ROBERTVS COTTONVS BRVCEVS.
Aesculapius hic Librorum aerugo, Vetustas
Per quem nulla potest Britonum consumere chartas.
T. Cr [...]ss sculpsit

A DISCOURSE OF Foreign War: With an ACCOUNT Of all the Taxations upon this Kingdom, from the Con­quest to the End of the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH. Also a List of the Confederates from HENRY I. TO THE End of the Reign of the said Queen; shewing which have prov'd most Beneficial to England.

Formerly Written by Sir Robert Cotton Barronet, and now Published by Sir John Cotton Barronet.

LONDON, Printed for Henry Mortlock, at the Phoenix in St. Paul's Church­yard, and at the White-Hart in Westminster-Hall. 1690.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

SO strange a desire and itch of writing, doth possess the greatest part of the world; and men are so in love with their own imagi­nations, that they would have their follies engraved in Brass and Marble. Upon this ac­count the learned and most ingenious Physician in Sr. Tho. Brown. that incomparable piece of his Religio Medici hath these words; ‘I have heard some with deep sighs lament the lost lines of Cicero; others with as many groans deplore the combustion of the Library of Alexandria: for my own part, I think there be too many in the world, and could with patience behold the Urn and Ashes of the Vatican, could I, with a few others, recover the perished leaves of Solomon. 'Tis not a me­lancholy U [...]inam of my own, but the desires of better heads, that there were a general Synod; not to unite the incompatible difference of Re­ligion, but for the benefit of Learning, to re­duce it as it lay at first, in a few and solid Authors, and to condemn to the fire those swarms [Page] and millions of Rhapsodies, begotten only to di­stract and abuse the weaker judgement of Scho­lars, and to maintain the trade and mysterie of Typographers.’What a multitude of books ( [...]) concerning the controversies in Religion between us and the Romanists hath invaded the world; and to use Homer's words, [...]? But of these (excepting some few) as for example, that of the Archbishop Laud's against Fisher, Mr. Chillingworth against Knot, The Author of Via Recta, and Via Devia, and that incomparable pair of learned men Dr. Stilling­fleet and Dr. Tillotson, with the most Learned and Pious Dr. Hammond against that Pest and [...] of Mankind, Serjeant) the Major part, are (as he saith) a spurious brood, the laborious effects of ease and idleness, not worthy the Vacant hours of a serious person. Having said this it may justly be objected against me, why I by put­ting forth this Book, should help to encrease this Epidemical disease. To this I answer: 1. I re­ceived some encouragement by the general favour and acceptance which the world was pleas'd to give to this small Treatise. 2. My pious affection and Duty to the Author did inflame my desires to pro­pagate his Name (as much as in me lay) to Poste­rity. 3. Being but a small Book it was secure from that censure, [...]. If this little Treatise may find not only pardon, but some acceptance, from those few of the more know­ing persons, I have obtain'd my design: To please all I know is impossible;

[...]
[...].
John Cotton.

PROPOSITIONS OF WAR and PEACE Delivered to His Highness PRINCE HENRY By some of his Military servants.
Arguments for War.

FRames of Policy, as well as works of Nature, Pansae & Hirtii consili­um Caesari. are best preserved from the same grounds they were first founded on. By Armes was laid the foundation of this State, whe­ther we respect the Saxon or the Norman. It was War that of seven Crowns in the Heptarchy made one fit for that Monarchy, that since by many glorious exploits hath made good in for­reign parts the renown of her own greatness, and crowned thereby this State with an eter­nal peace. Times nor our own vertues are not changed: Necessity, Benefit, and Facility of War being the same that they were before to our forefathers.

[Page 2]Reasons of forraign War drawn from

  • 1. Necessity, for
    • 1 Preser­vation of our own peace.
    • 2 Vent­ing of fa­ctious spirits.
    • 3 Instruct­ing in arms our people.
    We never were so near peril by shipwrack in any tempest abroad, as at home by the calm govern­ment of Henry the sixth. For France by the awful hand of his father reduced, it fared with us as with the mistress of the world,
    Vellei­us Pater­culus.
    Remoto Carthaginis metu, & Im­perii aemula, when the fear of Car­thage her competitor for the Em­pire was removed, that fell not by degrees, but Praecipiti cursu ab Armis ad vo [...]uptates, [...] negotio ad otium, rushed headlong from arms to pleasures, from employ­ment to idleness.And from hence as greatest Nations, cum ab externis causis tutae videntur, ipsae suis viribus onerantur, when there is no longer fear of forraign ene­mies, their own strength becomes a burthen to them: so after many conquests abroad, we were at home prest down with the unna­tural weight of civil arms: For cum foris non habent hostem, domi inveniunt, when people have no enemies abroad, they'l find some at home; as all war­like and fruitful Nations will, not otherwise delivered either of their humours or people. To add to this necessity, the sending away of our factious spirits, it will remove the seat of blood from our own [Page 3] doors, and prove the cheapest school to train up in arms the better dispositions, whose mili­tary skill may after serve to de­fend the State; & by the late ac­cession of another Nation will be now more needful,
    Ta­cit. An. 10.
    Ne no­vus populus otio & nimia pecu­nia lasciviret, lest that other people should grow wanton through too much wealth and idleness, and we in the end enforced with the Satyrist
    Ju­ [...]l.
    to confess,
    N [...]n [...] patimur longae patis mala, sae­vior armis
    Luxuria incubuit
    We suffer now the harm of a long peace,
    Whil [...]st Riot, worse than war, doth thus increase.
  • 2 Benefits.
    • 1 Wealth, by
      • 1 Spoil of the Enemy.
      • 2 Additi­on of Re­venue by subjected territo­ries.
    • 2 Honor, by addition of
      • 1 Title.
      • 2 Domi­nion.
      • [Page 4] 3. A more facility to effect than hereto­fore, by
        • 1 Additi­on of new strength.
        • 2 Substra­ction of diversions
        The facility to effect this being now more than ever by the addition of strength, and substraction of diversions, in this happy union of the Bri­tain Empire.
    [Page 3]The benefits arise from Profit and Honour. The Spoils we have brought away in our French & Spanish attempts exceeding ever the charge in getting; and the Revenues of the subjected Signi­ories, as Normandy, Aquitain, &c. supporting with much and vantage the expence in keeping: Our Honour, as the Stile of our Kings, by confluence of so many Titles increased; & by accession of so many Territories as we held in France, our Dominions and liberties so far inlarged.

AN ANSWER TO THE FORMER Arguments made by the command OF HIS HIGHNESS.

AS he can give best Rules to preserve the health of a body natural, that by observing the divers humours, accidents and dispositions thereof, findeth at length the cause from whence it is or well or ill-affected, and so by mix­ture of Art and Observation sets to his Patient rules of exercise and dyet: so is it in a Kingdom or Commonwealth. If then out of the Registers of Record and Story, the true Remembrancers of Art and Errour in passages of State, it shall appear

Answers to the former Arguments.
  • [Page 5]1 Affections of our wisest Princes ever to peace.
  • 2 Forraign expeditions
    • 1 Rebel­lions at home.
    • 2 Cause of
      • 1 Endless taxations.
      • 2 Vassalage.
      • 3 Danger to the State.
  • 3 Confe­deracy & alliance the means of former victories, no ways to be resto­red as hereto­fore.

that those times wich have been glorified with the mightiest Princes and wisest Councils, would ever acknowledge that Sil. Ital. lib. 11. Pax una triumphis Innume­ris potior; one Peace outgoes for worth Innumerable tri­umphs; That Combustions at home were like Meteors, ever kindled in another Region, but spent themselves there; That our men instead of Lawrel and Olive Garlands to adorn with victory and peace our Gates and Temples, have ever brought home fire-balls to burn our Ci­ties; That forraign spoils have been summed up with Taxes and Penury; That this additi­on of Revenue hath tyed us to a perpetual issue of our own Treasure; That by these titles of Honour we have bought Slavery, and by extenture of Territories, Danger; And that difficulty either to undertake or pursue any forraign enter­prise now is much more than in any age before; I think that no Englishman will either love his own errour so much, or his Countrey so little, as to advise a course so far estranged either from judgement or security.

IT is manifest by warrant of our own exam­ples, Examples of the affection of our Kings successively to Peace. that the Kings of England, (except in some heat of Youth, which is not the best director of Counsel) preferred unjust Peace before the just­est War: none inthralling their minds with am­bitious desires of extending Territories, or imagi­nary humours of licentious Soveraignty; every one willing to pass his time with content of his private fortunes. Upon this ground Henry the se­cond gave 20000 marks Benedictus Monachus in vita H. 2. Expensarum nomine, under the notion of expences, to the French King, ut firmior Pax haberetur, that he might have a firm and setled Peace. His succeeding son pro quieta clamatione de sorore sua ducenda, for a peaceable claim to the marriage of his sister, which was like to make a fraction, gave to the French King Ex Matth. Paris pag. 214. docem millia librarum, ten thousand pounds. Three hundred thousand marks John gave to the French King, to match his calm en­trance to a secure peace. Until the Confederacy with Rog. Hove­den. Scotland, and invading of the Land by Charls de Valoys the French King provoked Edward the first, he never disquieted France with noise of war, as after he did by the Ex addi­tam. Prosperi Aquitaniae Episc. Earls of Richmond and Lancaster, although Boniface the Pope incited him thereunto. His Son, the second Edward, anno 2. requireth the Bishops and Clergy to pray and offer alms for him, and the people of this State; the words are, Rot. Claus. anno secundo E. 3. m. 11. ut De­us nos regat & dirigat in mundi hujus turbini­bus, that God would rule and direct us in the troubles of this world; for that having sought all means with France he could for Peace, ut Guer­rarum discrimina vitaret, that he might avoid the dangers of war, he reaped nothing but bitter­ness, [Page 7] and detention of his Messengers, Son, and part of his Dutchy of Gascoigne, his Rebels in­joying all Protection, and his Merchants all In­hospitality, whose ships his enemy hostiliter cepit, & Mercatores interfecit, took in a hostile sort. and slew the Merchants. The Parliament quin­to of Edward 3. Ex Rot. Par. anno 5 Ed. 3. n. r. was especially called to consult how Peace might be procured. In his 17 year Ex Rotul. [...]arl. anno 17 E. 3. the Peers and Commons petition him to labour a peace with France, and to sollicite the Pope for mediation. The truce from hence ef­fected he would by no means violate, but in the twentieth year moveth peace by all the offers he Ex Rot. Franci [...] an. 19. m. 10. can, as Contracts, Intermarriage, and to take up the Cross with France, in succursum Terrae Sanctae, for succour of the Holy Land. But all he could do could abate no whit of the French [...]ury, Ex [...]o [...]. Claus▪ [...] 20 E. 3. m. 16. part. 1. who invaded by themselves Aquitain, England by the Scots, surprizing in breach of Truce his Nobility of Britain, whom at Paris ignomi­niosae morti tradidit, he put to shameful deaths; there and in Gascoign murdering the rest of his Subjects, and rasing his Castles nor would up­on a second meditation admit any way of peace. War then was left his last refuge; Iiv. lib. 9. Et pia Ar­maquibus nulla nisi in Armis spes est, War is to that man just and lawful, who hath no hope of help but by war. And this his Clergy was injoyn­ed to open in Sermons, that he might eschew the infamy of Christian blood-shed. In his two and twentieth year finding war to have brought to his people Rot. Claus. anno 2 Ed. 3. gravia onera & multa mala, heavy burthens and many mischiefs, as the Re­cord saith, and that the fortune of War cum splendet frangitur, when it shineth clearest is [Page 8] then nearest breaking; he passed over into France to seek peace divers times; and to strengthen his affections with the best hopes, he injoyneth all the Bishops of England to offer Dors. Claus. an. 22 Ed. 3. m. 11. Similiter 8 R. 2. Claus. m. 34. devotas pre­ces suppliciter ad Deum, humble and devout prayers to God, to direct his actions to Gods glory and the peace of his Countrey, nec non ad totius Christianitatis commodum, and the advan­tage of the whole Christian world; which he be­lieved could not follow but by a firm amity with his neighbours. This is the dislike of war he open­eth himself in the five and twentieth year Rot. Parl. anno 25 E. 3. in Parliament, declaring the great means he had wrought by the Pope, but could not effect it: And in the third year after Rot. Parl. anno 28 E. 3. calleth again the body of the State, to devise with him the means to obtain it; for that he saw his Subjects by war so greatly wasted. But Rot. Parl. anno 29 E. 3. when anno 29. to redeem himself and subjects from the hard tasks they had under­taken, and to avoid effusionem sanguinis Chri­stiani, quantum potuit, vel decuit, pacem quaesi­vit, the shedding of Christian blood, he sought peace as much as in him lay, and as far as was fitting, sending the Duke of Lancaster to Avignon in intercession, but all in vain; he stood upon his own strength. By which his confident adver­sary (the year following captive) that was afore obdurate, justly found, that one hour can over­throw simul parta & sperata decora, at once both the honours we enjoy and those we hope for. And we may truly conclude of this Kings success, as Livy Liv. l. 5. Dec. 5. of the Roman fortune, Prop­terea bella felicia gessisse, quia justa, that there­fore his wars were prosperous, because they were just.

[Page 9] To obtain his desire and Subjects quiet, he was contented to disclaim Ex Chart. origin. de re­nunciat. in Thesaur. the interest that Right and Fortune had cast upon him. And after, though often again incited, yet never would be drawn to [...]he hazard of war; for improbe Neptunum ac­ [...]usat qui iterum naufragium facit, he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack [...]he second time: until the French King Claus. anno 45 E. 3. con­ [...]ra juramentum & formam pacis, contrary to [...]is oath and the form of peace, had vexillis ex­ [...]licatis with banners displayed, invaded his do­ [...]inions in France, and with a Fleet intended [...]o attempt England, ad ipsum Regem viribus sub­ [...]ertendum, utterly to undo the King by force of Arms.

Richard the second, whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his Kingdom, [...]ntred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune, [...]nd after many years of war and much loss, had [...]n the end an expectation of peace; which opened [...]o his Commons and Council in Parliament, Rot. Parl. anno 7 R. 2. n. 17. their longing affection was so much inclined hereto, that they advised the King, though it were [...]n doing homage for Guien, Callis and the rest, he [...]hould not let slip that opportunity.

Until Charles of France had received Ex con­tract. origin. inter Owinum Glendowr & Regem Fran­ciae. that [...]angerous Rebel Owen Glendowr, by the name [...]f Metuendissimi Principis Walliae, the most [...]read Prince of Wales, into a strict confederacy [...]gainst his Master (whom he vouchsafed no [...]ther title than Henricus de Lancastria) by [...]ontract, and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by [...]he Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul, [...]ntred into Gascoign himself, and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this Land, Henry [Page 10] the fourth did never disquiet his peace; and af­ter many prorogued Truces, would not break out again, until Burgundy Rot. Parl. anno 11 Hen. 4. n. 2. (that had wrested into his hand the Government of France) mean [...] with all his force to besiege Callis, and annoy this Realm.

The Uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in Rot. Parl. an. 4 Hen. 5. Parliament the desire his Ma­ster had to procure Peace, and how the French King had refused all reason, denying to render his prisoners, or ransom those taken at Agin-Court battel: so that the King was driven to his last hope, which was by dint of sword to seek his peace, concluding thus his speech; Bella faciamu [...] ut Pacem habeamus, quia finis Belli Pax est. Let us fight, that we may obtain peace; for the end of war is peace.

Henry the sixth, to save the expence of his peo­ple and treasure, offered Rot. Parl. anno 14 H. 6. n. 2. many large and liberal conditions, but received in exchange nothing but scoffs: he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne, to make up a peace with his uncle of France.

Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected Ex Artic. in Consilio con­tra D. Somerset. by the Duke of York, that he (contrary to the Oath and Council, by breaking the Amity be­tween the two Princes) was the only ground of the loss of Normandy.

There is extant in the Treasury Int. Record. Thes. Westm. a petition of 9 Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men, propace habenda, that they might have peace.

Neither interest of right, nor jealousie of in­creasing power, could draw Henry 8. unto the quarrel of France; until the Church complained against Lewis 12. Ex Bulla Pap. H. 8. who neither esteeming [Page 11] [...]f God, good fame, nor conscience, detained [...]he revenues of the Clergy, supported the Cardi­ [...]al William to aspire to the Papacy, aided in the [...]ege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara, and the Ben­ivagli, both Traytors to the Papal See, where [...]e intended to lay the foundation of his Empire [...]o usurp all Italy,) and besought him for the pitty [...]f our Saviour, and by the virtue of his famous Ancestors (for I use the words of the Popes Brief) Ex tracta­t [...] origin. in l. B. 266. that never forsook the Church of God in di­ [...]ress, and by his filial obedience, (the strongest [...]ond) to enter into that holy League, they having [...]lected him against Lewis, Coput foeder is Italici, Head of the Italian League.

Edward the sixth, Ex procla. E. 6. de e [...]pe­ditione contra Scotos. until urged with the touch of his honour, being by his neighbours neglected [...]n the marriage of their Mistress, never attempted [...]ny war against them.

The quarrels of France in the time of his suc­ [...]eeding sister, after the marriage with Spain, were [...]either properly ours, nor begun by us, although [...]n the end we only went away with the loss.

Her Sister of holy memory, to effect the peace with France, forbore Ex tract. Cambrensi. 1569. the demand of Callis for [...]ight years, and neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown. Ex proc [...]. anno 3. Eliz. And the labours she [...]pent to confirm amity with Spain, by many [...]riendly offices of mediation, are apparent to the whole world; though in the end of her desires she [...]ailed: whether happily in prevention of the Spa­ [...]ish Monarchy eternizing her memory, or that [...]his work of peace was by divine providence re­ [...]erved for him that could and hath best effected [...]t, I know not. Only I conclude, that as the first Monarch in Rome, so the first in Britain [Page 12] might justly write, Pace Populo Britanno terr [...] marique parta, Janum clausi, having setled Britai [...] in peace by Land and sea, I have shut up the door [...] of Janus Temple.

Forraign arms the ground of trouble at home, by the

  • Enemy who to divert will at­tempt.
  • Subjects.
    • wearied with Toyl. Taxation.
    • Feared with the effect of tyranny.
    • Inured to wars can never sute after to a quiet life.
    It is evident by our own examples, that for the mo [...] part, the Civil or Forraign Armies that have oppressed this State, have been either bred out of our first attempting of others, or out of the grie­vance of the Nobility and peo­ple, either wearied with the toil and charge, or feared with the effect of Tyranny, which might corrupt the good for­tune of their King, or else (a [...] plague no less of war) that the better sort inured to command abroad, have forgotten to obey at home, and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase, unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry.

There is in the Register of State no time that Examples of Invasion drawn from the attempts of others. so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in making an adversary, as that of Edward the third. Out of many examples I will select some few, beginning with the tenth of his reign; at what time his intention was to at­tempt somewhat in France, but diverted by Phi­lip, who, mustring in partibus Britanniae ad in­vadendum [Page 13] Regnum Angliae, in the parts of [...]ritany to invade the Kingdom of England, a [...]uissant Army, enforced Edward the third to fall Ex Rot. Scotiae anno 10 E. 3. m. 14. [...]rom his first purpose, and insist upon his own [...]uard: for which cause, to the infinite charge [...]f himself and people, he levied 80000. men [...]ut of the Shires of this Kingdom. To withdraw [...]is forces from France, in the thirteenth of his [...]eign, they invaded the Realm, and burned the [...]owns of Plymouth and Southampton, places [...]hat suffered from the same motive the like ca­ [...]amity.

In the first of Richard the second, after the [...]attel of Cressy, when they feared our too much [...]ooting, and we too much believed our own for­ [...]une, for she cito reposcit quod dedit, quickly [...]alls for back what she gave us; the Rot. Parl. Duke of Normandy, to draw home our forces, levieth an Army of forty thousand men at armes, and forty [...]housand foot, sharing by idle contracts before­ [...]and with his Confederates not the spoils only, [...]ut the Kingdom it self: the Honour and some [...]ther portion of benefits he reserved as his own [...]eed; the possessions of many English Subjects [...]n pure alms he voweth to the Church of Nor­mandy, and to the French King an yearly tribu­ [...]ary Fee of twenty thousand pound. In these [...]erms this Realm stood almost all the time of Ed­ward the third.

