THE HISTORY OF THE Damnable Popish Plot, In its various Branches & Progress. Published, For the satisfaction of the present and future Ages, BY The AUTHORS OF The Weekly Pacquet of Advice from Rome.

Nil erit ulterius quod vestris moribus addat
Posteritas.—

LONDON: Printed for B.R. L.W. H.C. and are to be sold by Langley Curtiss, on Ludgate-hill. 1680.

TO Both Houses OF THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND.

Right Honourable! Honourable! and Worthy Patriots!

AFter the Gospel, in its free­dom and restored Purity, had for above a hundred years gloriously shone in our Meridian, sealed with the Bloud of Martyrs, wa­tered with the painful Industry of many thousands of learned pious Divines, as­serted by the Pens of some, and Power of several Illustrious Princes, firmly establi­shed [Page] by so many Laws passed within those venerable Walls, whose signal Pre­servation from the Gun-powder Devasta­tion, is enough to inspire every Breast that enters them with just Indignation against the barbarous Treacheries of Rome. After the Popish Errours, destru­ctive of all Christianity, have been so unanswerably confuted, their vile Practi­ces so notoriously display'd, their horrid Treasons so clearly and miraculously de­tected, who could have thought it pos­sible, that these Kingdoms should again have been in danger from the so-oft-de­feated Popelings! That ever that loath­some baffled Cause should dare lift up its bruised Head to disturb our Tranqui­lity! That those groveling Serpents should presume one more to Hiss and spit their Venome to such a perillous de­gree; or that there should be found amongst us any such indifferent Prote­stants, of so absurd irregular Appetites, as loathing the Celestial Manna, to long for the Onions and Garlick of Egypt; or that could be content not only to submit unto, but with their own hands endeavour to put about their own Necks that accursed York, which our Noble [Page] Ancestors with so much Zeal and gene­rous Disdain had shaken off!

But too plain it is, that our own over­great Security, the restless Conspiracies of those sworn Enemies of our Peace, and the Connivance and base Practices of a too prevalent Faction, have within some years past, by dark Intrigues and silent Steps, so far advanc'd their Hellish De­signes, as justly to awaken our most seri­ous Apprehensions. Their late discove­red and still growing Plots are such, and so effrontedly carried on, that we stand in need of the most prudent Councils, and the greatest Zeal, and the most active Cou­rage, to prevent the accomplishment of their Contrivements, viz. the Murder of our King, the Extirpation of our true Religion, the Violation of our Liberties and Properties, and the final Confusion and Destruction of these once-happy Kingdoms.

The main Policy of these Engineers of Hell is, to conceal their Stratagems, out­brazen their Villanies, and create a Dis­belief, or at least raise Misrepresentations of their detestable Designes. To obviate which, and possess all good Subjects with a true sense of Affairs at one entire view, [Page] and for a small Charge, we have in the following Leaves set forth a punctual Summary of their Actings, and all Pro­ceedings that have hitherto been had for bringing some of the Conspirators to Ju­stice, and to prevent the Mischiefs threat­ned by the Rest.

'Tis true, my Lords! and Gentlemen! some Prints have already pretended to give the world such an Account; but we conceive, upon impartial perusal, they will be found not to answer that End. The several TRYALS of the Malefa­ctors carefully taken, and published by Authority, are ('tis acknowledged) very satisfactory, as to the Judicial procee­dings; but besides that many other Col­lateral passages are most requisite to a true understanding of this voluminous Plot, the said Tryals (for we know not whose private advantages) are swel'd to such a price, that every honest man can neither spare money to buy, nor time to peruse them.

With pretence to remedy the latter, there was some time since emitted an A­bridgment of those Tryals, under the Ti­tle of THE HISTORY OF THE PLOT, though many cannot apprehend how it [Page] should deserve that Name, since it men­tions not one word of the Original Con­trivance, the Preparatives, manner of Discovery, and other Remarkables essen­tial to an History; but onely epitomizes the Tryals, and even of them, omits Staley's and Reading's which yet sure had some relation to the Plot. Besides, the witty Epistle prefixt, seems to drown the Popish Plot with Suggestions of an Imagi­nary one of the Protestants, no less (for­sooth) to be dreaded; and yet even the amusing people with such Stories, is no­toriously a Part of the grand Popish De­signe. And whereas it tells us, That not one material point is omitted, most Rea­ders cannot finde the substantial part of Mr. Bedloe's Evidence against Wakeman (p. 46. of the Tryal) so much as hinted at; not to mention the gross Shuffles and O­missions in p. 77. and elsewhere. So that had not the Ingenious Mr. Roger L'Estrange in a late Pamphlet, intituled, The FREE-BORN SUBJECT, been pleased to own himself Compiler of that petite History, its Author might have lain under Ill Suspitions. And yet even there he happens to give but an unhappy Reason for his undertaking that pains, viz. [Page] Because he found in the printed Tryals MANY gross Incoherences, and VERY MATERIAL MISTAKES (yet instances but One, and corrected too, as an Erratum at the end of the next Tryal printed.) Now though the Gentleman, being so well a known Protestant, meant, no doubt, very honestly, yet 'tis not im­possible a scurvy mischief may thence happen: For when our Posterity shall urge these Tryals for proof against Pa­pists (which certainly was the designe of taking them so curiously, and not a little paltry profit) how easily may the subtle Villains stop their mouths, by al­leadging from this Author, That no heed is to be given to the said Tryals, being so publickly own'd by a person of his Note and late Qualification, to be guilty of so many and such very MATERIAL MISTAKES? But the Gentleman that discovers so many Errours, may be allow'd to make some, especially since he was so perplext in the mighty business, that he assures us, That reflecting upon the Er­rours of the printed Tryals, together with the almost-inextricable difficulty of re­triving the Truth out of such a confusion of Tautologies and Forms, the Collection [Page] being so bulkie too, and the Particulars lying so scatter'd, it was next to the Work of a RESƲRRECTION, to set every part in its right place.—Free-born Subject, p. 15.

The POPISH COMPENDIUM was the next that attempted any thing of this kinde; whose Author in the Preface scandalizes the last-mentioned, by saying, That he jumpt with him in the same De­signe; and addes, That he has past by, or slubber'd over several things which the Parties concern'd may justly insist upon to be of great force in their business. This we are sure of; The Designe of this Compendium is to vilisie the King's Evi­dence, slubber over the Plot, and make people as stupid in Politicks as they would have them in Divinity, even to believe contrary both to their Reason and their Senses.

What we have here performed, or how far useful it may be, is left to im­partial Censure, and the Issue of Time: Such as it is, it humbly casts itself at the feet of this Illustrious Great Council for Pardon and Protection; for it may have need of both; though the Errours being all involuntary, may better hope for [Page] Excuse, and the End being honest, doth not much dread the Snarlings of mali­cious Slanderers, nor the Frowns of mighty Criminals.

We acknowledge your Lordships, and most of you the Honourable Gentlemen of the House of Commons, cannot but already know these matters much better than they are here related, having taken the Examinations, and had the view of many Papers and Informations before the Secret Committee and else­where, which to us were inaccessible. However, the main matters being thus couch'd in so small a Volume, may not be unserviceable to the Common People, who in their degree are not uncon­cerned to be faithfully informed of the Progress of this Hellish Plot: And so much the more grateful we know will the Book be to them, in that it is Dedi­cated to this August Senate, for whose Session they have throughout the Na­tion expressed such hearty Desires, and on whose sage Proceedings they so much depend.

Whenever it shall please our Gracious Sovereign, and be necessary for the weighty Affairs of the Publique to [Page] Assemble You, (in the midst of whom, Majesty is in its brightest Splendour, and from that lofty Orb darts Rays as Abso­lute and Formidable, as any Monarch under Heaven) may Omnipotent Wis­dome mercifully direct all your Counsels: We wait for you as for the Rain, and our Mouths are opened wide as for the latter Rain; The Blessing of her that is ready to perish waits to descend upon you. Suffer not the Ruine of the Protestant Religion to bear date under, or expire with the best of Princes: Let not the Reformed Churches throughout the World charge their Destruction on the Imprudencies or Neglects of the most Enlightened Na­tion of the Earth. May the Spirit of Prudence, Courage, Loyalty, and Ʋnity rule in your Debates; May there ever be a sweet Harmony between these Two Houses, and a dutiful Deportment of both towards his Majesty; that our pre­sent Fears may be removed, Grievances redrest, and the Child yet unborn find­ing his best Inheritance (the Protestant Religion and Liberties of an English­man) secured to him by your Endeavours, may rise up in After-times and call you Blessed.

Amen.

THE CONTENTS.

  • CHAP. I. THat deposing and murthering of Kings, Plots, Treasons, Massacres, &c. are counte­nanced, and allowed by the Romish Church, and suitable to the Practices of their Popes and Peo­ple, in former Ages, as well as the present. Page 1
  • CHAP. II. A brief Account of the many Popish Treasons a­gainst Queen Elizabeth. 15
  • CHAP. III. Of Popish Treasons against King James; and a remarkable Speech of Arch-bishop Abbot. 48
  • CHAP. IV. The Loyalty of Papists to King Charles the First, inquired into. Their Plot to murder him in the year 1640. Their Rebellion in Ireland, and Behaviour afterwards; Evincing that they were mainly instrumental in stirring up the late Civil Wars, and Cutting off that Prince. 50
  • CHAP. V. The preparatory Circumstances at home and [Page] abroad, encouraging the Papists to this present Plot, and facilitating their Designe. 80
  • CHAP. VI. An Account of Dr. Dates, how he came engag'd amongst the Romanists: The prudent Course he took to make his first Discovery to the King, and the Difficulties he met with therein. 93
  • CHAP. VII. The nature and scope of the Plot in general, laid open. 104
  • CHAP. VIII. Some Proceedings immediately following the Dis­covery, and the true manner and Circumstances of the Murder of Sir Edmundbury God­frey.
  • CHAP. IX. The Proceedings against William Staley, and his Execution for speaking Treasonable words. 130
  • CHAP. X. The Proceedings against Mr. Coleman, his Execu­tion, and a kind of Popish Prayer made to him afterwards as a Saint. 133
  • CHAP. XI. The Proceedings against Ireland, Pickering, and Grove. 135
  • CHAP. XII. The manner of Mr. Prance's coming in to give E­vidence: The Objection concerning his recanting his Information, answered. An Account of Mr. Everard's Discovery, and four years Imprison­ment in the Tower: With other subsequent Pro­ceedings. 168
  • [Page] CHAP. XIII. A Designe of the Papists to suborn Captain Bury and Alderman Brooks to swear falsly against Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe. 180
  • CHAP. XIV. The Proceedings against Green, Hill, and Berry, with Hill's pretended Speech at Execution. 186
  • CHAP. XV. The Parliament declare the Plot: The King's Evi­dence affronted: Mr. Reading's ill Practice to stifle Mr. Bedloc's Evidence, and the Proceedings against him. 198
  • CHAP. XVI. The designe of Gifford, a Popish Priest, to fire the City and Suburbs, happily discovered. The Council new-model'd. The Bill against the D. of York. 208
  • CHAP. XVII. The Proceedings against the Popish Lords in the Tower, and Narrative of the Transactions be­tween the two Houses. 225
  • CHAP. XVIII. The Proceedings against Whitebread and the other four Jesuits. A remarkable Letter concerning the said Whitebread. 255
  • CHAP. XIX. The Proceedings against Langhorne. 272
  • CHAP. XX. Mr. Jennison's first coming in, and a Letter from [Page] Caryl, alias Blunden, a supposed Priest, taken in Southwark; the form of words prescribed by Whitebread to other Jesuits for denial of the Plot. 279
  • CHAP. XXI. The Proceedings (such as they were) against Wake­man, Marshal, Corker, and Rumley. 292
  • CHAP. XXII. The Names of the four Ruffians that were to kill the King, set forth by Mr. Jennison; and some Dis­covery made by Mr. John Smith, a Priest. 310
  • CHAP. XXIII. The Endeavours to cast the Plot on the Presbyterians. The Rebellion in Scotland. The Designe against Mr. Dugdale. The Attempt upon Colonel Man­sel. The Meal-tub-discovery. Mr. Danger­field's Confession. The Proceedings against Os­borne and Lane, for scandalizing Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe. 345
  • CHAP. XXIV. Some Reflections on Popish Libels, as the Compen­dium, &c. 329
  • CHAP. XXV. The Conclusion, in a warm Address to both Prote­stants and Papists. 350
  • An Appendix: Reciting divers notable Politick Artifices for restoring of Popery; discovered in print in the year 1663, and ever since punctually pursued. With an Ac­count of some latter Occurrences, as the Commit­ment of Sir R. Peyton, the Condemnation of six Popish Priests, &c. 366

[Page 1]THE HISTORY Of the late Horrid POPISH PLOT.

CHAP. I

That Deposing and Murthering of Kings, Plots, Treasons, Massacres, &c. are countenanced and allowed by the Romish Church, and suitable to the Practices of their Popes and People, in former Ages, as well as the present.

