A MISSIVE TO His Ma …

A MISSIVE TO His Majesty of Great Britain, KING JAMES.

Written divers yeers since, By Doctor CARIER.

Conteining the Motives of his Con­version to Catholike Religion. VVith a notable fore-sight of the present distempers both in the Church and State of His Majesties Dominions: And his Advice for the prevention thereof.

Eructavit cor meum verbum bonum; dico ego opera mea Regi.

Psal. 44.

First printed at LIEGE, and novv re-printed at PARIS: VVith some Marginall Notes; And a previous Discourse to the like purpose. M. DC. XLIX.

To the Reader of what Reformation soever in mat­ters of Religion.

LIghting casually of late on the ensuing Let­ter, written above thirty yeares ago by one of the most learned of his time among English Divines, Doctor Carier, Chaplain to King James, and sent to His Majesty, by him, as a justification of his then deserting the Protestant Cause, and conver­sion to the Catholike Church, as a submissive testi­mony of his loyalty to his Soveraigne; and as a faithfull Servants advice to his royall Master, for his future safety both in this and the world to come; I could not but sigh with a groaning Utinam, that the King had entertained his suggestion with a more yeelding regard. Had he been so happy, I dare boldly pronounce the temporall State of his left Kingdome, (to say nothing of the other world) and posterity, had not been so deplorable, as now with mournfull countenances we are forced to behold it.

Dr. Carier (being a man born and bred from his infancy in the Protestant Profession, orderly promo­ted to his academicall degree, and above others in­deared to his Prince for his greater proficiency in the literature and principles of the English Church, .i. in the grounds of Luther or Calvin, or both, with others of the late Reformers of the old Chri­stian world) fore-saw to what tragicall conclusions their premises did dispose, and what Cockatrices [Page 2] would be conuaturally hatch'd out of their eggs, when time served to sit long upon them: he fore­saw they would certainely prove destructive to Church and State, where ever they found good ac­ceptance. Nor can I say the Doctor was a Prophet by that fore-sight, more then he, who seeing the heavens over-cast with clouds, prognosticates a tempest; or he who seeing Gunpowder enough laid under the corner stones of a building, and the match fired, fore-tells a quick subversion of that Fabrick. A man becomes not a Prophet by such a prediction, but contrarily he is to be esteemed short-sighted, and of little consideration, that sees not those necessary effects, if he sees the cause.

Take first for example sake, those Doctrines of your first Generall in the late Reformation, Luther in his Comments upon S. Paul to the Galat. in his bookes de libertate Christiana, and de seculari po­testate, That Christians are not tied to the obser­vance of the Decalogue, but freed by faith from all Laws. That among Christians there must be no Superiority. That there is no hope of salvation or safety, as long as the Common-wealth is governed by humane or civill Lawes. That God is to be prayed unto, that Magistrates be not obeyed by their Subjects. These Doctrines are impugned and execrated by all Catholikes, as their Books do every where testifie: but take them, I say, and digest them once for truths, and then tell me what sequeles will naturally follow, or rather what will not fol­low? tell me, if you can, to what end Ecclesiasti­call or Civill Lawes are enacted? what obedience can Princes or Magistrates of either sort expect from those they count their Subjects? who scoure in his owne possessions? what curb for vice? To [Page 3] those points of reforming Doctrine, add his scorn­full sawcy censure of temporall Princes in the cited book de Seculari Potest. Scire debetis quod ab initio Mundi rara admodum avis est princeps prudens; ad huc multò rarior Princeps probus: sunt commu­niter maximè fatui; ac pessimi nebulones super ter­ram, sunt Lictores & Carnifices Dei. It is a thing that all ought to take notice of, that from the begin­ning of the world a prudent Prince hath been a very rare bird, and much rarer a Prince morally honest: they are most commonly the veriest fools and grea­test knaves on earth, they are the Catchpoles and Hangmen of God. Whether this proceeding as Do­ctrine from the mouth and pen of one reputed a re­forming Saint, be not apt to breed disrespect of Princes in their Subjects, and to stir these to dis­obedience, contempt, and rebellion against them, I appeale to others judgement?

Adde again his spirited incouragements against Bishops in his Bulla contra ordinem Ecclesiasti­cum. Quicunque opem ferunt (saith he) corpus, bona & famam in hoc impendunt, ut Episcopatus Devastentur, &c. And again, Evangelium quo­cunque venit, oportet ut tumultuetur; nisi id fa­ciat, non est verum. Whosoever afford their assi­stance, and imploy their strength; goods, and cre­dit to wast and destroy Bishopricks, and to root out Episcopall Government, they are the beloved chil­dren of God, and true Christians, obedient to God, and resisting the Ordinances of the Devill: and on the contrary side, whosoever maintaine E-Episcopall Government, and obey it, they are the Ministers of Satan: wheresoever the Gospell comes it must breed tumults, unlesse it do so, it is a signe it is not the right or true. More might be added [Page 4] out of his booke Contra Regem Angliae, of his in­sulting foule language against Princes, Church, and Bishops; but what I have already produced is sufficient to demonstrate, that one conversant in his Schoole must quickly discover him altogether destructive of all order in Church and State. But before I go any further, I cannot but wonder, that the pretended Bishops in England did not see them­selves Mar-Prelates, I mean destroyers of their owne Government, (put Deane and Chapter to boot) and consequently of their Church, whilest they sided so strongly with Luther, and magnified his reformation; which to do, was co ipso, as you may read in his words, utterly to abolish Epis­copacy, and to cut their owne throats. O insensari [...] O senslesse and unwise men! what bewitcht you in­to so blind a stupidity, as not to see so palpable an error and contradiction in your practise?

Secondly, take this Dogmaticall point of your other grand Reformer Calvin (all Catholikes de­claime against it, as most execrable blasphemy) tou­ched by D. Carier in his Letter, That God pre­destinates to evill; That he is the Author, willer, and promoter of what men call evill, as well as of those they call good actions, and then tell me what ratio­nall check you can find against any crime, how enor­mous soever? be it treason or rebellion, against Church or Prince, with the slaughter of both; be it blasphemy against God, or Deicide it self, as far as humane malice can reach towards it; hath not the perpetrator a ready protection to justifie his fact? God predestinated him unto it, God would have it so, who must not obey God? or who may law­fully resist his decrees? tell me again, what Church, or Prince, or private person can promise himselfe se­curity, [Page 5] whilst every villaine hath that principle to justifie his attempt against them?

These and the like Doctrines, dispersed up and downe in the written works of the late Reformers, obvious to be met withall both in the Authors them­selves, and in others that write of them, did D. Ca­rier ponder, and in them saw cleerly the effects, that by an unavoidable connexion (as long as the causes were kept in their vigour) were to flow out of them▪ and these were the overthrow of Church and State. Nor did he see these effects only in their cause, but really extant in themselves, he saw the Germans, till then commended for loyall to their Princes, and obedient to their spirituall Pastors, presently upon Luthers firing and blowing the coales with a pre­tence of Reformation, divided among themselves in open Rebellion against their Liege Emperour Charles 5. without regard to Ecclesiasticall Supe­riours. He saw their Churches wasted and pro­phaned, and mens manners in a moment altered in­to worse, he saw the Genevean tumults against their true Prince and Bishop, their Reformer Cal­vin (that so he might be more absolutely indepen­dent of all, and chiefe over all) being the Incen­diary. Nor can I thinke him ignorant of the Councell held at Geneva, in the yeer 1560. for the murdering of the King and Queen of France, the Queen Mother with the royall issue, the Catholike Peers & Magistrates of the Kingdom, the two great Reformers Calvin and Beza being Authors and principalls in the Conspiracy, as Bolsecus in the life of Calvin makes appeare out of a Letter of the said Calvin to his trusty friend Viretus; he saw the ruinous devastations that fell upon the flourishing Kingdome of France from the same fiery spirit of [Page 6] Reformation, which Herod-like was most malici­ous against the venerable Antiquities of the na­tion. He saw again (to omit others) the rebellion of the Scots against their Soveraigne Queen Mary, our present Kings Grandmother, who afterwards by the arm and axe of the old cause, was beheaded at Fodringham Castle in England, the common Hang-man of London by publike authority (O eter­nall shame to the English and Scottish Nation!) imbruing his hands in her royall blood. And ob­serving how hand in hand reall destruction, rebel­lion with their issue out-rages, and their sister pre­ [...]ence of Reformation traversed other Countreyes; he saw that one could not stand long parted from the other throughout King James his Dominions, so gave him a seasonable warning of it; and as a pro­vident Noe shewed his Majesty a safe Arke to pre­vent the Deluge, if he pleased. But to the present woe of his posterity, and their loyall Subjects, through ill private choice, or counsell from others, he neglected the wholesome advice of his knowing and faithfull servant the Doctor.

Now though the publishing of this Epistolar Treatise comes too late for the effect first intended to King James, yet seeing the old principles still standing, and the authority of their founders still maintained by the Reformed Church of England: And againe, seeing our Kingdome in blood from Sea to Sea, with wounds inflicted, doubled, and redoubled by them, (though few reflecting whence the blowes do originally proceed) I thought it no ill office of a Patriot (though now in a kind of ex­ile) to endeavour a stop to my Countreyes evills; as far forth as the reading of a sheet or two of printed paper might contribute thereunto, by presenting all [Page 7] whom it may concern (and whom doth it not con­cern,) with a fresh view of D. Cariers advice. The old proverb (out of the Prophet Isay, cap. 28. v. 19.) is, Vexatio dat intellectum, vexation gives understanding; it sometimes cures mad men, and brings them to themselves againe. Perhaps the smart of so many blowes may make men reflect whence they have good and bad derived unto them, and render them more capable to regard the Do­ctors remedy, then whilst they were blinded with fulnesse, ease and prosperity; His remedie in a word is an obedient return of all unto that Church, whence those Reformers rebelliously apostated; the charge of which Church is to execrate to the pit of hell the blasphemies and seditious principles of Luther and Calvin, to reduce all to a sound save­ing beliefe, with a good conscience, to order all in­to their due postures of obedience to temporall and spirituall Superiours; and in a word, not to live prophanely, as men destitute of the knowledge of the true God; nor thirsting one anothers blood, nor invading one anothers rights, as Wolves and Tygers: but as the Apostle saith, (Tit. cap. 2. v. 12.) sobriè, & justè, & piè, soberly for our selves, justly towards our neighbour, and piously to God, or as the true patterne of all Justice Christ Jesus hath taught us, reddentes quae sunt Caesaris, Caesari, & quae sunt Dei, Deo: By this you have one reason why D. Cariers Letter is republished.

Another reason is to shew the world that the late conversion of D. Tho. Vane, late Chaplaine to the Kings Majesty that now is, and of Dean Cressey (so much talked of in England; and the more by reason of their learned bookes printed to satis­fie all why they became Roman Catholikes) and of [Page 8] many other prime wits of our Universities (some whereof are hereafter particularly mentioned) who have lately trodden the same paths, utterly forsa­king thir former Tenets in Religion, not for tem­porall gain, (as all men know) unlesse it be of po­verty and persecution, is not a thing new, strange, or to be wondred at.

When D. Carier listed himself into the Militia of the Roman Church, (choosing rather as Moses did in Exodus to be afflicted with the true Israelites, then prosper among the Aegyptians; and to be, according to the Psalmists Dialect, an abject in the House of God, rather then inhabite the Taberna­cles of sinners) there were many circumstances that might make some inconsiderate people to won­der at it.

The Church then called Protestant, whereof it seems he counted himselfe a member, was at that time most flourishing in England; they had a visi­ble supreme head of above forty yeares standing without interruption, (after the title was first ta­ken by Henry the eight, to legitimate his Marriage with Anno Bolen, whilest his first wife lived, it ceased during the reigne of his daughter Q. Mary, and so was interrupted) in whom by Oath they ac­knowledged the supremest power in all things under heaven. They gloried in their Prelats & Bishops, not found in any reformed Churches out of their Kings Dominions, they had some colourable pretence to a succession of Ministeriall Ordinations, and Missions from the Apostles and Christ. They thought they had their Church well and properly marked by thirty▪nine Articles. They boasted of a Liturgie con­secrated with the blood of Martyrs, more com­pleat for all uses, and satisfactory to the people, thou [Page 9] any of the neighbouring Reformations injoyed. They had differences of daies, some kept holy, o­thers fasted. They used some solemnities in the ad­ministration of their two Sacraments. They had decencies in their Burialls. They had severall pra­ctises outwardly religious: and in brief, they had so many Reliques of the old Christianity of their Countrey, as did manifestly distinguish them from Jews, Turks, and other more prophane people. All which as they were plausible stayes to with-hold men in the Protestant Religion, and not to thinke on any other, especially if they were born and bred in Protestancy: so made they any mans conversion to Catholike Religion in those daies, more remark­able, more wondered at, and more subject to the question, what moved him to forsake the Prote­stant? Withall D. Cariers favour with his Prince, together with his great learning, and good parts, making him capable of the chiefest spirituall dig­nities and promotions in the Kingdome, might well move many to take notice of his conversion, and wonder he should change both his present possessions, & pregnant hopes of more, for the poor contemptible being of an exiled Papist, perhaps scanted in ne­cessaries to live and breath.

But now to use the Prophet Jeremies words, in his Threnes (c. 4. v. 1. cap. 2. v. 2. though in a diffe­rent sense) Obscuratum est aurum; mutatus est color optimus; dispersi sunt lapides Sanctuarii in capite omnium platearum: what seemed gold a­mong the Protestants, is now altogether darkned, and cast off as drosse, the most specious of their fair colours is faded, (an argument it was of no long lasting complexion) the seeming corner stones of their seeming Sanctuary are dispersed in the [Page 10] head of all the streets. The sworne supreme head of their Church, though gray, aged, and well de­served of them, is made his vassalls subject, their ward, their captive, scarce allowed to keep his own head on his shoulders; and whilst it is on, is lit­tle lesse then basely foot-balled by the miscreants of his owne Subjects.

Their Bishops once the corner-stones of the En­glish Sanctuary, or Reformation, are even levelled to the flock by their owne Disciplinated sheep: yea, I may say, facti sunt opprobrium vicinis, subsanna­tio & illusio his qui in circuitu sunt: they are tru­ly become a reproach to their neighbours, a scorne and mock to all about them. The Reformation, now thought best for England, can subsist (they say) as well without Bishops, as their neighbour Churches. Their old Ordination of Ministers (and as old as it is, onely invented in King Edward the sixths daies) is already laid to the wall, this present Parliament hath found a newer way to supply the Bishops Office; there is no pretence to Mission, de­rived by any order from the Apostles, all claime an equall right to the Pulpit, Tinkers, Weavers, Taylors, Fidlers, Souldiers; nor do any faile of novell-hunting auditors, some of the old Prote­stant Preachers silenced by the Parliament, others fallen to silence of themselves, as not knowing what to preach to day, for fear they be driven to contradict it in the next Sermon, or to fight for their Pulpit; others preach according to the times▪ though against their owne consciences, to save their livings. And good God! what non­sense, ignorances, seditious & rebellious Doctrines, yea Blasphemies, do the Tubs and Pulpits ring with, whilst they are knocks and belaboured by [Page 11] those new Mountebank Predicants or Praters, who decry and contemn the Lords Prayer, the Apo­stles Creed, and ten Commandements, as rags and reliques of Popery and Superstition.