The Coast-dwellers were so frighted from their habitation, as in the thirteenth year the King commanded the Earl of Richmond Rot. Fran [...]. in dorso. 22 E. 3. m. 6. and other Peers to reside at their border houses; and was inforced in the two and twentieth to injoyn by Ordinance, that none should remove that dwelt [Page 14] within sex leucas à mari, six leagues of th [...] Sea.

It was no whit altered under his successour Ri­chard the second; for in his entrance the Frenc [...] burnt the Town of Rye, and in the third year after Gravesend. And in the tenth year of his reign, to change his intended journey for France in person, the French King prepareth an Army to in­vade this Land. This quarrel led us almost into an eternal charge at Sea, and in the Northern limits, they and our Neighbours there being tyed of old in strict assurance of mutual aid: by whose despe­rate and perpetual incursion (for nescit Plebs jejuna timere, an half-starved rabble fears nothing,) the fattest parts of our borders were left waste, the men and cattle of England (as 16. of Edw. 2.) impe­tus Scotorum fugientes, being fled for safety to the Forrests and desart places. The like I find in the first of Edward the third: they ever thus inter­rupting us in our expeditions into France; as in 20 Ed. 3. and in the first and second of Richard the second, in the fifth of Henry the fifth, and in the fourth of Henry the eighth, when he undertook his holy voyage against Lewis the twelfth.

And either being no less ready to nourish the least spark of Rebellion in this State, as that of the French King to counterpoize King John; or work out Henry the third from his Dutchy of Norman­dy, as France did; or moving underhand by the Duke of Britain, the Earl of Hartford to reach the Crown of Richard the second, and when he had got the Garland, suborning Owen Glendowr (with whom he contracted as Prince of Wales) to busie the same King at home, that he might divert his intended purpose from France or Scotland.

[Page 15] WHen Henry the third had devoured in his Nobility in dislike of for­raign expe­ditions have rebelled. mind the Kingdom of Sicily, the Nobility finding the expence of Treasure, and fearing the exposing of their own persons, grew so unwilling, that by the bent and course of the record it ap­peareth Ex Rot. pat. & claus. de annis 40, 41, 42 Hen. 3. not the least ground of that rebellion which after drew the King and his Son to so foul conditions.

A judgement there must be between powers and undertakings, that though affections may carry a man to great things, they make him not attempt [...]mpossible: for where great minds are not accom­panied with great judgements, they overthrow [...]hemselves. As in this Prince, who by the Popes [...]ncitement simplicitatem Regis circumveniens, cir­cumventing the King in his honest meaning, (they are the words of the Author Cominei censura de com. char. cap. 8.) intend­ [...]ng to rifle the fortunes of others, was in the end [...]nforced to play at dice for his own stake.

The Earls of Hartford, Bohun and Bigot, made Burthen of personal ser­vice grievous. [...]he grounds of their commotions the distaste they [...]ook at Edward the first for exacting their Service in the quarrel of Gascoign, a forraign Countrey. And they might seem to have some colour to refuse, but in a more mannerly fashion, either attendance [...]or charge in recovery or defence of Provinces in France, since so many consents in Parliament as Ex Rot. Parl. de annis 20 Rich. 2. 6. & 9 Hen. 4. 1. & 7 Hen. 5. the twentieth of Rich. the second, the sixth and ninth of Henry the fourth, the first and seventh of Henry the fifth affirm the Commons not to be bound pour supporter ses Guerres en la terre de France ou Normandie, to support his wars ei­ther in France or Normandy; declaring no less by publick protestation, than they did by undutiful denial.

[Page 16] For the burden of Charge, it was no less distaste­ful Burthen of charge grie­vous, ground of much trouble and oppression. than the former of Service, this Kingdom be­ing (as it is said Cicero Epist. ad Att. lib. 5. of the Roman Provinces oc­casioned by war) made desert, and the people desperate by Exactions. In the Conquerours time the Bishop of Durham was killed by the tumul­tuous people, opposing an imposition levyed by him. There was Ex Ra­dulpho Goge­shal. de anno 8 Joannis. murmuratio & imprecatio Praelatorum in Regem Joannem, mutterings and curses from the Prelates against King John, for demanding in the eighth of his reign a relief of them and the Laiety for his wars. In the sixteenth year Cives Londinenses Joannem odio habuerunt pro injustis Exactionibus quibus Regnum fati­gaverat, the Londoners detested King John for his tiring out the Kingdom with unjust taxations. Ex Matth. [...]estm. The sink of his expence in war was so bot­tomless, that (as the story saith) he was con­strained desaevire quotidie cum incremento, to grow every day more unreasonable in his carriage to­wards the Church and Commonwealth, eas bonis suis variis modis spoliando, by despoiling them several wayes of their goods. Ex Matth. Paris hist. minori. Hinc secutum est Bellum inter Regem & Barones quod cum morte Joannis solum finem habuit: This was it which kindled that war betwixt the King and his Barons, which nothing could quench but the death of John himself.

In the twenty sixth of Henry the third, ob ex­actionum frequentiam est Regi cum Baronibus contentio, by reason of the continual exactions there arose a contention betwixt the King and his Barons Ex Matth. Paris hist. ma. p. 780.. At the Parlee of peace with them being demanded a reason of that their action, they an­swer that since he came to the Crown, being not [Page 17] twelve years, multoties ei auxilium dederunt, they had many times supplyed him; and ex­pressing the particulars besides in the same place, he had received [...]ot Escaetas, so many Escheats, by the vacancy of rich Bishopricks, death of so many Barons and others that held of him, that those alone would have made him rich if they had been well imployed. That the Itinerant Justices had by amercing the defaults gleaned them so near, that per illa amerciamenta & alia Auxilia prius data omnes de Regno it a gravarentur & depaupe­rarentur, ut parum aut nihil habeant in Bonis, by those Amercements and the Subsidies they had formerly given him, all the Kingdom was so crushed and impoverished, that they had little or nothing left them. And that was the ground of their resistance. Ex Joann [...] Eversden. Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis & alii Praelati resistunt Regi, the Archbishop of Canterbury and other Prelates resist the King, when in his fifteenth year he demanded Scutag [...]. And although he laid open to the Parliament his great debt causa bellicae expeditionis in partibus transmarinis, occasioned by his forraign expediti­ons, was answered by Ranulph Earl of Chester, the mouth of the Laiety, That in the former Aides Pecuniam suam effuderunt, quod inde pauperes omnes recesserunt, unde Regi de jure auxilium non debebant, they had poured out their money so li­berally, as that being all impoverished by it, they were not obliged to assist him any farther. And thus Ex hist. Matth. Paris pag. 32. dissolved the Parliament.

The Clergy of the Realm in the twenty fourth of Edward the first denyed the demand of Con­tribution Ex Matth. Westm. Walt. Gisborn. in expeditionem Regis contra Gallos & ad reprimendos Scotos, towards the Kings expe­dition [Page 18] against the French, and the repressing of the Scots. And ob has crebras exactiones magnus fit tu­multus inter Regem & Barones, by reason of these frequent extorsions, there arose a great difference betwixt the King and the Barons.

One of the Articles of treason objected against Mortimer Rot. Claus. anno 5 Ed. 3. in Parliament in the fourth of Ed­ward the third, was the offence he bred in the Commonwealth, by causing a Subsidie to be exact­ed. This humour of the people did somewhat suit with that of the Inhabitants of Trevers, Cassiodori Var. who stoned to death Proclerus for perswading Theodo­ret the Goth to crave a Subsidy.

The Clergy in the twelfth of Edward the third, Rot. Alm. m. 22. deny such a grant of their Wools as the Laiety had yielded to, for supplying the King in his affairs of France. The like answer they make the forty fourth of the same King, when he The. Wal­singham. Rot. Parl. anno 44 E. 3. demanded in Parliament a Subsidy of them and the Commons of 100000l. And the same King grown doubtful of his people prest down with Impositions, requireth the Archbishop, Rot. Alm. 12 E. 3. m. 22 Quod cum Populus Regni sui variis Oneribus, Tallagiis & Impositionibus prae­gravetur, ut idem Archiepisc. Indulgentiarum muneribus, piis Exhortationibus, & aliis modis, eundum Populum placare studeat, & ipsum Regem excuset, that since the Subjects of his Kingdom were over-charged with many Burthens, Tallages, and other Impositions, the said Archbishop would by grant of Indulgences, seasonable Exhortations, and other ways endeavour to pacifie the people, and excuse the King.

By reason of the Census per Capita, Pol-money imposed by Parliament in the third of Richard the second to defray the wars in France, there [Page 19] were Ex Rot. Par. de an. 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, & 9 R. 2. & Claus [...] anno 8 E. 2. dirae imprecationes in Regem, & magnae [...]ost perturbationes in Regno ex Plebis insurre­ [...]ione, heavy and bitter imprecations against [...]he King, which were followed with great trou­ [...]les in the Nation by the insurrection of the Commons. And as well in the reign of this King, as some other of his Predecessours and Suc­ [...]essours, the Parliament was so tender in grant of Subsidy and other Taxes, that they added into their Act, Ex chron [...] S. Albani. quod non trahatur in consequentiam, that [...] should be no example for the future, appointing [...]eculiar Treasurers of their own to give account [...]pon Oath the next Parliament: and such Grants, which they professed to proceed Rot. Parl. anno 1 H. 4. ex libera & [...]pontanea voluntate Dominorum & Comitatuum, [...]rom the free and voluntary grant of the Lords and [...]espective Counties, to be void if Conditions on [...]he Kings part were not performed. And this un­ [...]ortunate King had cast upon him as an argument of his unworthiness to govern, the exacting of so great Subsidies, and extorting so much money from [...]he Shires that submitted their Fortunes unto his [...]mercy.

And when Henry the sixth in anno 20. would [...]ave had a Relief from his Subjects In Bundel Inquisitionum, anno 20. & anno 24 H. 6. de aliqua [...]umma notabili, of some considerable summ; he [...]ad in answer, Propter inopiam, &c. populi il­ [...]ud non posse obtineri, that in regard of the pover­ [...]y, &c. of the people it could not be granted. The [...]ike in the twenty fourth of the same King. Great men have been disposed sometimes to humour the waste of Treasure in their Princes, either to subject Power by Need to their devotion and [...]we, (for Princes dare most offend them whom they have least cause to use;) or to force Neces­sity [Page 20] to extend Prerogative so far, untill by put­ting all into Combustion, some may attain unto the end of their Ambition, others the redress of supposed Injuries. Ex lib. Abbat. de [...] a [...]ey. Thus did the Faction of Henry the fourth in the one, and the Nobility under Henry the third in the other; who hereby quitted the State oppressed (as they thought) with the Kings Half-brothers, the Poictovins and other Strangers.

Subjects fear to have the enemies of their Soveraigns too much weakned, lest themselves become Tyrants. And it is in the farthest respect in the Mat. Paris Hist. min. Baronage under John, Henry his son, and Ex Adam [...]erimouth in vita Ed. 2. Edward the second, to fear as much the absolute Greatness of their Soveraign, as they did the Diminution of their own estates. And therefore when they found their King to grow too fast upon any neighbour Adversary, then would they lend their best aid to diminish his power or fortune; left by inlarging himself up­on the other that poized his greatness, he might forget and become a Tyrant; as one saith of Henry the first, Mat. Paris Hist. min. Assumpserat cornua audaci [...] tam contra Ecclesiam quam Regni universali­tatem, Roberto fratre & aliis inimicis edomitis, having once overcome his brother Robert and other enemies, with audacious and presumptuous horns he goared as well the Church, as the rest of the Kingdom, breaking his Seal, his Charter, and his Oath.

The memory of this caused the Nobility Mat. Paris Hist. majori. to call in the French Kings Son, when John their Soveraign began to know his own authority (as they thought) too much. And the French Sub­jects aided on the other side Henry the third against [Page 21] their Master, when he was almost cooped up in his Britain journey. This (as the Stories report) being a practice usual in those days.

THe last mischief is the disposition that Mili­tary Military Edu­cation cause of trouble in the state. education leaveth in the minds of many; For it is not born with them that they so much distaste peace, but proceeds from that custome that hath made in them another nature.

It is rarely found that ever Civil troubles of Heads of dan­gerous Rebel­lions have been only such as by Command in War have for­got to obey in Peace. this State were dangerously undertaken, but where the plot and pursuit was made by a spirit so in­fused.

King John had been after Mat. Paris anno 5 Joan. sine Regno without a Kingdom, as he was at first sans terre without land, if his rebenediction had not wrought more upon the disloyal designs of Fitzwalter and Mar­shal, (whom his own elective love had made great in opinion by the Norman Services) than either his rebated Sword or blasted Sceptre could.

Willielm. de Rishanger in Historia. If Simon Montfort had not been too much improved in Experience and his own Opinion by the many services he underwent in the Govern­ment of Gascoign, he had never so much dared against Duty, as to come over at the first call to make head against his Master, and pursue him with that fury of Ambition, until he had forced him to redeem the liberty of his person by the blasting of so many flowers of his Imperial Crown: and to set himself so far below the seat of Majesty, as to capitulate with them upon even conditions, which not performed (I use his own words) Ex Charta con [...]ess. Baro­nibus an [...] 49 Hen. 3. Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos insur­gere, it shall be lawful for all persons in our King­dom to rise up against us, and to do omnia quae gra­vamen [Page 22] nostrum respiciant, acsi Nobis in null [...] tenerentur, so to act all things in reference to the grievances from us upon them, as if they were by no tye obliged to us.

If Richard Duke of York had never learned to be so great a Souldier at the cost of his Master Henry the sixth in another State, he had never disquieted the calm of his Times, or given just occasion to his Opposite Somerset to say, That if Verba Ducis Somerset. con­tra Ducem Eborac. coram Rege. he had never learned to play the King by his Re­gency in France, he had never forgot to obey as a Subject when he returned into England.

Our own times can afford some, whose spirit improved by Military imployment, and made wanton with popular applause, might have given instance of these dangers, if good success had been a relative to bad intentions. And every age breeds some exorbitant spirits, who turn the edge of their own sufficiency up­on whatsoever they can devour in their ambi­tious apprehensions, seeking rather a great than a good Fame; and holding it the chiefest Ho­nour to be thought the Wonder of their times: which if they attain to, it is but the condition of Monsters, that are generally much admired, but more abhorred.

But war some may say mouldeth not all men thus: for vertuous men will use their weapons for ornament amongst their Friends, against Enemies for defence. And to those men their own goodness is not safe, nam Regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt, for Kings suspect good men sooner than bad. Kings must have their Mi­nisters pares negotiis fit for their business, and not supra above it, or too able for it. For another [Page 23] mans too-much sufficiency (as they take it) is a diminution of their respectiveness, and therefore dangerous.

THe meaner sort having forgot the toile of Many disor­ders in the State by re­turn of the common Souldier. their first life by inuring themselves to the liberty of War, which leaveth for the most part the lives of men to their own looseness, and the means of getting to their own justice, can never again endure either order or labour; and so re­turn but to corrupt the Common-wealth with their lawless manners. For living more riotously than the rapine of forraign victory could warrant, (as for the most they do) in contempt of their own private Want and Fortune, they desire a change of the publick Quiet. In Tumults and Uproars they take least care for their livings, however the world goes they can be no losers: for like Silla's Army, making no difference between sacred and pro­fane Robberies, (for the victors Sword seldom teacheth either mean or modesty) they will be ready upon every advantage to pillage their Countrey-men at home. For who can expect men dissolutely disciplined can ever use their armes with moderation?

Against the fury of such seditious Outrages ma­ny Parliaments, as Parl. anno 22 Hen. 6. in the twenty second of Hen. the sixth have been sollicited for redress. And that example in Frois [...]r [...] Champaign after the Peace at Cal­lis 1360. where this licentious Rout at the close of those wars slew the Duke of Bourbon, and besieged the Pope at Avignon, may suffice to express this mischief.

It hath no less weakened the bond of mutual Trade: since our Merchants, whom the necessity [Page 24] of late times left to recover by force the losses they pretended, do now teach, as a Maxime of their Mysterie and our State, That the directest way ei­ther to wealth or security is by Rapine and Spoil: and to cloak their own ends pretend the common good; as if the State stood by their affections, when in truth they themselves cannot fish but in aqua turbida in troubled waters: and therefore would have Incendium Patriae a bonefire of their Countrey, if it be but to keep warm and awake their own humours.

THe last motive from Necessity is, the ease War bringeth to a surcharged State. In­tending Exhausting of the people no Necessity but Danger. it seemeth War but as the Sink, and Soul­diers but as the Corruptions of Common-weals; whereas besides the inevitable use of the one, and the noble condition of the other, (an Errour in the argument) Nature doth never oppress further by increase, than she again dischargeth. The breast of the Mother she enableth to nourish up as many as the Womb shall uno partu at one birth ever bring forth; proportioning to the number of the Children the condition of their Strength and Ap­petites. It is then accession of our own that may furcharge; for Parents by such indulgent admissi­on may soon famish whom in Motherly affection they intend to cherish.

But admitting the former ground, whether by this way of waste we be ever able and at plea­sure to gage the Issue (when such elective power is left to him only qui suis stat viribus, non alieno pendet arbitrio, who stands by his own strength, and not at the pleasure of another) is considerable; since to begin cuivis licet, deponere cum victores [Page 25] [...]lunt, is easie for any man, but the laying down [...]ill be at the Conquerours pleasure. For the wast­ [...]g of our people in ambitious Enterprizes (as that [...]r an Empire by Constantine in France) left this [...] and as a prey to the barbarous Frontiers, Beda Hist. Eccl. lib. 1. [...]mni milite & floridae juventut is alacritate spolia­ [...], being left naked of Souldiery, and robbed of [...]e choicest flower of youth. And when we were [...]ed to make good our undertaking in France, the waste of our people was so great, that to supply extremity we took purgamenta urbium, the dregs [...]f Towns, (as Curtius saith of Alexander;) Ex Rot. Franciae an. 22 Ed. 1. [...]eed hiring the Bankrupts by protection, as in [...]e twenty second of Edward the first; and en­ [...]orcing, against the rule of justice, the Judges to [...]ut Placita corum in respectu qui in obsequium Re­ [...]is profecturi sunt, Pleas in the behalf of such as [...]ere to go in the Kings service. And as Tacitus [...]f a declined Majesty saith, emunt militem, non [...]egunt, they buy their Souldiers rather than make [...]hoice of them; we made purchase of general Pardons of all that were Utlegati, Banniti, aut de Feloniis indictati, si cum Rege transitare voluerint, out-lawed, excommunicated, or indicted of Fe­ [...]ony, in case they would go over with the King. As in the same year of the former King and in the year after were dischaged out of all Prisons in the Realm to the number of ninety seven notorious Ma­ [...]efactors. (b) And in the eighteenth of Edward the (c) Ex Rot. Original. in Arch. Thesaur. second, and eighth of Edward the third, and [...]weleth of Edward the fourth we did the like. An army better apted by Necessity than Election to [...]ive upon the Enemy, Quibus ob Egestatem & Flagitia maxima peccandi necessitudo est, whose [...]ndigency and former ill way of life must needs [Page 26] make them ready for any mischief. In the end [...] this King last remembred, and entrance of [...] Heir Richard the second, the State began to be se [...] sible of consuming Issue; which not lying in th [...] Kings power (now as the strength of France, set o [...] Revenge, stood) to stay at pleasure, (for—arm [...] tenenti Omnia dat qui justa neg at—Deny th [...] Souldiers due, You give him all you have) it w [...] urged to him in Parliament in the Ex Rot. Par. an. 7 R. 2. seventh of h [...] reign, as an errour in his Government: whereto [...] answered, that they ought not to lay the cause up [...] on him, for that together with the Crown th [...] Wars descended unto him. And the Chancellour [...] the fourth of Henry the fourth, declared publickl [...] in the Higher House, that by the mischance of W [...] and want of reasonable Peace, (for I use the word [...] of the Roll) occasioned by dissensions and priva [...] desire, the flower of Chivalry and Rock of Noble [...] within the Realm was in a manner consumed.