THE scope of this Undertaking being to give the World an En­tire Account of the late detestable Popish Plot, (as far as yet hath been brought to light,) it will not be unnecessary to pre­mise something of the Principles and Practices of that Party; that the Vulgar Rea­der may not be startled in his Belief of this most impious and bloudy Designe, when he shall see and [Page 2] consider, that the same is but what the pernicious Doctrines of their Church not onely allow, but invite, or indeed enjoyn them unto; and what (by reason thereof) hath so often been perpetra­ted, or at least attempted heretofore by the Vota­ries of that Communion.

SECT. 1.

As for Principles of the Church of Rome rela­ting to Government, and the Obedience to be paid to Secular Princes, where shall we look for them, but in the Canons of her Councils, the Decretals of her Popes, and the publick Writings of her appro­ved and most eminent Doctors?

In their great and (by them acknowledged) general, Lateran Council, held under Pope Innocent the Third, in the year of our Lord 1215, it is expressly and Synodically concluded, Can. 3. de Haereticis, That the Pope may Depose Kings, Absolve their Subjects from their Oaths of Allegiance, Et Ter­ram exponere Catholicis occupandam, and give a­way their Kingdoms to Catholicks. And this is re­ceived into the Body of the Canon-Law by Pope Gregory the Ninth, cap. Excommunicamus, 13 Extrav. de Haeret.

The most famous of their School-men, Thomas Aquinas, l. 22. q. 12. Art. 2. affirms, That any man sinning by Infidelity, may be adjudged to lose all right of Dominion: and therefore so soon as anyone shall, for disowning the Faith, be judicially denounced Excommunicate, ipso facto, his Subjects are Absolved from his Government, and from any Oath of Allegiance whereby they were bound to him. Nay, another of [Page 3] their Doctors, Dominicus Bannes, is yet more hasty; for he will have the Subjects discharged from all Obedience, even before their Prince is so solemnly pronounced an heretick. His words are these: Num. 22. pag. 590. Where there is evident know­ledge of the Crime, [Heresie he means; that is, whatever the Pope and his Priests please to call so,] the Subjects may lawfully, if they have strength sufficient, [pray mark!] exempt themselves from the power of their Prince, even before the Sentence De­claratory. And this Conclusion (saith he) is followed by Cajetan, and is the more common opinion of the Thomists, who generally approve thereof.

If Kings become Hereticks, forthwith their Subjects are freed from their Government, saith Simancha in his Catholick Institutions, (a Book printed with great Approbation of Superiors,) Titul. 23. N. 11. Nay, less than down-right Heresie will serve turn to out them: for, Tit. 45. Num. 25. he tells us, If a Prince be unprofitable, (a Crime capable of a large extension) or make unjust Laws against Re­ligion or good manners, or do any thing to the detri­ment of Spirituals, the Pope may apply a fit Remedy, even by depriving such a King of his Government and Jurisdiction.

Their great Oracle, Cardinal Bellarmine, de Rom. Pontif. lib. 5. cap. 6. avers, That the Pope, as chief Spiritual Prince, may change Kingdoms, and take them away from one to give to another, if it be neces­sary for the salvation of Souls. And in the seventh Chapter, he advanceth a little further: for spea­king of Heretical Princes (as we know all Pro­testants are in their sence) he says, Omnium Con­sensu [Page 4] possunt ac debent privari suo Dominio: It is agreed by all, (all Roman Catholicks he means) That such Princes may, nay ought to be deprived of their Dominions. So that it seems 'tis the Popes duty (as well as in his power) to do it; and of all Roman Catholicks, not onely to approve there­of, but to be assisting therein.

Upon this ground, Suarez, a First-rate Jesuit, and one that was thought fit by his Party to Du [...]l the learnedest Monarch in the world, in his Book against King James, intituled, De Fide Catholic [...] adv. Angl. lib. 6. cap. 16. num. 14. speaks out more fully their Doctrine: We must know (says he) that after the Sentence Condemnatory is given against a King, by lawful [he means Papal] Au­thority, to deprive him of his Kingdom, or (which is all one) when by Sentence he is declared to be guilty of such a Crime as by the Law hath such a Penalty imposed; [as whatever they list to count Heresie hath by their Canon-Law] then he that pronoun­ced that Sentence, or he to whom it is committed, may deprive such King of his Kingdoms, even by Killing him, if he cannot otherwise do it. But then mark! how scrupulous and provident they are, that the Trayterous Murther be done methodically, and that none but Roman Catholicks be concern'd in the sacred Butchery: For thus he goes on; If the Pope depose a King, yet he may not be killed or ex­pelled, save onely by those to whom He shall commit the doing thereof. But if he commit the doing thereof to no-body, then it belongs to him that is next lawful [that is, Catholick] Successor to the Kingdom; or if there be no such Successor, or he ne­glect to do it, then the Community of the Kindom [Page 5] (provided always it be Roman Catholick) suc­ceed in that Right, viz. to Expel or Kill such Ex­communicated Prince.

Creswel, alias Philopater, sect. 2. num. 160. de­clares, Omnium Catholicorum Sententia, &c. That 'tis the opinion of all Catholicks, That Subjects are obliged to Depose an Heretical King. Nay, to drive the Nail home, he there adds, Num. 162. Prae­cepto Divino, & arctissimo Conscientiae vinculo, ac ex­tremo Animarum suarum Periculo, Haereticos Princi­pes debent Deturbare: That by the Law of God, by the most strict Bond of Conscience, and at the utmost peril of their Souls, they are bound to dethrone and drive out such Heretical Princes.

Pursuant to this Doctrine of their Teachers, it appears, Papists may lawfully, nay are bound un­der pain of Damnation, to Renounce, Resist, and Murther their Kings, whenever Excommunicated or Deposed by the Pope; and are not to account it any Treason to kill such a King after such Depo­sition: For neither is He then a King, nor are his people (being absolv'd from their Oaths of Fidelity) any longer his Subjects. Nor is it Murther: for their Supream and Infallible Judge, Pope Ʋrban the Second, hath clearly re­solved and determined it, and made it Law, Non esse Homicidas, qui adversus Excommunicatos, Zelo Matris Ecclesiae Armantur, cos [...], trucidant. Gratian, Lemma ad 47 cap. Excommunicatorum, Caus. 47. Quest. 5. That they are not Murtherers or Manslayers, who being stirred up with Zeal toward holy Mother-Church, against persons Excommunicated, do any way destroy them.

Now Simanea tells us, Heretici omnes ipso Jure [Page 6] sunt Excommunicati, de Excom. tit. 27. sect. 1. fol. 116. Every Heretick stands, and is to be reputed, as Excommunicated, if not de Facto, yet de Jure, in Law and Right: and therefore may be deposed, proscribed, and murthered. And that we may know who they mean by an Heretick, Father Creswell, in his said Book called Philopater, thus resolves the Case: Regnandi Jus amittit, qui Religionem Roma­nam deserit: Whoever forsakes or does not hold the Religion of the Church of Rome, is that Heretick we speak of, who is accursed, and loses all Right of Dominion.

Furthermore, by a Bull of Pope Paul the Fifth, dated Anno 1558, and now inserted in the body of their Law, lib. 7. Decret. tit. 3. de Haereticis & Schism. cap. 9. All Protestant Kings, Princes, and Subjects, and Quicunque bactenus à fide deviârunt, seu in Posterum deviabunt, seu in Haeresin incident, &c. Not onely all that at that time had swerv'd from the Roman faith, but all such also as should, at any time afterwards, deviate from the same, and sall into Heresie, are declared Excommunicated, and solemnly Cursed: and if they be Kings or Emperours, they are thereby totally and for ever deprived of their Kingdoms and Empires, and rendered incapable ever to enjoy them. So run the words expresly, Regnis & Imperio penitus & in tetum perpetuo sint privati, & ad illa de caetero inhabiles & incapaces. Hence it appears, that by the Tenor of this Babylonish Bull, our gracious King and his Protestant Subjects now, are as much under the cursed Cursing Sentence as Queen Elizabeth and her people were when it was first denounced; and consequently deposed, deprived, and lawfully to be Kill'd, &c. But to [Page 7] make sure work, the Curse is solemnly renewed every year on Maunday-Thursday, by reading the Bulla Coenae Domini; the words whereof are, Ex­communicamus & Anathematizamus, ex parte Dei, &c. We do, on the behalf of God, and by the Autho­rity of Peter and Paul, and also by our own, Excom­municate and Anathematize all Hussites, Wicklissists, Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, Hugonots, &c. (under which Nick-names they comprehend all Protestants) and whoever shall receive, defend, or favour them. So that if any Papist shall assist or defend his Prince, being Protestant, it appears he is by this Sentence Excommunicated and Cursed by the Pope, whom he verily believes (if he be a true Roman Catholick, and understands his Re­ligion) has right and power to do it.

A thousand other the like abominable Assertions, tending directly to Sedition and Rebellion, might be produced out of their Canon-Law, and the Works of Bellarmine, Suarez, Parsons, Allen, Cres­well, Ros [...]aeus (a Book Canoniz'd by the Pope in Consistory) and others; but these are sufficient. Nor can the subtlest Jesuit ever avoid this Evi­dence with any colour of Reason or Modesty: for here is the determination of one of their Infallible Councils, and that, confirmed by an Infallible Pope, and the concurrent Testimonies of several the most eminent Fathers of their Church agreeable thereunto; all printed with Approbation, and ne­ver judicially condemn'd, nor such their Opinions censured: for though so many Indices Expurga­torii have stifled, or at least maim'd and dismem­bred better Books, yet these pass openly abroad un­toucht, and are allow'd to be read, though the [Page 8] Bible be prohibited. And therefore, notwithstand­ing all their idle and impudent Evasions (that these are but the Sentiments of particular private men) 'tis evident that their Church holds, encourages, and is justly chargeable with maintaining these Tenets destructive to Civil Government, and en­joyning them to be believed, and (as opportu­nities shall serve) put in practise by her Chil­dren.

SECT. 2.

This will yet be more undeniable, if we consi­der the ill uses and applications of these Do­ctrines, and how frequently in many Ages they have actually been put in execution, to the great disturbance of Christendom, and embroiling King­doms in Bloud and Confusion: for never did sa­vage Bear or Tygre fill his Den with the Bones of men and beasts, as this Romish Wolf hath his Church with the Spoils of Princes; there being scarce any Age since his Teeth were grown, where­in he hath not, to the utmost of his power, made havock of their Lives and Estates. Take a few Examples.

Anno 729, Pope Gregory the Second Excom­municated Leo Isaurus the Emperour, because he would not admit of Images in Churches: and for that Crime of opposing Idolatry, forbad the pay­ment of his Tribute, and gave away his Territories to the Lombards; whereby he and his Successors lost all the Western Empire, which the Pope and the French-King afterwards shared between them. [And so they would do others Kingdoms now [Page 9] too, if they could master them.] This glorious Act of Rebellion in Gregory against his Soveraign Lord, Cardinal Baronius applauds, saying, Exemplum Po­steris dignum reliquit, ne in Ecclesiâ Christi regnare sinerentur Haeretici Principles: He left a worthy Ex­ample to Posterity, that Heretical Princes should not be suffered to Raign.

Soon after, Pope Zachary Deposed Chilperick King of France, and gave his Kingdom to Pepin, one of his Subjects and Servants, not so much (as we find the reason rendred in Gratian) for any Ini­quity Chilperick was guilty of, as for that his Ho­liness esteemed him, Tantae potestati inutilem, unfit, or unprofitable for so great a power; that is, Pepin was like (as he had reason, after such a kindness) to gra­tifie his Holiness more, and serve him better.

How lamentably and shamelesly was the Empe­rour Henry the Fourth vexed by three Popes suc­cessively? first, Hildebrand picks a causeless quarrel with him, (Confictis Criminibus, with alleadging false and feigned Crimes, say the Historians of that Age) Excommunicates him, absolves his Subjects from their Obedience, and sets up against him Ro­dulph Duke of Swaben and Burgundy, a Feudatary Subject to the Empire; sending him a Crown, with this verse engraven:

Petra dedit Petro, Petrus Diadema Rodolpho.
The Rock to Peter gave this Crown and Pow'r,
And with it Peter Crowns thee Emperour.

But for all the Popes Gift and Blessing, Rodolph miserably perisht in his Treason. However, Hilde­brand's [Page 10] Successour, Pope Ʋrban, carried on the im­placable quarrel, and unnaturally stirred up Conra­dus the said Emperours own Son, to make War against his Father; who dying in that Rebellion, another Son (who succeeded) was arm'd against him, who took him Prisoner, and forc'd him to resign the Empire. The Indignities offered to this Noble Prince, by the Romish Lucifers, have swelled divers Volumes. Amongst many other Insolencies, this was one, That Hildebrand would not Release him from his Excommunication, till on a time, in the midst of winter, he came Bare-footed to Ca­misium, where the Pope lay, and in that posture waited three days before the Gates of his Palace: nor had he scarce at last got Absolution, but for the intercession of a certain Dutchess, for whom his Holiness had a kindness.

Henry the Fifth his Son, for maintaining the Priviledges of the Empire, and Rights of his Predecessours touching the Investiture of Bishops, was Excommunicated by Pope Paschal the Second. and by him and his Successours miserably vexed till his death.