Their Liturgie (which began in the nonage­raign of Edw. the 6. and after some years interrup­tion, got stronger footing by an Act of Parliament in Q. Elizabeths daies, and so was become almost of fourscore years prescription, half as old as one of our Grandfathers) is decryed, antiquated by the present Parliament, contemned by the people, and succeeded by a new thing called a Directory, of 4. or 5. yeares unquiet standing, which begins already to lose credit with its first accepters, though as yet the stronger Faction (not without frequent scuffles and blood-shed) keeps it perforce in many Churches; and what is kept in perforce it neither likely to breed devotion, unlesse it be of the new garb, nor to be of long durance, if the old Proverb faile not, Nihil violentum diuturnum.

Their former marke of thirty nine Articles is little regarded, if not quite out of date: yea, which is worse, the Apostles Creed, the perpetuall marke or symbol of a Christian, is questioned and hath stood these six or seven yeares subjected to the disquisition of the Parliaments subpedancan Di­vines, without determination as yet, whether it be to be imbraced all and intirely for truth, or on­ly part.

Concerning the solemnities of their Sacraments▪ I need not tell you into what omission and confusion they are fallen about their Lords Supper, some Churches having had no Communion at all these six or seven years: some using it after the old fa­shion, others after the new: some receive it knee­ling, [Page 12] some standing, some sitting, none of the new­modell'd Ministers (some of the old did, others de­rided it) claiming more power to consecrate, then the Layicks of the Parliament can give them, which they know to be no more then the Bakers that sell them bread can sell with it.

As for their Sacrament of Baptisme, besides their novelty in the manner and circumstances, it is certaine they are defective in some places, even in the essentialls, I meane in the words of Insti­tution, and application of water, some saying (in­stead of I baptize thee in the Name of the Father, &c.) We take thee into the Congregation of the faithfull. Whether all apply the water either at all, or rightly, is more then my distance out of the Coun­trey permits me to learne, but not more then I have reason to doubt of: And where any of the essentialls are wanting, there certainely the child is not baptized, but left as he was borne, a child of perdition by the state of originall sin.

The Burialls now among the Reformed in En­gland, are in a manner prophane, in many places the dead being throwne into the ground like dogs, and not a word said; nor have they willingly more dif­ferences of daies, by holy or fast, in memory of Christian mysteries, then Turks and Infidells: nor finally is there any thing almost out of the Catholikes hands left in the Countrey that can per­swade a travelling stranger to think England to be rather Christian then Turkish, excepting the out­ward shape of Churches, which of the charges to alter them be not a Remora, may be also reformed ere long.

To these metamorphosies or changes of late in­ventions into the present of a little fresher coine, [Page 13] adde the confounded Chaos we see now in matters of Religion throughout the Kingdome, God Al­mighty permitting the monster of Reformation to reveale its owne turpitude, and to betray its selfe by its cloven feet of Sects and Divisions, to be what indeed it is, that men might more easily discern it, to beat it down and detest it.

Luther himselfe at the first, and afterwards his followers of whatsoever Reformation, were mightily tormented with those questions of the Catholikes, Where the Church afterwards called the Lutheran, or Reformed, was in the yeare of Christ, 1512.? (when Luther was an Augustine Frier in his Monastery, a Catholike in communion with the Pope of Rome) Who was then a Pro­testant? In what Countrey did he live? What was his name? the question is not, Who was then a Protestant in name? without asking them, we know by Histories, that the Lutherans had the name of Protestants some yeares after the Refor­mation begun, from their Covenants and Prote­stations first made at Spire, and afterwards at Smalcald in Germany, when finding their party growing strong, they began to take head against their Catholike Soveraigne Charles the fifth. Nor was the question, who was then (before Luthers forsaking his cloistre and former Religion) opposite to the Church of Rome, or of a different beliefe from hers? This question had been easily answered by naming the Hussits, Wicklesians, Berengarians, Arrians, and others, which for particular points of Doctrine, were as different from Luther, as he from the Catholike; but the meaning of the que­stion was, and still is, Who did then believe all those points of Faith, and onely those, which [Page 14] Luther, or any other after-Reformer did after­wards believe, and wherein they differed from the beliefe of Catholikes, which they pretended to reforme? this hath been from the beginning, and still is a tormenting question to all of the Refor­med Churches, and though daily asked by Catho­likes, Writers, and Discoursers, yet to this day could never be answered, with any satisfaction or proba­bility worthy a Schollers pen.

If now in this November, 1648. I should aske who is a Protestant in England? .i. one holding all those points of faith, and only those (what o­ther definition of a Protestant to give I know not, but desire the learned Protestants to agree in it, and to set it downe, that he, who desires to be one of their number, may know what he desires,) which Luther the supposed Grandfather of Protestancy, and Enemy to Catholikes, professed to believe? perhaps it would prove as troublesome, or unsatisfia­ble a Quaere as the former: yea, if I should aske what three or four Schollers (speaking of those that are come to some eminency in learning, and to have some conceit of themselves for it) are to be found in the Kingdome justly agreeing in all matters of faith? yea, to come closer to the purpose, if the question were, what one man (setting the Catho­likes aside). is there to be found of the same opinion now in matters of saith, that he was of, on the se­cond of November, 1640? (the day before the present Parliament began) perhaps it would put you to a long search, before you met a sure satisfa­ctory answer.

Lest you should think I speake too much at ran­dom, consider I beseech you, how frequently you meet with men, seriously and deliberately saying, [Page 15] Pox on it, rather then hazard my life, liberty, or fortunes, I'le be of any profession. I'le keep my conscience to my self, but I'le never lose my land for want of outward compliance, or conformity with the prevailing Multitude. And really their practice both in Religion and Loyalty is squared by that Dictamen; Of what Religion I pray you do you count these? Are they Protestants? Weighing them in the true scale of the Sanctuary, I take them to be Nullisidians, indifferent, for Christia­nity, or the Turkish Turbant, in evident state of damnation for their soules; and that Tyre and Sidon may escape with a more remisse damnation in the day of Judgment then they, Mat. ch. 11. v. 22. Consider secondly, the multitude of Sects lately sprung up in the Kingdom: what divisions, and subdivisions are there known to be of the old Anaba­ptists; besides the two main Factions of Presbyterians and Independents, new things and names, that have almost quite abolished their Protestant Proge­nitor; their zeale and number ebbing and flowing by successe of the Sword. Some, you know, are ser­vent Zelots of the Scottish Reformation; others detest it as pestiferous and hereticall: Some retain the old denomination of Protestants, yet have much of the new Modell: Some hold Episcopacy essenti­all to the true Protestant Church; others deny it▪ holding Bishops altogether unnecessary to the refor­med Churches; and demonstrating it by the not being and non-use of them, in any Reformation, even from the beginning, out of the King of Eng­lands Dominions. Some againe, as you know, ei­ther of curiosity, or to prevent Penalties, frequent the Parish Churches on Sundayes; and on other [Page 16] dayes frequent Conventicles of another Commu­nion, utterly detesting that of the Parish Church, as superstitious or hereticall; and so on the Week daies outwardly disavow the profession, they avow­ed on the Sunday. Consider thirdly, the little re­gard that is now given to the 39. Articles, hereto­fore the distinctive difference of the old English Protestant. And fourthly the questioning of the Apostles Creed, which implies a doubt of its truth, at least in some points. Before this Parliament it was every where used throughout the Kingdome, as an outward profession of every ones beliefe: Now it is questioned, and consequently doubted of, by the Representative Body of the whole Kingdome, and their Synodicall Divines; Add to this, the old true saying, Dubius in fide, infidelis est, he that doubts in matters of faith, is no right believer, and then draw you the consequence; Put all together and you will see, that the questions I made you, are not so easily answerable, as perhaps you thought at the first.

S. Augustine (lib. de. haeres.) numbereth nine­ty severall Heresies (so many Reformations were they) sprung up betwixt Christs time and his. i. in about four Centuries. So many more rose betwixt S. Augustines daies, and Luthers. i. 180. Heresies in 1500. yeares, according to the observation of o­thers. Betwixt Luthers apostacie from S. Austins Rule, and defection from the Catholike Church in the yeare 1517. and the year 1595. (which is but the intervall of 78) modern Authors, Staphilus, Hosius, P [...]ateolus, and others do reckon 270 new Sects, all Reformations of what was some daies, or houres before. But if any man would number all the [Page 17] Reformations, or Sects that these last 8. yeares have hatcht in England, perhaps the probablest rule of his Arithmetick would be quot capita, tot senten­tiae, as many opinions in matters of Religion, as heads of men; no common name being to be found, sit to comprehend our Sectaries, but that of a Suist, one that followes his own dreams or fancy in choice of Scripture, in the interpretation of it, and in eve­ry particular concerning Religion, without profes­sion of agreement or communion, which any follow, unlesse it be the communion of non-agreement. The Scrofa Alba of Reformation hath been so fertile these later dayes, that to use Stanislaus Roscius his words (Lib. de Atheismis) Errans nescit quid velit, neec quid nolit. The erring Reformer doth neither know what he would, nor what he would not: let it be but new, it sufficeth.

S. Hilarie (lib. ad Constantium & Constan­tem Imperat.) objected as a great absurdity a­gainst the Arrians, that they had annuas, & men­struas fides, that they changed their faith once a yeare, yea once a moneth; an evident argument of their falshood. If you will take the testimony of twice two or three, and compare the weekly Ser­mons together, you may perhaps finde some of your English reforming Doctrines, brought to old age, and funeralls, in lesse then a moneth. An evident demonstration, that Reformation of Faith is not a city built on a mountaine, (Matth. 5. 14.) nor a wise mans house seated on a rock, (Matth. 7. 24.) but a wall raised and dawbed without temper­ing, (Ezech. 13. 11.) or a fooles cottage erected upon sands.

Quae pendulum solutae
Pondus ferre recusant.
In Heresies unstable ground
No setled footing can be found.

And how reall that of S. Athanasius against the Arrian Heretiks (Epist. de Nicaena Synodo) a­grees unto all the Reformers of the later dayes, I submit even to their censures: Nunquam unam, &c. They never stand to one and the same opini­on, but run from one to another; now praising, now dispraising the same; now condemning what they approved a little before: a true character of hereticks, and mark of falshood.

Things then being fallen to this unconcealable con­fusion in England, without likelyhood of stop, as long as the principles of the prime Reformers stand still in vogue; can any man wonder at the conver­sion to Catholike Religion, either of the men here­after specified, or any others? for my own part, I cannot but wonder, that any man acknowledging the soule immortall, and that either Hell or Hea­ven must be her eternall Domicil after this life; and with all acknowledging that a false Religion cannot be the way towards beatitude; should ex­pect a second call, for his deserting that, of whose falshood in it selfe, damnablenesse to mans soule; and inconsistency with an ordered Church, or State, be hath so many, and so pregnant Demonstrations, as it were to the eye.

The old Proverb of the Hebrews is, Veritatem, stabiles; mendacium, debiles habere pedes▪ that truth hath strong stedfast, sure footing; but a lie, [Page 19] onely weake, unstedfast, tottering foundations: Whence, the first is of a permanent perpetuall du­rance; the other, easily supplanted and over­throwne. Were any of the Reformations that are so yearly, monethly, if not oftner forged, true; it would stand the same in it selfe, firm, and con­stant, scorning chop and change: but seeing there is none that doth not lose ground upon the first ap­proach of a new spirit, none that suffers not in her reputation, by the credit of every gifted Prea­cher of the new Modell, (you know how fre­quently new spirits and new gifts are pretended) certainly by the Hebreans Adage, all Reformati­ons are to be esteemed, as weak grounded lies.

Nihil quod non manet in se ipso, verum est: omne quipp [...] quod alteratur, falsitas est, non ma­nens in scipso. Nothing can be true, (saith that rare Prodigie of Nature Trismegistus) that doth not abide the same constant in it selfe: every thing subject to alteration, is false: That your Refor­mations in England are subject to alterations, I need not tell you, unlesse you be blind; that therefore they must of necessity be false, you may take as a sure truth, from the pen of Trismegi­stus.

If according to the Wiseman in his Proverbs, the later ends of some waies, which seem to a man, just and upright, so outwardly masked with mo­rality of life, and good neighbourhood, as hard­ly discernable, (especially by the unwary vulgar) from waies really sure and good; do yet lead to death: how sure of eternall death and damnation must he be, who runs the waies of the present Re­formation; which are so far from seeming just by [Page 20] any obducted disguise, that every man (even the greatest sticklers stick not to confesse it now and then among their friends) sees them plainely full of injustice, impiety, oppressions, rebellions against all sorts of humane superiours, and blasphemies a­gainst God himselfe? certainly it is more then high time for all men to abhorr the Sodom and Go­morrhe of Reformation in Faith, with the inunda­tion of vice, and corrupted manners it hath brought with it into the world.

That you may yet farther penetrate the malig­nity of the confusion you are fallen into, (ano­ther argument that Reformation in Faith is of the serpent Hydras nature,) take this Corollary or addition to what is said already: That it must be endlesse in Church and State, and altogether re­medilesse, as long as the old laid principles of Re­formation, derived from Luther and Calvin, stand uncontrolled: there being now no way left to withstand the reforming decrees of the present Parliament, (from which is issued the main of your late alterations,) or condemne, what most men now judge to be amisse; without condemnation of what you have been approving & abetting ever since your first revolt from the Pope and Roman Church. For a clearer explication of my mind, give me leave I pray, with your patience, to propose you some questions.

Sic volo; sic jubeo; sit pro ratione voluntas,

I so will have it; so command;
My will must for a reason stand.

When others failed, this was one of Luthers Lawes, to set forward his fanaticall Reformation against the Pope, and Catholike Church. Why may not the Parliament, the Representative Body of a King­dome, use it with more authority then Luther, one single private man? If you allow the Parlia­ment the use of such a legislative Power; you must not condemne the seque [...]l [...] that do naturally flow out of it: you must [...] to all their Orders and Ordinances, how irrationall [...] they seem to private persons. If you condemn it in the Parlia­ment, (look well to it) through their sides, you condemne it à fortiori in Luther, and so you crack the pate and credit of your grand Reformer, who so insultingly used it, and whom you have been so long upholding for a Saint.