Nobilit as cum Plebe perit, lateque vagatur
Lucan.
Ensis, & à multo revocatum est pectore ferrum.
The Peer and Peasant falls, and hating rest
Bloody the Sword returns from many a breast.

And the whole State by war had been thus sub­verted Better to dis­burthen the state by Co­lony than War. had not God as a mean raised that King.

But since the end of mans creation is not for th [...] Slaughter, nor education of Armes to make me [...] Cast-aways; the course most answerable either to Charity, or Example, (for Rome did by Coloni [...] inlarge and confirm her Empire) is to transpla [...] that we may best spare. In Ireland we may in­crease the King many Subjects, and in the Indi [...] [Page 27] God many servants: a world from our Forefathers [...]ockt up by divine Providence, as only best to glo­rifie and purifie these Times. And as in war con­quirendus potius miles quam dimittendus, Souldi­ers are rather to be listed than disbanded; so post [...]ellum vires refovendae magis quam spargendae, after war forces are rather to be cherished than wasted.

And thus much in answer of Necessity.

Answer to the Arguments of Profit.

THe profits gained by Forraign Expeditions Profit of war. Expence of money, Mu­nition and men. cannot be any wayes so truly esteemed, as by setting down the expence of Money, Men, and Munition, by which we have made purchase of them. I will therefore deliver as they fall in se­quence all the Impositions, Taxes and Lones, whe­ther by general Grant, or Prerogative power le­ [...]ied of the People; summing after up, as I go along the times of our Princes, the number of Men, Ships, and vast provisions of Victuals raised to supply the necessity and expence of War.

WIlliam the Conquerour in the entrance of A summary of all the exactions up­on this State from the Con­quest to the end of the late Queen. his Government took of every Hide-land twelve pence a due of the Subjects to the Soveraign both before and since the Conquest, to defray such charge as either the defence of the Land from spoil, or the Sea from Piracy, should ex­pose the Prince to. It is called Dane-geld, Gelda Regis, or Hidage, and was sessed by the Hide or Plough-land, like to that Jugatio per jugera taxation by the acre in Rome, yet by no rate de­finite with this as with another Exaction, taken, as the Monk of S. Albans Ex Matth. Paris pag. 8. & 15. saith, sive per fas sive [Page 28] per nefas, by fair means or by foul. He passe [...] over into Francs into the list of charge he ranke [...] the Bishops and Abbots, sessing upon them and a [...] their charge a proportion of Souldiers for his ser [...] ­vice, exiling many worthy men that opposed th [...] thraldom.

William Rufus anno 7. set upon the heads of s [...] William Ru­fus. many as he mustered up for the French wars te [...] shillings a man, and so discharged them. In an. 9. he to the same end spoiled the Churches of their Ornaments and Holy vessels, and levied four Hidages of every Plough-land, Ex antiq. legibus An­gliae. Trib [...] Angliam non modo abradens, sed excorians, n [...] only shaving, but even flaying England wi [...] his impositions: so that wearied with war and expence, ne respirare potuit Anglia sub ipso suf­focata, England was quite stifled by him, an [...] could not so much as breath.—Sillius Italicus. Quid jam non Regibus ausum? Aut quid jam Regno resta Scelus?—What durst not Kings then do? What mischief could the Nation suffer more? in this Kings time.

Ex Hist. Gualt. Gis­born. Henry the first anno 5. magnam à Regno ex­egit Pecuniam, exacted a great [...]umm of his King­dom, with which he passed into France: and by this means Ex Hist. Mat. Paris. gravabatur terra Angliae oppress [...] ­nibus multis, England was born down with many oppressions. Ex Hist. Mat. W [...]stm. He took in the tenth year si [...] shillings Danegeld. Ex Hist. Hen. Hunting. And in the seventeenth Quod inter eum & Regem Francorum magnum fu­it dissidium, Anglia fuit variis depressa Exactioni­bus, & Bonis sine peccato spoliata, by means of the great differenoe betwixt him and the King of France, England was oppressed with divers exacti­ons, and men spoiled of their goods for no offence at all.

[Page 29] Of King Stephen there need no more than the Stephen. words of the Monk of Gisborn, Ex hist. mon. Gisborn. Post annum sextum Pax nulla, omnes partes terrebat violenta Pradatio, after the sixth year of his reign there was no quiet, but all parts of the Land became a prey and spoil to violent men.

Henry the second, alluding not unlike to the Henry 2. [...]eada given the Eremitae in the decline of the Empire, as Salaries by which they stood bound to defend the Frontiers against the Incursions of the Barbarous Nations, continued the Policy of his Progenitors, who allotted the Land into such and so many equal portions, as might seem competent for supportation of a Knight or man at Arms; from whom (as occasion required) they received either service or contribution. This Te­nure, now esteemed a Thraldom, began upon a voluntary and desired submission; for who from his gift would not of the Prince accept Land upon the like conditions, so it toucheth not the Sove­raign as a wrong to the Subject, but as in right his own? And therefore respecting their first im­mediate dependency upon the Crown, which is a great part of the Kings Honour, their duties and Escheats a great benefit, and their attendance by Tenure in war at their own charge to the number of 602 16. at the least, (for the Knights Fees in England are no less) a great ease, strength and security to his State; for they are totidem Hostagia, so many Hostages, as Bracton saith; it were a thing perillous now to alter, after such a current of time and custome. This King to un­derstand the better his own strength, publico prae­cepit edicto quod quilibet Praelatus & Baro, quot Milites de eo tenerent in Capite publicis suis [Page 30] instrument is significarent, he caused it to be pro­claimed that every Prelate and Baron should no­tifie by publick deed how many Knightships they held of him in capite. By this rule of Scutage, constant in the number, he levied alwayes his Sub­sidies and relief, though divers in the rate. Of the first, which was near the beginning of his Reign, there is no record. The second Scutage, Ex Ger­vas. Dorober­nen. an. 1159. which was anno 5. amounted to 124 millia li­brarum argenti, thousand pounds of silver; which reduced to the standard of our money five shillings the ounce, whereas that was not five groats, will amount to near 400000 l. An. 7. Ex lib. [...]ub. in Sccrio. Scutagium fuit assessum ad duas Marcas pro Exercitu Tho­losae, a Scutage was assessed two Marks for the Ar­my at Tholouse; which if summed up by the recei­ved number of Knights Fees, being 60216 in the hands of the Laiety only, of our moneys cannot be less than 250000 l. The like in the next year. In an 11. Ex Gervas. Doroborne [...]s. there was an Aid pro servientibus inveniendis in exercitu, to find men to serve in the wars, of two pence de unaquaque libra in every pound. And 4. sequentibus annis de singulis libris singulis denariis, in the four following years a pen­ny in the pound was taken of all men, the estates of mens Fortunes being delivered upon their Oaths. In the fourteenth year a Scutage was assessed Rub. lib. in Sccrio. ad Marcam unam de singulis Feodis, one Mark on every Fee. And anno 18. Ex hist. Rossens. Scutagium pro quo­libet Feodo, a Scutage for every Fee. A Tenth of all moveables was granted in the thirty fifth year of his Reign. In which year dying, Ex hist. Matth. Paris. Richard 1. 900 millia librarum in auro & argento, praeter utensilia & jocalia, reliquit, he left in money 900000 pounds, besides Plate and Jewels.

[Page 31] Rub. liber in Sccrio. Richard the first in the beginning besides cutagium Walliae assessum, a Scutage assessed upon [...]ales at ten shillings, levied as in the succour of the [...]oly Land a Subsidy out of all the Moveables in [...]e Realm to his own use; Ex hist. min. Matth. Paris. Rub. lib. Et eleemosynae ti­ [...]lo vitium Rapacitatis inclusit, cloaking his rave­ous extortion under the fair name of a pious almes. [...] contribution there was in the sixth year of 150 Ex hist. Walt. Coventr. millia marcarum argenti ad pondus Columni­ [...]sium, 150000 marks of silver to pay his ran­ [...]ome: as also a Scutage assessed at twenty shillings. [...]n the Ex Rog. Hoved. & Walt. Covent. seventh he imposed for his wants a con­ [...]ibution called Tenementale. Extremity (for by [...]is waste and imprisonment he had almost ex­ [...]austed the wealth of the State) invented nova & varia praedandi vocabula, new and sundry [...]ords to express his exactions, as Tacitus Tacit. an­nal. 4. [...]aith, of Centesima & Quinquagesima, an hun­ [...]redth part and a fiftieth part, (names that since [...]ave found reception and use with us.) This [...]as two shillings of every Plough-land from [...]he Husbandman, and from the Gentry and No­ [...]ility the third part of their Military service. He inforced the Cistertian Monks Ex Joan. Eversden. to re­ [...]eem the same year their woolls sine Pecunia­ [...]ia, at a Fine. For his Army into Normandy Rub. lib. in Scerio. he took a Scutage assessed at twenty shil­ [...]ings. Ex Walt. Covent. And four years after of every Plow­ [...]and five shillings, and of every Burrough and Ex Matth. Paris. City duos palfridos & totidem summari­ [...]s, two horses and as many summaries: and of every Abbot half as much. Then losing of purpose his great Seal, proclaimed that Ex charta origin. Omnes Chartae & Confirmationes novi Sigilli impressione roborarentur, all Charters [Page 32] and Assurances should be confirmed by the n [...] Seal. Whereby anew he drew from all men composition for their Liberties. This fashion w [...] afterwards taken up by some of his Successours as Ex hist. Mat. Paris p. 209. of Henry the third, when all again w [...] enjoyned qui suis volebant libertatibus gauder [...] as many as would enjoy their Liberties, ut inn [...] varent Chartas suas de novo Regis Sigillo, to r [...] new their Charters from the Kings new Seal Some reason Ex hist. Rog. Hoveden. Richard had in the end to be­come a gatherer, that had not long before by accompt of Chancellour Hubert then Archbishop, spent infrae biennium undecies centena mill [...] Marcarum argenti de Regno Angliae, within le [...] than two years, eleven hundred thousand Marks [...] silver current English money.

His brother John succeeding Rad. Cog­shall & Rub. lib. in Scorio. took in the King John. first of his Reign a Scutage assessed at two Marks Ex Rog. Hoveden. For the two next years three shillings of every Plow: Ex Matth. Paris. and the year following, besides a Scu­tage as before, the fortieth part of the Revenues [...] the Clergy and Laiety. Lib. Rub. in Sccrio. In the fourth year [...] took the like Scutage, and the Ex Matth. Paris. seventh part [...] the moveable goods of the Baronage and Clergy A Scutage assessed at two Marks Ex lib. Rub. Sccrii. in an. 5. Ex Rad. Cogshall. The like in the sixth and seventh years twenty shil­lings Scutage; and the thirteenth part of Movea­bles as well of the Church as Laiety in the year fol­lowing. In Ex Matth. Paris. an. 9. he exacted by redem­ption of the Concubines of the Clergy a great summ. In the eleventh Walt. Co­ventr. & Rad. Cogshall. extorsit tributum grave, scil. 140 millia librarum à viris Ecclesiasti­cis, he extorted a great tribute, viz. 140000 pounds of the Church-men. And to furnish his Army, Ex Mat. Paris. Clericorum Horrea invadit, he came [Page 33] upon the Barns of the Clergy. In Ex Rad. Cogshall. the twelfth a Scutage assessed at two marks, besides an exaction Rub. lib. in Sccrio. of 22000 l. from the Cistertian Monks. He took Ex Rad. Cogshall & Rub. lib. in Sccrio. in the thirteenth year a Scutage assessed at 20 s. pro exercitu Scotiae, and another at two marks proexecitu Wallia, &c. for his Welch Army; ex­acting Mat. Paris hist. min. from the Ministers of the Church in the year following 400000 marks. Rub. lib. in Sccrio. And in the six­teenth year Scutagium assessum fuit pro exercitu Pictavia ad 3 Marcas, a Scutage was assessed at three marks for the Army in Poictou. Thus in the space of seventeen years the State was delivered but thrice from Impositions.

In the time of Henry the third, Ex Rub. lib. in Sccrio & Joan. Eversden. upon the Henry 3. Clergy, Nobility and Gentry there was assessed fifteen Scutages; one at ten shillings, two at twenty, eight at two Marks, and four at forty shillings the Knights Fee. Mat. Pa­ris, & ex Rot. Claus. & fi­nium an. 12, 13, 15, & 19 Hen. 3. & ex lib. Chart. Cantuar. Episc. The land of the inferiour sort twice taxed; first at two shillings, after at half a Mark the Plow. Rot. Pat. anno 8 H. 3. And two Tallages upon the land of the Crown. Ex. Tho. Walsingham, & Mat. Pa­ris. Claus. anno 19 H. 3. From out of the Lay Subjects moveable goods hath been taken five times: as the fortieth, the thirtieth, the twentieth and fifteenth parts, Ex Mat. Westmonast. and once the sixteenth of the Clergy for this King. Ex statuto an. 4. c. 17. Dors. claus. anno 16 H. 3. & Eversden. A Tenth he nine times imposed upon the Church: six times for a year only, and by it self; once accompanied with the First-Fruits: once for three years; and once for five. Ex lib. Cantuar. Episc. Besides two Aides, the one moderate, the other called Ex Eversden & Paris. gra­vis exactio, a heavy exaction, and worthily, if to the eight hundred Marks imposed upon Ex Matth. Paris & Eversden & Dors. claus. anno 16 H. 3. S. Ed­munds [Page 34] Bury all the other Abbyes were rated ac­cordingly. Ex Walt. Gisborn. And by the accompt of Willi­helmus de Middleton Rad. Ci­strensis, ex E­versden, Paris & lib. Chart. Cant. Archiep. anno 8 H. 6. he received in the time of his Government de exitu Judaismi 402000 [...] And as in all the fifty six years of his reign (ex­cepting five) either the Church or Common-wealth were charged with contribution-money to relieve the expence of war; so were they grieved with other Exactures, either for Carriages, or Victuals, or personal attendance. In the six­teenth year the inhabitants of Winchelsey were en­joyned. Ex Joan. Eversden, Pat. an. 3 E. 1. m. 26. ut providerent decem bonas naves & magnas ad transfretandum in Pictaviam in ser­vitium Regis, to provide ten good and sto [...] ships for the Kings service in Poictou. Rot. claus. an. 26 Hen. 3. And at another time twenty, Dunwich and Ipswich five a piece, and the Ports proportionable, all at their own charge. In the same year Ex H. Mat. Paris. p. 5171. and for the same service there was transported ten thousand quarte [...] of wheat, five thousand of Oates, and many Ba­cons. The Church not forborn in those charges [...] For from Winchester Ex Rot. lib. an. 26 H. 3. two thousand quarter of Wheat and Oates, and one thousand of Beam was taken. Ex Hist. Mat. Paris. The other Bishops and Clergy bearing their parts of victuals in the like Exacti­ons, coming—ut unda supervenit undae acsi esset Anglia puteus inexhaustus, as wa [...] follows wave, as if England were a pit nev [...] to be drawn dry. Dors. claus. a [...]no 14 H. 3. 8. & claus. 12 H. 3. m. 2. In the twelfth and four­teenth the King levieth Souldiers for his wa [...] beyond Sea, collecting pro Exercitu suo de s [...] gulis duabus Hidis, upon every two Hides unu [...] hominem bonum secure, and to bring secum v [...] ctualia victuals with them: and those fo [...] whose service the King dispenced, & quos R [...] [Page 35] vult remanere in partibus suis, and such as he pleased should continue at home, to contribute victuals to those that went for forty dayes: commanding the Sheriffs Claus. an. 14 H. 3. n. 7. to swear all ad Arma qui post cum remanebant in Anglia, in forma qua jurati fuerant tempore Joannis Pa­tris sui, to Armes, who stayed behind him in England, after the manner they were sworn in the time of King John his father; by which Or­dinance of King John all able Subjects from Youth to decrepit Age were bound to arm themselves, and be in continual readiness, Claus. an. 16 H. 3. m. 11. à [...]ro usque ad mane from night to morning, (for [...]o the Record is) to attend the Kings pleasure. And therefore Henry the third in anno 14. Claus. an. 14 H. 3. m. 9. mandavit Vicecomitibus quod venire faciant [...]d exercitum Regis homines juratos ad fer­ [...]um, commanded the Sheriffs to send all those [...]o his Army who had been so sworn, bringing with them Loricas, Habergiones, &c. Coats of Maile, Habergeons, &c. and to such as negle­cted this service he sent his Writs, reprehending [...]hem at first, Claus. in Dorso, an. 15 Hen. 3. jurgatoriè eò quòd, &c. tartly [...]or that, &c. and after fining them according [...] their abilities and Tenures. Taking Rot. finium 26 H. 3. m. 4. an. 26. [...]f Willihelm. de Umfrevile pro quietatione pas­ [...]agii, for the securing of his passage into Gas­ [...]oign 100 Marks; and so in proportion of many thers.

Edward the first exacted from the land of his Edward 1. [...]ubjects four times Scutage, assessed every time [...] forty shillings the Knights Fee. And once an Aide called Auxilium novum, a new Aide, which he farmed out for ready money. Of the Rents of the Clergy he took a Tenth part twice [Page 36] for one year, and once for six: and the twentieth part twice from both the Provinces, and once for two years from Canterbury only.

The possessions of the Priors Aliens he seized once into his own hands, putting the Monks to a bare Pension of eighteen pence a week. Of the goods of the Clergy he took the thirtieth, the fifteenth, and the fifth part once, the Moiety three times, and the Tenth seven times; where­of the Grant was first for two years, and then for three years, and once for six years. Rot. Pat. anno 25 E. 1. m. 3. sced. Of the goods of the Commons the eighth, and the ninth, and the twelfth part he took once, twice severally the tenth and eleventh, the Sessors be­ing sworn to levy and rate truly. Three times he had the fifteenth part, and once the moiety of a fifteenth. From the Clergy and Laiety to­gether the King had granted of their Moveables [...] tenth, a fifteenth, and a thirtieth part. Of the Cities and Boroughs, besides a great Loan, once the seventh and eighth, and twice the sixth par [...] From the Merchants a twentieth, and a seven [...] portion once of their Commodities; imposin [...] a new Custome of a Noble upon every Sa [...] of Wool which he let out to Farm. And un­der pretence of some breach of Amity wi [...] those parts whither his Merchants traded, [...] seized anno 22. Rot. Vas­con. anno 22 E. 1 m. 8. all the Wools into his hand [...] and made of them instant Sale to the best val [...] leaving them upon security to a short price a [...] a long day of payment. He took Ex Rot. Vasco. an. 22 E. 1. m. 17. the sa [...] year, to the distaste of the Pope and murm [...] of the Clergy, all the money gathered in su [...] dium Terrae Sanctae, for the succour of the H [...] Land, to furnish his Journeys. Upon the p [...] [Page 37] sons of his Subjects he imposed one Tallage, Ex Rot. Vas. an. 22 E. 1. sessed either in communi in general, or per capita by the Poll. And twice the like upon the Jews: whereof the one amounted to fifty thou­sand Marks. Neither were his people by conti­nual payment (for there was but one year of in­termission all his Reign) freed from attendance in their Persons. For in record there appeareth plentifully his writs to the Sheriffs: as Rot. Pat. anno 31 E. 1. an. 31. de peditibus eligendis de tota Anglia, for the chusing of foot-Souldiers throughout all England; and to be found and furnished by their several Countreys: calling Ex Hist. Joan. Evers­den. his Earles, Barons and Knights to personal service according to their Tenures.