The Emperour Frederick the First was scarce ever free from the Treasons of the Pope and his Clergy; and at last to purchase his peace, was fain to cast himself groveling upon the Floor, whilst the Pope set his foot on his Neck, profaning that saying of the Psalmist—Thou shalt walk upon the Lion, and the Asp; the young Lion and the Dragon shalt thou tread under thy feet. And when the Bi­gotted Prince, to excuse that shameful servile sub­mission, was heard to mutter, Non tibi, sed Petro, I do not pay this Homage to you, but to Peter; the [Page 11] haughty Prelate sternly replyed, Et mihi & Petro; Sir, you shall do it both to Peter and me too.

The Emperour Henry the Seventh, after the Pope and his Cardinals had long opposed his Co­ronation, and instigated many Enemies against him, was at last poysoned by a Monk, (one of their Creatures) in the Sacrament. And cer­tainly, all the wit and malice of Hell and Rome club­bed together, could never have screw'd villany to an higher pitch, than these Miscreants did, by empoisoning their God, (as they pretend to believe it) on purpose therewith to destroy and Murther their lawful Sovereign.

Joan Queen of Naples was deprived of her King­dom by Pope Ʋrban, who consented to her Mur­ther. 'Tis well known how our King John was intolerably vexed and deprived by the Pope and his Agents, and at last poysoned by a Monk: as also our Henry the Second, about the death of that turbulent Traytor Becket, who had occasioned so many uproars in the State, was by Popish appoint­ment enforced to submit his Royal Back to the cruel Lashes of the Insolent Monks of Canterbury.

When our King Hen. 8. denyed, and by Law in the 24th and 25th years of his Reign, had ta­ken away the Popes Usurped Supremacy, though he and the Nation in general still continued in the Communion of the Church of Rome; Pope Paul the Third presently Curses and Damns him and all his good Subjects: for so is the Title of his Bull:—Damnatio & Excommunicatio He [...] ▪ 8. ejusque Fautorum & Complicum. The Dan­nation and Excommunication of King Henry the Eighth, and all his Adherents and Favourers. And [Page 12] so it might properly be Intituled; for therein he not only deprives him of his Kingdom and Ter­ritories, forbids him and all that should take part with him Christian Burial; but also declares him and them Eternally Damned. He likewise deprives all the Kings Children, born or to be born of Queen Anne, and all the Children of his Adhe­rents, of their Rights, Priviledges, and Goods; annuls all Oaths and Treaties made with the King, and commands all Christian Princes to make War up­on him and his people: and if they should take any of his Subjects, (who obey the said King, and dis­obey these his Holinesses Commands) then all and every such persons so taken, to be Slaves for ever to those that take them; with several other horrid Im­pieties, which you may see in Bullario Romano, Printed at Lions, 1655. Tom. 1. p. 704.

Since this, Henry the Third of France, after va­rious Treasons and Conspiracies of the Sorbonists against him, was at last, An. 1589. Murdered by Jaques Clement, a zealous young Friar; on which Assassination, Pope Sixtus the Fifth made a Pane­gyrical Oration in the Consistory, and commended the same as a most Heroick and Religious Exploit; and the Traiterous Assassinate being killed on the Attempt, a Statue of Brass was made for him, by the Command of the chief of the League; his Picture set up in Churches, & he was sometimes prayed to by the Title of Saint Jaques Clement. And to note the just Judgment of God, 'tis affirmed, that this [...]urther was committed in the self-same Chamber a St Clou, where a Council had been held, Anno 1572. wherein the horrid Massacre of the Prote­stans at Paris was resolved upon; this King, then [Page 13] Duke of Anjou, being one of the chiefest of that Bloody Cabal. See Thuanus, l. 51. and Serres, p. 789.

His Successour, the Great Henry the Fourth, (Grandfather to our present Gracious Sovereign) after by a desperate Rebellion, and Catholick League against him meerly on the account of his Religion, he found himself obliged to declare himself a Ro­man-Catholick; was, notwithstanding all that, first desperately wounded, by John Chastel, a Disci­ple of the Jesuites, and by them suborned there­unto; in memory whereof, a Pillar was erected in Paris, to the Infamy of the Jesuites, and they banisht the Realm, though not long after, by their subtilty and Interest they got in again, where their mischievous Influence hath not a little contributed towards Enkindling and Fomenting those fatal Flames which for divers years by-past have ra­ged through so great a part of Christendome; and particularly, that kindness of their Re-admissi­on did not at all abate their malice, or secure the Life of that great Prince; for afterwards, in the year 1610. he was Murdered out-right by Ravilliac, formerly a Monk, but at that time a Sollicitor; who was instigated to that divellish act by the Jesuits, as 'tis violently presumed, as well by the manner of the thing, as the constancy of his car­riage at death, and Confession that he made, that he did it onely because the King favoured Hereticks, and was preparing to make War against the Pope, which was to fight against God, &c. as also, for that he farther acknowledged, that he had inform­ed Father d'Aubigny, a Jesuite; of his intended Murder, and shewed him the Knife: but it was in [Page 14] Confession, and so by their Doctrine not to be re­vealed: and the said d'Aubigny being taken into examination, denyed that he knew any thing of it or could have discovered it if it were revealed to him in Confession, though he had never so much a mind to it: For he protested, that God had given him the Grace, that as soon as any thing was reveale [...] to him in Confession, the presently forgot it. 'Tis pity Father Garnet had not had such an excuse for his knowledge of the Powder-Treason, pretended to be communicated to him the same way.

CHAP. II.

A brief Account of the many Popish Trea­sons from time to time against Queen Elizabeth.

SECT. 1.

THE Insolencies of Popes, and Treasons of Pa­pists, re-counted in the fore-going Chapter, were all against Emperours, Kings, and Princes, that generally owned the Church of Rome; whence 'tis abundantly apparent, to all that are not wil­fully blind, That Papists of themselves, and as such, even before the Society of Jesuits was hatcht, were a sort of very dangerous Subjects, always ready, nay oblig'd to Rebel against their Princes, though of the same Faith and Religion with themselves, when ever the Pope out of Interest or humour should put them upon it; being obliged by the principles of their Religion so to do. And can it then rea­sonably be expected, that they will ever be Faithful and Loyal to Protestant (in their account Heretical) Princes; especially, now the Jesuits have so vastly improved and advanced Maxims of Treason, Mur­ther, Equivocation, &c. as if they intended to ba­nish, not onely all Obedience to Kings, but together therewith, all kind of sincere Religion, Truth, and Moral Honesty between Man and Man, out of the World? Concerning the good Affection of this Society to Protestant Princes, we may take our [Page 16] measures from their own expressions. Father Cam­pian a Jesuite, and, though Hang'd at Tyburn, about the year 1581. for High-Treason, yet at Rome reputed a famous Martyr, and stiled by Ri­badeneira, (in Catalogo Scriptorum societatis Jesu, p. 377. in Indice Martyrum) Martyr Christi inclytus, sui seculi Clarissimus; A most renowned and famous Martyr of Christ; This holy man was not ashamed to declare in print, in the year 1583. (as is attest­ed by Hospinian) That all Jesuits in the world had entred into an holy Vow and Covenant, any way to de­stroy all Heretical Kings; nor did they despair of doing it effectually, so long as any one Jesuit should remain in the World. And Father Creswel (a bird of the same feather) in his Philopater, lays down this sweet Lesson; Ita informandos quoscunque Catholicos, ut oblatâ caedis occasione nullo impedimento se dimo­veri patiantur: That all Catholicks are to be taught and instructed, that when they have an opportunity to kill Hereticks, (Kings or others, 'tis no matter) they should not spare them, nor suffer any impediment to hinder them from the slaughter.

SECT. 2.

This is their Doctrine; now let us see their Practi­ces here in England ever since the Reformation.

The Raign of our good King Edward the Sixth was but short, (whether not shortned by Popish Arts, is deservedly questioned) and he himself a minor; yet during his time there were Rebellions and Commotions in Somersetshire and Lincolnshire, for which many were Executed; then in Cornwal and Devonshire, where above 4000 were slain and [Page 17] taken Prisoners by John Lord Russel, Lord Privy-Seal: then they Rebelled in Norfolk and Suffolk; against whom the Earl of Warwick advanced with an Army, and slew above 5000. About the same time there was a great Rising in the North and East-Ridings of Yorkshire, but suppressed by the Lord President. All these Insurrections were owned to be on the behalf of their R [...]gion, and fomen­ted and abetted by Popish Priests, of whom divers were taken amongst the Rebels, and deservedly pu­nished.

SECT. 3.

To set forth all the Popish Plots, Designs, and Conspiracies against the Life and Crown of Queen Elizabeth of glorious memory, it would be ne­cessary to Transcribe a great part of the History of her Illustrious Reign; and therefore we shall take no­tice [...] of some of the most remarkable occur­rences of that kind, and the true Principles upon, and by which they were promoted.

1. As to the Original of Recusancy, and occa­sions which rendred the Law against Papists abso­lutely necessary, it must be remembred, that from the First to the Eleventh year of the Reign of that Queen, Papists generally repaired to our Churches; see the proceedings against the Powder-Traitors. p. 109. I my self, saith Sir Edward Coke, have seen Corn­wallis, Beddingfield, and others, (notorious and zealous Papists) at Church, making no doubt of Conscience to joyn with us in Prayer. But about the year 1569, Pope Pius the Fifth was no sooner seated in the Pontificial Chair, but he began [Page 18] practice to justle her out of her Royal Throne: to this purpose he employed one Bidolph a Florentine to raise a Faction here, and afterwards sent over Doctor Nicholas Morton to promote it; engaged the Spaniard to assist the Conspirators; and Cha­pinus Vitellius came privately over on other preten­ces, to observe the success, and head the Spanish Troops when they should arrive. Pursuant to these Counsels, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, with 4000 Foot and 600 Horse, ap­pear in open Rebellion, and declare for the Resti­tution of the Roman Religion; but were soon put to slight; and Sanders, de Schismate Angl. tells us the reason, viz. For that the rest of the Catholicks, because the Pope had not yet publickly denounced sen­tence of Excommunication against the Queen, so as they did not seem fairly absolved from her Obedience, declined to joyn with them; by which means they were easily chased by the Queens Forces into Scot­land, where afterward, Northumberland being ta­ken, was brought back to York, and there, faith he, happily ended his days by a glorious Martyrdome. So usual a thing it is, with these Popish Doctors, first to excite people to the blackest Treasons, and then guild over the deserv'd punishments which they suffer for the same, with that specious Title. His crafty Holiness was not insensible of the reason of this miscarriage; and therefore, to prevent the like failure, and the better to encourage all his Catho­lick Vassals to joyn in such pious Rebellion against the Queen, he early the next Spring sends forth his Roaring Bull, or Sentence of Anathema; where­in he first magnifies his own Office and Authority in these Rhodomontado's: He that Reigneth on [Page 19] high, to whom is given all power in Heaven and Earth, hath committed the One, Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church, (out of which there is no Salva­tion) to One alone on Earth, viz. to the Prince of the Apostles, Peter, and to Peters Successour the Bishop of Rome, to be governed in plenitude of power, &c. Sanders 3. de Schism. Angl. p. 368. Then having railed a while most Apostolically, and called that incomparable Princess Flagitiorum serva, the slave of wickedness and villanies, he proceeds to Curse her in these words: Therefore supported with his Authority who was pleased to place us (though unable for so great a burthen) in this Supreme Throne of Ju­stice, out of the plenitude of Our Apostolick power, We do declare the aforesaid Elizabeth, (being an He­retick and favourer of Hereticks) and all her Adhe­rents, to have incurred the Sentence of Anathema, and to be cut off from the unity of Christs Body; and by the Authority of these Presents, We do deprive the said Elizabeth of her pretended Right to the King­dom, and of all Dominion, Dignity, and Priviledge whatsoever: And We do Absolve all the Nobles, Subjects and People of the said Kingdoms, and all others who have in any sort sworn unto her, from such Oath or Oaths; and all manner of Duty, Fidelity, and Obedience; and do forbid and command them, and every of them, that they presume not to obey her, [...] her Commands and Laws: those that shall do other­wise, to be lyable to the some Curse. Id. Ibid. This Bull towards the end of May 1570. was brought over, and fixed on the Gates of the Bishop of Londons Palace, by one John Felton; and Copies of the same sent to the aforesaid Bidolph, to be disper­sed throughout England. Then, and not till then [Page 20] it was, that those inclinable to the Romish Super­stitions, did presently refrain our Churches, would no longer hear the established Divine Service, nor have any more Society with us in Prayer; so that Reeusancy (so called from their refusing to come to Church, which as the word was scarce known till this time, so was it not specially or particularly pu­nished by any Law, till afterwards in the Twenty third year of the Queen) was not in them at first, nor can be now, for Religion, but for acknowledg­ing of, and stickling for the Popes usurping power. They absent themselves from our Churches, not because there is any thing there transacted in it self unlawful, or prohibited by the Word of God, for then they ought always to have kept away, but because the Pope, (in opposition to the Law of God, enjoyning both Obedience to our Gover­nours, and Charity and Brotherly Communion amongst each other) has forbidden them so to do: and this unrighteous siding with the Pope, against their lawful Sovereign, hath been the main founda­tion of all their Treasonable and Rebellious practi­ces, that have ensued from thence to this very day

2. Soon after this Anathema, Bidolph by the Popes Order having distributed amongst the Confede­rates, one hundred and fifty thousand Crowns, (as we are informed by Catena, who wrote that Popes Life, and was Secretary to his Nephew Cardina [...] Alexandrino) returned to give his Holiness an ac­count how far all things were ready, and by him is sent away to engage the King of Spain; offe­ring, if need should be, to expose all the Treasures of the Apostolick See, and even pawn the Chalices Crucifixes, and Sacred Vestments, to carry on so ho­ly [Page 21] an Enterprize. But whilst Spain was preparing for the Invasion, it pleased God to discover the whole Plot, by a Messengers being intercepted with Letters to the Queen of Scots, the Spanish Am­bassador, the Duke of Norfolk, (who was drawn into the Conspiracy by some under-hand promises, or hopes of Marrying the said Scotish Queen) and others, whereby all their Project was blasted, Norfolk seized, Tryed, found guilty, and some time after Beheaded.