But to insist no longer on that extravagant prin­ciple. The specious pretence of Reformation will so justifie the present Parliaments actions (seem they never so new or paradoxicall) that you shall hardly question them, without subversion of the whole Fabrick of your late Reformation. For ex­ample, tell me why may not this present Parlia­ment cashiere the Ordination of Ministers, inven­ted onely in Edward the sixths daies; as well as those of his time, cashiered the manner of Ordina­tion, they then found in being and vigour, with­out any knowne beginning of it since the Apostles? Why may not this Parliament degrade the now pre­tended Bishops, made onely according to that new Modell, and onely authorized by Parliament; why not devest them of their Peerage, cast them out of their government, and levell them to the rank of ordinary men; as well as other Parlia­ments [Page 22] cast out the old Bishops, consecrated after the manner of the whole Christian World, and who were never pretended to have their spirituall authority from Parliament, nor to be invested in their dignitie by usurpation of any other mans right; cast them out (I say) of their Seas of Government, their Seats in Parliament, out of their meanes, and liberty, into poverty and pri­son? Why not trench on all mens proprieties, and violently despoile them of their fortunes; as well as former times for Reformation sake, impropria­ted to themselves the Church and Abby-lands from their first true owners, casting the Monks Friers and vowed Nuns a begging into the world? D. Carier observed (nor did he alone) that Church and Abbey lands did seldome thrive with their new holders. If (I tell you now) that the present ruine of a flourishing Kingdome is but the naturall off-spring of the old injurious depopulati­ons of the Churches and Abbies, you will hardly know how to refute me.

Why may not this present Parliament damne the Common Prayer Book first invented in Edward the sixths daies, and afterwards confirmed by Act of Parliament in Q. Elizabeths Raigne, since the birth of many now alive, (no long prescription) as well as those of their times, damned the Masse, which was as ancient in England, and generally throughout the world, as Christianity it selfe? Why may not King Charles that now is, (whom I honour and love from my heart, as it is the duty of all Subjects to do in whatsoever Countrey they live) overthrow the Reformation, he swore at his Coronation to maintain, as well as King [Page 23] Henry the eighth and Queen Elizabeth introdu­ced their severall Reformations, contrary to the old Religion which they found in the Kingdome, and swore at their Coronations, to preserve, with all her Rights, Liberties, and Priviledges? would King Charles be more perjured then they, or his perjury worse then theirs? why may not this Parliament, yea particular Subjects, rebell a­gainst their Soveraigne for a better Reformation; as well as the Lutherans in Germany rebelled a­gainst their Soveraigne Charles the fifth, to bring in their Reformation, and to abolish Popery; or (to omit others, all applauded justified and abet­ted by those of the reformed Churches) as the Scots rebelled for the same end, against Queen Mary, our Kings Grandmother, afterward be­headed in pursuance of the same cause? you tell me I do C [...]me [...]in [...]m movere. I desist with the propo­sall of one onely question more; when the present Agitators of Reformation have purged themselves of all the pretended Religion they had eight or nine yeares ago, and raised their work to a high­er pitch then they have [...] thought on; will it not still be subject to a Babilonian confusion? Why may not the children of the present Reformers cut the throats of their fathers, and condemne them for ignorants or superstitious, and rescind all the Acts of their predecessours, for a better Refor­mation, according to their new spirits, as well as these present cut the throats of their forefa­thers, undoing at a breath what bad been so long a doing in the Kingdome.

[Page 24]
Damnosa quid non imminuit dies?
Aetas parentum pejor avis, tulit
Nos nequiores: mox datura
Progeniem vitiosiorem.
Joel ch. 1.
Where Grandsires Erukes are; their issue may
Wild Locusts prove; next comes, in Joels list;
The Bruke; a plague of worse, and greater sway:
And what comes then? a blast, or burning mist.
Thus men, in tract of time, from bad do fall,
To what is worse; from worse, to worst of all.

To pretend that, what the present or past Re­formers did, was all done for the truth, for the glory of the Lord, for the light and liberty of the Gospell, to abolish Idolatry and Superstition: to [...]nthrone Antichrist, the whore of Babylon, the Beast of the Apocalyps, and the like; is more then childish simplicity; there is no Reformer so for­getfull or stupid, but by his spirit pretends Scri­pture, the glory of the Lord, the light and liberty of the Gospell, the planting of saving truth, &c. and whosoever is opposite to his spirit, is Antichrist, the Whore of Babylon, the Beast of the Apoca­lypse, and therefore must be pulled down whoso­ever he be. Nor can it availe at any time, to say, that hitherto the work of Reformation hath been in fieri, or in doing; (as some say, Qu. Eliza­beths broome did not sweep clean) but now is in facto esse: Now it is come to a Non plus ul­tra, perfected beyond all addition or alteration: this, I say, can never availe, nor stop the confu­sions; as long as the reforming private spirits, for the pretences already specified, (which will never be at an end) or the Calvinian Doctrine of Pre­destination sayes, No.

Perhaps the present pretended Bishops, and the Party suffering with them, may say, The old Reformations against the Catholikes were good and necessary, but the meanes used to begin and pro­mote them, naught, and not to be imitated: And that if there be any farther Reformation to bee made, it must not be by prosecution of the old un­lawfull meanes. Their suffering by the meanes u­sed for the present further Reformation, makes them condemne the old. This comes now too late: they should have condemned them long ago, before their testimony became invalidated by their private interest. Certainly Luther and the first late Re­formers never acknowledged the meanes they used, to be naught or unlawfull. And why should wee think the present or future Reformer will ever hold the meanes necessary for his ends, unlawfull? Endlesse then is the confusion of Church and State in England to be; no end of sticklings and rebel­lions; no end of our wounds and bloudshed; no in­heritance more intailed upon our posterity, then violation of humane and divine Lawes; nothing more certain then eternall damnation of mens souls, as long as the first Reformers principles stand in force, and their Reformations applauded.

Behold more then sufficient cause, not onely, not to wonder at the late conversion of divers learned Schollers to the Roman Fai [...]h; but to admire that more do not follow their examples. Behold more then sufficient cause, for those that pretend to any feare of God, or care of their own soules, by re­gard to Religion, or manners, to the spirituall or politike weale, utterly to anathematize all Refor­mation in Faith, with the damnable principles of [Page 26] the late Reformers, the sources of all the evills our Kingdome now groanes under. Consequently behold more then sufficient cause, for all to rank themselves into the number of Catholikes, who have now the same unchanged Religion they had before this present Parliament; and then had the same they had in the reigne of K. James, [...]u. Eliza­beth, Qu. Mary, K. Edward 6. and Henry the 8. in whose dayes the Reformation was commenced in Germany, and through too generall a loosenesse in manners, and, desire of sensuall liberty, began to creep into England, as all Histories can evidence unto you. Nor can any desire a more pregnant te­stimony of our being now, and in former dayes of the same Faith, without variation of one tit­tle; then our reformed Adversaries are ready to afford us, who have for the times past, and still doe persecute us, not as new Sactaries with old Lawes, but with new Statutes for non-conformi­ty to their new Reformation, and for our constan­cy to the profession of our forefathers: from which had we stincht but the breadth of a naile, and taken upon us some new denomination, we had been as hard to be found out as other Sectaries, and as free from penalties as they: which forefathers of ours, living (before Luthers dayes) in com­munion with the Catholikes of France, Spaine, I­talic, and all the Christian world, as we do now, did deliver faithfully (it stood upon their sal­vation so to do) unto their children (those of the rest of the Christian World did the like unto their children) that Depositum of Christianity, which they had received from their predecessors, and they from theirs, by a continued successive line of Tra­dition [Page 27] from the Apostles, and Christ; no reform­ing enemy being able to shew, when the Catholike Faith now professed by us, and persecuted in us, began in the world, nor when the successive Tra­dition we and all Catholikes pretend unto, was intercepted; an infallible argument of our perse­cuted Religions being from the Apostles & Christ. More then sufficient cause, I say, for all to re­turn to the Catholike Church, setled by Christ the divine Architect, upon a rock never to be prevai­led against by humane or Devills powers, never subject to fall from her self in points of faith, nor consequently to be reformed in them, from which Church your first Reformers fell, Ex nobis ex­euntes (one of the marks by which we are to dis­cern Hereticks, as the Apostles teach us in their Acts, chap. 15. ver. 24.) going out from among us, to gain sensuall liberty to themselves, to be reven­ged on their superiors, or for private by-ends: troubling the world with words, subverting mens soules, without commission or mandate from any superior for their facts, or pretended Reforma­tions.

And finally, cause enough, for the world to reflect how ill advised they were in times past, and what an ill president they shewed posterity, in their former greedy acceptance of new reforming spirits, so prejudiciall to saving truth, to order­ly government in Church and State, and to parti­cular mens properties. And withall, to take warning for the future, not to remit the work of Reformation, even in things subject thereunto; as Ceremonies, humane practices, manners, and the like, to every giddy pretending spirit, (if [Page 28] you do so, you shall certainly have more holes made then mended) but to such as are lawfully ordered and commissioned for it by the visible Church, the pillar and ground of truth, that all things be done according to her prescript, honestè & secundum ordinem, 1 Cor. 14. 40.

But fearing, lest I should make this Prefatory Discourse like the gates of the City Myndus, or like a great portall to a little house, I'le first present you with the names of some late Converts, and then deteine you no longer from my promised re-impression of Doctor Cariers learned Letter to King James, which is here rendred verbatim accor­ding to the Originall, excepting onely the additi­on of some few marginall Notes; I desire you to read it with attention, reflecting from those, to these times, and not permit your mind to bee so prejudicate, as to give censure, before you have well pondered the matter, the scope of which (mutato tempore) is the same with this, which comes from one, who unfeignedly would have all men saved, and come to the knowledge of, and imbrace the truth.

N. STRANGE.
From Paris 1. Novemb. 1648. stylo novo.
PSAL. 2.

Et nunc Reges intelligite: erudimini qui judicatis terram. Attendite disciplinam, nè—pereatis.

The names of some who have lately been Ministers, or Ʋniversity men in Eng­land and Scotland, and are now converted to the Catholike Faith.

Tho. Vane, Doctor of Divinity of Christs Colledge Cambridge, lately Chaplain Extraordinary to His Ma­jesty, and Parson of Crayford in Kent.

Hugh Paulin de Cressy, of Cam­bridge, lately Prebend of Windsore in England, and Deane of Laghlin in Ireland, now entred into the Re­ligious Order of S. Benedict at Doway.

Hen. Ireson of All-Soules Oxford, Doctor of the Civill Law.

N. Read of New Colledge Oxford, Doctor of the Civill Law.

Mr. Rich. Nicholls Bachelor of Divinity, of Peter-house Cambridge.

Mr. Rich. Crashaw, Master of Arts of Peter-house Cambridge, now Se­cretary to a Cardinall in Rome, well known in England for his excellent and ingenious Poems.

Mr. William Rowlands Minister of S. Margarets Westminster, Master of Arts of Exeter Colledge Oxford.

Mr. Tho. Normington, Master of Arts of Pembroke Hall Cambridge, now in Italy, a very able man in di­vers Sciences.

Mr. Joyner Bachelor of Arts, and Fellow of S. Mary Magdelens Col­ledge Oxford.

Mr. Blakiston Bachelor of Arts of Cambridge, who died last yeare in the English Colledge at Rome.

Mr. Edward Barker of Caius Col­ledge Cambridge, Bachelor of Arts.

Mr. Eaton of Cambridge, now Priest in the English Colledge at Rome.

Mr. Peter Glu, Minister, of Balli­oll Colledge in Oxford, now Priest.

Mr. Jackson Minister.

Mr. Cooper. Minister.

Mr. Daniel Minister, now entred in­to a Religious Order.

Of Scots.

Mr. John Chrighton, a famous man in his Country, late Preacher of Parson in Scotland, afterwards emi­nent in Languedos, and lastly Chap­lain to the Marquesse of Ormond.

Mr. Andrew Youngston late Regent of Aberdein, now in a Colledge in Spain.

Mr. William Simple late Regent in Glascow now also in Spain.

Mr. Hugh Rosse late Regent in A­berdein, now also in Spain.

Mr. Tho. Johnston, &c.

Besides these, there are divers both learned and un­learned, lately entred in­to Communion with the Church of Rome, whose names you may more easily learne, then I discreetly pub­lish. Nor do I doubt but one more commerced with England Scotland and Ire­land, with other parts of France, and with the pro­mises of the low Countries might easily furnish you with a larger Catalogue of Con­vertites, of as good fame [Page] for their learning, and good parts in your Universities, and in their respective coun­tries, as these I have been bold to name: their understan­ding being now better dispo­sed to discern and reflect upon their former errours, by the palpable confusion and un­consciable effects they saw e-every where sprouted and sprouting out of the late Reformation begun by Lu­ther.

Errata in the Preface.

PAge 6. line 13. read pretence of. p. 12. l. 6. r. the bread. & l. ult. r. of a little.

ERRATA.

PAge 3. line 28. read title. p. 7. l. 13. dele one at. p. 11. l. 15. dele in. p. 21. l. 24. r. swinge over. p. 23. l. 13. r. in these. p. 39. l. ult. r. reasonable.

Other lesse materiall faults, with some false pointings, the discerning Reader will easily disco­ver and correct.

Moſt Excellent, and …

Most Excellent, and renowned Soveraign,

IT is not unknown to all that know me in England, that for these many years I have had my health very ill: And therfore having from time to time used all the meanes and medicines that England could afford; last of all by the advice of my Physi­tians, I have made it my humble suit unto your Majesty, that I might travell unto the Spa for the use of those waters; purposing with my self, that if I could be well, I would go from thence to Heydel­berg, and spend this winter there. But when I was gone from the Spa to Aquisgrane, and so to Colein, I found my self rather worse, then better then I was before: And therefore I resolved with my self, that it was high time for me to settle my thoughts upon another world. And seeing I was out of hope to enjoy the health of my body, at the last to look to the health of my soule, from whence both Art and experience teach me, that all my bodi­ly infirmities have their beginning: For if I could by any study have proved Catholike Religion to be false, or by any means have professed it to be true in England, I doubt not but the contentment of my soule would have much helped the health of my body. But the more I studied the Scriptures and most ancient Fathers to confute it, the more I was compelled to see the truth thereof. And the more I laboured to reconcile the Religion of England there­unto, the more I was disliked, suspected and con­demned as a common enemy. And if I would have been either ignorant or silent, I might perhaps with the pleasures and commodities of my preferments, [Page] have in time cast off the care of Religion. But see­ing my study forced me to know, and my place com­pelled me to preach, I had no way to avoid my grief, nor any means to indure it. I have therefore appre­hended the opportunity of my Licence to travell, that I may withdraw my self for a while from the sight and offence of those in England, who hate Catholike Religion, and freely and fully enioy the presence of our B. Saviour, in the Unity of his Catholike Church; wherein I will never forget at the daily Oblation of his most B. Body and Blood, to lift up my heart unto him, and to pray for the admission of your Majesty thereunto. And in the meane time, I have thought it my duty to write this short Treatise with my own hand; wherein, before I publish my self to the world, I desire to shew to your Majesty these two things. 1. The means of my conversion unto Catholike Religion. 2. The hopes I have to do your Majesty no ill service therein. I humbly crave your Majesties pardon, and will rest ever,

Your Majesties faithfull, and truly devoted Servant, B. Carier.
Liege Decemb. 12. 1613.

