtructions
Alterum pene Imperio noſtro & ſuo
whilſt he is ſeeking to joyn anoAnima rationalis, the rational ſoul caninformare, give life, ſenſe, or diſcourſe to the matter of an Elephant or a Fly; (or any other body diſproportionable to a form ſo qualified:) ſo is there as well a bound of amplitude and ſtriFrance, which we could never either with Profit or AſſuMonarchies. For ſome Kingdoms (in which number this may be accounted) are of the ſame condition that Demoſthenes
Athenians: Non ea veſtra ingenia ſunt, ut ipſi aliis vi oppreſſis Imperia teneatis; ſed in eo magnae ſunt vires veſtrae, ut alium potiri principatu prohibeatis, aut potitum exturbetis; It is not your way, violently to oppreſs other States and ſeize the Government; but in this is your ſtrength maniSituation and Power we are the fitteſt, either to combine or keep ſeveral the moſt potent and warlike Nations of the Weſt, it is the beſt for Safety, and the moſt for Honour, to remain as we were, Arbiters of Europe, and ſo by Neutrality ſway ſtill the BalSpain and France hang ſo inClaudius did his Forces in Germany, ut ſubſidio victis, Victoribus terrori eſſent, ne forte elati Pacem turbarent, to aſſiſt the Conquered party, and to over-awe the Victor, leſt he ſhould be puffed up with pride, and diſturb our peace. Thus did Henry the eighth with the French and Spaniſh Princes, uſing as his Motto of Honour and Power this, Cui adhaereo praeeſt, He rules whom I ſtick to. And the late Queen ſtudied rather how to guard her Allies, than to inlarge her Dominions, multiplying her Leagues more by giving than receiving gratuities: winking at her own wrongs, rather than willing to revenge. And (as the great Miſtris of the world once) did what rather became her Greatneſs, than what ſeMicipſae's counſel to Jugurth, Non exercitus, neque Theſauri praeſidia Regni ſunt; Neither Armies nor Treaſure are the ſafety of a Kingdom: but ſuch Allies as neither Armes conſtrain, nor moneys purchaſe, ſed officio & fide pariuntur. And ſince by fortune of the times ſucceeding, this State hath grown more upon Opinion than Deed, and that
Mag is fama quam vi ſtare res noſtras, that our affairs ſtand rather by Fame than Force; it is moſt ſafe, neither to diſcover weakneſs, nor Site to any of our Neighbours, they will alwayes be ready to referr the judgement and order of their differences to us. As the Brabanters and Henowayes did to the Arbitrement of Edward the third: and Charles the fifth and Francis the French King the deciſion of their quarrel to Henry the eighth. Thus every part ſhall wooe us, all Princes by their Orators ſhall reſort unto us, as to the Common Conſiſtory of judgement in their debates, and thereby add more to our Reputation than any power of our own. For as well in States as in Perſons, Suitors are an infallible token of Greatneſs; which Demoſthenes
Athenians they had loſt, ſince none reſorted to their Curia or Praetorium. By this way ſhall we gain the Seat of Honour, Riches, and Safety; and in all other but endleſs Expence, Trouble and Danger.