Pope Pius Quintus, (whom Queen Elizabeth was wont to call Impius intus) died about the year 1572. Gregory the Thirteenth succeeded him, as in his Popedom, so in his endeavours to disturb Englands Tranquillity; which he was first for gi­ving away to Don John of Austria, base Brother to the King of Spain, and by him substituted Go­vernour of the Low Countries; but he being snatcht away by Death, another intrigue is carried on between the Pope and that King himself, the one providing Men, the other Money: England and Ireland are both to be Invaded at once, the latter by Forces under the Command of Tho. Stukeley an English Fugitive, whom the Pope had made Marquiss, Earl, Viscount, and Baron, (so pro­digal he was of his Honours) of several eminent places in that Kingdom. But Stukely in his Voyage from Italy, diverting to assist Sebastian King of Portugal in his Expedition in Africk against the Moors, was with most of his men slain, in that memorable Battle, where Three Kings were cut off in one day, Anno 1578.

But notwithstanding this discouragement, next year one James Fitz-Morice was sent into Ireland, [Page 22] with some Troops from Spain; and from the Pope, our late-cited Author Saunders, in the qua­lity of his Legate, and with a Consecrated Ban­ner; which were re-inforced in the year 1580. with 700 Italian and Spanish Souldiers, under one San Joseph, who likewise brought some Money and Arms for 5000 Irish; on whom, the better to encourage them in Rebellion, his Holiness be­stowed his Apostolical Benediction, and sent them a Bull, reciting, That whereas he had of late years by his Letters, exhorted them to the recovery of their Liberty, and Defence of it against the Hereticks, &c. and that they might more cheerfully do it, had grant­ed to all such as should be any ways assisting therein, a plenary Pardon and Forgiveness of all their sins: He now furthermore grants to all such, whom he ex­horts, requires, and urges in the Lord, to assist a­gainst the said Hereticks, the same plenary Indul­gence and Remission of their sins, which those who fight against Turks and Infidels do obtain. [Vide Hi­stor. Cathol. Hibern.] Though how much greater or more effectual that is, or can be, than a plenary Pardon of all sins, which he had promised them before, we do not readily apprehend; but it seems his Infallibility-ship did imagine that expression would be more taking amongst the Irish: nor did he onely egg them on with such fair words, but promised a Crusado, and to bestow, rather then fail, a Million of Crowns in the Expedition: but still all was blasted; for these Italians with their Irish Confederates, and whole Party, were happi­ly routed by the Queens Troops, at the very in­stant when divers Ships were at Sea to bring them more Forces and Assistance; and Sanders [Page 23] the Popes Legate miserably perished for hunger in the Woods, and (as some say) distracted and ra­ving mad, upon the ill success of this hopeful Rebellion.

SECT. 4.

Besides these open Secular Forces of Spain and Rome, the Pope about this time employed another Spiritual sort of Militia to promote his designs, viz. the Seminaries, who now began to swarm in great numbers, thereby laying then such a ground-work for future disturbances, not onely to Queen Elizabeth, but even to all her Succes­sours, and to this Nation, and the Protestant Re­ligion in general, that hitherto it hath wrought, and is still working by undermining restless Policies and Projects; the dangerous effects whereof we feel at this day, in this late discovered Plot, and so are like to continue, to all successive Generations, as long as the Seminaries and Jesuitism remain in the World, whose Trade and Business it is, to en­courage themselves and others in Mischiefs; or, (in the phrase of the Psalmist) To commune a­mongst themselves, how they may privily lay snares. The first of these Nests of Treason, or Randesvou­zes of Rebellion, was erected at Doway, in the year 1568. the English Fugitive Priests assembling themselves there by the design of William Allen, (the most learned amongst them) and living toge­ther in a common Colledge-like Discipline, the Pope allowing them an Annual Pension. Soon af­ter, another like Seminary was establisht at Rheims, by the bloody Guises, the Queen of Scots Kins­men; [Page 24] a third at Rome by Pope Gregory the Thir­teenth; and afterwards a fourth at Valledolid in Spain. That there might never want a successive Generation of men of corrupt minds, heady, high­minded, despisers of Dominion, Idolatrous and Trai­terous Priests, to poison England with their false Doctrines and pernicious Principles.

And because the before-mentioned Bull of Pius the Fifth had not yet sufficiently produced its intended effects, even with many Papists them­selves, who seeing the Neighbour Popish Princes and States not to forbear their wonted Negotiati­ons with the Queen, continued still in their Obe­dience to her, and were displeased at the said Bull, as a mischievous Snare, putting them upon this miserable Dilemma, either to be Executed for Treason against the Queen if they did resist, or be accursed by their Holy Father if they did obey her; therefore, for their satisfaction, and to extricate them out of that Labyrinth wherein they were thus involved, an Expedient was found out, and afterwards re-inforced by Pope Gregory the Thir­teenth, viz. A Decree, or Explanation, That the Bull aforesaid should always oblige Elizabeth and the Hereticks, but not the Catholicks, Rebus sic stantibus, whilst affairs remained in that posture, but that they might render their outward obedi­ence to her, Ad redimendam vexationem, & ad ostendendam externam obedientiam, donec publica Bullae Execretio fieri possit: To prevent their being troubled, for so long onely, until they might get into strength suf­ficient to put the said Bull publickly into execution. See Thuan. l. 74. and Camden, An. 1580.

[Page 25] And to the end that the same might in due time be effectually executed, Missions are daily made of the before-mentioned Seminarists, in dis­guised Habits, into England, to dispose Popish Subjects to Rebellion, and prepare a Party to joyn the Spaniard at his designed Invasion: and these Emissaries were to deal with people in their secret Confessions, and Absolve them particularly in pri­vate, from their Allegiance and Obedience to the Queen, so clandestinely, that one should not know of the others Engagements, which that Bull had done too openly and in general. The Doctrines spread, and every where inculcated by these A­gents in those days, are specified by that judicious pair of Historians, the Learned Camden, in Anno 1581. and the noble Thuanus, l. 74. to be as fol­low, viz. That all Princes not professing the Roman-Catholick Faith, have lost their Title and Royal Authority; and when once Excommunicated, are not to be obeyed, but ejected out of their Kingdoms; which to do, was a work of Duty and Merit. That the Clergy were exempt from the Jurisdiction of Se­cular Princes, not bound by their Laws. That the Pope had the chief and full Power and Authority over all throughout the World, even in Civil matters, in or­der unto Spirituals, and as far as might be conducive to the good of the Church. That the Magistracy of England was unlawful, and consequently Null. And that whatever since the Bull of Pius the Fifth published, had by the Queens Authority been transact­ed, was by the Law of God to be reputed altogether void, &c. When these pernicious Principles, in­dustriously sown and cultivated, had taken Root in prejudiced minds, there soon followed rank fruits [Page 26] of Treason and Rebellion, in desperate Attempts and Resolutions to Kill the Queen. As first by So­mervil, in the year 1583. who being Condemned with Hall a Priest, and others his Accomplices by him detected, was three days after found strang­led in the Prison; for fear, as was rationally con­jectured, le [...]t he should have discovered more of the gang. Then William Parry, a Doctor of Law, undertook it the next year, encouraged by Palmius a Jesuit, Ragazonius the Popes Nuncio in France, Cardinal Como, and the Pope himself; who sent him his Blessing and Pardon of all his Sins, as ap­pears in Thuanus, lib. 79. All which the said Par­ry confessed, producing the Letter from the Pope, written by Cardinal Como, and was for such his Traiterous Attempt Executed in March, 158 [...].

Soon after, John Savage, being perswaded by se­veral Priests that it was meritorious to cut off Ex­communicated Princes, and Martyrdom to die in such an Adventure, made a Vow to Assassinate the Queen. And anno 1586, (as if every year must be guilty of a new bloudy Treason) Mr. Anthony Babington, a very personable young Gentleman, and well-descended, espouses the like Resolve on the same Principles, re-enforc'd with other Collateral hopes, if he escaped the danger, suggested by Fa­ther Ballard a Jesuit; who not onely urg'd the lawfulness and merit of the Action, and a Crown of Glory, and everlasting Fame thereby to be ac­quired; but also not obscurely insinuated, that he might thereby render himself not unworthy a Royal Match with the Queen of Scots, by so ad­vantagious a piece of service: A most tempting Charm to a youthful ambitious minde. Which [Page 27] business the same Thuanus (a Catholick Author of unquestionable Veracity) tells us, was trans­acted with Mendoza the Spanish Embassador, pro­mising to second it with a Forreign Army; for ob­taining which, Paget, a Gentleman of an Honou­rable Family, was sent on a Negotiation into Spain; whereby all things being provided, both at home and abroad, St. Bartholomews day, as luckily ominous for the succesful Massacre at Paris, was agreed upon for giving the fatal blow; and a Project framed of making an Association, under pre­tence of fear of the Puritans, who were to bear the odiu [...] of the Murther: but before that Festi­val, the Conspiracy had taken Air, and both Bal­lard, Babington, and others, being apprehended, on their own Confessions were Convicted, and Exe­cuted on the Twentieth of September: yet so eager­ly were they set upon designs of Blood, that but in January following, L'Aubaspinaeus the French Lie­ger Embassadour here, a person entirely devoted to the Guistan Faction, did by his Secretary tempt William Stafford, a Gentleman likewise of a Noble Family, with mighty promises, to undertake the same Murder; but he declining so horrid a villa­ny himself, recommended one Moody as a fit in­strument, who in Consultation about the manner of doing it, proposed the laying a Bag of Gun-powder under the Queens Bed-chamber, and secret­ly to give fire to it: (whence we may observe, that the famous Fifth of November was not the first Popish Treason of that kind;) but this being divul­ged by Stafford, the said Ambassadors Secretary, endeavouring to fly home to France, was taken, and upon strict examination confest the whole [Page 28] Intrigue; the indulgent Protection of Heaven still miraculously bringing to light all their dark and cruel Machinations against the Life of this Pious and unparallel'd Princess.

SECT. 5.

The common excuse which Papists make for all the before-mentioned Treasons against Queen Elizabeth, is, to pretend her Illegitimate; and that what they did, was to advance the juster Ti­tle of Mary Queen of Scots, great Grandmother to our present Soveraign. Thus in their Apology publisht soon after their Burning of London, speaking of these pranks, they say: It was a question har­der than that of York and Lancaster, who had most right, Queen Elizabeth or Mary Stuart: for since the whole Kingdom had Crowned and sworn Allegiance to Queen Mary, they had owned her Lagitimate Daugh­ter to Henry the Eighth; and therefore it was thought necessarily to follow by many, That if Mary was the true Child, Elizabeth was the Natural; which must then give way to the thrice-Noble Queen of Scots. And a little after, 'Twas for the Royal House of Scotland that we suffered in those days, and 'tis for the same Illustrious Family we are ready to hazard all, &c. But this is a most false, though subtle insi­nuating pretence; and were not impudence a neces­sary virtue in any, that undertake to be Advo­cates for Treason, we should wonder with what face they can make this Allegation. For first, The Archbishop of York though a Papist, in his Speech at the publishing Queen Maries Death, declared, That no man could doubt of the justness of [Page 29] the Lady Elizabeths Title to succeed. Secondly, The whole Kingdom received and owned her more freely and generally than ever they did Queen Ma­ry. Thirdly, Forreign Princes and States owned her, the greatest Monarchs in Europe offering Mar­riage to her, in certain expectation of gaining the Crown by her; as Philip the Second of Spain, and Henry the Second of France, respectively for themselves; and the Emperour Maximilian, for his Brother Charles. Fourthly, the Queen of Scots herself did acknowledge her, and claimed no­thing more than to be Heir to her; and so did King James that was her Successour. The first that ever questioned her Title, was Pope Paul the Fourth, who would not acknowledge her, nor hear Sir Edward Kerne her Ambassadour, for several causes; of which the prime was, because (for­sooth) The Kingdom of England is a Fee of the Papacy, and it was audaciously done of her to assume it without his leave: [See the History of the Coun­cil of Trent, l. 5.] And then in the next place, he started her being Illegitimate, which indeed onely he had reason to do; for if her Fathers Marriage were good, the Popes power of Dispensation (one of the fairest flowers in the Triple Crown) must be naught. Fifthly, yet again, after all this, his Successour Pope Pius the Fourth, in his Letter by Parpaglia, dated the fifth of May 1560, did own her, and would have done any thing for her, so she would but have owned him; which she refusing, the next Pope, meerly for the same, Anathematiz'd and Depos'd her, as you have heard; there not being the least mention in that Bull of Bastardy, but onely for Heresie, that is, for [Page 30] being a Protestant, and refusing to truckle to the Romish See. Lastly, the Roman-Catholicks of England in general, in a large Petition to Queen Elizabeth, in the Twenty seventh year of her Reign, by them afterwards published in Print, in a Book with this Jesuitical Title: Protestants Plea and Petition for Priests and Papists, p. 39. do say and swear the words following: We do protest be­fore the living God, that all and every Priest or Priests, who have at any time conversed with us, have recog­nized your Majesty their undoubted and lawful Queen, Tam de Jure quam de Facto, as well in Right as Fact.