CHAP. I. The meanes of my Conversion to the Catholike Religion.

I Must confesse, to Gods honour, and my owne shame, that if it had been in my power to choose, I would never have been a Catholike. I was born and brought up in Schisme, and was taught to abhor a Papist as much as any Puritan in England doth. I had ever a great desire to justifie the Religion of the State, and had great hope to advance my self thereby. Neither was my hope ever so great, as by your Majesties favour it was at the very instant of my resolution for Catholike Religion, and the pre­ferment I had, together with the honour of your Majesties service, was greater by much; then without your Majesties favour, I look for in this world. But though I was as ambitious of your Maiesties favour, and as desirous of the honours and pleasures of my Countrey, as any man that is therein, yet seeing that I was not like any long while to injoy them, and if I should for my private commodity speak, or write, or do any thing against the honour of Christ his Church, and against the evidence of my owne conscience, I must shortly appeare before the same Christ, in the presence of the same his Church, to give an account thereof. Therfore I neither durst any further pursue my own desire of honour, nor hazard my soule any farther in the justification of that Religion, which I saw was impossible to be ju­stified by any such reason, as at the day of Judge­ment would go for payment; and that it may ap­peare that I have not respected any thing so much [Page 2] in this world, as my duty to your Majestie, and my love to my friends and Countrey, I humbly beseech your Majesty to give me leave, as briefly as I can, to recount unto you the whole course of my studies, and indeavours in this kind, even from the begin­ning of my life untill this present.

2. I was born in the Year, 1566. being the son of Ant. Carier, a learned and devout man, who al­though he were a Protestant, and a Preacher, yet he did so season me with the Principles of Piety and Devotion, as I could not choose but ever since be very zealous in matters of Religion. Of him I learned that all false Religions in the world, were but Policies invented of men, for the temporall ser­vice of Princes and States; and therefore that they were divers, and alwaies changeable, according to the divers reasons and occasions of State. But true Christian Religion was a truth revealed of God, for the eternall salvation of soules, and therefore was like to God, alwaies one and the same: So that all the Princes and States in the world never have been, nor shall be able to overthrow that Religion. This to me seemed an excellent ground, for the finding out of that Religion, wherein a man might find rest for his soule, which cannot be satisfied with any thing but eternall truth.

3. My next care then was, after I came to years of discretion, by all the best meanes I could, to in­forme my selfe, whether the Religion of England were indeed the very same, which being prefigured and prophesied in the Old Testament, was perfe­cted by our B. Saviour, and delivered to his A­postles and Disciples to continue, by perpetuall suc­cession in his visible Church, untill his coming a­gaine: or whether it were a new one, for private [Page 3] purposes of Statesmen invented, and by humane Lawes established. Of this I could not chuse but make some doubt, because I heard men talk much in those dayes of the change of Religion which was then lately made in the beginning of Q. Eli­zabeths Reign.

4. I was sorry to heare of change, and of a new Religion, seeing me thought in reason, if true Re­ligion were eternall, then new Religion could not be true. But yet I hoped that the Religion of Eng­land was not a change, or new Religion, but a re­stitution of the old; and that the change was in the Church of Rome, which in processe of time might perhaps grow to be superstitious, and idolatrous; and therefore that England had done well to leave the Church of Rome, and to reform it self; and for this purpose I did at my leisure and best oportunity, as I came to more judgment, read over the Chronicles of England, and observed all the alterations of Reli­gion that I could find therein: But when I found there, that the present Religion of England was a plain What then is it now! change, and change upon change, and that there was no cause at all of the first, but onely that K. Henry 8. was desirous to change his old Bed-fellow, that he might leave some heires male behind him (for belike hee feared that Females would not be able to withstand the tile of Scot­land,) and that the change was continued and in­creased by the posterity of his later wives, I could not choose but suspect somthing; but yet the love of the world, and hope of preferment would not suffer me to believe, but that all was well, and as it ought to be.

5. Thus I satisfied my self at School, and studi­ed [Page 4] the Arts and Phylosophy, and other humane learning, untill being Master of Arts, and Fellow of Corpus Christi Colledge in Cambridge, I was at the last, by the Statutes of that House, called to the studie of Divinity, and bound to take upon me the order of Priesthood: then I thought it my duty, for the better satisfaction of my owne soule, and the saving of other mens, to look as farre into the mat­ter as possible I could, that I might find out the truth. And having the oportunity of a very good Library in that Colledge, I resolved with my selfe to study hard, & setting aside all respect of men then alive, or of Writers that had moved or mainteined controversies (farther then to understand the que­stion which was betwixt them) I fell to my prayers, and be took my selfe wholly to the reading of the Church History, and of the Ancient Fathers, which had no interest in either side; and especially I made choice of S. Augustine, because I hoped to find most comfort in him for the confirming of our Religion, and the confuting of the Church of Rome.

6. In this sort I spent my time continually for many yeares, and noted downe whatsoever I could gather, or rather snatch either from the Scriptures or the Fathers to serve my turne. But when, after all my paines and desire to serve my selfe, of Anti­quity, I found the Doctrine of the Church of Rome to be every where confirmed, and by most profound demonstrations out of holy Scripture, made most agreeable to the truth of Christs Gospel, and most conformable to all Christians soules, and saw the current opinions of our great Preachers to be eve­ry where confuted, either in plaine termes, or by most unanswerable consequence, although my un­derstanding was thereby greatly edified, (for which [Page 5] I had great cause to render immortall thanks to our Blessed Saviour, who by these meanes had vouch­safed to shew himselfe unto me) yet my heart was much grieved, that I must be faine either not preach at all, or else to crosse and varie from the Doctrine, which I saw was commonly received.

7. Being thus perplexed with my self what course I were best to take, I reflected back againe upon the Church of England, and because most of those Preachers, who drew the people after them in those daies were Puritans, and had grounded their Di­vinity upon Calvins Institutions, I thought perad­venture that they, having gotten the multitude on their side, might wrong the Church of England in her Doctrine, as well as they desired to doe in her Discipline, which indeed upon due search I found to be most true; For I found the Common-Prayer Booke and the Catechismes therein contained, to hold no point of Doctrine expresly contrary to An­tiquity, but only that it was very defective, and contained not enough. And that for the Doctrine of Predestination, Sacraments, Grace, Free-will, Sin, &c. the new Catechismes and Sermons of those Preachers, did run wholly against the Com­mon-Prayer Book and Catechismes therein, and did make as little account of the Doctrine established by Law, as they did of the Discipline; but in the one they found opposition by those that had private In­terest, in the other they laid what they list, because no man thought himselfe hurt.

8. This truely was a great increase of my griefe, for knowing divers of those Preachers to be very honest men, and such as I did love with all my heart, I was exceeding loath to discent from them in private, much more loath to oppose them in pub­like. [Page 6] And yet seeing I must needs preach, I was loathest of all to oppugne my own conscience toge­ther with the faith wherein I was baptized, and the soules of those to whom I preached. Neverthelesse having gotten this ground to worke upon, I began to comfort my selfe with hope to prove, that the Religion established by Law in England, was the same, at the least in part, which now was and ever had been held in the Catholike Church, the defects whereof might be supplied whensoever it should please God to move your Maiesty thereunto, without abrogating of that, which was already by Law e­stablished, which I still pray for, and am not alto­gether out of hope to see; and therefore I thought it my duty, as far as I durst, rather by charitable constructions to reconcile things that seemed dif­ferent, that so our soules might for ever be saved in unity, then by malicious calumniations to main­taine quarrells, that so mens turnes might for a time be served in dissention.

9. In this course although I did never proceed a­ny further then Law would give me leave, yet I al­waies found the Puritanes and Calvinists, and all the Creatures of Schisme, to be my utter enemies, who were also like the Sonnes of Zerviah, too strong for David himselfe, but I well perceived that all temperate and understanding men, who had no Interest in the Schisme, were glad to hear the truth honestly and plainely preached unto them. And my hope was, that by patience and continuance, I should in the end unmaske Hypocrisie, and gaine credit to the comfortable Doctrine of Antiquity, even a­mongst those also, who out of misinformation and prejudice did as yet most dislike it. And conside­ring with my selfe, that your Right to the Crowne [Page 7] came only from Catholikes, and was ancienter then the Schisme, which would very faine have ut­terly extinguished it; and that both your dispositi­on by nature, your amity with Catholike Princes, your Speeches, and your Proclamations did at the beginning all tend to peace and unity, I hoped that this endeavour of mine, to inforce Catholike Religion, at the least as far as the Common▪Prayer Booke and Catechisme would give me leave, should be well accepted of your Majesty, and be as an In­troduction unto farther peace and unity with the Church of Rome.

10. But when after my long hope, I at at the last did plainely perceive, that God for our sins had suffered the Devill, the Author of dissention, so far to prevaile, as partly by the furious practise of some desperate Catholikes, and partly by the fiery sugge­stions of all violent Puritans, he had quite diver­ted that peaceable and temperate course, which was hoped for, and that I must now either alter my judgement, which was impossible, or preach against my conscience, which was untolerable: Lord, what anxiety and distraction of soule did I suffer day and night, what strife betwixt my judgement, which was wholly for the peace and unity of the Church, and my affection, which was wholly to injoy the favour of your Majesty, and the love of my Friends and Countrey. This griefe of soule growing now des­perate, did still more and more increase the infirmi­ties of my body, and yet I was so loath to become a professed Catholike with the displeasure of your Ma­jesty, and of all my honourable and loving friends, as I rather desired to silence my judgement, with the profits and pleasures of the world, which was be­fore me, then to satisfie it with reconciling my selfe [Page 8] unto the Catholike Church; But it was Gods will, that ever (as I was about to forget the care of Reli­gion, and to settle my selfe to the world among my neighbours) I met with such humors, as I saw by their violence against Catholikes and Catholike Re­ligion, were like to waken my soule by torture, ra­ther then bring it asleep by temper. And therefore I was driven to recoile to God, and to his Church, that I might find rest unto my soule.

11. And yet because I had heard often, that the practise of the Church of Rome, was contrary to her Doctrine, I thought good to make one triall more before I resolved; and therefore having the advice of diverse learned Physitians to goe to the Spa for the health of my body, I thought good to make a vertue of necessity, and to get leave to go the rather for the satisfaction of my soule, hoping to find some greater offence in the Service of the Church of Rome, then I had done in her Bookes, that so I might returne better contented to perse­cute and abhorre the Catholikes at home, after I should find them so wicked and Idolatrous abroad, as they were in every Pulpit in England affirmed to be. For this purpose before I would frequent their Churches, I talked with such learned men as I could meet withall, and did of purpose dispute against them, and with all the wit and learning I had, I did both justifie the Doctrine of England, established by Law, and object the Superstition and Idolatry which I thought they might commit, either with the Images in the Church, or with the Sacrament of the Altar.

12. Their common answer was, that which by experience I now find to be true, viz. that they doe abhorre all Idolatry and Superstition, and do dili­gently [Page 9] admonish the people to take heed thereof. And that they use Images for no other purpose, but only for a devout memory and representation of the Church Triumphant, which is most sit to be made in the time and place of prayer, where after a more speciall manner, we should with all reverence have our conversation amongst the Saints in Heaven.

And for the B. Sacrament, they do not worship the Accidents, which they see, but the substance which they believe; and surely if Christ be there truly and really present (as your Majesty seems to grant he is) he is as much to be worshipped, as if we saw him with our bodily eyes; Neither is there any more Idolatry in the one, then in the other. If our B. Saviour himself should visibly appeare in person, as he was upon the earth, Jewes and Infidells would hold it for Idolatry to worship him, and would crucifie him again; and so would all Heretikes al­so, who refuse to worship him in the Sacrament, where he is really present.

13. After divers other objections which I made, not so much because I was not, as because I desired not to be satisfied, I came to the Popes supposed pride and tyranny over Kings and Princes, and told them of the most horrible Treason intended and practised by Catholikes against your Majesty, which hath not yet been judicially condemned by the Church of Rome. They all seemed to abhor the fact, as much as the best Subjects in the world, and much more to favor, and defend the authority of their Kings and Witnesse their loyalty to the King in these late warres. Princes, then Hereticks do. And they said, that although your Ma­jesty were out of the Church, yet they doubted not, but if com­plaint [Page 10] were made in a Judiciall proceeding, that fact should be judicially condemned. In the mean time it was sufficient that all Catholike Writers did con­demne it, and that the Pope by his Breve had con­demned it, exhorting the Cathelikes of England to all Christian patience and obedience. As for any other authority or superiority of the Pope, then such as is spirituall and necessary, for the unity of the Church, I have met with none that doe stand up­on it.

14. So that, whereas my hope was, that by find­ing out the corruptions of the Church of Rome, I should grow farther in love with the Church of Eng­land, and joyfully return home: and by inveighing against the Papists, both enjoy my present prefer­ments, and obtaine more and more; I saw the mat­ter was like to fall out cleane contrary. It is true indeed that there are many corruptions in all States; God hath no wheat-field in this world, wherein the Devill hath not tares growing; and there are no tares more rank then those that grow among the wheat; For, optimi corruptio pessima; and where grace abounds, if it be contemned, there sin a­bounds much more. But seeing both my reading and experience hath now taught me, that the truth of Christian Religion now taught and practised at this day in the Church of Rome, and all the obedi­ent Members thereof, is the very same in substance, which was prefigured and prophesied from the be­ginning of the world, perfected by Christ himself, delivered to his Apostles, and by them and their Successors perpetually and universally in one uni­formity practiced untill this day, without any sub­stantiall alteration. And that the new Religion of England, wherein it doth differ, hath no ground, [Page 11] but either the pleasure of the Prince, and Parlia­ment, or the common cry and voice of the People, nor no constancy or agreement with it selfe, what should I now do? It is not in my power not to know that which I do know, nor to doubt of that which I have spent so much time, and taken so much paines, and bestowed so much cost, and made so ma­ny trialls to find. And yet I know, if I should yeeld to be reconciled to the Church, I should be for this world in all likelihood, utterly undone; and that which grieved me more, I should be rejected of your Majesty, my most redoubted Lord and Ma­ster, and despised by all my deare friends and lovers in England.