His Son the second Edward assessed upon the Edward 2. lands of his Subjects twice Scutage; once at two Marks, and once at forty shillings the Knights Fee. From the Revenues of the Clergy rated by the book of Tenths, he at distinct times took 4 d. 5 d. and 12 d. in the Mark; and once the fif­teenth part of the whole. From the goods of the Clergy a Tenth for three years. And twice Claus. an. 8 E. 2. m. 9. a Loan from the Abbots and Bishops. From the Laiety (besides a Tallage of their Moveables) in Cities and Burroughs once a tenth, twice a fifteenth, and twice a twentieth part of their goods. Besides a Loan from the Commons, and ten shillings borrowed upon every Sack of Wool from Merchant Stran­gers, and a Noble from others. Claus. 16 E. 2. Claus. anno 12 E. 2. From the Clergy and Laiety together of their goods a tenth, a fifteenth, and twice an eighteenth part, besides a Loane. He augmented his fathers new Custome with an Imposition of a Noble [Page 38] more upon every Sack of Wool. And anno 10. Ex memor. Sccrii. an. 10 E. 2. ex parte Rem. Thes [...]ur. quia exitus Regni sui & terrarum, be­cause the profits of his Realm and dominions elsewhere, together with all the money granted by the Church and Laiety, ad sumptus Belli sufficere noluit, was not enough to defray the charges of his wars, and that he must infinitam pecuniam effundere, spend a vast deal of mo­ney; he sesseth and increaseth an Imposition upon all Commodities inward and outward to an extream Rate; and caused the Commons in every Shire to lay down money in deposito to pay his Souldiers; and took from the Nobility and Gentry a large contribution towards his wars; and seized Rot. Vas­con. anno 22 E. 2. m. 13. in sced. omnes Lanas & Coria Mercatorum, data securitate Possessoribus de rationabili pretio postea solvendo, All the Wools and Hides of the Merchants, giving security to the Owners that a reasonable price should be paid for them afterwards. He charged the Ports and Sea-Towns twelve several years ad costos suos & sumptibus villarum, at their own costs, and the charge of the Villages about them, (as the Record saith) to set to Sea in his service Ships furnished Armis & victuali­bus, with Armes and Victuals; sometimes for one moneth, as anno 11. Rot. Scot. anno 11. m. 17. sometimes for four as Rot. Scot. anno 12. m. 8. anno 12. and sometimes for seven as Rot. Pat. anno 4 E. 2. anno 4. the number of Ships more or less as occasion required. In anno 17. Dors. Claus. anno 17 E. 2. m. 11. Southampton was charged with six, and an hun­dred and eighteen Sea-Towns more with ratea­ble proportions for the Kings service. Some­times, as anno 18. Claus. an. 18. m. 34. embarguing all the Ships in any Port that were of forty Tuns or up­wards, [Page 39] as an. 20. or of fifty Tuns and upward, as [...]n. 23. Ex Rot. Vascon. m. 29. contra hostiles aggressus Gallorum, against [...]he hostile attempts of the French. Causing [...]he Town of Southampton anno 6. Claus. an. 6 E. 2. to build [...] Galley for themselves of an hundred and twenty Oares. Commanding all the Sheriffs for pro­ [...]ision of Victual, as Rot. Scot. anno 1, 2, 3. m. 10. & an. 4. m. 5. & an. 9. & Rot. Pat. anno 10. m. 12. anno 1, 2, 3, 4, 9. to provide de Exitibus Comitatuum certum proti­ [...]m, at the charge of the County a certain Rate, [...]o the proportion sometimes of thirty thousand five hundred Quarters of Corn and many Ba­ [...]ons, as anno 16. Rot. Pat. an. 16. m. 3. and to send them to the Kings Army. As also Rot. Scot. anno 8. m. 9. Carrecta & Carracum Equis & Bobus, Carts and Waggons with Oxen [...]nd Horses out of the Counties severally for the [...]se of war. Sometimes he made the Ports to [...]end provision themselves, as anno 7. Rot. Scot. Dorso, anno 7. m. 8. and [...]ot to suffer any Ships with victuals Dors. claus. anno 16. m. 3. ibidem discariari, to be there unladed, but to order them by security for those parts where the Kings Army was lodged.

And not sparing the Church, exacted Rot. Scot. anno 1, 2, 3. m. 8. his three first years Frumenta & alia victualia pro exercitu suo, Corn and other Victuals for his Army from them.

Besides the former Charges, the Persons of Men, as well of the Nobility as meaner rank, were at their own Charge often enjoyned to serve by reason of the wars. Rot. Scot. anno 8 E. 2. Dors. Claus. anno 9. As in an. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and 16. Claus. an. 16 E. 2. of this King, when they were called singulatim man by man, as well Widows as Knights Ex Dors. claus. 7 E. 2. m. 7. and Noblemen, and such as held forty pound land according to their Tenures, Claus. an. 16. m. 20. sub forisfactura terrarum & Catallorum, Equis & Armis, sumptibus propriis, [Page 40] to appear with Horse and Armes, at their own charge, under penalty of forfeiting their Lands and Chattels; and to provide de hominibus a [...] Arma ultra famulos suos consuetos, men for the service besides their ordinary Servants: accord­ing to Augustus Ex Pater­culo de Aug. rule, Viri Foeminaeque ex Censu coactae dare Militem, both men and wo­men were forced to find their Souldiers. And of this the Clergy was not exempted Claus. an. 16. m. 11. & cla. an. 15. m. 19. anno 16. of this King. And out of every Town one sum­ptibus propriis, at their own charges, for forty dayes, as anno 15. or for 60. as anno 9. or pr [...] 7. Septimanis for seven weeks, as anno 4. Rot. Scotiae anno 3 E. 2. m. 8. Dorso. Sometimes a thousand in one Gounty, as anno 3 Rot. Scotiae an. 11. m. 16. Sometimes an entire Army of eighteen thou­sand three hundred, an. 11. and Rot. Pat. an. 15. m. 19. forty eight (g) Claus. an. 18. m. 13. thousand eight hundred at the charge of all the Counties anno 15. Rot. Scotiae anno 12. m. 13. London sumptibus Civita­tis at the Cities charge, found 500. men for forry days anno 12. and the like anno 18. contra insul­tus Regis Eranciae, against the invasions of the King of France. Rot. Pat. an. 16. m. 27. The King commanded anno 16. that all of forty shillings land and upwards should rateably send to his service men; Rot. Pat. anno 9. m. 22. Dors. Cla. 10. m. 26. Claus. anno 15. m. 13. Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 27. And an. 9, 10, 15, and 16. that all jurati ad arma, sworn to Armes, or from sixteen to sixty, secundum Statu­tum Wincestriae, according to the Statute of Winchester, should attend their Services. Rot. Scotiae anno 13. m. 2. And anno 13. injoyned all from twenty to sixty to be armed and victualled at their own charge. Dors. claus. anno 6. m. 28. Rot. Scotiae anno 7. m. 2. claus. anno 8. m. 30. claus. an. 16. m. 12. Rot. Scotiae an. 12. m. 6. Rot. Pat. anno 18. m. 21. And commanded the Sheriffs annis 6, 7, 8, 12, 16 and 18. to see all the able men of England so furnished, that Parati sint & muniti ad veniendum ad Regem quando vocati fuerint, they should be provided and in a readiness to [Page 41] march to the King when he sh [...] them, their weapons to be provided ad [...] [...]ncolarum, at the charge of their neig [...] dwellers: and themselves enjoyned to must [...] train every six weeks. If any neglected h [...]ted service, there was sent to the Sheriff [...]it de habenda a Rot. claus. anno 15 E. 2. [...]n. 14. Rot. finium, anno 15. m. 16. [...]llos coram Concilio, qui praemo [...] cum venerunt [...]n expeditione Regis, to bring them before the Council, who knowing of it before, refused the expedition, as anno 15. 1. the parties imprisoned, and their goods seized into the Kings hands, as Rot. claus. anno 9. Rot. Pat. anno 16. m. 12. anno 9. & 16. or else redemption by fine, as the Rot. claus. anno 15. m. 19. Sheriffs of Buckingham and Bedford did their men for six hundred Marks anno 15. The owner of forty shillings land to redeem his first default Rot. Scotiae anno 13 E. 2. m. 1. cum tertia parte Bonorum, with the third part of his Goods; the second cum tota residua, with the remaining parts; at the third, sint Corpora corum ad voluntatem Regis, their Bodies to be at the Kings disposal; and of Knights, qui non fuerunt in exercit [...] Regis, 20 l. de qualibet Hida, which were not in the Kings Army, 20 l. for every Hide, as Claus. an. 13. m. 20. anno 13.

I have the longer insisted upon this King, that tanquam in speculo, as in a glass we may behold the intolerable miseries of the Nobility and Commons inseparably accompanying the times of War.

Edward the third charged Pat. an. 48 E. 3. m. 10. the lands of his Edward 3. Subjects twice forty shillings of every Knights Fee; and five pound sixteen shillings of every Pa­rish in the forty eighth year of his Reign. Out of the Goods of the Commons he took once the ninth part, and fifteenth of Forrest and Waste; twice the tenth, thirteen times a fifteenth for one year, [Page 42] and twice for th [...]ars: and once the twentieth part of all move [...] and thirty thousand Sacks of Wooll upon co [...]. Of the Burroughs and Ci­ties, four Tenths, [...] one for three years. From the Lords the ten [...]eaf, Lamb, and Fleece: who with the Bishops [...]d Knights grant twenty thou­sand Sacks of Woll for payment of the Kings debts, giving in the interim security themselves by Bond to the Earl of Brittain, to whom their Soveraign stood engaged. Of the Clergie alone one Tenth for four years, three for three years, and one for one year. Besides a Contribution in the twelfth of his Reign, seizing in the same year all the Goods of the Cluny and Cistertian Monks. Of the Church and Laity together he received six times the tenth of all their Moveables. From the Merchants and State a Subsidy of Wooll for three years. Imposing anno 33. 26 s. 8 d. upon every Sack transported: which doubled the Impositions of his Father and Grandfather. Advancing it af­ter for six years to forty shillings: and in anno 38. (being the year he resumed his Stile of France) to 46 s. 4 d. the Sack of Wooll. Taking Poun­dage 6 d. of all Commodities inward and outward and enjoyning the Merchants for every Sampler of Wooll transported to return in forty shillings Bullion to his Mint. Ex Rot. Al­man. an. 12. m. 17. Himself becoming Mer­chant of all the Tinne in Devonshire and Corn­wall anno 12. in auxilium supportationis onerum Belli, to help him bear the burthen of his wars: assesting upon the heads of his Subjects a fine of 4 d. severally anno 51. Besides in Claus. an. 20 E. 3. m. 22. in dorso. anno 20. he took a Loan of the Bishops, Abbots, Justices, & aliis potentioribus Regni, de diversis pecuniarum Summis, inter Summas de 1000 l. & 40 l. and [Page 43] other wealthy men of his Realm, in several summs of money, betwixt the summs of 1000 l. and 40 l.

In the first of his Reign Claus. an. 1 E. 3. Rot. Sco. anno 1 E. 3. he commandeth all the Sea-towns to attend with Ships his service, sumptibus propriis & duplici Eskeppamento, at their own proper charge, and with double Skip­page, and to provide as many as they can of sixty Tun and upwards. And the year following Claus. an. 2 E. 3. lay­eth the like charge upon seventy six Port-Towns for all Ships of forty Tun and more. And an. 10. Claus. an. 10. the like at their own charge, besides a contri­bution of money, Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 9. & Rot. Alman. an. 12. m. 12. for payment whereof the Offi­cers are commanded, ut eas per districtiones & alias punitiones prout expedire viderint compel­lent, to force it by distraining, and what other pu­nishments they shall find expedient. Injoyning such Merchants of London, qui ex transmarinis passagiis lucra adquirunt, who had traffick in for­reign parts, to furnish Ships for war at their own Charge. Rot. Scotiae anno 13 E. 3. m. 15. And anno 13. the Cinque-Ports set out to sea thirty Ships, and maintain them during the service, half at their own, half at the Councils charge. Four score Ships being furnished and de­frayed by the Out-Ports, the Admiral directed to embargue all other Ships for the Kings service. Rot. Scotiae anno 10 E. 3. And although the Subject found this an infinite grievance, yet could he (upon humble complaint in Parliament) receive no further relief, than that the King would not have it otherwise than before. Rot. Alman. an. 1 E. 3. m. 2.

For Provision of his Arms, the King took at one time, and at a rate of loss to the Subject, nineteen thousand quarters of Grain, two thousand two hundred Oxen salted, and three thousand Ba­cons; [Page 44] besides of other Provisions an infinite quantity. Rot. Scotiae anno 10. m. 17. The like very frequent all his Reign [...] pro guerris necessariis, ubi id magis commode fie [...] poterat, for the necessities of his wars, where [...] could be done with more conveniency.

The Persons of all his meaner Subjects from sixteen to sixty he causeth Rot. Scotiae anno 1. m. 2. to be armed in readi­ness ad praemonitionem 5. dierum, at five dayes warning; the Decrepite to contribute ad expens [...] praemissorum, towards the expences of the rest: an [...] to arrest the Bodies of the disobedient, that [...] ipsis tanquam de inimicis sumat vindictam, they might be dealt withal as enemies. Rot. Scotiae anno 1. The Gentry and Nobility supplying the King in his wars, and [...] their own charge, Parla. an. 13 E. 3. Parla. anno 14 E. 3. sometimes with seven or eigh [...] hundred men at Arms, and two or three thousand Archers, as anno 13. with other proportions [...] divers years following. And the Bishops ordered Rot. Franc. anno 46. to furnish Armis & Equis competentibus, ser­viceable Arms and Horses, so many as occasion re­quired: and their Persons (together with the Lay Nobility) commanded Claus. an. 1 E. 3. m. 1. quod sint parati Equ [...] & Armis & toto servitio debito, with Horse and Arms and all necessary accoutrements to attend the King in his wars.

These wars (which as Edward the third pro­fesseth himself in Parliament, Parl. an. 22 E. 3. n. 9. could not with­out his great danger and loss of Honour be main­tained, unless by perpetual Aid from the Sub­jects) were so grievous to them, that in anno 22. they complain in Parliament of the miseries they underwent thereby: As of their Aids advanced to forty shillings Fine, that by law should be but twenty shillings. Their setting forth of men, and the Kings taking of their Victuals without pay­ment; [Page 45] The Sea left to the charge of their keep­ing, and from their Woolls by way of Subsidy six­ty thousand pound yearly exacted without Law; besides the lending of two thousand Sacks, and themselves restrained from transporting any. But such was the Necessity of these times, that neither they had redress of their Complaint, nor the State one year discharged of Contribution all his Reign.

Richard succeeding his Grandfather declareth Richard 2. a Parl. an. 2, & 14. Rot. 2. n. 2. both a anno 2. and 14. that the great Wars he was left in, and the Territories he inherited be­yond Sea could not be maintained, except the Sub­ject of this Realm gave supply of means thereto. He therefore of the Clergy and Laity took once the tenth of all their lands, and thrice of the goods of the Commons the like entirely, and six times the half, twelve times a fifteenth, and six times the moiety: And had anno 21. granted one Tenth to him, and a fifteenth and a half of either of them yearly for the term of life. From out of the Burroughs and Cities thrice a full Tenth, and once a Moiety. Out of all Merchandises he received three years [...] d. in the pound, and once 12 d. And for every Tun of Wine, and such Commodi­ties, for two years six pence, doubling it for as ma­ny, and [...]ling it for three years after. The Custom of Wolls, &c. by Edward the first rated at a Noble the Sack, and under his Son increased as much more, was to this King advanced to twenty [...]llings eight pence, which singly for eight year [...] had granted unto him, besides once for three [...]rs, and once for four, having it after improved [...]y four shillings four pence, and again to sorry three shillings four pence the Sack. [Page 46] The summ of one of these Subsidies in anno 14. amounted to one hundred and sixty thousand pound. From out of the goods of the Clergie he had eight Tenths and a half; and one out of those and the Laiety together; besides a Loan anno 5. of sixty thousand pound. By the poll or heads of all his people from above fifteen years, he collected twice a Contribution, assessed proportional from the Begger to the Duke: Besides in strength of Prerogative only, of every Ship and Fisherman six pence the Tun: the like of Newcastle Coals, and of every Last of Corn inwards or outwards the like summ.

To furnish his journey for Ireland he took their Horses, Armour, Cattel. Rot. Pat. anno 2 R. 2. m. 3. Hinc factus est suis Subditis invisus, Hereupon he came to be ha­ted by his People, saith the Bishop of London. And so it seemed: For at his deposing, it was one of the objected Articles against him.

He the first year of his Reign imposed upon his Subjects, as formerly his Ancestors had done, a personal service ab anno primo, That all the Clergie should array Armis & Equis competentibus, with serviceable Horses and Arms, from the age of six­teen to sixty, & eos in Millenis & Centenis poni faciant, & cause them to be entred into Regiments and Companies. And two years after command­ed all according to their Tenures by service to fit themselves Equis & Armis, with Horse & Arms to attend the wars. But these the courses of elder times were about this time much altered, and the King for the most part ever supplyed in his wars by con­tract with the Nobility and Gentry, to serve him with so many men, and so long, and at such a rate as he and they by Indenture accorded; of [Page 47] which there are in the Pell plenty yet remaining. Thus under grievous burdens did the State labour continually all his time; for his Treasury being wastefully emptied, was, as Tacitus saith of Tibe­rius, Tacit. lib. 2. Scelere replendum, to be filled some ill way; by which he meant intolerable racking of the people. Hence it was that often in this Kings time Rot. Parl. annis 3, 4, & 5 R. 2. the Subjects humbly beg some ease of the insupportable Tallages.

But he little regarding the tears or groans of his heartless People, answered them as an. 4. That their Petition and his Honour could not consist to­gether. Rot. Parl. anno 1 H. 4. n. 32. They again plead extream poverty, in barr of further relief; complaining that good money was transported, and the State enforced to use base; and that the price of Wooll by wars (to their utter impoverishing) was fallen, and that the Kings want was only the ill government of his Revenues; and therefore crave to have his present Officers removed: and very hardly would be drawn any more to tax themselves, but conditio­nally, and with this Limitation, That their money should be received, expended, and accounted for to themselves, and by Treasurers of their own ele­ction; and are content to lend in the end; loading this poor Kings dejected Fortune with the re­proachful weight of these their many Burthens.

Henry the fourth in thirteen years out of the Henry 4. land of his people received twice relief; once auxilia de medietate Feodorum, an Aid of the moi­ety of the Fees, and again a Noble out of every twenty pound throughout all the Realm. Out of the Goods of the Commons four times a Tenth, besides one for three years, and the like one and a half for two. By several grants and years five [Page 48] Fifteens, besides one for two and one for three years. Out of Staple Commodities of Woolls, Fells, &c. one Subsidy for one year, four for two apiece, and one for three years. A Poundage at 8 d. once, four times twelve pence, whereof the last was for two years. The like number and years of the Tunnage, the first only rated at two shil­lings, the rest at three shillings the Tun. Out of the Moveables of the Clergie thrice a Tenth, and twice a moiety; as also of every stipendary Mini­ster, Frier, and such meaner of persons six shil­lings eight pence apiece. Besides all these, of all he took anno 8. a Hist. Tho. Walsingham. Contribution it a gravis, so heavy, that it was granted ea conditione, ne tra­hatur in Exemplum, & ut Evidentiae post datum Computum cremarentur, upon this condition, that it should not be made an Example to following times, and that after the Account the Evidences should be burnt.