Wherefore 'tis evident, that their Conspiracies against her were not for any defect in her Title, but on the score of her Religion. And no less plain, that their boasted services for the Queen of Scots, were onely bottom'd on self-interest, not af­fection to her Person; and indeed, so far from be­ing of any advantage to her, that they caused the untimely ruine of that gallant Princess. Illegiti­macy, and the right of the Queen of Scots, was so little regarded at Rome, that his Holiness Pope Gregory the Thirteenth, having a Bastard of his own, James Buoncompagno, to provide for, and ano­ther of the Emperours, viz. Don John; to the first he gave the Kingdom of Ireland, and equipp'd Stukely, as aforefaid, to win it for him: to the last he gave the Kingdom of England, and gave him leave to win it for himself; and what then would have become of the Title of the Queen of Scots? They indeed made the House of Scotland their Cloke, and covered their Treasons, for some time, with pretences of gaining that Queens Li­berty, [Page 31] and advancing her Interest: but being at last out of hopes of restoring their Religion by her, or her Son, (whom they already perceived not to be for their turn) began to set up a feigned Title for the King of Spain, and employed one of their Society into England, (as is discovered by Pasquier a French Author) to draw off the Gentry from fi­ding with her, and to close with the Spaniard; and closely endeavoured to precipitate her into those fatal Counsels which hastned her end: for she being discovered to be privy to most of the former Conspiracies, and found guilty of that of Babington, was thereupon Condemned. And af­terwards, a fresh provocation being given by the said Attempt of Moody, which was found to have been designed on the same pretence, Queen Eli­zabeth by the repeated importunities of the Par­liament, (who had Ratified the Judgment) was over-perswaded to sign the Warrant for Executi­on; whereupon, she was Beheaded the eighth of February following. The Jesuits, that none of her Kindred might give her any assistance, ha­ing at the same time engaged the G [...]ises in new Enterprises against the King of Navar and Prince of Condé. And their jugling Treachery towards her is abundantly apparent from the manner of the Discovery of what she was Condemned for; the same being done by one Gilbert Gifford a Priest, sent into England to put Savage in mind of his Vow to Assassinate Queen Elizabeth, and to be a Messenger between the Queen of Scots and the Conspirators; who presently goes and offers his service to Walsingham, Secretary of State, to discover all their Transactions; so that by his per­fidious [Page 32] practice, their Letters were opened, tran­scribed, neatly sealed up, and returned to the said Gifford, who then conveyed them to the Queen of Scots, or who else they were directed unto. And this Discovery by him made, must be supposed to be done out of pure love (forsooth) to his Queen and Country; although but a little before, he was one of those very men, who instigated Savage to his Vow to Murder her. The whole conduct whereof, shews it to be a prosecution of their late-hatcht Spanish Design, by removing the true Heir apparent, and excluding the Scotish Race, to make way for the forg'd Title which they had started for some of the Austrian Fami­ly.

Which is farther demonstrated by their subse­quent carriage; for after her Death, whatever zeal they before pretended to her Title and Family, there were not the least effects, thereof shewed to her Son King James, to whom her Right devolv'd; but rather they used all Arts to put him by the Succession, as we shall shew in the next Chapter.

In the mean time we must observe, that still their Plots against Queen Elizabeth went on a­broad, by the Pope and King of Spain, in Warlick preparations both for Land and Sea-service; and at home by the Jesuits and other Emissaries, in providing for their reception. To amuse the English Council, they publish a Book, wherein their Brethren are very gravely admonished, not to at­tempt any thing against their Prince, but onely to make use of the old Christian Weapons, Prayers and Tears, humble petitions, and patient sufferings, &c. And a Treaty of Peace desired and kept on foot [Page 33] by the Duke of Parma, by the King of Spains or­der, till in the memorable year 88, all things be­ing compleated for execution; the Pope begins the Invasion with a Bull, by which, once again, The Queen is Cursed and proscribed, her Royalty and Right to the Kingdoms of England and Ireland ta­ken away; her Subjects not only absolved from their Oaths and Allegiance to her, but threatned under danger of the wrath of God, not to assist her in any wise, but to use all their power to bring her to wort by punishment. And therefore commands all Inhabitants of these Realms to joyn with the Spaniards, and be obedient to the Duke of Parma their General. And finally, out of the Treasury of the Church committed to his trust, draws out his liberality, and grants a full Pardon of all their sins, to all those that should engage in this Expedition: Which was to be looke upon as an Apostolick Mission against the Incorrigi­ble Hereticks, to reduce them to the Obedience of the Church, and execute his Holinesses, Sentence of Excommunication against that cursed Anathe­matiz'd Woman. After which, it was privately a­greed between them, That King Philip should hold these Kingdoms of the Pope in Fee, as of the Holy See, with the Title of Defender of the Faith. For the accomplishing this work, the Spaniard had Equipped the greatest Navy that ever before that time swam upon the Sea: for though there have been Fleets far more numerous, yet for Bulk and Building of the Ships, with the Furniture of great Ordnance and Provisions, never the like; consist­ing, in all, of 130 Vessels, (saith the Lord Ba­ [...]on in his Considerations touching a War with Spain, p. 41.) whereof seventy two mighty Galiasses [Page 34] and Gallions, like floating Castles. But Cicarella in vitâ Sexti V [...]reckons them 150 Ships of vast bur­then, besides an infinite number (saith he) of small Vessels. Amongst these; to let the world know it was an Holy War, as the Pope had bestowed his Benediction on the whole Fleet, so Twelve of the largest Ships were called by the Names of the Twelve Apostles. This Invincible Armado, (for so the Spanish Pride had Intituled it) was manned with Thirty Thousand Souldiers and Mariners, and furnisht with all sorts of Provision for six Months. And whilst this should (as they did not doubt) ride Master of the Seas, they had a vast Army (Fifty Thousand veterane Souldiers saith Bucon) in Flanders, under the Duke of Parma, ready to be Transported in Flat-bottom'd Boats into England, under the wing and protection of that great Navy.

But we are assur'd by Authority Divine, That the Curse causeless shall not come; the Popes Ana­theina, and Spains mighty Armade, proved equal­ly ineffectual and contemptible. Though his Pseudo-Holiness had made Philip a grant of Eng­land, he was not able to give him Livery and Seizin thereof. His boasted Navy by a few of the Queens Ships is baffled, battered, and dispersed, and almost totally ruined; God himself (whose Cause indeed it was) fighting against them by Fire and Seas, and Winds, and Rocks, and Tempests, scat­tering and destroying most of them: for, Offenso Creatore offenditur omnis Creatura: The Creator be­ing offended (as he cannot but be at such unjust, ambitious, and cruel Attempts) every Creature is ready Armed to revenge his Quarrel. In which re­spect, [Page 35] he is [...]ed The Lord of [...], so that the saying of Holy Scripture was here verified, They came forth against us one way, and fled before us seven ways, being chac'd by the English Fleer, till they were forc'd to give them over for lack of Powder. And having not so much as fired a Cottage of ours at land, nor taken a Cock-b [...] of ours at Sea, wandred through the Wilderness of the North-Seas, about all Britain, the Oreades, and Ireland, grievously afflicted with all kind of Disasters and Miseries; scarce Forty ships return­ing to their own Harbors, of all that prodigious Fleet, which had been at least five whole years in preparing, through Spain, Italy, Sicily, Flanders, &c. and had cost, as Thuanus heard the Spanish Ambassadour tell the French King, above Twelve Millions of Growns. A loss so fatal to the Spanish Monarchy, that some think it languishes under ill-Influences thereof to this very day; and a­mongst the prime causes of its declension since, may reckon that disaster.

SECT. 6.

Yet had not this signal Providence any Impressi­on on Popish Councils, but still they go on in their cruel designs, with an indefatigable, as well as implacable and most impious malice; onely finding by this Enterprize the difficulty of Inva­ding England by open Force, waved the prosecu­tion thereof, and applyed themselves to close and insidious Arts, and pitiful, base, unworthy, and unmanly practices, to trouble the Estate, and take away the Life of this Triumphant Queen. Thus [Page 36] in 1593, Hesket endeavours to perswade the Earl of Darby to assume the Crown, as descended from Mary Daughter of Henry the Seventh, pro­mising large assistance of Men and Money from the Spaniard; and withal, threatning him with sud­den destruction, if he did not do it, and conceal the business; which he honestly revealing, was accor­dingly, 'tis thought, not long after taken off by Poison, according to their Menaces.

About the same time divers persons were sub­orned and sent into this Realm, some English, some Irish, corrupted by Money and Promises, and Resolved and Conjured by Priests in Confession to Murder the Queen; of whom several were ta­ken, as Patrick Cullen an Irish Fencer, Richard Williams, and Edmond York; which two last were engaged by Holt a Jesuite, by Oath upon the Sa­crament to perform it, and he himself kissing the Consecrated Host, swore, That as soon as she was dispatcht, they should be paid Forty thousand Crowns. But amongst all these Execrable undertakings, they relyed most upon Doctor Lopez, sworn Physician of her Majesties Houshold, who was practised with by one Andrada, on the behalf of the King of Spain to Poison her, for which he was to have Fifty thousand Crowns; but the Letters from Count de Fuentes, and Secretary Juara, assuring the payment of the Money, being fortunately in­tercepted, The great service whereby should arise an universal benefit to the whole world, (for so those Letters expressed this intended Hellish Murder) was prevented, and Lopez (having not so good luck as some of his Quality since) was found guilty, and hang'd at Tyburn. As was likewise afterwards, in [Page 37] the year 1598, one Edward Squire, suborned to poison her by Walpoole and other Jesuits at Val­lodolid, encouraged thereunto by those Fathers, on the score of Merit, and promises of Eternal Salvation.

Thus we see, that for the last three and thirty years of her Reign, this good Queen was never free from one kind of Treason and Conspiracy or other; and in all of them, the Pope and Jesuits, or some Priests or others of the Popish Party, ever­more principally concerned as the Instruments; and the advancing the Roman Catholick Religion, always the end of their wicked undertakings. But neither the Popes Curses, nor the Spanish Arms, nor the Italian Arts could prevail; for this glori­ous Princess, victorious over all her Forreign and Domestick Enemies, having out-lived Philip of Spain her bitter Antagonist, Four French Kings; and Eight Popes, and having in spight of all the powers of Hell, the Plots of Rome, and wicked Machinations of men of most Traiterous, Turbu­lent, and Ancichristian Spirits, defended the Pu­rity of Religion at home, and succoured oppressed Protestants abroad, after an Illustrious Reign of Forty four years compleat, most happy in the love of her Subjects, and terrible to her Ene­mies, laden with Honours and the Applauses of good men, in peace and a good old Age, ex­changed this Temporal for an Eternal unmolesta­ble Crown.

CHAP. III.

Of Popish Treasons against King James.

SECT. 1.

AS for Popish Loyalty to King James, we may consider it, either before his coming to the English Crown, or afterwards.

1. Whilst yet he was in Scotland, and Queen Elizabeth living, besides what has been already said, we may observe, That the Papists having by various Instruments sounded his inclinations, and finding his Resolution firm to maintain the Prote­stant Religion, they (not regarding his undoubt­ed right, nor at all respecting him for the merits of his Incomparable Mother, whom their violent Councels had been instrumental to precipitate to Ruine as aforesaid) consult and use all Arts to exclude him from the Succession. To this purpose, Father Parsons, Cardinall Allen, and others, con­trive a mischievous Book, under the counterfeit Name of Doleman: wherein divers Titles are started, and 'tis laid down as a Fundamental Maxime, That none but a Roman Catholick, how near soever in Blood, ought to be admitted King; and therefore therein, by forged devices, the Title of the Infanta Isabella of Spain, is preferred before the indubitable Right of the said King James; and all the English in the Spanish Seminaries, were compell'd to Swear to maintain the same. And [Page 39] Tho. Winter, and Tesmond a Jesuit, were sent over, Anno 1601. into Spain, to manage this Design in that Court, by the Assistance of Father Cros­wel, Legier-Jesuit there.