15. These were in my thoughts at the Spa, which did so vex and afflict my soule, as that the waters could do my body no good at all, but rather much hurt. Neverthelesse I avoided the company of Ca­tholikes, abstained from the Church, and did both dispute and write against the Church of Rome, as occasion was offered. I still hoped that time would give me better counsell, and therefore resolved to go from the Spa to Heidelberg to do my duty there. In the meane time I thought with my self, it may be God hath moved His Majesties heart to think of peace and reconciliation. I know his disposition was so in the beginning; and I remember M. Cau­sabon told me when I brought him out of France, that his Errand was nothing else, but to medi­ate peace betwixt the Church of Rome, and the Church of England. Therefore I thought, before I would submit my selfe to the Church of Rome, I would write to M. Causabon such a Letter as hee might shew unto your Mdjesty, con­taining such conditions as (I thought) might [Page 12] satisfie your Majesty if they were performed by the Church of Rome. The copie of which Letter is too long here to set downe. But when Mr. Causabon an­swered me that he knew your Majesty was resolved to have no society with the Church of Rome upon any condition whatsoever, and that it would be my undoing, if those my Letters should come to your Majesties hands, or of those that bare the sway, I began to despaire of my returne into England, un­lesse I would overthrow both the health of my bo­dy and the quiet of my mind, and either utterly damne my own soule, or greatly indanger not only my living and credit, but my life it selfe also, by reason of your Majesties displeasure, and the severi­ty of the Statutes made, and in force against Ca­tholikes, and Catholike Religion.

16. There is a Statute in England, made by King Henry, the 8. to make him supreme head of the Church in spirituall and Ecclesiasticall Causes, which Statute injoynes all the Subjects of Eng­land, on paine of death, to believe and to sweare they do believe that it is true. And yet all the world knowes, if King Henry the 8. could have gotten the Pope to divorce Q. Katherine, that he might marry Anne Boleigne, that Statute had never been made by him, and if that Title had not enabled the King to pull down Abbeyes and Religious Houses, and give them to Lay-men, the Lords and Commons of that time would never have suffered such a Sta­tute to be made. This Statute was continued by Q. Elizabeth, to serve her own turne, and it is con­firmed by your Majesty to satisfie other men. And yet your Majesty yeelds the Church of Rome to be the Mother Church, and the Bishop of Rome to be the chiefe Bishop or Primate of all the Westerne [Page 13] Churches, which I doe also verily believe, and therefore I do verily thinke he hath, or ought to have some spirituall Jurisdiction in England. And although in my younger daies, the fashion of the world made me swear, as other men did (for which I pray God forgive me) yet I ever doubted, and am now resolved that no Christian man can take that .i. Of Su­premacy. Oath with a safe conscience, neither will I ever take it, to gaine the greatest preferment in the world.

17. There is another Statute in England, made by Q. Elizabeth, and confirmed by your Majesty, which makes it death for any Englishman to be in England, being made a Priest by authority deri­ved, or pretended to be derived from the Bishop of Rome; I cannot believe that I am a Priest at all, unlesse I be made by authority derived from Gre­gory the great, from whence all the Bishops in Eng­land have their being, if they have any being at all.

18. There is another Statute in like manner made and confirmed, that it is death to be reconci­led by a Catholike Priest to the Church of Rome; I am perswaded that the Church of Rome is our Mother Church, and that no man in England can be saved, that continues wilfully out of the visible unity of that Church, and therefore I cannot chuse, but perswade the people to be reconciled thereunto, if possibly they can.

19. There is another Statute in like manner, made and confirmed, that it is death to exhort the people of England to Catholike Romane Religion, I am perswaded that the Religion prescribed, and practised by the Church of Rome is the true Catho­like Religion, which I will particularly justifie; and [Page 14] make plaine from point to point, if God give time and oportunity, and therefore I cannot chuse but perswade the people thereunto.

It may be these are not all severall Statutes, some of them may be members of the same, (for I have not my bookes about me to search) but I am sure all of them do make such felonies and treasons, as were the greatest vertues of the Primitive Church, and such as I must needs confesse my selfe, I cannot chuse if I live in England, but indeavour to be guilty of, and then it were easie to find Puritanes e­nough to make a Jury against me, and there would not want a Justice of Peace to give a sentence, and when they had done, that which is worse then the persecution it selfe, they would all sweare solemnly that Doctor Carier was not put to death for Catho­like Religion, but for Felony and Treason. I have no hope of protection against the cruelty of those Lawes, if your Majesty be resolved upon no condi­tions whatsoever, to have any society at all, or communion with the Church of Rome. And there­fore whilst the case so stands, I dare not returne home againe. But I cannot be altogether out of hope of better newes before I die, as long as I do believe that the Saints in heaven do rejoyce at the conver­sion of a sinner to Christ, and do know that your Majesty by your birth, hath so great an interest in the Saints of heaven, as you shall never cease to have, untill you cease to be the son of such a mo­ther, as would rejoyce more then all the rest for your conversion. Wherefore I assure my selfe that she with all the rest doe pray that your Majesty before you die, may be Mili­tant in the Communion of that Church, wherein they are Triumphant.

And in this hope I am gone before to joyne my prayers with theirs in the unity of the Catholike Church. And do humbly pray your Majesty to pardon me for doing that which was not in my power to avoid; and to give me leave to live, where I hope shortly to die, unlesse I may hope to do your Majesty service, and without the prejudice of any honest man in England, to see some unity be­twixt the Church of England, and her mother the Church of Rome. And now having declared the meanes of my conversion to Catholike Religion, I will briefly also shew unto you the hopes I have to do your Majesty no ill service therein.

CHAP. II. The hopes I have to doe your Majestie no ill service in being Catholike.

MY first hope that your Majesty will accept of that for the best service I can do you, which doth most further the glory of our Blessed Saviour, and my own salvation. Indeed there are Kingdomes in the world, where the chiefe care of the Governor is, Non quàm bonis, sed quàm subditis regnent: such were the heathen Kingdoms which S. Augustine describes (in his 2. de Civit. Dei, cap. 20.) In such Common-wealths the way to be good Subjects is not to be good men, but to serve the times and the turns of them that beare the sway whatsoever they are. But if it be true, (as some holy & learned Fathers teach) that in a well-ordered Government there is, cadem faelicitas unius hominis, ac totius civitaiis, then I am sure that it must follow, that in a Common­wealth truly Christian there is, eadem virtus boni [Page 16] viri, ac boni Civis. And therefore being a Mini­ster and Preacher of England, if I will rather serve your Majesty then my self, and rather procure the good of your Kingdome then my own prefer­ment, I am bound in duty to respect and seek for those things above all other, that may advance the honour of God, and the salvation of my own soule, and the soules of those who do any way belong to my charge; and being sufficiently resolved, that nothing can more advance the honour of our Sa­viour and the common salvation, then to be in the unity of his Church, I have done you the best ser­vice I could at home, by preaching peace and re­conciliation, and being not able for the malice of the times, to stand any longer in the breach at home, I think it safest in this last cast to look to mine own game, and by my daily Prayers and dying, to doe your Majestie the same service in the unity of the Church, which by my daily preaching and living, I did indeavour to do in the midst of the Schisme.

2. And though it be sufficient for a man of my profession, to respect only matters of heaven, and of another world, yet because this world was made for that other, I have not regarded my owne e­state, that I might respect your Majesties therein, and after long and serious meditation, which Reli­gion might most honour your Majesty even in this world, I have conceived undoubted hope that there is no other Religion that can procure true honour and security to your Majesty, and your Posterity in this world, but the true Catholike Romane Religi­on, which is the very same, whereby all your glori­ous Predecessors have been advanced and protected on earth, and are everlastingly blessed in heaven.

3. The first reason of my hope is, the promise of [Page 17] God himselfe to blesse and honour those, that blesse his Church and honour him, and to No question but this will come home in the end to the Church-Pro­phaners of our times. curse and confound those that curse his Church, and dishonour him, which he hath made good in all ages. There was never any Man, or City, or State, or Em­pire so preserved and advanced, as they that have preserved the unity and advanced the prosperity of the Church of Christ; nor ever any been made more miserable and inglorious, then they that have dishonoured Christ, and made havock of his Church by Schism and Heresie.

4. If I had leisure and bookes, it were easie for me to inlarge this point with a long inumeration of particulars. But I think it needlesse, because I can­not call to mind any example to the contrary, ex­cept it be the State of Q. Elizabeth, or some one or two other, lately fallen from the unity of the Ca­tholike Church, or the State of the great Turk, that doth still persecute the Church of Christ, and yet continues in great glory in this world. But when I consider of Q. Elizabeth, I find in her many singu­larities; she was a woman, and a Maiden Queen, which gave her manie advantages of admiration, she was the last of her race, and needed not care what became of the world after her owne daies were en­ded. She came upon the Remainders of Devotion and Catholike Religion, which like a Bowle in his course, or an Arrow in his flight, would go on for a while by the force of the first mover, and she had a practise of maintaining warres among her neigh­bours (which became a woman well) that she might be quiet at home. And whatsoever prosperity or [Page 18] honour there was in her daies, or is yet remaining in England, I cannot but ascribe to the Church of Rome, and to Catholike Religion, which was for many hundred yeares together, the first mover of that Government, and is still in every setled Kingdome, and hath yet left the steps, and shadow thereof behind it, which in all likeli­hood cannot continue many yeares without a new supply from the fountain.

5. As for the honor and greatnesse of the Turke, and other Infidells, as it reacheth no farther then this life, so it hath no beginning from above this world; and if we In Luc. 4. & alibi. may believe S. Ambrose, those honors are conferred rather by Gods permis­sion, then by his donation, being indeed ordained, and ordered by his providence, but for the sins of the people, conferred by the Prince that rules in the ayre. It is true, the Turkish Empire hath now con­tinued a long time, but they have other principles of State to stand upon. The continuall Guard of 100000. Souldiers, whereof most of them know no parents, but the Emperor. The Tenure of all his Subjects, who hold all in capite ad voluntatem Do­mini, by the service of the sword, their injoyned si­lence, and reverence in matters of Religion, and their facility in admitting other Religions, as well as their owne to the hope of salvation, and to tole­rate them, so that they be good Subjects.

These and such like are principles of great im­portance to increase an Empire, and to main­taine a Temporall State. But there is no State in Christendome that may indure these principles, un­lesse they meane to turne Turks also, which al­though some be willing to do, yet they will neither [Page 19] hold in Capite, nor hold their peace in Religion, nor suffer their King to have such a guard about him, nor admit of Catholike Religion so much as the Turk doth.

6. It is most true, which I gladly write, and am ready, with all the honour I can of your Majesty, to speak, that I thinke there was never any Catholike King in England, that did in his time more im­brace and favour the true bodie of the Church of England, then your Majesty doth that shadow thereof, which is yet left, and my firm hope is, that this your desire to honour our Blessed Saviour in the shadow of the Church of England, will move him to honour your Majesty so much as not to suffer you to die out of the body of his true Catholike Church, and in the mean time to let you understand that all honour that is intended to him by Schisme & Heresie doth redound to his great dishonour, both in respect of his Reall, and of his Mysticall Body.

7. For his Reall Bodie it is not as the Ubiquita­ries would have it every where, as well without the Church as within, but only where himselfe would have it, and hath ordained that it should be, and that is onely amongst his Apostles and Dis­ciples, and their Successors in the Catholike Church, to whom he delivered his Sacraments, and promised to continue with them untill the worlds end; So that though Christ be present in that Schisme, by the power of his Deity, (for so he is present in hell also) yet by the grace of his humanity, (by participation of which grace onely there is hope of salvation) he is not present there at all, except it be in corners and prisons, and places of persecution. And therefore whatsoever ho­nour is pretended to be done to Christ in Schisme [Page 20] and Heresie, is not done to him, but to his utter e­nemies.

8. And for his mysticall Body, which is his Church and Kingdome, there can be no greater di [...]honor done to Christ, then to maintain schisme and dissen­tion therein. What would your Majesty think of a­ny Subjects of yours, that should go about to raise civill dissention or warres in your Kingdome, and of those that should f [...]ster, and adhere unto such men? It is the fashion of all Rebells when they are in Armes, to You know who have done so of late. pretend the safety of the King, and the good of the Countrey; but pre­tend what they will, you cannot account such men any better then Traytors. And shall we beleeve that our B. Saviour, the King of Kings, doth sit in heaven, and either not see the practises of those, that under colour of serving him with Reformation, do nothing else, but serve their owne turnes, and distract his Church, that is his Kingdome on earth, with sedition? Or shall we think that he will not in time revenge his wrong? Verily he sees it, and doth regard it, and will in time revenge it.

9. But I hope and pray, that he may not revenge it upon you, nor yours, but rather that he will shew, that your desire to honour him, is accepted of him, and therefore will move you to honour your selfe, and your posterity, with bestowing the same your favour upon his Church in the unity thereof, which you do now bestow in the Schisme, and that he will reward both you and yours for the same, according to his promise, not only with everlasting glory in heaven, but also with long continued temporall ho­nour and security in this world. And this is the [Page 21] first reason of my hope, grounded upon the pro­mise of God.

The second Reason of my hope, that Catholike Religion may be a great meanes of honour and se­curity, to your Majesties posterity, is taken from the consideration of your neighbours, the Kings and Princes of Christendome; among whom there is no State ancient, and truly honourable, but only those that are Catholike. The reason whereof I take to be, because the Rules of Catholike Religi­on are eternall, universall, and constant unto them­selves, and withall so consonant unto Majestie and greatnesse, as they have made and preserved the Ca­tholike Church most reverent and venerable throughout the world for these 1600. yeares, and those Temporall States that have been conforma­ble thereunto, have been alwaies most honourable, and so are like to continue, untill they hearken unto Schisme. And as for those that have rejected and opposed the Rules of Catholike Religion, they have been driven in short time to degenerate, and become either tyrannicall or popular; your Majestie, I know doth abhor Tyranny, but if Schisme and Heresie might have their full swing cover the Seas, the very shadow and Reliques of Ma­jesty in England, should be utterly God grant this prove not too true. de­faced and turned into Helvetian, or Belgian popularity: For, they that make no conscience to prophane the Majesty of God and his Saints, in the Church, will, after they feel their strength, make no bones to violate the Majesty of the King, and his Children in the Common-wealth.