Next him succeeded his Son Henry the fifth; in Henry 5. whose nine years Reign I find no charge imposed upon the Land of the Subjects. Out of the Goods of the Commons he received six times the tenth and the fifteenth entirely, and once two thirds only of Staple wares; a Subsidy once for four years, and after for life: three shillings Tunnage, and twelve pence poundage for the like terms as the former Subsidies. Thrice he had the Tenth of his Clergy. And in the eighth of his Reign, when the Chancellor bewailed to him in Parliament the Feebleness and Poverty of the People by reason of wars and scarcity of money, he (who of as ma­ny attempts as he undertook, totidem fecit Mo­numenta victoriae, raised himself so many Monu­ments of Victory,) yet for redress and ease of [Page 49] those miseries (as Livy saith of an excellent Sol­dier) Pacem voluit etiam quia vincere potuit, he preferred Peace because he knew he could over­come. And left in the ninth year of his Reign a peaceable succession and Heir, nimium felix malo Henry 6. suo, too happy to his own undoing, as the event proved. For retaining nothing ex paterna Ma­jestate praeter speciem nominis, of his Fathers Greatness more than the specious Name of a Great King, by Fear and Facility he laid the way open to his Factious Ambitious Kindred, to work them­selves into popular Favour, and himself into Con­tempt: which was soon done by leading the easie King by Expence into Extremity, and the Peo­ple into Burdens. For besides the Resum­ptions he took of his own and Fathers Grants, (which was of purpose plotted to make a consumption of Duty and Affection towards him) he out of the old inheritance of his Subjects exacted six pence in the pound anno 14. and dou­bled twice that valuation, not only on all lands purchased from the entrance of Edward the first, but of all Free-hold and Coppy-hold under 200 l. and two in twenty of all above. He further im­posed first six shillings eight pence, and then twen­ty shillings upon every Knights Fee. Out of the goods of the Commons he had six tenths, whereof one for three years, besides three moieties, and one third; of fifteens three halfs, one third, and eight entire, of which there was of two a three years grant. Besides these former, out of the Woolls he had 37107 l. raised by a moiety of a tenth and fifteenth, and again of all goods six shillings eight pence in the pound. Of the Merchant, of Subsidies rated as in former times, he had them by grant once but for a year; [Page 50] the like doubled for two, and trebled for three and a half. This Subsidy advanced to thirty three shillings four pence of Denisons, and fifty three shillings four pence of Aliens. The Sack of Wooll was twice granted for four years at a time, and anno 31. for term of the Kings life. Besides a Subsidy alone of Aliens goods, Tonnage and Poundage improved to six shillings eight pence he took in his eighteenth year. And after the Rates of his Fathers time he had it first thrice by his several grants and years, then as often for two years, and again by a new grant for five years, and in the end for term of his life. Of the Clergie he had besides one half of Dismes, four entire tenths. And by the State in general an. 31. two thousand Archers maintained for half a year at the common Charge. By the Poll he exacted anno 18. of every Merchant Stranger if a house­holder sixteen shillings apiece, if none six pence. And anno 27. six shillings eight pence of every such Stranger, and twenty pence of their Clerks. An. 31. he had granted for term of life ten pounds a year of all Inhabitants meer Aliens, and a third less of Denizons, and twenty shillings of every Stranger Merchant that came into the land. The first Mo­nopolies Nota First Monopolie. I find were grounded upon the extremi­ties of these times; for in anno 29. the Spinellos, Merchants of Genua, had by grant for eight thou­sand pound the sole Trade of many Staple-Com­modities. As the Merchants of Southampton had all Allome for the like summ. Yet for all the Contributions, Taxes and Shifts, (whereby the impoverished People were enforced to petition re­dress; for which a Parliament was anno 10. sum­moned only,) the Kings Coffers were so empty, and the yearly Revenues so short, as the Lord [Page 51] Trea [...]r [...]r was constrained Rot. Parl. an. 11 H. 6. an. 11. to com­plain in Parliament of the one, and declared there the other to want thirty five thousand pound of the needful expence, as the best motive to work a Relief from the Common-wealth: which was b [...]he people in part effected. Rot. Parl. an. 18 Hen. 6. n. 38. But by anno 18. the debts were swoln again so great, that the Parliament was reinforced not only to see them, but to support and victual his house­hold. Thus was this unhappy Princes Reign all war and waste: and in the end, as one saith of Ex P [...]ter­culo. Lepidus, à Militibus & à fortuna de­serebatur, being forsaken both of Souldiers and Fortune, he was left a while to a disgraced life, s [...] quam tueri non poterat dignitate, and despoiled of that Dignity which he was not able to maintain:

Edward the fourth, Rot. Parl. an. 2, & 8 E. 4. besides two resumpti­ons Edward 4. not only of the Grants of such Kings as he accounted de facto, and not de jure to Reign, but also of those made by Placita coronae. himself, and that Sea of profit that by infinite Attaintures flowed daily in­to his Treasury, took notwithstanding of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal only a Tenth of their yearly possessions, and of the Commons six Tenths, three quarters; and the like proportion of Fifteens: A Benevolence in anno 14. which Chron. Fabiani. Fabian calleth a new Contribution: And charged them Rot. Parl. anno 12 E. 4. n. 8. anno 12. with wages of his Ar­chers to a summ of 51117 l. Of the Merchant he had Tonnage and Poundage for term of life. Be­sides of Strangers, as well Denizons as others, a Subsidy the Rot. Parl. twenty second year of his Reign. Leaving his Kingdom in the next to the few dayes of his son Edward the fifth. For, Edward 5.

[Page 52]
Osten dunt terris hunc tantum Fata, nec ultra
Esse sinunt.—

The Fates only shewed him to the world, and took him away again.

Richard his Brother succeeded, homo ingenio­sissime nequam, & facundus malo publico, a Richard 3. man most ingeniously mischievous, and full of Art to beguile the people. He to make a just sem­blance of his unjust entry, besides his Act of Parli­ament full of dangerous Untruths, dissembled the part of an excellent Prince, making the Commons believe by a Statute, to which he gave first form, as life, discharging them for ever from all exactions called Benevolences, that his opinion was, Ditare magis esse Regium quam ditescere, that it was more King-like to enrich his Subjects, than to grow rich himself. Whereas he did but lively imitate Nero, that took away the law Manlia de vecti­galibus, only ut gratiosior esset populis, to ingrati­ate himself the more with the people. And so all his short Reign I find recorded but once any Tax upon the people, and that was Tenths granted by the Clergie of both Provinces.

Henry the seventh succeeding, resumed in the Henry 7. third of his Reign most of the grants of Office made by the Usurper or his Brother, and assessed upon the land only of his Subjects but one Aid in anno 19. out of their Goods and Lands a tenth peny, and of their Goods only three times the Tenth, five Fifteens, besides a Tenth and Fifteenth arising to 120000l. He took three Subsidies, whereof the last was not above 36000l. Fabiar. and one Benevolence, the proportion of every Alder­man b [...]g 300l. and the entire summ of the City of London 9688 l. 17 s. 4 d. Of the Clergi [...]e had twice the Tenth, and 25000 l. [Page 53] by way of Subsidy. Ex litera missa Abba­tiss. Barking manu Regis H. 7. And of them and the Com­mons two Loans; the City of Lond. rated at 6000 l. the other not definite in proportion, but so assessed as Commissioners and the Lenders could agree.

And as well to ease the expence of wars, as issue of the good money going over to Bullen, Ex litera Ducis Norfol­ciae. he stamped an allayed Coin then usually termed Dandeprats: A course that necessity after enfor­ced his Son and Successors to practise, and is an apparent Symptome of a consumed State. But that whereby he heaped up his mass of Treasure, (Ex lib. Acquit. int. Regem & Dudly R. C. for he left in Bullion four millions and a half, be­sides his Plate, Jewels, and rich attire of house) was by sale of Offices, redemption of Penalties, dispencing with Laws, and such like, to a yearly value of 120000 l.

His Successor, reaping the fruit of his Fathers Henry 8. labour, gave ease of burthen to the Subjects his first two years; taking within the compass of his other thirty four three Tenths of the Com­mons, four Fifteens, six Subsidies, whereof that an. 4. amounted to 16000 l. and that anno 7. 110000 l. Tonnage he had and Poundage once for a year, and after for term of life. Of the Clergie four Tenths by one grant, and three by several, every of them not less than 25084 l. Of Subsidies he had one of the Province of Canterbury, another of both; the Stipendary Ministers there to be taxed according to the rate of their wages. In anno 22. they granted a moiety of all their Goods and Lands, payable by equal portion in five years, every part arising to 95000 l. And not long after he had added 150000 l. to the yearly Revenues of his Crown, by an inhumane spoil of sacred Monuments, and impious ruine of holy [Page 54] Churches, if Gods blessing could have accom­panied so foul an Act. And as these former Collections he grounded upon Law, so did he many upon Prerogative: As Benevolences and Loans from the Clergie and Commons. Of the first there were two remarkable, that in anno 17. acted by Commissioners, who as themselves were sworn to Secrecy, so were they to swear all those with whom they conferr or contract. The Rates directed by instructions, as the thirds of all Goods, Offices, Land above 20 l. and the fourth under. And although the Recusants (whether from Dis­obedience or Inability) are threatned with Convention before the Council, Imprisonment, and Consiscation of Goods: yet in the Ex origi­nali signat. man [...] Regis. Design Original under the Kings hand, it hath so fair a name as an Amicable Grant. The other about Ex origi­nali Instructi­one. an. 36. exacteth out of all Goods, Offices, land from forty shillings to 20 l. 8 d. in the pound, and of all above 12 d. And amongst the many Loans, there is none more notorious than that of an. 14. Ex in­struct. origi­nali an. 14 H. 8. which was 10 l. in the hundred of all Goods, Jewels, Utensils, and Land from 20 l. to 300 l. and twenty marks of all above, as far as the Subjects Fortune, revealed by the extremity of his own Oath, would extend. And to stop as well intentions if any had been, as expectations of re­payment of such Loans, Rot. Parl. an. 21 H. 8. the Parliament in an. 21. acqui [...]teth the King of every Privy Seal or Letter Miss [...]ve.

Edward the sixth his Son, besides Tonnage and Edward 6. Poundage for life, an. 1. received of his Lay-Sub­jects six Fifteens, and of both three Subsidies, leav­ing one of the Temporalty ungathered: which his Sister Mary remitted in an. 1. of her reign; yet Q. Mary. [Page 55] after (incited by the French King succouring her Rebels, and suffering her money adulterated in his Dominions, purposely to be hither transported, as also to side the quarrel of Philip her husband against him) being drawn into wars, she was inforced to press upon her people, who besides the Loan in an. 3. and Tonnage and Poundage an. 1. for term of life granted unto her by Parliament, took five Fifteens of the Commons, and of them and the Clergie three years Subsidies.

Her Sister of happy memory succeeding, be­sides Q. Elizabeth. divers Loans of her people and others in forreign parts, (as anno 5. when William Herle was dispatched into Germany to take up at Interest for six years great summs of money, the like anno 18. from the Merchants of Colen and Ham­burgh upon Bond of the City of London, and again of Spinello and Pallavicini upon the former security, strengthened with the assurance also of many of her chiefest Councellors) had by grant of her Subjects thirty eight Fifteens, twenty Sub­sidies of the Commons, and eighteen of the Cler­gie. All which together rose to a summ of two Millions and 800000 l.

HAving thus far (with as light a hand as I Princes ex­tremities be­yond the ease of their peo­ple by reason of wars. Credit of Kings so much impai­red, that they could not borrow, but upon surety and extream interest. could) drawn down the many and mighty burdens of the Common-wealth, if but with a touch of the Princes Extremities beyond the ease of these former helps I heighten up this draught, it will with much more life and lustre express the Figure of wars Misery. Matth. Paris. The Credit of Kings it hath brought to so low an ebb, that when by [Page 56] force of necessity they borrowed money, they could not take it up but by collateral security, and extream Interest. As Edward the third in the Patent to Rot. Pat. anno 13 E. 3. m. 13. William de la Poole confesseth that propter defectum pecuniae negotia sua fuerunt periculosissine retardata, for want of money his affairs were dangerously delayed, (they are the words of the record) and the honour of him and his Royal Army magne fuit depressioni paterter expositus, & progressus non sine dedecore suo perpetuo impeditus, he was brought to a mani­fest low condition, and his proceeding to his great dishonour had been constantly hindered; if De la Poole had not as well supplyed him with the credit of his Security, as with the best ability of his own Purse. For which ser­vice he honoured him and his posterity with the degree of Baronets, and five hundred pound land Nota. of inheritance.

The interest of Henry 3. ad plus quam cen­tum quotidie libras ascenderat, ita ut immine­r [...]t tam Clero quam Populo Angliae Desolatio & Ruina, came to more than a hundred pound a day, so that present ruine and desolation hung over the heads as well of the Clergie as the People.

Queen Mary Ex In­struct. Thomae Gresham, anno 1557. borrowed in Flanders at fourteen in the hundred, besides Brocage upon collateral security.

The late Queen was enforced Ex In­struct. Wil­lielm. Herle 16. August. an. 5 Eliz. Simi­liter. to the like thrice with Strangers upon the City of Londons assurance, as before, and with her Thomae Gresham. 1563 & 76. own Sub­jects after upon Mortgage of Land. A course more moderate than either that of the first Wil­liam, that took out of Churches such money as several men had committed thither for more [Page 57] security: Ex litera Edw. Lee orat. Regis H. 8. in Hisp. anno 28. or that of Charles the fifth, that to repair the waste of his Italian wars, went in person to Barcilona, to seize into his hands a Mass of money called Depositum Tabulae, which as well Strangers as Subjects had there laid up in Sanctuary. But these are not the conditions of Princes of our times only: for in the lives of Caligula, Nero, and Vespasian, Suetonius of them severally writeth, Exhaustus & egenus Calumniis [...]apinisque intendit animum, being drawn dry and grown poor, they bent their minds to Calumnies and Rapines. For Perniciosa res est in Imperante tenuitas, Want in a Prince is a dangerous thing; and as Theodoricus said, Periculosissimum animal est Rex pauper, a Poor King is the most dangerous creature living.

It hath abated the Regalities of Houses; an. 16. Kings enfor­ced to abate their hospi­tality. of Richard the second and 18. Ex Rot. Par. 18 H. 6. of Henry 6. when as well from want of means, as the Sub­jects Petitions in Parliament, (for Expeditissi­ [...]a est ratio augendi Census detrahere Sumpti­ [...]us, the readiest way to raise the Revenue is to take down Expences,) they have much lessened their Hospitality; their Tables being either de­frayed by their Subjects, as of Henry the sixth, or as Henry the third, when by necessity Ex hist. majori Matth. Paris. ita consueta Regalis Mensae hospitalitas abbreviata fuit, ut (postposita solita verecundia) cum Ab­batibus, Clericis, & viris satis humilibus hospi­tia quaesivit & prandia; the wonted hospitality of the Kings Table was sunk so low, that (with­out farther shame) he many times lodged and dietted with Abbots, Clerks, and very mean Persons.

[Page 58] It hath caused our Kings to sell and alien [...] Kings enfor­ced to pawn and sell their Dominions. the possessions of the Crown: as Henry the thi [...] Rot. Pat. anno 51 H. 3. m. 17. who gave to Edward his son Licentiam [...] pignorundi terram Vasconiae, leave to pawn [...] Duchy of Gascoign; And caused himself [...] long after by the like occasions, to sell [...] 300000 l. (except some pittances reserved) [...] Ex con­tract. orig. & Hist. Norman. entire Signiory of Normandy. What [...] late Mistris and her Father did, is yet fresh [...] memory. But this mischief hath trenched [...] into the Fortunes and Affections of the Subje [...] when Princes to repair the breach of their [...] Revenues, have often resumed the possessions [...] their people; as Rot. Vasc. 5 E. 2. Rot. [...]n [...]um an. 8. Rot. cui titu­lus, extract. de donationib. a. 9. & 10 E. 2. Kings enfor­ced to make Resumption of their Lands. Edward the second an. 5, [...] & 10. Omnes donationes per Regem factas [...] damnum & diminutionem Regis & Coronae [...] all the Grants made by the King to the lesse [...] and prejudicing of the King and his Crow [...] Rot. Parl. anno 1 R. 2. Richard the second anno 1. did the like of [...] Grants made to unworthy persons by his Gran [...] father, and recalled all Patents dated since [...] fortieth of Edward the third. Thus did Henry [...] Rot. Parl. anno 1 Hen. 5. n. 12. an. 1. and Rot. Parl. anno 28 H. 6. & E. 4. Hen. 6. in the twenty eighth [...] his Reign, Edward 4. in anno 3. and 12. A [...] Hen. 7. in an. 3. with all Offices of his Cro [...] granted either by the Usurper or his Broth [...] Neither is this in it self unjust, since as well [...] reason of State as Rules of best Government, [...] Revenues and Profits Ex legi­bus Theodos. & Valentinian. in Codice. quae ad sacrum Pa [...] monium Principis pertinent, which belong to [...] sacred Patrimony of the Prince, should remain [...] and unbroken.

But when neither Credit, Frugality, or S [...] Kings enfor­ced to pawn and sell their Jewels. of Lands would stop the gulf of want, o [...] Princes have been so near beset, as with Ner [...] [Page 59] [...]d Antonius the Emperours to sell and pawn [...]eir Jewels. The Archbishop of York had [...]ower from Henry the third an. 26. Rot. Pat. anno 26 H. 3. m. 1. Similiter an. 56 H. 3. in 21. m. (in wa [...]s [...]yond Sea) impignorandi Jocalia Regis ubi­ [...]nque in Anglia pro pecunia perquirenda, to [...]wn the Kings Jewels any where in England to [...]ise money. Rot. Pat. Claus. an. 2 E. 1. m. 7. Edward the first sendeth Egi­ [...]ius Andevar ad Jocalia sua impignoranda, to [...]awn his Jewels. Claus. an. 1 E. 3. Edward the third pawn­ [...]h his Jewels to pay the L. Beaumont and the [...]rangers their wages in war. The Black Tho. Wal­singham. Prince was constrained to break his Plate into Mo­ [...]ey to pay his Souldiers.

Ex origin. de anno 6 R. 2. Rot. 17. Richard the second pawned Vasa aurea & [...]iversa Jocalia, Vessels of Gold and divers [...]ewels to Sir Robert Knowles. Pat. an. 3 H. 4. m. 3. Henry the [...]urth anno 3. to a Merchant for money invadi­ [...]vit Tabellam & Triscllas suas Argenteas de [...]ispania, ingaged his Tablet and stools of Silver which he had from Spain. Pat. an. 10 Hen. 6. Pat. anno 12 H. 6. m. 13. Henry the sixth [...]ageth and selleth to the Cardinal of Winchester [...]nd others an. 10, 12, and 29. Pat. an. 29 H. 6. m. 20. many par­ [...]els of his rich Jewels. And the late Queen in [...]e end of her dayes (to ease her Subjects) did the [...]ke with many in the Tower.

And Extremity hath yet stretched some of our Kings enfor­ced to pawn their Regal Crown. Kings to so high a strain of Shift, that Edward [...]e third Pat. Pars 1. an. 17 E. 3. invadiavit magnam Coronam An­ [...]liae, pawned his Imperial Crown three several [...]mes; an. 17. in partibus transmarinis in for­ [...]aign parts, and twice to Sir John W [...]senham his [...]erchant, first in the Pat. an. 24. m. 21. twenty fourth, and [...]fter Claus. an. 30 E. 3. Com. de Ter. Hill. 38 E. 3. ex parte Rem. Regis. an. 30. in whose custody it remained [...]ight years. To Henry Bishop of Winchester Henry the fifth invadiavit magnam Coronam au­ream, [Page 60] gaged his Imperial Crown of Gold in [...] fifth of his Reign. And when Henry the thi [...] had laid to gage Pat. an. 5 H. 3. m. 23. & similiter an. 9. Rot. Pat. an. 51 H. 3. m. 17. & 18. omnia Insignia Regalia, [...] his Robes and Kingly Ornaments, and upon assurance of redelivery or satisfaction had pawne [...] Aurum & Jocalia Feretri S. Edwardi Confess [...] ­ris, the Gold and Jewels belonging to the Shri [...] of S. Edward the Confessour, (A course mo [...] moderate than by force to have taken, as Willi [...] the Conquerour did the Chalices and Shrines [...] other Churches, or as Ex histo­ria Guicciar­dini. Clement the seventh [...] who to pay the Souldiers of Charles the fifth me [...] ed the Consecrated Vessels) was in the end, wh [...] he had neither means of his own left nor reputatio [...] with others, constrained to beg relief of his Subject [...] in this low strain, (c) Pauper sum, omni destitu [...] (a) Ex hist. S. Albani. The sauro; necesse habeo ut me juvetis: nec aliqui [...] erigo nisi per gratiam: I am poor, and have [...] Treasure left; ye must needs relieve me: neither d [...] I demand any thing but of your meer love and cour­tesie: And turning to the Abbot of Ramsey, to say, Amice, obnixe supplico quatenus me juvas mi [...] centum libras conferendo, My friend, I beseec [...] thee for Gods sake to help me with an hundred pound: adding withall majorem Eleemosyn [...] fore sibi juvamen conferre pecuniamve, qu [...] alicui ostiatim mendicanti, that it would be a greater deed of Charity to contribute to his Wants, than to give to one that begged from door to door. So that of the waste of these time [...] and want of those Princes I may truly with the Satyrist say,

Ossa vides Regum vacuis exuta medullis.