2. In Farther pursuance of this, Pope Clement the Eighth sent privately over to Father Garnet, the then Pro [...]incial of the Jesuits, two Bulls, one to the [...]aiety, directed to the Nobles and Gen­tlemen of England that were Catholicks; the other to his Beloved Sons the Arch-Priest, and the rest of the English Catholick Clergy [...]: the effect of both was, That whoever after the death of Queen Elizabeth whether by course of nature, or otherwise, should claim the Crown of England, though never so directly and nearly interessed therein, by Descent and Blood-Royal, yet unless he were such an one, as would not onely Tolerate the Catholick [meaning Romish] Religion, but would likewise take an Oath to promote it with all [...] might and en­deavours, they should not admit or receive him for their King, but oppose his Entry and Claim with all their power. Which in plain English was meerly designed, and directly tended to obstruct King James, (though not particularly named) and Ex­clude him and his Family from the Crown. And was not this a sufficient tast of the Popes good­will, a notable earnest of the Papists Loyalty to him? 'Tis true, when the Conspirators saw him so unanimously Proclaimed, the State setled, and a Peace with Spain so far advanced, that that ge­nerous Monarch began to refuse them the expect­ed Assistances; then, and not till then, Garnet, as himself alleadged, burnt the said Bulls, and quitted the Project; but why? onely because they [Page 40] despaired of effecting it.

3. The more to prepossess the minds of the English against the said King James, that they might keep him out; or at least that themselves might have some colour for their future intended Conspiracies, if he should come in, Watson a Priest, (having some time heretofore got access once or twice to His Majesty at Edenburgh) did, with the Arch-Traitor Piercy, and others of the Popish Crew, most falsely devise and divulge a scandalous Report, as if His Majesty had pro­mised, that whenever he should come to the Crown of England, He would Establish, or at least Tolerate the Popish Religion. Than which, nothing was ever more remote from, or contrary to his Royal Thoughts. And Watson himself, but two days before his death, confessed it to be a Lie of their own forging, spread abroad meerly that they might kill two Birds with one stone, viz. bring an odium upon him from the Protestants for ma­king such a promise, and the like from the Pa­pists on pretence of breaking it. In which latter respect it took effect, though not in the former; for Sir Everard Digby at his death, and other Gun-powder Traitors made use thereof; alleadging, that they were exasperated to that horrid Attempt, because the King had not kept his promise with Catholicks.

SECT. 2.

These were the good Officer of the Pope, these the dutiful respects of the Priests and Papists paid to King James, before he was actually Estated in [Page 41] the English Throne. Whence we may judge, how little welcome they were like to afford him at his Entry; and of this, the worthy Authour of a Treatise published in the beginning of King James's Reign, (before the Gun-powder-Treason) Intituled,—A Consideration of the Papists Suppli­cation, gives us a notable instance from his own Experience and Observation, in these words, p. 3. My self can testifie, that here in Oxford, at what time His Majesty was proclaimed King of England, &c. a man might easily have traced and culled out every Papist within this City, by his extraordinary howling and sobbing for grief, that their hopes were frustrated, and their expectation all in vain; some of the simpler sort crying out in express terms, Alas! alas! How shall the poor Catholicks do now! we are all undone! we are undone! whereas all the rest of His Majesties Liege (and Loyal) Subjects, by manifold Tokens, declared their extraordinary rejoycing.

Their demeanor afterwards, was suitable to these beginnings; for soon after his arrival at London, the said Watson and Clark, two Secular Italianated Priests, wheadled in several of the No­bility and Gentry, as the Lords Cobbam and Gray, Sir Walter Rawleigh, Sir Griffin Markham, George Brooke, and others, into a dangerous Conspiracy, to have surprized the Kings Person, and his Son Prince Henry, and to keep them Prisoners in the Tower or Dover Castle, till by Duress they had ob­tained their ends, viz. A Toleration of Religion, and some other Projects; and then having ob­tained their Pardons, they were to share amongst them the grand Offices of the Realm, (just as [Page 42] their Successors, Whitebread, Coleman, &c. had lately designed) viz. Watson was to be Lord Chan­celour, the Lord Gray Earl Marshal of England, George Brooke Lord Treasurer, Sir Griffin Markham Secretary of State &c. But though several were found guilty, onely Watson, Clark, and Brooke were then Executed, and Sir Walter Rawleigh on the same Conviction many years after. 'Tis observa­ble, that Watson, though a Secular Priest, had yet learned the art of Equivocation, as well as the Jesuits; For he insisted, that this Conspiracy was no Treason against the King; and being at last put to explain himself, gave this doughty reason, That a King was no King before he was Anointed, and the Crown solemnly set on his head: and King James being not yet crowned, therefore they might lawfully conspire against him, without commit­ring any Treason.

Amongst other things which Watson Confessed, one was, that he had endeavoured to draw in se­veral of the Society of Jesuits into this Plot, but they declined it; saying, They had another of their own then on foot, and that they would not mingle Designs with him, for fear of hindring one the other. [Vide Watsons Confession.] What such their De­sign was, though he could not, yet time in few years after did discover: for in the next place appears that horrid never-to-be-forgotten Popish Powder-plot, a Treason that as it exceeded all that had ever been before in the World, so it was be­lieved, it would have surpassed in its mischievous Design, Extent, and Cruelty, all that teeming Hell and Rome could have bred at any time after­wards, had not this last Internal Conspi­racy, [Page 43] of the same Blo [...]y Tribe, against our pre­sent Gratious King Charles the Second, and the Establisht Religion and Government of England, vut-gone it in several Circumstances, as may (God willing) be shewed in the ensuing Discovery and History thereof.

This detestable Treason is generally esteemed the Contrivance of Catesby, and of no antienter Original, than their despair of Assistance, upon their last Negotiation with Spain; but that the same was of longer standing, and proceeded from other heads, and designed by the Jesuits even in the Queens days, but on further consideration of her Age, (unlikely by course of nature to trouble them long) defer [...]ed till the arrival of King James, is by a most rational probability made appear, as well by Watsons said words, and the odd hints thereof before given by Delrio the Jesuit, as other circumstances, mentioned in a solid and ingenious Treatise, Intituled, A Discourse concerning the Original of the Powder-plot, published 1674. which are suffi­cient to satisfie any impartial Reader in that point; however, we shall not here insist thereupon, nor stand to give any long Account of the horrid na­ture, close progress, and happy Discovery of that Hellish Conspiracy, the same being generally well known from our common Historians, but especi­ally by that Authentick Narrative, Intituled, The Gun-powder Treason, with a Discourse of the man­ner of its Discovery, lately Re-printed, with an ex­cellent Preface, by the Right Reverend (and of the Protestant Religion most highly deserving) Fa­ther in God, Thomas Lord Bishop of Lincoln; to which most useful and satisfactory Discourse, we [Page 44] refer the Reader. Onely shall note here, that whereas Papists of late years have endeavoured to whiffle off that cursed Attempt, as a contrivance of Secretary Cecils, or some other Politicians, that had, to make the Romanists odious, cunningly drawn in onely a few desperado's; and that but a very small number of the Romish Party, and those inconsiderable, were engaged therein; and so it ought not to be charged on their Church in general.

As to the first, the same is a most false and groundless Evasion, coyn'd some scores of years after the thing Transacted; none of those that suffered for it, alleadging or suspecting one sylla­ble, either at their Tryals or Deaths, of their be­ing so wheadled into the Conspiracy; who yet were most like to know how, and by whom they were (if at all they had been) so drawn in, whom undoubtedly they would have discovered. Besides, supposing it to be Truth, yet their guilt was ne­ver the less, for they acted on Popish Principles, proprio motu, and with a Traiterous Resolution to accomplish the Destruction of King, Parliament, and Kingdome.

As to the second, neither was the number even of those that after all their Oaths of Secresie, and close contrivances were discovered, so small, nor their Qualities so inconsiderable, as is now impu­dently suggested: for first, for Religious men there were many actually concerned in it, and persons of the greatest account, three or four of them e­specially being Legiers and States-men; as Henry Garnet, the Superiour or Provincial of the Je­suits, [the same place that Father Whitebread late­ly [Page 45] had, who succeeded him as therein, so in his bloody Treasonable Attempts, and deserved pu­nishment] Father Creswel Legier-Jesuite in Spain, Father Baldwin Legler in Flanders, and the no­torious Father Parsons at Rome. These are known to have dealt in the matter, and 'tis most proba­ble were the first Contrivers, Designers, and Di­rectors of the whole Plot, though they would not be seen in it, lest it might bring a scandal on their Order if it should miscarry, and they be dis­covered; and therefore Laymen must be put upon doing the Drudgery, (or rather Butchery) whilst the wily Priests stand aloof and give alm. So of late the Benedictines and others gave their Votes against employing Pickering in the horrid Attempt of Murthering the King: not that they disliked the thing, but because he waited at the Altar; and if prevented and found out, it might be the greater disgrace to their Party, (though they as­signed another very bad reason for it.) Thus 'tis plain, they study to avoid the discredit, not the villany; the scandal, not the wickedness. But be­sides these Mal-intelligences of an higher Jesuitical Orb, there were divers other inferiour Instruments, and Cursory Agents of the same Society, employed in this detestable Treason, as Gerard, Oswald, Tes­mond alias Greenway, Hamond, Hall, and others. Then as for the Lay-Conspirators, they were most of them Gentlemen of considerable Descent, and excellent parts, though most perniciously perverted, seduced, and corrupted, by the private instigations of the said Jesuits: for of those that were first engaged, and actually laboured in the Mine, there were Robert Catesby, and Robert Win­ter. [Page 46] Esquires, Thomas Piercy, of the Noble House of Northumberland, Thomas Winter, John Wright, Christopher Wright, and Guido Fawkes, all Gen­tlemen, with Thomas Bates Yeoman, Servant to Squire Catesby, who being somewhat scrupu­lous and doubting in Conscience, concerning so barbarous a Design, was resolved and assured of the lawfulness thereof by Tesmond the Jesuit. Then of those that were acquainted with it, though not personally labouring in the Mine or Cellar, there were Sir Everard Digby Knight, Ambrose Rookwood, and Francis Tresham Esquires, John Grant Gent, and Robert Keys; besides Sir William Stan­ley, who principally imployed Fawks into Spain, and John Talbot of Grifton, both within misprisi­on of the Treason, and both of great and Ho­nourable Families. Then Sir Edmand Baynam was appointed; to carry a Message from Garnet, and acquaint his Holiness with the said Plot; but not forsooth as Pope, but as he was a Temporal Prince. This Baynam was a man grievously de­bauched, and used to call himself, The Prince of the Damned Grew; a person fit for such an Errand, to be sent Ambassador between the Pope and tho Devil. There was likewise an Association to be made of Forreign Princes of the Popish Religion, by a Solemn Oath, like that of the holy League in France, to have assured the business. These are the very words in the Letters of Sir Everard Digby, (Exe­cuted for this Treason) which Papers were never discovered till September, 1675. and are since Printed as an Appendix to the Re-printed Disco­very and Narrative of the said Gun-powder Plot, under an Authentick Testimonial.

[Page 47] Thus evident it is, and not to be denyed, but by an effronted [...]awling Impudence, that the same was in effect a general Conspiracy of the Papists, actually carried on by a considerable num­ber, and which would have been approved by the rest had it succeeded. And though its happy Dis­covery, and the deserved odium thereby cast up­on their Party, disabled and hindred them from making any other publick Attempt of that kind here in England, during the rest of the Raign of King James, (for concerning his death we shall say nothing) yet 'tis notorious, that abroad they plyed their business vigorously, and gave both him and the Protestant Religion a considerable Wound, in the Affair of the Palatinate, unhappily, (to say no worse of so bad [...] matter) lost for want of timely assistance, to prevent and divert which, we were wheadled with fair promises, [...] cajoul'd into a tedious mischievous Treaty for a Popish Match with Spain, which some corrupt Statesmen were so [...]nd of, that, to facilitate the same, they not onely hazarded the Princes Person, in a perilous voyage to Madrid, but endeavoured to grant a Toleration to Papists in England, which, with a truely Christian Courage, was opposed by Arch-bishop Abbot, whose worthy Speech on this oc­casion, speaks him so sound a Divine, and so rule an Englishman, that it deserves here to be inserted, either to encourage or upbraid such as since in like Exigencies have bravely appeared for, or treacherously betrayed the Protestant Religion, and their Countries Liberty; or endeavour to destroy both by a kind of refined Popery, and Arbitrary Government, against both which this good man was so zealous an Advocate.

A SPEECH of his Grace the Lord Arch-bishop of Canterbury to King James, 1623. whilst the Prince was in Spain.

May it please it your Majesty!

I Have been too long silent, and I am afraid by my silence I have neglected the Duty it hath plea­sed God to call me unto, and your Majesty to place me in. But now I humbly crave leave I may discharge my Conscience towards God, and my Duty towards your Majesty. And therefore I beseech you to give me leave freely to deliver my self; and then let your Majesty do with me as you please. Your Majesty hath propounded a Toleration of Religion; I beseech you Sir, take into consideration what your Act is, and what the consequences may be. By your Act you labour to set up that most Damnable and Heretical Doctrine of the Church of Rome, The Whare of Ba­bylon. How hateful will it be to God, and grievous to your good Subjects, the true professors of the Gospel, that your Majesty, who hath so often dis­puted, and learnedly written against those wicked He­refies, should now shew your self as a Patron of those Doctrines, which your pen hath told the World, and your Conscience tells your self, are Superstitious, Ido­latrous, and detestable? Add hereunto, Sir, what you have done in sending the Prince into Spain, without the consent of your Council, the privity or approbati­on of your people; a great one as the Son of the flesh, yet a greater as the Son of the Kingdom; upon whom, next after your Majesty, are their Eyes and Hearts [Page 49] fixed, and their Welfare depends; and so tenderly is his going apprehended, as, believe it, Sir, howsoever his return may be safe, yet the drawers of him into that action, so dangerous to himself, so desperate to the Kingdom, will not pass unquestioned, unpunished. Besides, this Toleration which you endeavour to set up by Proclamation, cannot be done without a Parliament, unless your Majesty will let your Subjects see, that you will take unto your self a liberty to throw down the Laws of the Land at your pleasure. What dreadful consequences, Sir, these things may draw after them, I beseech your Majesty to consider; and above all, lest by this Toleration, and discouentenancing of the true profession of the Gospel, (wherewith God hath blessed us, and under which this Kingdom hath many years flourished) your Majesty do not draw upon the King­dom in general, and particularly upon your self, Gods heavy wrath and indignation. Thus in discharge of my Duty towards God, to your Majesty, and the place of my calling, I have taken humble boldness to deliver my Conscience. And now, Sir, do with me what you please.