10. I know well that the Puritanes of England, the Huguenots of France, and the Gueses of Germa­ny, [Page 22] together with the rest of the Calvinists of all sorts are a great faction of Christendome, and they are glad to have the pretence of so great a Majesty to be their chief, and of your posterity to be their hope: but I cannot be perswaded that they ever will or can joyne together to advance your Majesty, or your Children farther then they may make a present gaine by you. They are One may sweare it. not agreed of their own Reli­gion, nor of the principles of U­niversall and Eternall Truth, and how can they be constant in the rules of particular, and transitory honor? where there is Nullum Prin­cipium ordinis, there can be Nullum Principium honoris; such is their case, there is a voice of Con­fusion among them, as well in matters of State as of Religion. Their power is great, but not to edifi­cation, but destruction. They joyne together only against good order, which they call the Common E­nemy, and if they can destroy that, they will in all likelihood turn their fury against themselves, and like Devills torment, like Serpents devoure one an­other. In the meane time if they can make their Burgers, Princes, and turn old Kingdomes into new States, it is like enough they will do it, but that they will ever agree together to make any one Prince, King, or Emperour over them all, and yeeld due obedience unto him, further then either their gaine shall allure them, or his Sword shall com­pell them, that I cannot perswade my selfe to be­lieve. And therefore I cannot hope that your Maje­sty or your posterity can expect the like honour or security from them, which you might do from Ca­tholike Princes, if you were joyned firmly to them in the unity of Religion.

12. The third reason of my hope, that Catholike Religion should be most available for the honour and security of your Majesty, and your children, is taken from the consideration of your Subjects, which can be kept in obedience to God, and to their King by no other Religion, and least of all by the Calvinists; for if their principles be received once, and well drunk in, and digested by your Subjects, they will openly maintaine, that God hath as well predestinated men to be Is not this now o­penly professed, by those who would have the King called to an account? &c. Traytors, as to be Kings, and he hath as well predestinated men to be Theeves, as to be Judges, and he hath as well prede­stinated that men should sin, as that Christ should die for sin; which kind of disputations, I know by my experience in the Coun­trey, are ordinary, among your Countrey Calvi­nists, that take themselves to be learned in the Scriptures, especially when they are met in the Ale­house, and have found a weaker brother, whom they think sit to be instructed in the profound my­steries. And howsoever they be not yet all so im­pudent, as to hold these conclusions in plain termes, yet it is certain they all hold these principles of Do­ctrine, from whence working heads of greater li­berty, do at their pleasures draw these consequences, in their lives, and practises. And is It now ap­pears it is not. this a Religion sit to keep Subjects in obedience to their Soveraigns?

13. Here I know the great Masters of Schisme, will never leave objecting the horrible treason of certaine Catholikes against your Majesty, which if [Page 24] the Devill had not wrought to their hands, they had had little to say against Catholike Religion be­fore this day. But I humbly intreat that the fact of of some few men, may not be for ever objected a­gainst the truth of a generall Rule. It is not the question which Religion will make all your Subjects true, but which Religion is most like to make all true. It is certaine there be Traytors against God and man, of all Religions, and Catholikes as they are the best Subjects, so when they fall to it, they are the worst Traytors. But if we will look upon examples, or consider of reasons, the Catholike is the only Religion, which as it doth duly subordi­nate Kings unto God, so doth it effectually bind Subjects to performe all lawfull obedience to their Kings, I will not repeat examples, because the an­cient are tedious, and the present are odious. But if there can be but one King named in all the world, that did ever receive honour from Calvi­nists, farther then to be their Champion or Prote­ctor, untill their turne were served, then I may be content to believe that your Majestie, and your Fa­mily shall receive perpetuity from them. But if your Calvinists do professe to honor you, and all other Calvinists do overthrow their Kings and Princes wheresoever they can prevaile, I can hardly believe that yours do It appears so now. mean any more good earnest then the rest. There is certainly some other mat­ter that they are content for a time to honour your Majesty, it cannot be their Religion that ties them to it, for it doth not tie them to it selfe. There is no principle of any Religion, nor any Article of any Faith, which a Calvinist wil not call in question and either altogether deny, or expound after his [Page 25] owne fancy, and if he be restrained, he cries out by and by, that he cannot have the liberty of his Con­science. And what bond of obedience can there be in such Religion?

14. It is commonly objected by States-men, that it is no matter what opinions men hold in matters of Religion, so that they be kept in awe by Justice, and by the Sword: Indeed for this world it were no matter at all for Religion, if it were possible with­out it to do Justice, and to keep men in awe by the Sword. In Military estates whilest the Sword is in the hand, there is the lesse need of Religion, and yet the greatest and most Martiall States that ever were, have been willing to use the conscience and reverence of some Religion or other, to prepare the Subjects to obedience. But in a peaceable Go­vernment, such as all Christian Kingdomes do pro­fesse to be, if the reines of Religion be let loose, the Sword commonly is too weak, and comes too late, and will be like enough to give the day to the Rebell: and seeing the last and strongest bond of Justice is an Oath which is a principall act of Re­ligion, and were but a mockery, if it were not for the punishment of hell, and the reward of heaven, it is unpossible to execute Justice without the help of Religion. And therefore the neglect and contempt of Religion hath ever been, and ever shall be the fore-runner of destruction in all setled States what­soever.

15. The Devill that intends the destruction as well of bodies, as of soules, and of whole States, as of particular men, doth not commonly begin with mens bodies, and with matters of State, but being himself a spirit, and the Father of lies, he doth first insinuate himself into mens understandings by [Page 26] false principles of Religion, whereunto he hath the more easie entrance, because he hath perswaded their Governours to believe that it is no great mat­ter what opinions men hold in matters of Religion, so that they look well into their actions, and keep them in obedience, which perswasion is all one, as if the Enemy that besiegeth a City, should perswade the Garrison, that they might surrender the Castle unto him well enough, and keep the base Towne, and all the people of the Towne to themselves. But when the divell hath prevailed so far, as by false opinions in matters of the first truth, that is of Religion, to get the understanding in possession, which is the Castle as it were, and watch-tower both of the soule, and body, and state, and all, he will peradventure dissemble his purpose for a while, and by slandering of the truth and pleasing them with the trifles of the world, (which by Gods permission are in his power) make men believe, that the world is amended; for, Nemo repentè sit pessimus, but shortly after when he sees his time, he will out of his Arsenal of false apprehensions in under­standing, send forth such distorted Engines of life and action, as will easily subdue both body, and goods, and states, and all, to his devotion,

16. The Calvinisticall Preacher, when he hath gotten his honest, abused, and misguided flock about him, will cry out against me for this Popish collecti­on, and call God and them to witnesse, that he doth daily in his Sermons exhort men to good works, and to obedience unto the Kings Majesty; and am not I and my brethren (saith he) and our flock, as honest, and as civill men, as any Papist of them all? For my own part I will not accuse any Calvinist though I could, neither [Page 27] can I excuse all Papists, though I would.

Iliacos intra muros peccator & extra.

But I must never forget that most true & wise obser­vation which the noble & learned Sir Francis Bacon makes in one of his first Essaies, viz. That all Schis­maticks utterly failing in the Precepts of the first Table concerning the Religion and worship of God, have necessity in policie to make a good shew of the second Table, by their civill & demure conversation towards men. For otherwise they should at the first appeare, as afterwards they shew themselves, to be altogether out of their ten Commandements; and so men would be as much ashamed to follow them at the first, as they are at the last. It is a sure rule of Policie, that in every mutation of State, the Authors of the Change, will for a while shew themselves, or pretend to be honest, rather of spite, then of conscience, that they may disgrace those, whom they have suppressed: but it doth never hold in the next generation. You shall scarce heare of a Puritan father, but his son proves either a Catholike or an Atheist: Muti­nous Souldiers whilest the Enemy is in the field, will be orderly, nor for love of their Generall, but for feare of the Enemie: but if they be not held in the ancient Discipline of Warrs, they will upon the least truce or ceslation, quickly shew them­selves.

17. And as for their exhortations to obedience to your Majesty, when they have first infected the understanding of your Subjects, with such principles of Rebellion, as have disturbed and overthrown all other States, where they had their will, it is a ridiculous thing to think upon such exhortati­ons, and all one, as if a phantasticall fellow, [Page 28] finding a herd of young Cattell in a close, should first break downe the hedges, and then cry loud to the Cattell, not to venture to go out, nor to seek a­ny fatter pasture, for fear they be put into the pound, and if they chance to feed where they are, because they have no experience of other, and to tarry in the Close for an houre or two, then the unhappy fellow should run to the owner of the Cattell, and tell him what great service he had done him, and how he had kept his Cattell in the Close by his goodly charmes and exhortations. Let them say what they list of their own honesty, and of their exhortations to obedience, as long as they do free­ly infect the peoples soules with such false opinions in Religion, they do certainly sow the seeds of dis­obedience, and Rebellion in mens understandings, which if they be not prevented by your Majesties gi­ving way to Catholike Religion, will in all like­lihood spring up in the K. Charles feels the sad effects of this predictiō. next generation, to the great prejudice, and mo­lestation of your Majesty, and your posterity. So that whether I doe respect heaven, or earth, my own soule, or the service of your Majesty, God, or your Neighbours, or your Subjects, my assured hope is, that by joyning my selfe to the Catholike Church, I neither have done, nor ever shall do any ill duty or service unto your Majesty.

18. But perhaps there is such opposition both in matter of Doctrine, and in matter of State, as it is unpossible that ever there should be any reconci­lation at all betwixt the Church of England, and the Church of Rome, of which I humbly pray your Majesty to give me leave to shew you what I have ob­served.

19. It is true, the breach hath continued now these many yeares, and it is much increased by so long continuance, so that it was never greater, then it seems to be at this day, nor ever more dangerous to deal withall; For if a man do but go about to stop it, there ariseth presently a great and fearfull noise, and roaring of the waters against him: but yet neverthelesse the greatnesse of the noise ought not to discourage us, but rather to give us hope, that although it be wide, yet it is but shallow, and not far from the bottome, as proceeding from affection, which is sudden and violent, and not from judge­ment, which is quiet, constant, and alwaies like it self; for if a man ask in cold blood, whether a Ro­mane Catholike may be saved, the most learned Church-man will not deny it. And if a man aske, whether a Romane Catholike may be a good Sub­ject, the most wise States-man will easily grant it; May we be both saved? then we are not divided in God. May we be both good Subjects? then we are not divided in the King. What reason is there then that we should be thus hotly and unplacably di­vided?

20. Truly there is no reason at all, but only the violence of affection, which being in a course, can­not without some force be staied. The multitude doth seldome or never judge according to truth, but according to customes; and therefore having of purpose been bred, and brought up in the hatred of Spaniards and Papists, cannot chuse but think they are bound to hate them still; and that whosoever speaks a word in favour of the Church of Rome, or of Catholike Religion, is their utter enemy. And the Puritannicall Preacher, who can have no being in charity, doth never cease by falsifications, and [Page 30] slanders, to blow the coales, that he may burn them, and warm himselfe.

But if your Majesty shall ever bee pleased to command those make bates to hold their peace a while, and to say nothing, but what they are able to prove by sufficient authority, before those who are able to judge, and in the mean time to admit a conference of learned and moderate men on either side, the people who are now abused, and with the light of the Gospell held in ex­treme ignorance, are not yet so uncapable, but they will be glad to heare of the truth, when it shall be simply and evidently delivered by honest men; and then they will plainly see, that their Light of the Gospell, which they so much talk of, is but a counterfeit light in a Theeves lan­tern, whereby honest mens eyes are dazzled, and their Purses robbed. And it will also appear that there is not indeed any such irreconcile­able opposition betwixt the Church of England, and the Church of Rome, as they that live by the Schisme, do make the world believe there is, neither in matter of Doctrine, nor matter of State.

21. For matter of Doctrine there is no reason that your Majesty or the Kingdome should be mo­lested, or burdened for the maintenance of Calvi­nisme, which is as much Indeed a true Protestant and a Papist are now almost e­qually odious. a­gainst the Religion of England, as it is against the Religion of Rome, and will by necessary consequence overthrow not on­ly the Catholike Church, the Communion of Saints, and the forgivenesse of sinnes, but also all the Articles of [Page 31] the Creed, saving only so much as the Turk himselfe will be content to believe, which will be easie to prove upon better leisure.

The Doctrine of England is that which is con­tained in the Common Prayer Book and Church Catechisme confirmed by Act of Parliament, and by your Majesties Edict, wherein all English men are Baptized, and ought to be confirmed, and therefore there is some reason that this should be stood upon.

But this Doctrine, in most of the main points thereof (as hath been touched before, and requi­reth a just treatise to set down in particular,) doth much differ from the current opinions and Catechismes of Calvinisme, or doth very neer a­gree with, or at least not contradict the Church of Rome, if we list with patience to hear one another. And those points of Doctrine wherein we are made to be at warrs with the Church of Rome, whether we will or not, do rather argue the Corruptions of that state, from whence they come, then are argued by the grounds of that Religion whereupon they stand; and the contradiction of Doctrine hath followed the altera [...]ion of State, and not the alteration of State been grounded upon any truth of Doctrine.

22. For when the breach was resolved upon for the personall and particular ease of King Hen­ry the eight, and the Children of his later Wives, it was necessary to give every part of the Common­wealth contentment, for which they might hold out in the heat of affection, and study to main­tain the breach, otherwise it was likely that in the clearnesse of Judgement it would quickly have grown together again, and then the Authors thereof [Page 32] must have been excluded, and given account of their practise.

23. Therefore to the Lords and In like manner the Members of Parliament, and their Adherents have now purcha­sed the Bishops Lands at easie rates, &c. Favourites of the Court were given the Lands and Inheritance of the Ab­beys, and religious Houses, that having once as it were, washed their hands in the bowells and blood of the Church, both they and their posterity might be at utter de­fiance therewith. And so having overthrowne and prophaned the good works of the Saints, it was ne­cessary for them to get them Chaplains that might both dispute, preach and write against the merits of good works, the Invocation of Saints, the sacri­fice of the Altar, Prayer for the dead, and all such points of Catholike Doctrine, as were the grounds of those Churches and Religious Houses, which they had overthrowne and prophaned. And it was not hard for those Chaplains by some shew of Scripture to prove that which their Lords and their followers were so willing to believe.

24. To the Commons was given great hope of re­liefe for their poverty, case of Subsidies, and of the burden of so great a Clergie, and many other good­ly gay nothings. And for the present they should have liberty, and the benefit of the Common-Law, that is, leave to live by such Lawes as themselves list to make, and to contemne the Authority of the Church, which although it were for their benefit e­very way, yet because it crossed their affections, like wayward Children, they could never abide it. And was not this reason enough for them to hold out [Page 33] the breach, and to study Scripture themselves, that they might be able to confute Confession, Satisfa­ction, Penance, and to declaime against all that Tyranny of the Church of Rome, whereby them­selves, and their fore-fathers had been kept in awe and obedience unto God, and their Kings?