Thou seest the Bones of Kings spoil'd of their Marrow.

[Page 61] IT now resteth by some few particulars to ob­serve In place of spoil the Souldiers re­turn oppres­sed with ex­tream Beg­gery. with what Wealth we have returned [...]ome, loaden with the Spoils of our Enemies; [...]ince no motives are so powerful to the Common greedy People as the hopes of gain, which will [...]asily enforce them

Lucan. de Bello Civili lib. 7.
Ire super gladios, superque Cadavera pa­trum,
Et caesos calcare Duces,—
Tread upon Swords, and on their Fathers Graves,
And spurn their slaughter'd Captains—

In the Expeditions of Henry the third, their purchases were so great, that the Mat. Paris pag. 580. Londoners were more grieved at the intolerable Beggeries that the King and his Army brought back, than for the expence of their own moneys: For ‘Cum labor in damno est crescit mortalis egestas,’When Toil brings Loss, Begg'ry must needs increase.

The same King, although called in by the No­bility of France Hist. Mat. Paris p. 1358. in Faction against their Ma­ster, returned no better rewarded than Consum­pta pecunia infinita, & Nobilibus & Militibus innumer abilibus vel Morti datis vel infirmitati, vel fame attenuatis, vel ad extremam redactis paupertatem, with the having spent an infinite deal of money, his Nobles and Souldiers with­out [Page 62] number being either slain, or sickly, [...] maimed, or half-starved, or else reduced to [...] tream poverty.

Innocentius the Pope repayed the expence [...] Henry the third and his people in his Sicilian S [...] vice with no better wages than this Scoffe, Th [...] England was Mat. Paris pag. 909. Puteus inexhaust us quem [...] lus poterat exsiccare, a Well not to be emp [...] which no man could draw dry. What the suc­ceeding times afforded may be well gathered o [...] of the many Petitions in Parliament, in the twen­ty second of Edward the third, the fourth and se­venth of Richard the second, the eighth of Henry [...] the fifth, and tenth of Henry the sixth, ever com­plaining of the extream Beggery the people brought home, and desiring some speedy Relief.

The Treasure Ex lit. Cardin. Wolsri ad Card. So drin. Henry the eighth spent in aid of Matoimilian about recovery of Veron [...] nullum aliud factum nisi damnum & dedec [...] peperit, brought him nothing else but Loss and Dishonour. For the Emperour having his turn served, delivered contrary to Contract, that City to the French, threatning to Confederate with them, ni Rex ei continuo persolveret, un­less the King would forthwith pay him down a great summ of money; believing as the words are) Minis & terrore ab hoc Rege pe­cuniam posse haberi, that this King would part with his money upon threatnings and great words. For the great Army of this King sent over into France, and the Million almost of Crowns he supplied the Emperour and Duke of Bourbon with in their wars of Millan, his People enduring new and unheard of Taxes at home, and his Souldiers great Extremity abroad, [Page 63] he was himself at the last of all, (their ends effe­ [...]ed) having spent the Treasure of his Father, [...]nd the Bounty of his Subjects, forsaken and [...]st as the Pasquil painted him, inter Maysem, [...]hristum & Mahumetem, betwixt Moses, Christ [...]nd Mahomet, with this word, Quo me vertam [...]scio, Which way to turn me I know not. For [...]wo Millions of Ex In­struct. Rich. Wingfield. Crowns bestowed in purchase [...]f Tournay, not without suit of his own, he deli­ [...]ered it with little or no recompence: and rated [...]is potential Interest of France at no greater [...]umm than an Annuity Ex lit. Tho. Wolsey Episc. Lincoln. of 100000 Crowns. What from the thirtieth of this King until the last [...]f his son Edward the sixth for Ex com­puto in Ar­chivis Rob. Com. Salisb. 3173478 l. [...]5 s. 4 d. spent at Sea and Land in Forraign wars, his State received of inrichment, it seemeth so [...]ean, as not worthy any place either in Story or Accompts.

Until the late Queen was drawn into wars, [...]he had in Treasure 700000 l. but after she was [...]nce intangled, it cost her before the thirtieth of [...]er Reign 1517351 l. at which time she was but [...]ntering into the vastness of her future Charge: For the annual expence of 126000 l. in the Low-Countries, from 1587. until 1593. the yearly disbursement for Ex tra­ctat. an. 1598. Flushing and the Brill [...]8482 l. the debts of the States 800000 l. and the Aides of the French King since he at­tained to that Crown to above 401734 l. was after that time. Thus by reason of war, besides Taxes upon her People to the Summ of two Mil­lions, and eight hundred thousand pounds by Sub­sidies, Tenths and Fifteens, she hath spent of her Lands, Jewels and Revenues an infinite propor­tion.

[Page 64] As for the imaginary Profit grown by th [...] many rich Spoils at Sea and Attempts in Spain, it may be well cast up by two examples of o [...] best Fortunes. The Journey of Cales Ex computo deliberat. Domino The­saur. Bur­leigh. defray­ed not the Charge to her Majesty by 64000 [...] And our times of most advantage by Prizes be­tween Ex computo Joannis Hawkins Thesaur. Naviae. anno 30, and 34 of the Queen, where­in we received but 64044 l. defrayed not the Charge of her Navy, arising in the same yea [...] to 275761 l. As to the greatest Loss, expence of Christian Blood, it may well susfice to bemo [...] with Hor. Epo. 7. Horace,

Parumne Campis atque Neptuno superfusum est Latini sanguinis?
Neque hic Lupis mos nec fuit Leonibus Unquam, nisi in dispar, feris.
Is there as yet so little Latine Blood
Spilt on the Fields and Floods?
Nor Wolves nor Lions do we ever find
So cruel to their kind.

THe last motive from Utility is increase of Re­venues to the publick Treasury by addition Forraign Do­minions al­waies charge, no benefit. of Forreign Dominions. Which can receive no answer so full of satisfaction, as to instance the particular Summs, exhausted in every Age to retain them. Beginning first with the Duchi [...] Example in Normandy. of Normandy: For retention whereof William the Conquerour from hence, (as the Mat. Par. Author saith) laden Thesauris innumeris, with unac­countable Treasure, exacted sive per fa [...] sive per nefas, in Normanniam transfretavit, gather­ed together by hook or by crook, wafted [Page 65] over into Normandy. His Son Ex legi­bus antiquis. ad retinendam Normanniam, Angliam excoriavit, to retain Normandy flayed off Englands skin. To the same end by Ex Walt. Gisborn. Henry the first, Anglia fuit bo­nis spoliata, England was despoiled of its Goods. His Ex lib. Rubro. Grand-child took Scutagium pro Exer­citu Normanniae, a Scutage for his army in Nor­mandy three times at a high rate: and was infor­ced then against incursions of the French to build and man Ex lib. Pipnell. thirteen Castles de novo & integro, intirely new.

Richard the first Rad. Cog­shall. exacted heavily upon his people, ut potentes homines Regis Franciae sibi con­ciliaret, ut terram propriam Normanniae tutaretur, therewith to make himself friends amongst the most powerful Courtiers of France, so to keep quietly his possessions in Normandy.

King John Mat. Paris as wearied with the Charge neg­lected it: And his Son Ex Archiv. de redit. Nor­man. tempore H. 3. feeling a burden more than benefit, resigned his interest there for a little Money. When it was again reduced by Henry the fifth, Ex origin. Instr. Domini Scrope. the judgement in Council was, That the keeping of it would be no less of ex­pence than to war forth for all France. In the quiet possession of his Son Henry Ex libro Domini Carew de anno 1, & 2 H. 6. (John Duke of Bedford then Regent) this Duchy cost the Crown of England 10942 l. yearly. Ex Rot. Par. de an. 11 H. 6. In an. 10. [...]t appeareth by the Accompts of the Lord Crom­ [...]wel Treasurer of England, that out of the Kings Exchequer at Westminster the entertain­ [...]ent of the Garrison and Governour was de­ [...]rayed, the Rents of the Duchy not supporting [...]he charge ordinary. Ex lib. originali Ro­berti Cotton. When Richard Duke of York was in the fifteenth year of Henry the sixth [...]egent, the certain Expence over-ballanced the [Page 66] Receipt 34008 l. And an. 27. Rot. Parl. [...] 17 H. 6. n. 27. the Lord Hastings Chancellour of France declareth in Par­liament, that Normandy was not able to maintain it self. But thus it continued not much longer; for this Crown was both eased of the Duchy and Charge shortly.

Of the Principality of Aquitain, the Duchy Aquitain, Gascoign, Guien. of Gascoign, Guien and the Members, I find the state thus in record. In the twenty sixth of Henry the third. Rot. liber. anno 26 H. 3. there was issued from the Treasurer and Chamberlains at Westminster 10000 l. for pay­ments in Gascoign; besides an infinite proportion of Victuals and Munition thither sent. To retain this Duchy in Duty and possession, Rot. an. 22 H. 6. this King was inforced to pawn his Jewels, being are alieno graviter obligatus, Thesauris, Donati­vis, Tallagiis, & extortionibus in Anglia con­sumptis; very much indebted, and having spent all his Treasures, Grants, Tallages, and other Extortions in England. Besides the people there at his departure extorserunt ab eo confessionem quadraginta millia Marcarum, forced an ac­knowledgment from him of 40000 Marks. And a Story of that time saith of anno 38. Mat. Paris pag. 598. Ille per multos labores & expensas inutiliter recuperavit Castra sua propria Vasconiae, with a great deal of toile and expence, he unprofi­tably recovered his own Castles in Gascoign; of which the Labour was more than ever the Benefit could be.

And thus it appeareth to have continued; for an. 17. Ex Com­put. Willi [...]lm­de O [...]erham­pton, anno 17 E. 2. of Edward the second, the money dis­bursed out of England to defray the surcharge there came to 46595 l. 9 shillings 7 d. besides 29660 Quarters of Grain, and of Beeves and [Page 67] Bacons an infinite proportion. In the first of Edward the third Pat. an. [...] E. 3. the issues of Gascoign were 10000 l. above the Revenues. The Signiories in Aquitain Ex Com­put. Richardi Longley an. 36 E. 3. in The­saur. Regis Westmon.—in Rot. Aqui­taniae. cost in eight years, ending the thirty sixth of this King, 192599 l. 4 shill. 5 d. de receptis forinsecis only, it was delivered in Par­liament, an. 1 Rich. 2. Rot. Parl. anno 7 R. 2. m. 24. that Gascoign, and some few other places that were then held in France, cost yearly this Crown 42000 l. And in the seven­teenth of this King Rot. Parl. anno 17 R. 2. a Parliament was sum­moned for no other cause especial, than to provide money to clear the annual expences of those parts. The charge of Bordeaux Ex Comput. Walt. de Weston. but one Town, surmounting in half a year all Rents and per­quisites there 2232 l. As Fronsack in Aqui­tain 5787 l. for double that time; when the intire Duchy exceeded not 820 l. in yearly Re­venues.

The Charge of Guien all the Reign of Henry the fourth Ex Comput. Tho. Swin­burn anno 10 H. 4. was 2200 l. annually out of the Exche­quer of England. By accompt Aquitain (besides Guien 6606 l.) was the Ex Com­put. Joannis Tiptoft an. 1 H. 5. first of Henry the fifth in surplusage of charge 11200 l. and the Town of Ex Com­put. Will. Clif­ford & Robert. Holme an. 5 H. 5. Bordeaux the five first years of the same King 6815 l. In the eleventh of Ex Rot. Par. an. 11 H. 6. Henry the sixth, Sir John Ratcliffe Steward of Aquitain received from the Treasury of England pro vadiis suis, &c. 2729 l. and for expence in custody of Fronsack Castle only he payed 666 l. 13 shill. the profits of the Duchy no wayes able to clear the Accompts.

The Benefit we reaped by any footing in Bri­tany, Brittany. may in a few Examples appear. Ex Mat. Paris. Hen­ry the third confesseth that ad defensionem Bri­tanniae non sufficiebant Angliae Thesauri, quod jam [Page 68] per triennium comprobavit, that the Treasure of England would not suffice to maintain Britany, which he had found to be true upon three years tryal: and left in the end tam laboriosis expensis amplius fatigari, to tire himself farther with such Brest. toil some expences.

The Town of Brest Rot. Parl. anno 2 R. 2. Ex Comput. Tho. Parry Cust. Castri de Brest, a. 9 R. 2. Callis. cost Richard the se­cond 12000 marks a year, and it stood him in an. 9. in 13118 l. 18 shill.

For Callis, I will deliver with as much short­ness as may be, from the first acquisition until the loss, in every age the Expence (for the most part either out of the Treasury or Cu­stomes of England,) disbursed. Ex Com­put. Williel. Horwell in Thesaur. Regis. From the eighteenth of Edward the third, until the one and twentieth, in which space it was taken, the charge amounted to 337400 l. 9 shill. 4 d. Anno 28. of the same King for little more than a year 17847 l. 5 shillings. In anno 29. 30581 l. 18 d. for two years compleat. Ex Com­put. Richardi Eccleshall de an. 28, 29, & 30 E. 3. In the thirtieth re­ceived by Richard de Eccleshal Treasurer of Callis from the Bishop of Winchester Treasurer of En­gland, 17847 l. Ex. Rot. Par. anno 2 R. 2. And in the year following 26355 l. 15 shill. Ex Com­put. Rob. Thorley. In the second of Richard the second de receptis forinscecis, which was money from the Exchequer at Westminster, 20000 l. for three years compleat. Ex Com­put. Simonis de Burg. Anno 5. 19783 l. For three years ending Ex Comp. Rog. de Wald. an. 13 R. 2. & 15. anno 10. 77375 l. For the like term until an. 13. 48609 l. 8 shill. And Ex Comp. Joannis Ber­nam, an. 23 R. 2. for the four succeeding years 90297 l. 19 shill. And for the last three years of his Reign, 85643 l.

From the end of Ex Comput. Ro. Thorley. Richard the second until the fourth of Henry the fourth for three years Ex Comp. Ni [...]h. [...]ske. 62655 l. 17 shillings. And for one succeeding, [Page 69] 19783 l. The Charge in Victual and Provision for two years five months in this Kings Reign Ex Comp. Rob. Thorley. 46519 l. 15. shillings.

In the first four and peaceable years of his Son there was issued from the Treasury of England Ex Comp. Rob. Salvi [...], de an. 5 H. 5. 86938 l. 10 shill. for this place. And from anno 8. until the 9. 65363 l. It cost Henry the sixth Rot. Parl. an 11 H. 6. above all Revenue 9054 l. 5 shill. in an. 11. The Subsidies in England were an. 27. Rot. Parl. anno 27. levied in Parliament to defray the wages and reparation of Callis. And the Rot. Parl. anno 31. one and thirti­eth of this King there was a Fifteen and 2 shill. of every Sack of Wool imposed upon the Subjects here to the same end. Rot. Parl. anno 33. And the Parliament of 33. was assembled of purpose to order a course for discharge of wages and expence at Callis: and the like authority directed the fourth of Edward the fourth, Rot. Parl. 4 E. 4. that the Souldiers there should receive Victuals, and salary from out of the Subsidies of England. The disbursement thereof one year being 12771 l. Ex Comp. Majoris Sta­pulae anno 1 R. 3. And in the sixteenth of the same King for like term there was de Portu Lon­don, Hull, Sancti Botolphi, Poole, & Sandwico, by the Ports of London, Hull, Boston, Pool, and Sand­wich, 12488 l. paid to the Treasury of Callis. Ex Comp. origin. inter Chartas Ro­berti Cotton. And in an. 20. from out of the Customes of the same Ports to the same end 12290 l. 18 shill. Ex Comp. Domini Lisle. And in 22. 11102 l. And the year follow­ing 10788 l. The setled ordinary wages of the Garrison in this Town yearly was 24 Hen. 8. Ex lib. de expens. Bellor. H. 8. & E. 6. in Musaeo Com. Salisbur. 8834 l. And about the thirtieth, when the Viscount Lisle was Deputy, 8117 l. And from the thirtieth of this King to the end of his Son Edw. 6. this place did cost the Crown 371428 l. 18 shill. From the first purchase of it by Edw. 3. until the loss [Page 70] thereof by Queen Mary, it was ever a perpetual issue of the Treasure of this Land, which might in continuance have rather grown to be a burthen of Danger to us, than any Fort of Security. For from the waste of money, which is Nervus Rei­publicae, the Sinew of a Common-wealth, as Ul­pian saith, we may conclude with Tacitus, Disso­lutionem Imperii docet, si fructus quibus Respub. sustinetur diminuantur, it foreshews the ruine of an Empire, if that be impaired which should be the sustenance of the Common-wealth. And there­fore it was not the worst opinion (at such time as the Captivity of Francis the French King in­cited Ex litera Archiep. Cant. Card. Wolsey. Henry the eighth to put off that King­dom, although in the close major pars vicit meli­orem, the greater party out-voted the better,) that to gain any thing in France would be more chargeable than profitable, and the keeping more than the enjoying. The issue was in Tour­nay, Bullen, and this Town manifest. Besides the jealousie that Nation ever held over our de­signes and their own liberty. For as Graecia li­bera esse non potuit dum Philippus Graeciae Com­pedes tenuit, Greece could never be free so long as Philip had the Fetters of Greece in his cu­stody; so as long as by retention of Callis we had an easie descent into, and convenient place to trouble the Countrey, a Fetter to intangle them, they neither had assurance of their own quiet, nor we of their Amity. And it was not the least Argument from Conveniency in the detention of Callis (after the eight years expired of Re­de­livery) used by the Chancellour of France, Ex litera Thomae Smith Secret. anno 1567. 3 Maii. That we should gain much more in assured peace, which we could never have so long as we were [Page 71] Lords of that Town, than by any benefit it did or could yield us. It was never but a Pique and Quar­rel between the two Realms: For upon every light displeasure, either Princes would take by and by to Callis, and make war there. God hath made a separation natural betwixt both Nations, a sure wall and defence, ‘Et penitus toto divisos Orbe Britannos;’That is, the English were divided from all the world.

But a little more to inform the weight of these Charges, it is not amiss to touch (by way of comfort) that from which we are so happily by the infinite blessings of God and benignity of a Gracious King delivered; and also that other of burthen still, (though much lightened) until conformity of Affections and designs of Councils shall further effect a Remedy.

The Charge of Barwick and the Frontiers in Ex Comp. Joannis Tiptoft. 20 Edward 3. was 3129 l. for three years. In the end of Richard 2. and entrance of Henry 4. Ex Comp. Hen. Percy, anno 1 H. 4. 10153 l. And Parl. an. 11 H. 6. 11 Henry 6. the Cu­stody of the Marches 4766 l. In the 2 Mariae the annual Charge of Barwick was 9413 l. Ex musaeo Com. Salisbury. And in an. 2 Elizabeth 13430 l. And an. 26. 12391 l.

The Kingdom of Ireland, beyond the Revenues, was 29 E. 3. Ex comp. Williel. de Brumleigh. 2285 l. An. 30. Ex comp. Nicol. Episc. Meth, an. 30 Ed. 3. 2880 l. and Ex Comp. Tho. Scurlay. an. 50 E. 3. an. 50. 1808 l. All the time of Richard 2. Ex Comp. Joan. Spencer, de annis R. 2. it never defrayed the charges; And came short in 11 Henry 6. 4000 Marks Ex Rot. Par. an. 11 H. 6. of annual issues. The Revenue there in omnibus exitibus & proficuis, in all the rents and profits yearly, [Page 72] by Accompt of Cromwel Lord Treasurer, not above 3040 l. But passing over these elder times: in the Reign of the late Queen, when the yearly Revenue was not 15000 l. the expence for two years Ex annot. Dom. Burleigh ex Musaeo Com. Salisbury. ending 1571. amounted to 116874 l. In an. 1584. for less than two years came it to 86983 l. Ex Comp. Rad. Lane. The charge there in two years of Sir John Parrots Government ending 1586. was 116368 l. In anno 1597. the Re­ceipt not above 25000 l. the issue was 91072 l. And when in 35 Elizabeth the Rents and Profits of that Kingdom exceeded not 27118 l. the Disbursement in seven moneths were 171883 l. The Charge 1601. Ex Comp. in Musaeo Com. Salisbury The­sour. Angliae. for nine moneths 167987 l. And for the two years following accounted by the allayed money 670403 l. And in the first of the King, 84179 l. Whose Government al­though it hath blessed both us and that King­dom with the benefit of Peace, yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly ex­pence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure. And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forraign Dominions.