From these passages it appears, that their Pow­der-Plots being defeated had not so far discoura­ged them, but that they went forwards with the grand work of advancing their Superstitions, and undermining the Protestant Religion; and 'tis not to be doubted, but in all that silence afterwards, during King James's Raign, the Jesuits and their Agents were still like Moles, busie at work under-hand, and preparing matter for those dismal Con­fusions and Calamities which hapned to his most excellent, though unfortunate Successour.

CHHP. IV.

The Loyalty of Papists to King Charles the First enquired into. Their Plot to Murder him in the year 1640. Their Rebellion in Ireland, and Behaviour af­terwards; evincing, that they were mainly instrumental in stirring up the late Civil Wars in England, and cut­ting off that Pious Prince.

THere is nothing that our Modern Papists are wont more to boast of, than their Loyalty to King Charles the First; but with how little Truth and Reason, will partly appear by these follow­ing Transactions.

SECT. 1.

Before ever the fatal disturbances and Rebelli­on broke out amongst us, the Popish Conspiracies were industriously prosecuted in the said King Charles the First's, as well as in his Fathers days. He began his Raign 27 March, 1625. the times were cloudy and distempered; two Parliaments had been called and Dissolved with dissatisfaction, and a third was ordered to be Summoned on the 17th of March, 1627. Some short time be­fore which day, the following Letter, addressed [Page 51] to the Rector of Brussels, was found amongst the Papers of some Jesuits taken in London, which will give us no small light, not onely how active and busie that Faction was in those times, for hatching mischievous Intrigues, and embroiling Affairs, for advancing their cause; but also points out some of the means they made use of; and therefore we think fit here to Re-print it entire, the rather, for that the same hath been most im­perfectly Published.

The words from an antient Copy care­fully taken in those times, are as fol­low.

Father Rector!

LEt not the damp of Astonishment seize upon your ardent and zealous Soul, in apprehending the sudden and unexpected calling of this Parliament; we have not opposed, but rather furthered it, for that we hope as much in this Parliament, as ever we feared one in Queen Elizabeths days. You must know the Council is engaged to assist the King by way of Pre­rogative, in case the Parliamentary way fail. You shall see this Parliament will resemble the Pellican, which takes a pleasure to dig out with her own beak her own Bowels.

The Election of the Knights and Burgesses hath been in such confusion, and in such apparent Faction, as that which we were wont to work heretofore with much Art and Industry (when the Spanish Match was in Treaty) now breaks forth naturally, as a Botch or Bile, [Page 52] and spits and spites out its own rankor and venome.

You must remember how that famous and Immortal Statesman, the Count of Gundamar, fed King James's fancy, and rocked him asleep with the soft and sweet sounds of Peace, to keep up the Spanish Treaty. Likewise we were much bound to some emi­nent Statesmen of our own Country, to gain time in procuring those advantagious Cessations of Arms in the Palatinate, and in admiring the Worth and Honour of the Spanish Nation, and vilifying the Hollan­ders; remonstrating to King James, That that State was most ungrateful, both to his Predecessour Queen Elizabeth, and his Sacred Majesty: That the States were more abnoxious than the Turk, and perpetually injured His Majesties loving Subjects in the East-In­dies: And likewise, That they had usurped from His Majesty the Regality of the Narrow-Seas, in fishing upon the English Coast. Had the Spanish Match taken effect, which was broken off by the heat and violence of our furious Enemy the Duke of Buck­ingham, certainly King James had deserted the Hollanders.

This great Statesman had but one principal means to further their great and good Designs; which was, to season King James, That none but the Puritan Faction (which Plotted nothing but Anarchy, and his Confusion) were adverse to this most happy Ʋni­on. We steer on the same course, and have made great use of this Anarchical Election; but have pre­judicated and anticipated the Great one, that none but the Kings Enemies, and his, are chosen for the Parlia­ment. And that the Parliament vows to begin where they left, and will never give over until they have ex­tirpated him and his Posterity. On the other side, the [Page 53] same Parties, who are to be admired for their indefa­tigable Industry, incessantly foment Revenge and Jealousie in the most of the Parliament-men; and especially they work upon the pride and vain-glory of such who have been Imprisoned, possessing them, They are the onely Martyrs and Worthies of their Countrey. London is as much distempered, as ever Florence was: for the Companies are at odds, and the Common Council have opposed the Magistrates against their own Customs, in the Election of the Knights, which hath bred a great heart-burning in the City; so that twice a day we could divulge what we list in Pauls, and upon the Exchange. And we have already rendred our irreconcileable Enemy the Duke of Buckingham as odious as a Toad. For the people are apt to believe any thing against him; we hope to be revenged of that Ball of Wildfire, and quench his fury. You shall see the same Swords that have wounded us, (being drawn upon the Wounds, with an oyl we have) shall make us whole. And thus it shall be done: The Parliament as a great Ship hath dasht twice against the same Rock, and we have so wrought upon the several Complexions of Parliament-men, in charming the most Temperate and Wisest, that the best way to overthrow the Duke, is by way of humble Petition to His Majesty: But with the vio­lenter sort we have taken a contrary course, by work­ing upon their passions, and inebriating their fancies with probabilities and Presidents that were never heard of, That Favorites have not been Parliament­proof; they may wrastle a while, but at last the Parliament have overthrown them upon their backs. We encourage them with all the wit we have to fall upon the Duke, and perswade them now is the time [Page 54] or never, the King being in such necessity; insomuch, as we assure our selves, God hath so forsaken them, that they shall not onely strike and dash upon the same Rock again, but sink and wrack in the bottomless sea of destruction.

We have now many strings to our bow, and have strongly fortified our Faction, having added two Bul­works more. For when King James lived, you know he was very violent against Arminianism, and in­terrupted with his pestilent Wit, and deep Learning, our strong designs in Holland; and was a great friend to the old Rebel and Heretick the Prince of Orange. But now we have planted that Soveraign drug Arminianism, which we hope will purge the Pro­testants from their Heresie, and it flourisheth, and bears fruit in due season. The materials which build up our other Bull-work, are the Projectors and Beg­gars of all Ranks and qualities whatsoever. Both these Factions co-operate to destroy the Parliament, and introduce a new Species and Form of Government, which is Oligarchy; and serve as direct Mediums and Instruments to our end, which is, the Ʋniversal Catholick Monarchy. Our Foundation must be Mu­tation, this Mutation will cause a Reluctation, which will serve as so many violent diseases (as the Stone, the Gout, &c.) to the speedy destruction of our perpetu­al and insufferable anguish of Body, which is worse than death it self.

We proceed by Counsel and mature Deliberation, when and how to work upon the Dukes jealousie and revenge; and in this we give the honour to those who merit it, who are the Church-Catholicks.

There is another matter of consequence, which we take much into our consideration and tender cares, [Page 55] which is, to stave off the Puritans, that they hang not in the Dukes ears; they are impudent subtle people, and 'tis to be feared lest they should negotiate a re­concilement between the Duke and the Parliament. 'Tis certain the Duke would have gladly reconciled himself to the Parliament at Oxford and Westminster; but now we assure our selves, we have so handled these mat­ters, that both Duke and Parliament are irreconcileable. For the better prevention of the Puritans, the Armi­nians have already blockt up the Dukes ears, and we have those of our Religion which stand continu­ally at the Dukes Chamber, to see who comes in and out; and we cannot be too circumspect in this regard. I cannot choose but laugh to see some of our Coat, how they have accoutred themselves; you would scarce know them if you saw them; and it is admirable how in speech and gesture they act the Puritans.

The Cambridge-Scholars, to their woful experience, shall see we can act the Puritan a little better than they have done the Jesuit: They abused our Sacred Patron Ignatius in jest, but we will make them smart for it in earnest. I hope you will excuse my merry di­gression; for I confess unto you, I am at this time transported with joy, to see how happily all instru­ments and means, as well great as less, co-operate to our purposes. But to return to the main Fabrick, our Foundation is Arminianism; the Arminians and Projectors, as it appears in the premises, affect Mutation; this we second and enforce by probable Arguments.

In the first place we take into consideration the Kings Honour and present necessity; and we shew how the King may free himself of his Wardship, (as Lewis the Eleventh did) and for his greater splendour and lustre, he may raise a vast Revenue, and not be be­beholding [Page 56] to his Subjects, which is by way of Imposi­tion and Excise. We instance the Low-Countries, and shew what a mass of money they raise to pay their Forces by Sea and Land meerly out of Excise. Then our Church-Catholicks proceed to shew the means how to settle the Excise, which must be by a mercenary Army of Horse and Foot. For the Horse, we have made it sure, they shall be Foraigners and Germans, who will eat out the Kings Revenue, and spoil the Countrey wheresoever they come, though they should be well paid; what Havock then will they make, when they get no pay, or are not duely paid every Month! surely they will do much more mischief than we hope the Catholick Army will do. We are provident and careful that this mercenary Army of 2000 Horse, and 20000 Foot, shall be taken in, and in pay before the Excise be setled; and in forcing the Excise the Coun­trey is most like to rise. If the mercenary Army sub­jugate the Countrey, then the Souldiers and Projectors shall be paid out of the Confiscations. If the Coun­trey be too hard for the Souldiers, then they must con­sequently Mutiny; which is equally advantagious for us. Our Superlative Design, is to work the Protestants as well as the Catholicks, to welcome in a Conqueror, and that is by this means: we hope instantly to dissolve all Trade, and hinder the Building of Ships, by de­vising probable Designs, and put the State upon Ex­peditions, (as that of Cadiz) in taking away the Merchants Ships, and putting them in hopes of taking the West-India Fleet, (which is to seek a needle in a bottle of hay.) His Catholick Majesty shall not want our best Intelligences; besides, he hath Pinaces and Advice-Boats, which are still abroad to discover; so that you cannot be surprized in any Harbour.

[Page 57] When Trade is ruined, and Shipping decayed, what will become of Excise? nay, what will become of Noblemens and Gentlemens Revenues? the poor Yeomen and Farmers, in which consists the Infan­try and glory of the Kingdom, they will turn Rogues, and resemble the Abject Peasants in France, who are little better than Slaves. Trade and Shipping is so much decayed already, that London is as it were Be­sieged for want of Fewel; for Sea-coals are at 3 l. the Chaldron. When things are brought to this per­fection, (which we hope will be by the time his Sa­cred Majesty hath setled his Affairs in Germany) all the people in general will linger for a Conquerour, missing other means and Revenues which should main­tain them according to their several Ranks and Qua­lities.

Then we assure our selves, that the Lands which were rent and torn from the Church, by that ravenous Monster Henry the Eighth, shall be re-sumed and re­stored by our mighty Protector his Catholick Majesty, to the re-calling those who are Exil'd, and delivering thousands of Souls which suffer Persecution at home, for the Testimony of a good Conscience. Joyn your Prayers with ours, in importuning the Blessed Virgin, and all the Hosts of Angels, Saints, and ho­ly Martyrs, to intercede for us; and no question but God will hast to help us. Thus hoping to see Count de Tilly and Marquiss Spinola here about July come Twelve month, I rest: In the mean time we pray for their happy success in Germany and the Low-Countries.

In this Letter we may behold the Cursed De­signs of the Jesuits and Romish Party, portray'd [Page 58] ad vivum by one of their own Pencils, in a pri­vate familiar Correspondence with one of their Forreign Confederates: their end (here, as in all other their attempts) is to Subvert the Govern­ment of these Nations, let in a Forreign Enemy to Conquer us, Re-establish Popery, and destroy the Protestant Religion. The Mediums projected and pursued therein, were the same, (mutatis mutandis, reading France instead of Spain) as they have pro­secuted since, viz. Fomenting mis-understandings between the King and his Parliaments, promo­ting and exasperating Factions, destroying Trade, advancing Arminianism and other divisions in the Church; and Arbitrary Government, a standing Army, and illegal Impositions in the State; there­by bringing all into confusion at home, and open­ing a door for an Invasion from abroad. And can it be imagined that a sort of people so principled and affectionated, and so eagerly set on such Traiterous Designes against King Charles the First, in 1627, should ever become such Innocent, Faith­ful, and Loyal Subjects to him, as they would be taken for in 1642? Let us trace their practices a little, and see if we can ever gather Grapes of Thorns, or Fig's of Thistles.

SECT. 2.