25. To the Clergy men that would turne with the times, besides the possibility of present prefer­ment by the alteration, was given shortly after leave to marry, and to purchase, and injoy the pro­fit and pleasure of the world, as well as the Laity. And what carnall minded Monk, or Priest, would not with might and maine keep open the breach, af­ter he was once plunged in it, rather then be in dan­ger to forgo so pleasing a commodity? Hence did arise a necessity of speaking, and writing against Vowes, Virginity, Poverty, Fasting, Praying, Watching, Obedience, and all that austerity of life, which is by the Lawes of the Church required in a Monasticall, and Priestly Conversation.

26. Upon these conditions, the Lords, the Com­mons, and the Clergie, were content to believe that the King was supreme Head of the Church of En­gland, not that they did think so indeed, or that they desired to augment his authority, but that they might be protected by him, and freely injoy those commodities, So our Pur­chasers love not to hear of peace or unity, lest they should come to lose their so easie bought Bi­shops lands, & other profits. which they thought Schisme had brought unto them, and feared the unity of the Church might again take from them. Hence did arise a necessity of inveigh­ing against the Pope, and the Church of Rome, as against An­tichrist and Babylon, and the [Page 34] greatest enemies of the State of England.

Insomuch that that Clergie-man was most accep­table to them, and in their opinion most wor­thy of preferments, that could most confidently preach, and write the most foule, and monstrous assertions of the Pope, and the Church of Rome, though they were never so false. These and such like are those temporall respects, which would faine seem the daughters of those Doctrines, which themselves have brought forth, and to be divided from the Catholike Church by Doctrine, when they themselves have caused the Doctrine of Division.

27. In all these, and all other Doctrines of Di­vision, men have received great countenance, and incouragement from Geneva; For although [...]. John Calvin were never any good Subject, or friend to Bishop, Duke, or King, yet he did so fit the common people with new Doctrine, that no Gospell can be so pleasing to them, nor so light­some as his. For finding Geneva to be fallen out both with their Bishop, (who was their anci­ent Prince) and their Duke, to whom they pre­tended against their Bishop, and to be all in a com­bustion among themselves for want of government, although he were then a stranger, and a very young man of some 26. or 27. years old at the most, yet he thought good upon the oportunity to give the ven­ture, and to step in himselfe to be the founder of a new Church, and State amongst them, and for that purpose, he found them out such a Catechisme, as they might easily contemn all ancient Learning and authority, and save themselves by a strong fan­cy, which he called Faith. And this pleased the Burgers of Geneva so well, that they called a mee­ring, [Page 35] and caused all the Citizens to sweare, that that Catechisme was true, and that all Popery was false, as may appeare in Calvins life, written by Beza himselfe, and prefixed to his Epistles. And although the Ministeriall Presbytery of Geneva, hath lost much of M. Calvins greatnesse, yet the Ci­ty hath had the fortune ever since by the help of their neighbours to hold out against their Bishop, and their Duke, and all their ancient Governours.

28. Now it is the nature of all common peo­ple, especially of Islanders, not only still to These late times witnesse this truth suffi­ciently. affect more and more novelty and liberty, and to be wearie of their old Cler­gie, but also to admire any thing that comes from beyond the Seas, & to cherish, and comfort one another with reporting the good successe which Schismaticks and Rebells happen to have against their lawfull Prelates and ancient Governours, & to impute all their good fortune to their new Religion. Hence it comes to passe, that that Doctrine, which is indeed the lawfull Doctrine of the Church of England, is neglected, and contemned as a Relique, or a Rag of Popery, and Calvins Institutions being come from Geneva, and fairly bound up with the Preface of the Gospell, is dispersed throughout all Schooles, Cities, and Villages of England, and hath so infected both Priest and People, as although it be against Law, yet it is cried up by voices to be the only current Divinity in Court, and Countrey. In hope (be­like) that it may one day serve the turn in England, as well as it hath done in Geneva, and in other pla­ces where it hath prevailed.

28. These reasons, or rather Corruptions of State, [Page] have so confounded the Doctrine of the Church of England, and so slandered the Doctrine of the Church of Rome, as it hath turned mens braines, and made the multitude on both sides like two fools, who being set back to back, do think they are as far asunder as the Horizons are, which they look upon. But if it might please your Majesty to command them to turne but each of them a quarter about, and looke both one way to the Service of God, and your Majesty, and to the salvation of soules, they should presently see themselves to be a great deale more neer together in matters of Doctrine, then the Puritannicall Preachers on both sides doe make them believe they are. I cannot in the brevi­ty of this discourse descend into particulars, but if it please your Majesty, to command me, or any o­ther honest man, that hath taken paines to under­stand, and observe all sides freely, and plainely to set downe the difference betwixt Calvinisme, and the Doctrine of England established by Law, and and then to shew Locos concessos, and Locos contro­versos, betwixt the Church of England, and the Church of Rome, I doubt not but the distance that will be left betwixt, for matter of Doctrine, may by your Majestie, be easily compounded.

30. But perhaps there is so great opposition in matter of State, that although the Doctrine might be compounded, yet it is unpossible to heare of a­greement. And if there be the same reason of State which there was in the beginning, and con­tinued all Q. Elizabeths daies, there is as little hope now that your Majestie should hearken to reconcilia­tion, as there was that King Henry 8. or Q. Elizabeth would. But when I doe, with the greatest respect I can, consider the State of your Majesty, your Lords, [Page 37] your Commons, and your Clergie, I do find as little cause of holding out, in reason of State, as I do in truth of Doctrine.

31. King Henry the 8. (although he had written that book against the Schisme of Luther, in the defence of the Sea Apostolike, for which he deser­ved the Title of Defensor Fidei, yet) when he gave way to the lust of Anne Bolen, and the flattery of his Favourites, and saw he could not otherwise have his will, he excluded the Pope, and made him­selfe supreme Head of the Church, that so he might not only dispense with himselfe for his lust, but al­so supply his excesse with the spoile of the Church, which was then very rich. But when he saw God blessed him not, neither in his wiving, nor in his thriving, he was weary of his Supremacy before he died, and wished himselfe in the Church again, but he died in the Curse of his Father, whose foundati­tions he overthrew, and hath neither child to honour him, nor so much as a Tomb upon his grave to re­member him, which some men take to be a token of the Curse of God.

32. Q. Elizabeth, although she were the daugh­ter of Schisme, yet at her first coming to the Crown, she would have the Common-Prayer Booke, and Ca­techisme, so set down, that she might both by English service, satisfie the Commons, who were greedy of alteration, and by Catholike opinions give hope to her Neighbour Princes, that she would her selfe continue Catholike. And all her life long she carri­ed her selfe so betwixt the Catholikes, and the Cal­vinists, as she kept them both still in hope. Yet being the daughter of the breach-maker, and having both her Crowne, and her life from the Schisme, it was both dishonourable, and dangerous for her [Page 38] to hearken to reconcilement. And therefore after she was provoked by the excommunication of Pius Quintus, she did suffer such Laws to be made by her Parliaments, as might cry quittance with the Pope, and the Church of Rome. And this course seemed in policy necessary for her, who was the daughter of King Henry the 8. by Anne Bolen, born with the contempt of Rome, the disgrace of Spaine, and the prejudice of Scotland.

33. But now that your Majesty is by the consent of all sides come to the Crown, and your undoubted Title setled with long possession, the case is very much altered, for your Majesty hath no need of dis­pensations, nor no will to pull down Churches, nor no dependence at all on Henry the 8. and if this Schisme could have prevented your Title with the divorce of one wife, and the marrying of five more, neither your Mother nor your self, should ever have made Q. Elizabeth afraid with your right to the Crown of England. And therefore although it were necessary in reason of State to continue the Doctrine of division, as long as the fruit of that Doctrine did continue, yet now the fruit of Schism is all spent, and that Parenthefis of State is at an end, there is no reason, but that the old sentence may return againe, and be continued in that sense, as if the Parenthesis had been clean left out; and that God had of purpose crossed the fleshly pretence of Schisme, and raised your Majesty to restore it, as your most wise, and Catholike Progenitor King Henry the 7. did leave it.

34. But perhaps the Schisme though it serve you to no use at all for your Title, yet it doth much in­crease your authority and your wealth, and there­fore it cannot stand with your honour to farther the unity of the Church of Christ.

Truly those your most famous and renowned Ancestors, that did part with their authority, and their wealth to bestow them upon the Church of Christ, and did curse and execrate those that should diminish them, and take them away againe, did not think so, nor find it so: and I would to God your Majesty were so powerfull, and so rich, as some of those Kings were, that were most bountifull that way. You are our Soveraigne Lord, all our bodies, and our goods are at your command, but our souls, as they belong not to your charge, but by way of protection in Catholike Religion, so they cannot increase your honour or authority, but in a due subordination unto Christ, and to those that supply his place in iis quae sunt Juris divini. It was essentiall to heathen Emperors to be Pontifi­ces, as well as Reges, because they were themselves Authors of their owne Religion. But among Chri­stians, where Religion comes from Christ, who was no worldly Emperor (though above them all,) the Spirituall and Temporall Authority, have two beginnings, and therefore two supremes, who if they be subordinate, doe uphold and increase one another; but if the temporall authority doe oppose the spirituall, it destroyes it selfe, and dishonours him from whom the spirituall authority is derived. Heresie doth naturally spread it self, like a Canker, and needs little help to put it forward; So that it is an easie matter for a mean Prince to bee a great man amongst Heretikes, but it is an hard matter for a great King to K. Cha. knows this to be true by wofull experi­ence. govern them. When I have somtimes observed, how hard­ly your Majesty could effect your most unreasonable desires [Page 40] amongst those that stand most upon your Suprema­cy, I have been bold to be angrie, but durst say no­thing, only I did with my selfe resolve for certaine, that the Keyes were wont to do the Crowne more service, when they were in the Armes of the M [...]er, then they can do, now they are tied together with the Scepter, and that your Title in spirituall af­faires doth but serve other mens turnes, and not your own.

35. As for your wealth, it is true, that the Crown hath more pence paid unto it now, then in Catho­like times it had, but it hath never the more wealth. It is but the gain of the Tellers to have more mo­ney, true wealth is [...], he is the richest Prince, that hath meanes to main [...]ine the greatest Army, & to do most magnificent works both in war and peace, wherein the facts of your Catho­like Ancestors do appeare upon good Record, your Majesties are but yet hoped for, and if ever you have the help of Catholike Religion to assist you, I hope you shall excell them all; otherwise I assure my self, the Schisme will do what it can to make you poore, and then complaine, that you are not rich. It was indeed one of the main pretences in the Statutes of Henry the 8. that the Schisme might inrich the King, and maintain his wars, but God did not blesse it; for notwithstanding No more will Church-lands inrich this Parliament, or the Pur­chasers. all the Church-lands, and Goods, and Tenths, and Fruits, and Praemunires, King Henry the 8. was faine to abase his coine more then once, and yet he died not so rich as his Catholike Father left him. And since his time what is become of the Court of Augmentation? what [Page 41] benefit you receive of all the Church-lands, more then your Progenitors did when they were in the hands of the Clergie, what case your Subjects have of Subsidies thereby, or in briefe, how much your Coffers are in iched, you may be pleased to be in­formed by th [...]se that have to do with those offices, and can readily give you an account: for mine own part I have diligently read over all the Statutes made by Henry the 8. and do find that the Events are so clean contrary to the Prefaces and pretences of them, as if God of purpose would laugh them to scorne.

36. There is yet another objection or two in reason of State concerning your Majestie, which seem to be harder to answer, then all the rest, whereof the one is, that your Majestie hath under­taken the cause in writing, and set out a booke in Print, and it must needs be great dishonour to you to recall it. This indeed is that which I have heard the Calvinists of England often wi [...]h for, before it was done, and much boast of, after it was by means effected, that your Majestie should be no longer a­ble to shew your selfe indifferent, as you did at the first, but were now ingaged upon your honour, to maintain their party, and to oppugne the Catho­likes, and altogether to suppresse them. But there is nothing in that book, why your Majesty may not when you please admit the Popes Supremacy in spiritualls. And you are partly ingaged thereby to admit the triall of the first Generall Councells, and most Ancient Fathers. And as for the que­stion of Antichrist, it is but an Hypotheticall proposition, and so reserved, as you may recall your self when you will; and howsoever that booke came forth either of your owne disposi­tion, [Page 42] or by the daily instigation of some others, that did abuse your Clemencie, and seek to send you of their own Errand, it cannot serve their turns, nor hinder your Majesty from harkening to an end of contention. For if King Henry the 8. in the Judgement of Protestants, might save his Honour, and contradict his Book from very good, to stark naught, they must not deny, but that your Majesty may encrease your Honour by altering your Book from lesse good, to much better.

37. The other and the greatest objection, that howsoever your Majesty before your coming to the Crowne, and in the beginning of your Raigne, were indifferent, yet after the Gunpowder Treason, you were so angred, and averted, as now you are resolved never to be friends. And therefore he is no good Subject, that will either himselfe be re­conciled to the Church of Rome, or perswade any of your Subjects thereunto. It is true, I confesse, your Majesty, had great cause to bee throughly angry, and so had all good men, whether Catho­likes or Protestants: but if your Majesty will harken to those, that work their own purposes out of your anger, you shall be driven to live and die out of Charity; which although it be not so horrible to the body, yet is it more harmfull to the soule, then violent or suddain death. It is hard I confesse for a private man to asswage his anger on the suddain, and there is as much difference betwixt the anger of a private man, and the indignation of a Prince, as betwixt a blast upon the River, which is soon down, and a storme upon the Sea, which having raised the billowes to the height, is nourished by the motion thereof, and cannot settle againe, in a long time. But [Page 43] there is a time for all things; And seven yeares is a long time. When a man is in the midst of his anger, it pleaseth him not to be intreated by his neighbours, much lesse by his servants; but when a man hath chidden, and punished untill he is weary, he will be content to heare his servant speake rea­son. And though he be not the wisest, yet he is the lovingest servant that will venture to speake to his Master in such a case. God himself is ex­orable, and it pleaseth him to be intreated by his Servants for his Enemies. I am perswaded there is no good Catholike in the world, that can be your Majesties Enemy. And therefore I doe assure my selfe, that God will be pleased with you to heare them speake, and not angry with me for moving you [...] thereunto. And if your Majesty do but vouchsafe so much patience as to give equall hearing, I doubt not but you shall receive such satisfaction, as will give you great quiet, and contentment, and disquiet none of your Subjects, but those only, that do for their advan­tage misinforme your Majesty, and mislead your people.