As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Addition of any forraign Title no Ho­nour. Titles and forraign Territories; it may suffice in answer, That so long as this Crown was actual­ly possessed of any such Signiory, the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassalage; than which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England (who is Baldus. Monarcha in Regno, & tot & tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio, a Mo­narch [Page 73] in his Kingdom, and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire,) could be more in blemish or opposi­tion. To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae, To our Lord the King of France, as during the time we held the Provinces in France, we usu­ally did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown, can be called no addition of Honour. And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity, as first in putting off the Imperial Crown, the kneeling low at the foot of that King, and taking an Oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France, a liege subject to the Kings of France, &c. we in performing so the duties of a subject, do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign, is no question of doubt. From these considerations of Reputa­tion and Honour, (the greatest stayes that sup­port Majesty, and retain Obedience) our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories, either avoided or refused the services. As King John did Normandy; and Edward the Stile of Nor­mandy and Aquitain, ac­counted by our Kings a Vassalage. second resigned to his Son the Duchy of A­quitain, to put off the act of homage from him­self, to whom it could not in respect of his Regality but be a dishonour. As appeareth in Henry the second, who having made his Son Consortem Imperii, a King of England with him, Homagium à Filio noluit (saith the Record) quia Rex fuit, sed securitatem accepit; would not receive Homage of him, because he was a King, but took his Security. In the seventeenth of Ri­chard the second, the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France, unless the [Page 74] King might not do Homage, they held it so bas [...], supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged. And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territory those subordiante Duchies in France added to this Crown.

As for the Kingdom of France, the people of En­gland were so little in love with that Title, as any [...] of France re­strained by petition in Parliament. Honour to them, that by Acts of Parliament 14 Ed. 3. and 8 Ed. 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France, nor the Kingdom of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown.

And so much we have ever been in fear of that France pos­sessed would leave us to the misery of a Province. place, lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provincial Government: as in 17 H. 6. the Com­mons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown, answered, that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there, and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State; besides the transport of our money in the mean time, which would inrich that Countrey, and impoverish the Realm at home, whereby we should justly again say, Tacit. in vita Agricolae. Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit, quotidie poscit, The Britains are every day begging to be slaves, every day giving money for it.

THe last motive is, the advantage we now have of greater Facility and assurance of Success in To enterprise any war, not so easie. any forreign enterprise, by this happy Union of both Kingdoms, than ever any of our Ancestors had.

[Page 75] To which in answer nothing can be more full, Means of suc­cess formerly. than laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prospe­rously effect their undertakings in other parts, weigh how they suit these times, and whether that any or all the advantages we now have, may be to them of equal worth and valuation. The first con­sideration is in Place, the next in Person. In the Advantage of Place and Party. Advantage of Place. wars of France (whether those for the defence of particular Signiories, or competition of the intire Kingdom) we had ever Ports to land at, and Forts to retire to, which now we have not. The coast of Normandy was our own, by which we might enter the midst of France. And Edward the third when he intended to annoy the East part, sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys, whom he invest­ed with the Duchy of Britain, that so he might have there an easie footing. Thus by leave of his Confe­derates in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side, and a sure retreat, when upon any occasion he would come back, as he did to Antwerp. And wheresoever any Army may have a quiet descent, the greatest difficulty is over­come; for the rest consisteth in Chance, wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevail than Vertue. But Liv. lib. 28. ibi grave est Bellum gerere, ubi nullus est Class [...] Portus apertus, non ager pacatus, non Civitassocia, non consistendi aut procedendi locus, quocun (que) cir­cum spexeris hostilia sunt omnia; There 'tis a hard task to wage war, where there is no Port open for our Navy, the Countrey our enemy, no City our Confederate, no place to make a stand or to march out from, but whithersoever a man looks, he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us. And this must be now our case, which was never our Ancestors.

[Page 76]Advantage personal was either

  • A Party

    • found
    • made

    For the Persons considerable, the a [...] the Subjects to our enemies, or our own Confederates. Of the first, our Kings heretofore did either work on the opportunity of any dissention ministred, or by Pension and Reward either make a fraction in Obedience, or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary. The Dukes of Burgundy, Earls of Britain, Dreux and others in France, offend­ed with their Sovereign, Matth. Paris in vita H. 3. Confe­derati erant Comiti Britanniae Hen­rico & Regi Angliae, became Confe­derates with Henry Earl of Britain and King of England; and thereupon drew him over into Britain. Matth. Par. vita H [...]n 3. The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000 l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyalty. Edw. 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France, if Froi­sard. Robert de Artoys (displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Ma­ster for that Earldom) had not incited and complotted for him, as Godfrey of Harecourt did after. Nor Henry Wal­singham. T. Livius Forolivi­ensis in vi­ta H. 5. 5. if the unsound memory of the French King, the jealousie of those Princes and Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune.

  • Confede­rates.

    THe Confederates our Kings held Confede­rates were the only ground of all the good suc­cess. formerly for mutual Aid were of such consequence in all their af­fairs, [Page 77] that those so best strengthened atchieved ever the greatest and most glorious victories. As the first and third Edwards, the fifth and eighth Hen­ries. Whereas Henry the sixth, that was of all the rest left most naked to himself, although the greatest otherwise in opportunity, lost all the purchase of his Ancestors in the end. It is not amiss in such a foundation of Greatness as Confederacy, to lay down successively, first, with whom we tyed that knot of love; then, what were the motives, or assurances; and lastly, whether the same in both is left to our occasions, and will now or no.

Henry the first, but to assure his own possessi­ons A list of all the Confede­rates from Hen. the firsts Reign to the end of the last Queen. Henry 2. beyond Sea, Ex Con­tract. orig. in Arch. Thes. West. adscivit in praesidium Comi­tem Britanniae, & Theobaldum Comitem Blesen­sem, called to his aid the Earl of Britain, and Theo­bald Earl of Bloys.

Henry the second did the like with Ex Ra­dulph. de Di­ceto. Ro­bert Earl of Flanders. And again Ex orig. signat. à Co­mite & Castel­lanis, in Thes. West. Richard 2. cum Theo­dorico Comite Flandriae, Baronibus, Castellanis, & caeteris hominibus Comitis, with Theodoric Earl of Flanders, the Barons, Governours of Castles, and other the Subjects of the said Earl; who stood bound to serve him in summonitione sua, sicut Domino, pro feodis quae de ipso teneant, upon a summons, as well as their own Lord, for the Fees which they held of him.

Baldwin Earl of Flanders contracteth under Bond Ex Ra­dulph. de Di­ceto. mutui subsidii, quod sine Rege Ri­chardo Angliae non componeret cum Rege Fran­corum, of mutual aid, that he would not come to agreement with the French King with­out Richard King of England. And the Matth. Paris 184. Bri­tains [Page 78] relicto Rege Franciae Regi Richardo ad­haeserunt, forsaking the King of France, did joyn with King Richard.

Between King John Indorso Cla. an. 1 Jo­annis. and the Earl of Flan­ders there was a Combination mutui auxilii King John. contra Regem Francorum, of mutual assistance a­gainst the French King. Ex orig. in Thes. Westm. Henry 3. The like with the City of Doway and Earl of Holland.

Hen. 3. anno 11. drew Dors. pat. 11 H. 3. m. 11. Peter Duke of Britany into Confederacy against the French; and Fernand Earl of Flanders with a Pension an­nual of five hundred Marks. Rot. lib. an. 14 H. 3. m. 7. ex originali. And anno 38. Alfonsus King of Castile combineth with him and his heirs contra omnes homines in mundo, against all the men in the World. To whom he re­mained so constant, that an. 8. and 10 Edw. 1. he would not grant a Truce to the French King, but ad preces & instantiam at the instant suit of the King of England.

Edward 1. an. 13. Claus. an. 13 Edw. 1. by a pretence of inter­marriage Edward 1. drew Florence Earl of Holland from the French to his party; Ex origin. in Thesaur. and the year follow­ing, by the mediation of the Lord of Black-mont, the Earl of Flanders, who in Rot. Vas­con. an. 20. m. 19. an. 20. assisted him in the wars of Gascoign. Rot. Al­man. de an. 22. & 31. m. 13. In the 22. he combined with Adolph King of the Romans, and the Earl of Gueldres; tying the Nobility of Burgundy with a yearly donative of 30000 l. Turonensium to aid him contra Regem Francie, against the French King. Ex origin. sub sigillo in Thes. Westm. He had Guido Earl of Flanders and Philip his son for 100000 l. Turonensium in pay against the French King, an. 24, 25, and 31. of his Reign; Rot. Al­man. an. 31. m. 14. retaining the Earl of Gueldres by pay of 1000000 l. the Duke of Lorrain by 1600000 l. Dors. Rot. Alman. 18. the [Page 79] Nobility of Burgundy by a Pension of 30000 l. and Wallerand Lord of Montay by 300 l. Tu­ronensium in his service the same year. Rot. P [...]. an. 34. m. 2 [...]. And in anno 34. Reginaldum Comitem Montis Be­liardi & alios de Burgundia contra Regem Franciae, Reginald Earl of Mont-Belliard and other Burgundians against the King of France.

Edward the second had Rot. Vas [...] an. 9. & 11. auxilium tam mari­timum Edward 2. quam terrestre à Genoesibus, assistance as well by Sea as by Land from the Genoeses. Dors. Claus. an. 18. m. 7. And in anno 18. besides his Alliance with Flan­ders, John Protector of Castile aideth him con­tra Gallos cum 1000. equitibus & peditibus, & Scutiferis 10000. against the French with 1000. horse and foot, and 10000. other armed men.

Edward the third Froisard. had by the Marriage of Edward 3. Philip, the Earl of Henault and Holland her Father assured to him; and retained John of Henault and his Followers, Rot. Lib [...] 2. m. 6. qui venerunt in auxilium ad rogatum Regis, who came to assist the King at his call, with a Salary of 14000 l. yearly. Before he adventured to avow and main­tain his Challenge to the Kingdom of France, Rot. Alman. anno 11. he made up to his party Lodowick the Emperour, (who the better to countenance his enterprise, ele­cted him Vicarium Imperii, Vicar of the Empire.) Rot. A [...] ­wer. anno 12. Reginald Earl of Gueldres, Lewis Marquess of Brandenburg, Conrade Lord of Hard, who served him with fifty men at Arms, the Cardinal of Genoa and his Nephew, who aided him with Gallies, the Magistrates of Colen, Bruxells, Lorrain and Mechlin, and Froisard. Jaques de Arte­vile head of the Gantois Faction; who having [Page 80] quitted all duty to the banished Earl, submitted themselves and most of Flanders to the service and protection of Edward the third, who to free them of two Millions of Crowns, wherein, as a Caution of obedience to the Crown of France, Ex Rot. Antwerp. an. 12. they stood bound as well by Oath as Obligation, took upon him the Title of King of France, and imployed John Duke of Brabant and Lorrain, William Marquess of Juliers, and the Earl of Henault and Holland, his assured Friends, Pro­curatores suos ad vendicandum Regnum Franci [...], his Procurators to claim the Crown of France. Rot. Parl. anno 14. n. 8. These his Allies not long after meeting him at Tournay with one hundred thousand men, as Robert de Artoys did with fifty thousand at S. O­mers against the French King. And thus he at­tired and furnished his first enterprise, weaving into his Faction and support more and more, as often as either pretence or just occasions would give him leave. By Claus. an. 18. m. 25. colour of Marriage he drew in the King of Sicily in the eighteenth year, the Duke of Millain, and the King of Castile for mutual aid; and Dors. claus. an. 18. m. 20. Simon Butangre Duke of Genoa, and his Subjects for hire and reward. In the ninteenth year Dors. claus. an. 19. m. 14. the questionable Title of the Duchy of Britain assured him of John de Montford; against whom the Froisard. French King maintained Charles de Bloys for that Duchy. In anno 24. Rot. Pat. an. 24. n. 8. he renewed the Contract with the Genoeses; and in the thirtieth made a conven­tion of Peace, & mutui auxili cum Rege Navar­re, and of mutal aid, with the King of Navarre. In Ex origi­nali de an. 7. in lib. Rob. Cot. the thirty seventh with Peter King of Ca­stile: and in that and the one and fortieth Ex arig. in T [...]. [...]st. de an. 37. & 41. an alliance of Aid and Amity he entred with the [Page 81] Duke of Britain: and anno 45. Ex orig­sub sigillo. again with the Genoeses and Lewis Earl of Flanders and Duke of Brabant; Ex Con­tract. origin. in Archiv. Thes. Westm. and an. 46. with Ferdinand King of Portugal.

Richard the second reneweth Claus. an. 1 R. 2. Richard 2. in anno 1. the confederation that his Grandfather had with the Duke of Britain; and with whom anno 3. he contracted anew, as he had done anno 2. with Lewis Rot. Franc. anno 2. Earl of Flanders. In the sixth Ex orig. in Thes. year he combineth with the Flemings Rot. Parl. anno 6. n. 11. contra [...]nimicos communes, against the enemies of them both; with Ex Con­tract. in lib. It alico Rob. Cotton. the Kings of Naples, Sicily, Na­varre and Arragon, de mutuis auxiliis, for mutual aid; Rot. Franc. an. 6. m. 28. and with Winceslaus the Empe­rour Contra Carolum Regem Franciae & Robertum Regem Scotiae, against Charles King of France, and Robert King of Scotland. In anno 8. Rot. Franc. an. 12. m. 16. & an. 18. & 19. with the Kings of Jerusalem, Sicily, and Portugal. In the tenth with Portugal, who at his own charges aided this King with ten Galleys. And with William Duke of Gueldres de mutuis auxiliis, for mutual aid. And anno 12. Rot. Franc. an. 12. m. 16. & an. 18. & 19. 18. and 19. with Albert Duke of Bavaria. Rot. Franc. an. 20. m. 2. And an. 20. with the Earl of Ostrenant de retinentiis contra Regem Franciae, against the King of France. And Rupertus Count Palatine of the Rhene anno 20. became a Homager for term of life to this King.

Henry the fourth entred alliance Rot. claus. an. 2. H. 4. & Rot. Fran. an. 2 & 3. H. 4. m. 6. Henry 4. of mutual aid in two years with William Duke of Gueldres and Mons. Rot. Franc. an. 12 H. 4. m. 21. Henry 5. In the twelfth with Sigismund King of Hungaria. Tho. Wal­singham. And in the thirteenth by siding with the Factions of the Dukes of Berry and Orleans, laid the basis upon which his Son that succeeded reared the Trophies of his Renown.

[Page 82] For Henry the fifth going forward upon the Advantage left and daily offered, strengthened himself anno 4. Ex Rot. Parl. an. 4. by a League perpetual with Sigismund the Emperour; renewing that of Richard the second Ex Orig. in Thes. Westm. with John King of Portu­gal, as his Father had done. He entred a contract with the Duke of Britain, and with the Queen of Jerusalem and Lewis her Son for the Duchy of Anjou and Mayn; and with the King of Portu­gal and Duke of Bavaria for supply of Men and Munition by them performed. Ex Chron. Rogeri Wall. in vita H. 5. an. 5. & 8. And the year before the Battel of Agincourt sendeth the Lord Henry Scrope to contract with the Duke of Bur­gundy Ex In­struct. orig. 31 Aug. 5 H. 5. and his Retinue for Wages in serviti [...] suo in Regno Franciae vel Ducatu Aquitaniae, in his service in the Kingdom of France, or the Duchy of Aquitain; esteeming the alliance of that house the readiest means to attain his end.

Henry the sixth (i) so long as he held the Ami­ty Henry 6. of Britain (for which he contracted) and the (e) Ex Con­tract. origin. confederacy of Rurgundy, his friend of eldest assurance and best advantage, which he did to the sixteenth year of his Government, there was no great decline of his Fortune in France. But when Burgundy Ex Tractat. Alrabatensi. brake the bond of our assu­rance, and betook him to the Amity of France, and dealt with this Crown, but as a Merchant by way of intercourse, first at the Treaty of Ex Tract. Brugens. 1442. Bru­ges 1442. then at Ex Tract. Callisiae 1445. Ex Tractat. Bruxellensi 1446. Callis 1446. the reputation and interest we held in France declined faster in the setting of this Son, than ever it increased in the rising of the Father.

And Edward the fourth who succeeded, sen­sible of this loss, wooed by all the means either of Intercourse or Marriage to win again the [Page 83] house of Burgundy Parl. an. 7 E. 4. n. 28. which in anno 7. he did, to joyn for the recovery of his right in France. Rot. Franc. an. 8. m. 22. & ex contract. originali. And drew in the year following the Duke of Britain to that Confederacy. In the Rot. Franc. an. 11 E. 4. m. 7 ele­venth year he renewed with Charles of Burgundy the bond of mutual Aid; and contracted the next Rot. Franc. an. 12. m. 22. & ex orig. in Thes. Westm. year the like with the King of Portugal. And in an. 14. pro recuperatione Regni Franciae contra Ludovicum Usurpantem, for the recove­ry of the Kingdom of France out of the hands of Lewis the Usurper, (Rot. Fran. an. 14. m. 18. & 19. as the Record is) entred a new Confederacy with the Dukes of Burgundy and Britain: Ex Contr. de an. 1487. pro solutione 50000 scuto­rum ad 100. annos. Henry 7. And in the end wrought from them a round Pension of money, though he could not any portion of land.

Henry the seventh Rot. Fran. an. 5, & 6 H. 7. & Contr. orig. an. 8 H. 7. Henry 8. anno 5. & 6. entertain­eth an Alliance with Spain against the French King. The like in the eighth with the King of Portugal: and in the tenth Ex magno Intercusu de an. 1495. with the house of Burgundy for Intercourse and mutual Aid.

Henry the eighth in anno 4. Ex tract. origin. de dat. 1513. reneweth the Amity of Portugal; and the next year combineth with the Emperour Maximilian against Lewis the French King, who aideth him out of Artoys and Henault with four thousand horse and six thousand foot; whereupon he winneth Tournay, Ex litera Max. Imp. Car. Ebor. dat. 15. Consilio, Auxilio, & favoribus Maximili­ani Imperatoris, with the advice, assistance, and countenance of the Emperour Maximilian. In anno 7. Rot. Fran. anno 7 H. 8. to weaken the French King, he en­treth league with the Helvetian Cantons by his Commissioners Wingfield and Pace; and with Ex tract. Bruxellens. 1515. Charles of Spain for Amity and mutual Aid: in­to which Maximilian the Emperour and Joan of Spain Ex orig. subscript. card. Sedunensi de dat. 1516. were received the year following. [Page 84] Ex tract. Callis. an. 1521 In an. 12. with the Emperour Charles and Ex tract. orig. subscript. manu Card. Ebor. & Marg. Regent. 24. August. 1521. Margaret Regentess of Burgundy he maketh a Confederation against Francis the French King, as the common enemy: & quia Rex Angliae non possit ex propriis Subditis tantum equitum nume­rum congerere, the King of England could not furnish such a quantity of Horse of his own Subjects, as was mentioned in the contract, the Emperour giveth leave that he levy them in any his Dominions in Germany. And the Pope in furtherance of his intendment, interdicteth the French Territories, calleth in aid Brachii Se­culdris, of the Secular power, Ex tract. Winsor. 1522. those two Princes; appointeth the Emperour Protectorem & advocatum Ecclesiae, the Churches Advocate and Protector; and stileth their Attempt sancta expeditio, an holy expedition. Ex tract. Cambrens. 1529. And this is by the Treaty at Windsor the next year confirmed and explained. Renewing in the years Ex tract. ultrajectens [...]. twenty one, thirty five and thirty eight the association, and bond of mutual aid with the same Princes, and against the French King, if he brake not off his Amity with the Turk.

And although Ex tract. de anno 1543. Ex originali dat. ultimo Janu. 1547. Edward the sixth in the first year of his Reign made the Contract between the Crown of England and the house of Bur­gundy perpetual; yet Ex in­struct. Rich. Morison. Edward 6. forbore he to aid the Emperour in the wars of France, disabled (as he pretended) by reason of the Poverty the troubles of Scotland had drawn upon him; Ex litera Ducis Somers. Magist. pag. 1548. And therefore offered the Town of Bullen to the Imperial Protection.

During the Reign of Queen Mary, there was no other but that Ex contr. Matrimoniali 1554. of Marriage, Aid and Entercourse with the Emperour, Spain and Bur­gundy; [Page 85] Ex tract. Matr. 1555. Queen Mary. and besides that tripartite bond at Cambray of Amity and Neutrality.

Our late Renowned Mistris entertained with the Prince of Conde Ex artic. subscript. à Vidame de Chartres 1562 Elizabeth. about New-haven, and Ex foeder. Trecens [...]. 1564. with Charles the ninth 1564. and at Ex tract. Plesens [...]. Bloys 1572. with the King of Navarre before the accession of the Crown of France to him, and after Britain, and lastly by the Duke of Bullen Ex tract. [...]. 1596. in ninety six. And with the States of the Netherlands in the years eighty five Ex tract. cum ordin. [...]giae de an. 1585. & 1598 and ninety eight, divers Treaties of Amity, Confederation and Assistance.

By all these passages, (being all that well either our Story or Records can discover) it appeareth manifest the Kings of England ne­ver to have undertaken, or fortunately enter­tained any Forreign Enterpize without a party and confederate. Amongst which by situation, Confederates of most bene­fit to England. those of best advantage to us have been the Dukes of Britain, Lords of the Netherlands, the City of Genoa, the Kings of Portugal and Spain, and the Empire, since knit into the house of Burgundy.

As for the remote and in-land Princes of Ger­many, the Kings of Denmark, Poland and Swe­den, (so far removed) I have seldome observed that this Crown hath with them contracted any League of Assistance or Confederacy, but of Ami­ty and Entercourse only.

[Page 86] IT remaineth to observe a little, what were the Princes whose Confederati­on are of least benefit. Bonds of Confederati­on cannot be the same they were before. As with the State of Genoa. reasons that first induced, and then preserved the Affection and Alliances of these several Na­tions respectively to this Crown. The assu­rance we had of the State of Genoa was their Pensions and Traffick here. All which time by equality of Neighbourhood they stood of them­selves without any jealousie of Surprize. But as soon as Vicinum Incendium, the fire began in Millain, they put themselves into the protection of Spain, foreseeing how dangerous it would be for a weak State to stand Neutral, accor­ding to Aristhenus counsel to the Aetolians, Liv. Dec. 4. l. 2. Quid aliud quam nusquam gratia stabili praeda victoris erimus? What else will become of us, being in firm friendship with neither side, than to be made a prey to the Conquer our? Since which time Spain by estating Doria, Grimaldi, and the Spinellos, chief Families of that City, with great Patrimonies in Naples, retaining their Gallies in his perpetual service and salary, the Inhabitants of all sorts in bene­ficial Trade, and (no less in Policy to ingage that City, than to supply his own Wants) con­tinually owing the wealthiest Citizens such vast summs of money, as the Interest of late exceed­ed In Relati­one de Statu [...], an. 1595. twenty five Millions; he hath tyed it more sure to the Spanish party, than if it were commanded by a Cittadel; so that it must ever now follow the faction and fortune of that Crown.

Navarre and Britain (while States of them­selves) Navarre. Britain. were so long firm to our Confederacy, as they were tyed with the bond of their own [Page 87] Calamity, occasioned by that power, which in­corporating lately the one by Descent, the other by Contract, is by that Union and return of all the Appennagii, more potent than ever it hath been under the House of Capet.

Burgundy was so long our friend, as either Burgundy. they were enriched by Staple of our Commo­dities, or had protection of our Swords against France, who not only claimed Soveraignty over most, but a proprietary interest in part; and therefore had reason to give Aid and Arms to such a Confederate as did by a diversive War secure, and by particular Immunities inrich that State. But now growing into Spain, they need no such assurance in the one; and we al­most undone by their draping of our Wooll, (which is happily called home,) not able to re­turn them the benefit of the other, cannot pre­sume upon any such assurance of their aid as here­tofore.

Spain may seem to give us the best hope of a Spain. fast Confederate for two respects. First, for that he is absolute, and that we be equally devoid of demand, neither having against the other any Titles. Next, for that the entercourse of Trade is more reciprocal between us than France, and our Amity founded upon long love and old blood. To this may be made a two-fold answer, from the change of their Dispositions: First, for that they never assist any now, but to make themselves Master of their State. Thus ended they the strife between the Competitors of Por­tugal. And when they were called into Na­ples by the Queen against the French, they combined with her Adversary, and divided the [Page 88] Kingdom. And after upon the River of Ga [...] rillon, under their Leader Gonsalves, taking an advantage, they defeated the whole Army of the French, holding ever since that entire King­dom themselves. For Spain will admit neither Equality nor Fellowship, since upon Union of so many Kingdoms, and famous Discoveries, they begun to affect a fifth Monarchy. The other; that the late hostility between them and us hath drawn so much blood, as all forms of antient Amity are quite washt away: and as Paterculus Paterculus. saith of Carthage to Rome, so may we of Spain to England, Adeo odium Cer­taminibu [...] ortum ultra metam durat, ut ne in victis quidem deonitur, neque ante invisum esse desinet quam esse des [...]t: The hatred begot by former quarrels doth endure so lastingly, that the very conquered party cannot forget it: and in such a case the very places must cease to be, before the hatred and envy towards it can cease.

BEsides these local considerations, there will Dangers in Consederacy by diversity of Ends. Examples, that ends served, Con­federates quit all bonds of Combina­tion. two other Dangers now fall out from any Contract of mutual aid: The one from diversity [...]f Intention, and the other of Religion. In the one, when either the Confederate hath safely at­tained his own secret End, (whatsoever he pretend­eth in the entrance,) he leaveth the other to work out his own designs. Thus was Henry the third served, called over by the Earls of Tho­louse and March: they in the mean time having made their Peace with France: Matth. Paris 1242. Et expertus jam infidem, imo perfidiam Pictavensium, tur­piter recessit, & festinans non pepercit Calca­ribus, [Page 89] insomuch that having found the treachery and perfidiousness of the Poictovins, he was forced dishonourably to retreat, and for haste to spurr away; the peril the poor King was left in being so great. He was handled like to this by Pope Alex­ander the fourth, who having drawn him into the wars of Apulia against Manfred, in the end, depauperato Regno Angliae, & undique bonis suis spoliato, his Kingdom of England being impover­ished, and wholly despoiled of its Goods, left him to his own shift. The King of Navarr call­ing in the aide of Edward the third Rot. Paul, anno 29 E. 3. n. 6. against France, and appointing the Isle of Gersey the Rendezvous of their forces, revolteth to the French, after he had by countenance of that pre­paration wrought his Peace. Maximilian the Emperour to induce Henry the eighth not only contracteth to aide him in person to recover the Crown of France, & pro tyrannico Rege repel­lendo, and to remove the tyrannical King, (they are the words of the League;) but conferreth upon him in the same Coronam Imperialem & Impe­rium Romanum, the Imperial Crown and the Roman Empire in reversion; and estateth the Duchy of Millain after recovery upon his person, & suorum naturalium masculini sexus haeredum; modo feodorum Imperialium, and his heirs male lawfully begotten, to hold in Fee of the Empire: yet in the close left the King to his own fortune, his turn for Millain and Verona served. Charles the fifth when by the incursi­on of the French he saw his portion in Italy di­stressed, in safety whereof consisted the whole Pulse of the Spanish, (as he used himself to say,) for it supplied his Army with great Le­vies, [Page 90] and was fitly seated for a fifth Monarchy; he then ingaged Henry the eighth in the wars of France, and bound himself (as Bourbon his Con­federate) that he would assist him to the full Conquest of that Kingdom, and the other should become Homager to Henry the eighth as to his Soveraign. But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King, he in his answer to Master Pace the Kings Ambassadour refused that assurance of duty, and gave a just suspi­cion, that he by help of his Party intended to usurp Suspecting that an Allie may grow too great, dissol­veth alliance. upon that State himself, which the Emperour never meant to the King of England; left by such footing in France, he might grow so great as to give Law to his neighbours. And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable, howsoever the bonds of Alliance were. Thus did Henry the eighth as often change his hand of help, as either Princes of Spain and France got ground of the other. And the Spaniard now, to keep the States in Italy disunited, compoundeth differences at his pleasure, or taketh part with the weaker, not suffering any, though his own dependant, to grow too strong: which was lately seen in patronizing the D. of Mantua against Savoy, according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy, Liv. lib. 34. Non tantum interest Aetolorum opes minui, it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aet [...]lians, (yet they were ene­mies,) quantum, non supra modum Philippum crescere, as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent, who was their friend.

The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger. The one with our Confederates, the other with the Subjects of this Crown.

[Page 91] For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholick Prince, as France, where we have the fairest pretences, for with any other we are like to have no question; then is all Con­tract of mutual aide left to the election of our Confederate, Danger by difference in Religion, in respect of the Confederates, who may break by dispensa­tion, though both Ca­tholicks. who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts, although they were by Oath. For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks, as that between Edward 3. and John King of France, and that between John of Gaunt and the King of Ca­stile; they ever out of such su­spect inserted this Clause, That neither side should procure di­spensationem, &c. either per Ec­clesiam Romanam, vel per ali­quam aliquam, a Dispensation either by the Church of Rome, or any other way, to do contra formam Tractatus, contrary to the form of Agreement: How much more must their jealousie be to us? And there­fore in a Consultation in Hen­ry the eighths time, Ex origi­nal. in manu Domini Crom­well. whe­ther with best security we should Confederate with France or Spain, it was re­solved that either of them may slip of their advantage by co­lour of our Separation from[Page 92] the Church of Rome, Danger by difference in Religion, in respect of the Confederates, who ought to break out of the Roman doctrine, one ac­counted heretick. if there be no better hold in their Ho­nesties than in their Bonds. For it will be held not only worthy dispensation, but me­rit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church, by the Doctrine of that See; which teacheth all Contracts Doctrine of the See of Rome touch­ing leagues with Here­ticks. with any Catholick Prince to be instanti dissolved, because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks; which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by Ex Bulla origin. sub sigillo urbani 6. an. pont. 4. Bull to Wen­ceslaus King of Bohemia, and Charles the Emperour, (be­fore the Council of Con­stance,) declaring all Confe­derations, Leagues and Con­ventions to be Lege Divina temerariae, illicitae, & ipso jure nullae, etiamsi forent fide data firmatae, aut Confirma­tione Apostolica roboratae, to be by the Law of God inva­lid, void, and in Law null, although confirmed by the plighting of faith, nay though strengthned by confirmation Apostolical, if the parties were separati ab Unitate sanctae Ecclesiae, separate from the Unity of Holy Church, [Page 93] when the league was made; or, si postea sint effecti, if they become so after. What as­surance can there then be ei­ther with France, who is re­ceived, by his Rebenediction, into the Bosome of the Church, and his son made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae, an adopted Son of the Church; or against him with Spain, who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolick, sub­mitteth himself (as he hath ever done) to the Popes plea­sure and design, and must not only forsake, but aide against us in any war we should there undertake?

Danger by difference in Religion, in respect of the Subjects Besides it is considerable, how­soever Subjects obe­dient to the Popes Cen­sure a dange­rous Party. all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mu­tual aide; whether they will so in a forraign Invasion; (especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion.) For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against John King of England and Ex Eul [...] ­gio Hist. Lewis the twelfth a side of their own Subjects, (as it did after in the same Kingdom against Henry the third, though all three confor­mable in points of Religion to that See;) how much more will it [Page 94] work with the people devoted to their opinions in a State divided from their obedience? For amongst us the Catholick Church hath many Jesuits to raise Faction, and divert people from duty; the Recusants many, and Malecontents not few; all which with war will discover themselves, but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance, lock up their riches in security, and their hearts in silence. And therefore by any enterprize, it is not with the rule of Seneca safe, concutere fe­licem statum. For by provoking of some adversary in respect of Pa­pal protection, they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of Religion: and then the sancta expeditio, the holy expedition against Lewis, will be made Bellum Sacrum, a holy War against us.

But admitting no less than in former times an easiness to attempt; it is not a meditation unne­cessary to think in general of the dangers and im­possibilities to retain. For first we must more than transgress Limites quos posuerunt Patres, the Bounds which our Fathers owned; and relin­quish that defence of Nature, wherewith she hath incircled, divided, and secured us from the whole world;

Festus A­maenus.
(Te natura potens Pelago divisit ab omni
Parte orbis, tutaut semper ab hoste fores.
From all the Earth Nature hath parted thee
With Seas, and set thee safe from Enemy.)

and commit our Frontiers (had we never so much Danger of large Fron­tiers. upon the next Continent) to the protection of an Army, which besides the continual Charge, if we give Ambitious and able Commanders, (as unable, for our Interest we will not,) how ready shall it be in such a Leader, and so backt, if he please, to give Law to his own Countrey? For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power; And whensoever means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State, he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles. Salust. in Bello Catil. Alii, sicuti Jura populi defenderent; Pars, quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret, bo­num publicum simulantes: some declaring to maintain the rights of the People, others to uphold the authority of the Senate, all pretending to act for the publick good. Hence was it that Au­gustus Sueton [...]us in vita Au­gusti. refused to add any more of the Bar­barous Nations to the body of his Empire, which with great facility he might have done; Dion Cas­sius. and to restrain that infinite and unsafe desire of enlarg­ing, left in Charge to his Successors that especial point of advice, Tacitus. coercendi intra Terminos Imperii, to keep the Empire within due and fit­ting bounds. The like moderation from the same ground was in the late Queen, who refused the so­veraignty of the Netherlands, Ex propos [...]. Statuum de anno 1585. so often and earnestly offered to her, fore-seeing well, that as [Page 96] her State should grow more respective by addition of People, and augmentation of Territory; so Factions and Discontents (a common accident in worldly affairs) would arise from superfluity. The State that may best admit increase is that, unto which addition may be on every part indiffe­rently. What State may best ad­ [...]t addition. Such was the advantage of Rome, by be­ing situate in the midst of Europe: whereas we are thrust out of the world; to which we have no other contiguity, than an unsure element of fluxible foundation, the Sea, subject to tempest, contrariety of wind, and more commodious for a potent enemy to intercept, than our selves to se­cure. For how large soever any Kingdom is, all great directions move from one place, commonly from one man, as the Heart in the Body. It is therefore necessary that the seat be so placed, tha [...] as well Intelligence as Dispatch may safely pas [...] with indifferency and assured Speed: And tho [...] Forms are most quick and easie in motion, whose extreams are all equally distant from the Centre; for the more different from the Circle, the more slow and hard. Rome may sufficiently example this: For so long as the Orbe of that Empire so moved about her, all things kept on their course with order, and ease; but after the Seat was by [...] in vita [...]. Constantine removed to an extremity of the Circle, it stood a while still, and in the end dissol­ved. For either through the mass of Business, the limitedness of any mans sufficiency, or impossibility to consider all due Circumstances but in re praesenti, there must fall out infinite defects in the directions. Or if none, either by reason of Distance they come too late, or if nor, by reason of remisness, he who is to execute will be bolder with his Instructions [Page 97] than is fit for a Minister to be. How dangerous [...]s it then by addition of Territories for our Ma­ster, Velleius Paterc. de Ex­peditione Cae­saris. Alterum pene Imperio nostro & suo [...]tuaerenti Orbem, whilst he is seeking to joyn ano­ther world, in a manner to his and our Empire, to alter either the setled order of directions, or walls of our security? Besides, as in the Frames of Nature Anima rationalis, the rational soul can­not informare, give life, sense, or discourse to the matter of an Elephant or a Fly; (or any other body disproportionable to a form so qualified:) so is there as well a bound of amplitude and stri­ctness wherein the soul of Government is com­prised; Bodin. de Repub. lib. 6. Between which extreams there are many degrees of Latitude, some approaching to the greatest (that nature seldome or never pro­duceth) some to the least, and some to the mean; [...]eyond which proportions respectively though [...]ome may have a will to affect, they never can [...]ave a power to attain. And this we may see in the former accession of so much to us in France, which we could never either with Profit or Assu­rance retain, being gotten by Conquest, and but tacked to by Garrison, contrary to the nature of Hereditary Monarchies. For some Kingdoms (in which number this may be accounted) are of the same condition that Demosthenes E [...] cra [...]. Demonsth. ad Athenienses. maketh the Athenians: Non ea vestra ingenia sunt, ut ipsi aliis vi oppressis Imperia teneatis; sed in eo magnae sunt vires vestrae, ut alium potiri principatu pro­hibeatis, aut potitum exturbetis; It is not your way, violently to oppress other States and seize the Government; but in this is your strength mani­fest, that you can hinder another from possessing the Government, or when he is possessed of it, [Page 98] throw him out again. Since then by Situation and Power we are the fittest, either to combine or keep several the most potent and warlike Nations of the West, it is the best for Safety, and the most for Honour, to remain as we were, Arbiters of Europe, and so by Neutrality sway still the Bal­lance Safety in Neutrality. of our mightiest Neighbours: which by holding of our hands, and only looking on, we shall easily do, since Spain and France hang so in­differently, that a little weight will cast the Beam; imploying ours, as Claudius did his Forces in Tacitus & Dion Cassius. Germany, ut subsidio victis, Victoribus terrori essent, ne forte elati Pacem turbarent, to assist the Conquered party, and to over-awe the Victor, lest he should be puffed up with pride, and disturb our peace. Thus did Henry the eighth with the French and Spanish Princes, using as his Motto of Honour and Power this, Cui adhaereo praeest, He rules whom I stick to. And the late Queen studied rather how to guard her Allies, than to inlarge her Dominions, multiplying her Leagues more by giving than receiving gratuities: winking at her own wrongs, rather than willing to revenge. And (as the great Mistris of the world once) did what rather became her Greatness, than what se­verity of Armes required. Hence were her Seas for the most part freed from Pirates, and her Land here cleared of Enemies. For according to Mi­cipsae's counsel to Jugurth, Non exercitus, neque Thesauri praesidia Regni sunt; Neither Armies nor Treasure are the safety of a Kingdom: but such Allies as neither Armes constrain, nor moneys purchase, sed officio & fide pariuntur. And since by fortune of the times succeeding, this State hath grown more upon Opinion than Deed, and that [Page 99] we know Mag is fama quam vi stare res nostras, that our affairs stand rather by Fame than Force; it is most safe, neither to discover weakness, nor Honour at­tained by Neutrality, in being the Arbiter of all differences between the mightiest Neighbours. hazzard loss by any attempt. Besides, standing as we do no wayes obnoxious by Site to any of our Neighbours, they will alwayes be ready to referr the judgement and order of their differences to us. As the Froisard. Brabanters and Henowayes did to the Arbitrement of Edward the third: and Ex Regist. & libris Tra­ctatuum. Charles the fifth and Francis the French King the decision of their quarrel to Henry the eighth. Thus every part shall wooe us, all Princes by their Orators shall resort unto us, as to the Common Consistory of judgement in their debates, and thereby add more to our Reputation than any power of our own. For as well in States as in Persons, Suitors are an infallible token of Greatness; which Demosthenes Ex Demost. 4 Philip. told the Athenians they had lost, since none resorted to their Curia or Praetorium. By this way shall we gain the Seat of Honour, Riches, and Safety; and in all other but endless Expence, Trouble and Danger.

Robert Cotton Bruceus.
FINIS.

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