And if your Majesty have no such use of the Schisme, as King Henry the 8. and Q. Elizabeth had, and that it doth neither increase your authority, nor your wealth, nor your honour, but rather hinder them all, and deprive you of that blessing which otherwise you might expect from Christ and his Church, from your Catholike neighbour Princes, and Subjects, and from the Saints [...] heaven, in whose communion is the great­est comfort of every Christian, both in life and death, then whatsoever some great Statesman may say to the contrary, I do verily believe they doe [Page 44] but speak for themselves, and that there is no true Reason, that may concern your Majesty, to hinder you from admitting a toleration of Catholikes, and Catholike Religion, that those who cannot com­mand their understanding to think otherwise, may find the comfort, they do with so great zeale pursue, in the unity of the Catholike Church, amongst whom I confesse my self to be one, that would think my self the happiest man in the world, if I might un­derstand that your Majesty were content that I should be so.

38. But although your Majesty sit at the sterne, and command all, yet you are carried in the same ship; and it is not possible to weild so great a vessell against wind and tide. And therefore although it do not concern your Majesty in your own estate, yet if your Lords, and your Commons, and your Clergie do reap any great benefit by the Schisme, it will be very hard for your Majesty to effect unity. But if upon due examination there be no such matter, then it is but the cry of the passengers, who, for want of experience, are afraid where there is no danger, and that can be no hinderance to any course your Maje­sty shall think to be best, for the attaining of the haven.

39. For my own part, for the discharge of my duty, and conscience, I have considered of all their states, [...]nd can resolve my self, that I have not pre­judiced the state of any good Subject of yours, but mine own, in coming to the Catholike Church. And first for your Lords and Nobles. It is true that ma­ny of their Ancestors were allowed a very good share in the division of the Church, when the Schism began, and therefore it concerned them in reason of their state to maintaine the doctrine of division. But [Page 45] I think there are very few in England, either Lords, or other now possest of Abbey lands, which have not paid well for them, and might not as well pos­sesse them in the unity of the Church; as in the Schisme. And there was a Declaration made by the Pope to that purpose in Queen Maries dayes; so that there is now no need at all to preach against the merits of good works, nor the vertue of the Sacra­ments, nor the Invocation of Saints, nor the rest of that Popery, that built Churches, unlesse it be to help the Huguenots of France to pull them down.

40. But perhaps the Commons of England do gain so much by the Schisme, as they cannot abide to heare of unity. Indeed when the Puritan Prea­cher hath called his flock about him, and described the Church of Rome, to be so ignorant, so idola­trous, and so wicked as he hath made himself believe she is; then is he wont to congratulate his poor de­ceived Audience, that they, by the means of such good men as himself is, are delivered from the dark­nesse, idolatry, and wickednesse of Popery, and there is no man dare say a word, or once mutter to the contrary. But the People have heard these lies so long, as most of them begin to be weary, and the wisest of them cannot but wonder, how these Pu­ritan Preachers should become more learned, and more honest, then all the rest that lived in anci­ent times, or that live still in Catholike Countries, or then those in England, whom these men are wont to condemne for Papists. Neverthelesse I confesse there be many honest men and women amongst them, that being carried away with prejudice and pretext of Scriptures, do follow these Preachers out of zeale and devotion to the truth, as my selfe did, untill I knew it was but counterfeit. And these [Page 46] good People, if they might be so happy as to heare Catholikes answer for themselves, and tell them the truth, would be the most devout Catholikes of all other. But most of the People were never led by Sermons; if they were, the Catholike Church is both able, and willing to supply them far better then the Schisme. But it was an opinion of wealth and liberty, which made them break at the first, and if they doe duly consider of it, they are never the better for either of both, but much the worse.

41. For wealth the Puritan unthrift, (that looks for the overthrow of Bishops, and Churches Cathedrall) hopes to have his share in them, if they would fall once; and therefore he cannot chuse, but desire to increase the Schisme, that he may gain by it: but the honest Protestant that can en­dure the State of the Church of England as it is, could be content it were, as it was, for he should re­ceive more benefit by it every way.

The poore Gentleman and Yeoman, that are burdened with many Children, may remember that in Catholike times, the Church would have re­ceived and provided for many of their sonnes and daughters, so as themselves might have lived and died in the service of God without posterity, and have helped to maintain the rest of their Families, which was so great a benefit to the Common­wealth, both for the exoneration and provision thereof, as no humane policie can procure the like. The Farmer and Husbandman, who labors hard, to discharge his payments, and hath little or no­thing left at the years end to lay up for his Chil­dren, that increase and grow upon him, may re­member that in Catholike times there were better penny-worths to be had, when as the Clergie had a [Page 47] great part of the land in their hands, who had no need to raise their Rents themselves, and did what they might to make other Lords let at a reasonable rate, which was also an inestimable benefit to the Commons. So that whereas ignorant men carried with envy against the Clergie, are wont to object the multitude of them, and the greatnesse of their provisions, they speak therein, as much against them­selves as is possible. For the greater the number is of such men as are Mundo mortui, the more is the exoneration of the Commons, and the more the lands are of such, as can have no propriety in them, the bet­ter is the provision of the Commons. For themselves can have no more but their food, and regular appa­rell, all the rest either remaines in the hands of the Tenants, or returnes in Hospitality, and relief to their Neighbours, or is kept as in a living Exchequer, for the service of Prince and Country in time of necessity. So that the Commons do gain no wealth at all, but rather lose much by the Schisme.

42. And as for liberty, they are indeed freed from the possibility of going to shrift, that is of confessing their sinnes to God, in the eare of a Ca­tholike Priest, and receiving comfort and counsell against their sinnes from God, by the mouth of the same Priest, which duty is required of Catholike People, but only once in the yeare, but performed by them with great comfort and edification, very of­ten; so that a man may see and wonder to see many hundreds at one Altar to communicate every Sunday with great devotion, and likely no day passe, but divers do confesse, are absolved, and receive the blessed Sacrament.

The poor Commons of England are freed from this comfort; neither is it possible, (unlesse their [Page 48] Ministers had the seat of Secrecie) for them to use it. And what is the liberty that they have instead thereof? Surely the servants have great liberty a­gainst their Masters by this meanes, the Chil­dren, against their Parents, the People against their Prelates, the Subjects against their King, and all against the Church of Christ, that is against their own good, and the Common salvation; for without the use of this Sacrament, neither can Inferiors be kept in awe, but by the Gallowes, which will not save them from hell; nor Superiors be ever told of their Errors, but by Rebellion, which will not bring them to heaven. These & such like be the liberties, that both Prince & People do enjoy by the want of Confession, and of Catholike Religion.

43. As for the liberty of making Lawes in Church-matters, the Common Lawyer may perhaps make an advantage of it, and therefore greatly stand upon it, but to the common people it is no pleasure at all, but rather a great burthen. For the great Multitude of Statutes, which have been made since the Schisme, (which are five times more then ever they were before, since the name of Parliament was in England) hath caused also an infinite num­ber of Lawyers, all which must live by the Commons, and raise new Families, which cannot be done without the decay of the old. And if the Canons of the Church and the Courts of Confession were in re­quest, the Lawyers market would soon be marred.

And therefore most of your Lawyers in this point are Puritans, & do still furnish the Parliament, with grievances against the Clergie, as knowing very well, that their own glory came at the first from the Court Infidell, and therefore cannot stand with the Authority of the Church, which came at the first [Page 49] from the Court Christian. I speak not against the Ancient Lawes of England, which since King Ethelberts time were all Catholike, nor against the honest Lawyers of England. I know many, and ho­nour all good men among them, and do hope for better times by the learning wisedom, & moderation of the chiefest. But I am verily perswaded that the pretended liberties of the Commons, to make Lawes in matter of Religion, doth burthen the Common wealth, and both prejudice your Majesty, and pleasure none at all, but the Puritan, and pet­ty-fogging Lawyer, that would faine fetch the an­tiquity of his Common Law from the Saxons, that were before King Ethelbert. So that whether we respect the spirituall instruction and comfort, or the temporall wealth and liberty of the Commons of England, if the Puritan Preacher, and Puritan Lawyer, who both do seek the overthrow of the Church, and deceive, and consume the people, would let them alone, there would quickly appeare no reason of their Sta [...]e at all, why they should hate the Catholike Church, that is so comfortable, and beneficiall unto them, or maintain the Schisme▪ that with sugred speeches, and counterfait faces doth so much abuse them.

44. I am therefore in very assured hope, that by my coming to the Catholike Church, besides the sa­tisfying, and saving of my own soule, I shall do no ill service to your Majesty, neither in respect of your selfe, nor your Children, nor in respect of your Lords, and Commons, and that there is no reason concerning the State in any of these, that is sufficient to disswade unity. There is only the The Protestant Clergie are now like to find this a true prediction. Clergy left [Page 50] which (if Calvinisme may go on, and prevaile as it doth) shall not in the next age be left to be satis­fied.

And there is little reason, that any man that loves the Clergie, should desire to satisfie such Cler­gie men, as do under hand favour Calvinists, and maintain such points of Doctrine, as if your Maje­sties favour were not, would out of hand overthrow the Clergie, and instead of them set up a few sti­pendary Preachers,

45. There never was, is, or shall be any well set­led State in the world, either Christian, or Hea­then, but the Clergie or Priesthood was, is, and must be a principall part of the Government de­pending upon none, but him only, whom they sup­pose to be their God. But where Calvinisme pre­vailes, three or four stipendary Ministers, that must preach, as it shall please Mr. Mayor, and his Bre­thren, may serve for a whole City. And indeed if their opinions be true, it is but a folly for any State [...]o maintain any more. For if God hath predistina­ted a certain Number to be saved, without any con­dition at all of their being in the visible Church by Faith, or their persevering therein by good works; If God hath reprobated the greatest part of the world, without any respect at all of their infidelity, heresie, or wicked life; If the Faith of Christ be nothing els, but the assured perswasion of a Mans own Predestination to glory, by him; If the Sacra­ments of the Church be nothing but signes, and badges of that grace, which a man hath before by the carnall Covenant of his Parents faith; If Priesthood can do nothing but preach the Word (as they call it) which Lay-men must judge of and may preach too, if they will, where occasion serves; [Page 51] If the studie an I knowledge of Antiquity, Univer­sality, and Consent be not necessary, but every man may expound Scripture, as his own spirit shall move him; If I say, these and such like opi­nions be as true, as they are among Calvinists in the world common, and in England too much fa­voured, and maintained, there will certainly appear no reason at all to your Parliament, whensoever your Majesty or your Successor shall please to ask them, why they should be at so great a charge as they are, to maintain so needlesse a party, as these opinions do make the Clergy to be. They can have a great many more How right this points upon the Doctrine of these times. Sermons, a great deale better cheap, and in the opinion of Calvinisme, the Clergy do no other service. They that do in England favour, and maintain those opinions, and suppresse, and disgrace those that do confute them; they, although themselves can be content to be Lords, and go in Rochets, are indeed the greatest Ene­mies of the Clergy. And it were no great matter for the Clergy they might easily turn Lay, and live as well as they do for the most part. But it is a thing full of compassion, and commiseration to see, that by these false and wicked opinions, the Divell, the the Father of these and all other lies, doth daily take possession of the soules of your Subjects, both of Clergy and Laity.

These kind of Clergy men I confesse, I do not desire to satisfie any other way, then as I have al­waies done, that is by the most friendly and plain confutation of their errors, to shew them the truth. As for other Clergy men that are conformable to the Religion established by Law, as well for their [Page 52] Doctrine, as for their Discipline, if they be good Schollers, and temperate men, (as I know many of them are) they cannot but in their judgements approve the truth of Catholike Religion; and if it were not for fear of losse, or disgrace to their wives, and Children, they would be as glad as my selfe, that a more temperate course might be held, and more liberty afforded unto Catholikes, and Catho­like Religion in England.

These Clergy-men, I am, and ever shall be desirous to satisfie, not only in respect of themselves, but al­so in respect of their wives and children, whom I am so far from condemning and disliking, as that I do account my selfe one of them, and I desire no­thing more in this world, then in the toleration of Catholike Religion, to live & die among them. And therefore I have had so great care in this point, as before I did submit my self to the Catholike Church, I received assurance from some of the greatest, that if your Majesty would admit the Ancient subordina­tion of the Church of Canterbury unto that Mother Church by whose authority all other Churches in England at the first were, and still are subordinate unto Canterbury, and the free use of that Sacra­ment, for which especially all the Churches in Chri­stendome were first founded; the Pope for his part would confirme the Interest of all those, that have present possession in any Ecclesiasticall living in England; And would also permit the free use of the Common Prayer Book in English for Morning and Evening Prayer, with very little or no alteration, And for the contentment and security of your Ma­jesty, he would give you not only any satisfaction but all the honor, that with the unity of the Church, and the safety of Catholike Religion, may be re­quired; [Page 53] which seemed to me so reasonable, as being before satisfied of the truth of Catholike Religion, I could ask no more. So that I am verely perswaded, that by yeilding to that truth, which I could not de­ny, I have neither neglected my duty, and service to your Majesty, and your Children, nor my respect and honor to your Lords and Commons, nor my love and kindnesse to my honest friends, and bre­thren of the Clergy; but rather that my Example and my Prayers shall do good unto all.

47. But that which I must trust to, when all the rest will faile me, is the service of God, and saving of my soule in the unity of that Church, which was founded by Christ himselfe, and shall continue un­till his coming againe, wherein all the Saints of God have served him on earth, and do enjoy him in heaven, without which Holy Catholike Church, there is no Communion of Saints, no forgivenesse of sinnes, no hope of Resurection unto life ever­lasting. I beseech your Majesty let not Calvins Ec­clesia Praedestinatorum deceive you, it may serve a Turk, as well as a Christian, it hath no faith but opi­nion, no hope, but presumption, no Charity, but lust, no faith, but a fancie, no God, but an Idoll. For Deus est omnibus Religionibus commune Nomen, All Religions in the world, begin their Creed, with I believe in God. But homini extra Ecclesiant, Re­ligio sua est cultus phantasmatum suorum; and er­ror suus est Deus suus, as S. Augustine affirmeth, Epist. 64.

48. I have more things to write, but the hast of answering your Majesties Commandement, signifi­ed to me by Sir Thomas Lake his Letters, hath made me commit many faults in writing this very suddenly, for which I crave pardon, and cut off the rest.

But for my returning into England, I can an­swer no otherwise but thus, I have sent you my soule in this Treatise, and if it may find entertain­ment, and passage, my body shall most gladly fol­low after. And if not, I pray God I send my soule to heaven, and my body to the grave, assoon as may be. In the mean time, I will rejoyce in no­thing, but only in the Crosse of Christ, which is the glory of your Crown. And therefore I will triumph therein, not as being gone from you to your adver­sary, but as being gone before you to your Mother, where I desire, and hope for ever to continue

Your Majesties true Servant, and Beadsman, B. CARIER.
Liege Decemb. 12. Anno, 1613.
Multum incola fuit anima mea
Cum his qui oderunt pacem; eram pacificus,
Cum loqucbar illis, impuguabant me gratis.
FINIS.

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