We shall silently pass by their clandestine Ma­chinations in several subsequent years. The fre­quent invasions of Propriety and Liberty, the vio­lent urging of indifferent and unnecessary Ceremo­nies on one side, and peevish opposition thereof on the other, the stirs in Scotland, and the Seditious [Page 59] murmurs in England, was not the hand of Joab in all this? But we hasten to a more evident de­monstration. A Plot of theirs, striking at no less than the Sacred Life of that Glorious Prince, before ever they had sufficiently prepared the Factious Rabble here to attempt any such wick­edness; whence it may most rationally be collect­ed and concluded, that what afterwards was vil­lanously perpetrated, was by these Romish Blood­hounds originally contrived and promoted.

In the Month of September 1640. (two Months before the fatal Parliament began) Sir William Boswel, being His Majesties Ambassadour in Hol­land, at that time Resident at the Hague, receiv'd intimation of a desperate Popish Plot, from a per­son of good Quality, at first at the second-hand, but soon after avowed by the principal Party, and the general scope delivered to him in Writing, in a Letter in Latine, directed to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; taking an Oath of the said Am­bassador not to discover any thing thereof to any but the Arch-bishop and His Majesty. According­ly, Sir William in a Letter by an Express, dated the 9th of September New stile, 1640. transmit­ted the same to his Grace, who sent it to the King then at York, in a Letter; which His Majesty sent back Apostyled with Instructions how to pro­ceed therein: whereupon, Octob. 15. there was sent over a more large and particular Discovery in Latine from the Party, being one Andreas ab Ha­bernfeld, a Doctor in Physick, and Physician (as many affirm) to the Queen of Bohemia.

[Page 60]The general Contents whereof were:

1. That there was then on foot a Plot laid by the Jesuits and Papists, for Subverting the Realm and State of England, and the de­stroying and Murthering his most Excel­lent Majesty, p. 13.

2. That the Original Author of this Discove­ry, was born, bred up, and had for many years been Dignified in the Romish Church, and appointed by Cardinal Barberino to assist Con the Popes Legate in managing the said Conspiracy; the cruelty and wick­edness whereof so terrified his Conscience, that he abandoned that Communion, and embraced the Orthodox Religion.

3. That the said Con was the chief Patron and Director of the business, and had his Resi­dence at London, where he had endeavoured by various Arts to corrupt divers great men of the Kingdom; and particularly sought to practice on the Arch-bishop, by the offer of a Cardinals Cap; but finding no good to be done upon him, resolv'd to cut off both the King and him, Art. 6, 7.

4. That in order thereunto, they made it their business to inflame the Puritans in Eng­land, and stir up the people in Scotland to Commotions, Art. 9.

5. That having thus embroil'd the Kings Af­fairs, and reduced him to want of Money, they would order things so, that he should not obtain any, but on condition to grant [Page 61] a general Liberty to Exercise the Popish Religion; which if he should refuse, then the King was to be dispatcht; for an Indian Nut stuffed with most sharp poyson, was re­serv'd by the Society, (which Con at that time frequently in a boasting manner had shewed to the Informant) wherein a Dose was prepared for the King, after the ex­ample of his Father, Artic. 10.

6. That the Chaplain of the Marquess of Ha­milton, (who oft was employed without effect by the King, to appease the Scotish Tumults) held Correspondence with Con, who being once askt in joque by the In­formant, Whether the Jews also agreed with the Samaritans? the said Con answered with a wish, That all Ministers were but such as he.

7. That one Tho. Chamberlain was sent over from Cardinal Richlieu, and for four Months held Consultations with the Socie­ty, how to exasperate these Northern heats to the best advantage.

8. He discovers several of the Conspirators by name, as Sir Toby Matthews a Jesuit, whom he represents as a most indefatiga­ble and dangerous Traitor; one Captain Read a Scotchman, dwelling near the An­gel-Tavern in Long-Acre, in whose House the Conspirators met usually once a day, and there received and read their Letters from Rome, and elsewhere, and returned Answers; where he saith the Gang might be surprized commonly every Friday. He likewise names Porter, Windebank, Monta­gue [Page 62] the younger, and several others, with divers circumstances corroborating his In­formation; and particularly advises to in­tercept (when the Post goes out weekly) a Packet directed to Monsieur Strario Arch-Deacon of Cambray, and another coming weekly from Rome, which is brought under this Superscription; To the most Illustrions Count Rosetti Legate for the time, written in Characters, but interpretable by the said Read; whence farther light would be obtained.

All this was discovered to the Ambassador un­der an Oath of Secresie, and the most importu­nate Requests to the King and Arch-bishop to keep it close till the business might be ripe, and to conceal whence they had these Advertisements; for otherwise, the Discoverer would certainly be in danger of his life, from the Confederates and their Associates. And it appears by the Papers, that both Sir William Boswel and the Arch-bishop were fully satisfied, That it was real, and of great importance; care being ordered to be taken pri­vately for the sounding the depth and further cir­cumstances of the Design; but the Disturbances in Scotland, and afterwards in Ireland and England, coming on apace, branches of the same Treason, being all assisted and fomented, if not, as most of them, originally contrived by those Popish In­cendiaries, though disguised in other Factions, 'tis probable they might divert or forbear that part of the Poisoning the King and Bishop, to attend the event of the other more general Plot of ruining [Page 63] these Nations, which they saw then so hopefully advanced, that they might conclude without ha­ [...]arding themselves in the odium, there were enough other Ill-spirits which they had conjured up, [...]eady to do that execrable work for them another way. However, the Original Papers of the Dis­covery, and Letters relating thereto, being kept by the Archbishop, were, when his Study was ransackt [...]ound amongst his Writings, and then Published, and now lately Re-printed by Authority, under the Title of The grand Designs of the Papists in the time of King Charles the First, worthy the peru­sal of such as would be farther satisfied.

SECT. 3.

Next followed the horrid Butcheries in Ireland, beginning 23 Oct. 1641. concerning which, (how­ever some of the spawn of the barbarous Actors in that cursed Tragedy, or others their Relations or Accomplices of the Roman brood, would now palliate and excuse it, yet) nothing is more known to all the world, than that it was an open, direct, and most Traiterous Rebellion, on the score of their cursed bloody Religion, against their lawful and most gracious Prince; designing to usurp the whole Government into their own hands, root out the English Nation, and the Protestant Name, and (which was the main end of all) establish Popery in that Kingdom; as is testified upon Oath by se­veral persons examined, and their Depositions pub­lished by the Kings Warrant; all this begun and continued by Papists Onely, (not one Protestant amongst them.) But the Pope himself, the Head of [Page 64] their Church, in the person of his Nuncio Ri­nuceini, Generalissimo of all their Forces by Land and Sea, and all the Tribes of his Ecclesiasticks, contributing all Assistance and Encouragement imaginable thereunto; proceeding with that Inhu­manity, that above one hundred thousand innocent Protestants were by them basely, in cool blood and with exquisite Torments, and un-heard [...] Cruelties, Murthered and otherwise destroyed. And, which was even yet worse than that, to shew their malice as well as disobodience to his said Ma­jesty, with equal impudence and falshood, they pretended that it was done by his Commission, and vouched the Broad Seal for their Authority, pur­posely to enrage his Protestant Subjects in Eng­land and elsewhere against him. The Popes Nun­cio assuming nevertheless, and exercising there the Temporal as well as Spiritual power, granting out Commissions in his own name, breaking the Treaties of Peace between the King, and, as they then stiled themselves, the Confederate Catholicks; heading two Armies against the then Marquess, (now Duke) of Ormond, then Lord Lieutenant, and forcing him at last to quit the Kingdom; all which ended in the Ruine of His Majesties Go­vernment and Person; which, but upon occasion of that Rebellion, could never have happened. And was not all this a prodigious demonstration of their Obedience and Loyalty to King Charles the First, and the Crown of England?

It was constantly observed, that the lower and more unfortunate the King was in his Successes in England, the higher were the demands of the Irish; so that they used all their Treaties as Stra­tagems [Page 65] to trepan, not to serve His Majesty. In the year 1643. when a Cessation was concluded with them by the Kings Authority, and both English and Irish engaged by Articles to transport their Armies to England for His Majesties Service, the Irish onely pretended they would do it when the English were gone, and then treacherously [...]yet according to one of their old rules, Nulla fi­ [...]es servanda cum Haereticis) they plotted and at­tempted the ruine of the small remnant of English [...]eft behind in Munster, where the Lord Inchiquin Commanding by the Kings Commission, and the English with him, were necessitated to stand on their own defence against the Popish Army. In 45. the said Confederate Catholicks having enga­ged their publick Faith to send 10000 men to serve His Majesty, delayed, neglected, and failed [...]herein, to the great dis-service of His Majesty. Did they not in 46. after a Peace concluded with them, treacherously attempt to cut off the Lord Lieutenant and his Army, who marched out of Dublin on security and confidence of that Peace? did they not in 47 employ Commissioners to Rome, France, and Spain, to invite a Forreign power in­to Ireland? in the 9th Article of whose Instructi­ons, [to be seen in my Lord Orrerey's Answer to P. W.] they were ordered to make Application to his Holiness, for his being Lord Protector of Ireland, [so that they were beforehand with the Phanaticks in England with the Title] and if he should refuse, then to offer the same to either of the Kings of France or Spain; nay, to any Popish Prince, from whom (to use their own words) they might have most considerable Aids. [Page 66] Faithful and Meritorious Subjects still! if they may be their own Judges, though they desired and designed to submit to the Pope; nay, any King or Prince, rather than to the King of Eng­land, whose natural Subjects they were.

Nay more, the Rump, that infamous Rump, the fag-end of the Parliament, which Murthered the King, was much more beholding to these Irish Rebels than His Majesty was, for to them they made Petitions and Supplications, as unto the Su­preme Authority of the Nation, Entitling them, The Parliament of the Common-wealth of England; wherein they did readily subject, and put their Con­sciences, Lives and Fortunes, as in a secure Sanctua­ry, under the protection thereof: (these are their own words) and boasted, That several of them were able to make appear their constant good affection and adherence to them. See the Petitions of Sir Ra. Tal­bot Baronet, and Garret Moor Esquire, (who were not herein private, but publick persons, and so owned in the Title of their Petitions, being on the behalf of themselves and others, as Sollici­tors, Agitators, or Trustees for the Irish Papists;) which were Condescentions far greater than ever they would pay to King Charles the First, or His present Majesty. For with them, they always Treated upon the Swords point, upon as great terms of Defiance, Caution, and Reservedness, as if they had to do with the great Turk, and not with their lawful Soveraign. Vide Orrerey, fol. 14, 15. and Articles of Treaty.

If therefore to rise in Arms without the Kings Command or Privity, Murther so many thousands of his good Subjects, seize on his Towns and [Page 67] Forts, fight with and kill those that were Com­missionated by him, hold Correspondence with, and receive Supplies from Forraign Princes, cast off all Allegiance, and petition a Forraign Prince to be their Protector; and last of all, if to court his avowed Enemies and Murtherers, own their Uusurp'd Authority, and submit Consciences, Fortunes, Lives, and all to their pleasure, be Ar­guments of Faithfulness and Obedience, then may we allow the Irish Papists to have been His Majesties most Loyal Subjects; but till then, all the word shall justly detest them, as the most bar­barous and bloody Rebels.

SECT. 4.

But whatever they were in Ireland, the Roman Catholicks in England will swear they were all most punctually true to King Charles the First, and ventured their Lives and Estates in his Service. To determine how far this is true, and what merit we are to allow them on that account, we must consider,

1. That it cannot reasonably be expected, that we should so clearly discover the affections and more secret designs of the Papists in this English Rebellion, as in that of Ireland, for that here were not Papists fighting under the Popes Coun­tenance and Encouragement, against Protestants, but Protestants (though in that point Jesuitically principled) against a Protestant King and his true Subjects that were more Loyally minded. So that as the Papists Loyalty was not then so far tryed, as to see whether they would have taken part with [Page 68] the King, a Protestant, had the Pope forbidden them, or employed them against him, (which is the great thing in question, when we speak of their Loyalty as Papists:) so likewise were they never embodied apart by themselves, and there­fore could never assemble together in Battel to fight, or in full and open Council to Design and Plot; but what they did was covertly and in the dark, by fomenting Dissentions and Intestine Wars; which was long since their Campanella's Design, De Monarch. Hisp. cap. 24. p. 204. Jam verò ad enervandos Anglos nibil tam conducit quam dissentio & discordia inter illos excitata perpetuóque nutrita, quod citò meliores occasiones suppeditabit, si Angliam in formam Roipublice reducant, in imita­tionem Hollandorum. That nothing could more con­duce to weaken the English, than Dissention and Dis­cord stirred up, and perpetually nourisht amongst them; which would soon administer better occasions to intro­duce the Roman Catholick Religion, if England were reduced into a Republick in imitation of the Hollanders.

2. It may well be said, That it was not pure Loyalty, but self-interest, that attracted so many ominent Papists in unto his late. Majesties Standard. The violence of the people forced them to that side; they did not go, but were driven; the Par­limentarians were to make use of the cry against Papists, for one of their most taking pretences, so that the open Roman Catholicks could expect no acceptance from them; and though they did well, and but according to their Duty in serving His Majesty, yet accidentally they not a little pre­judiced his cause: for the other party thence [Page 69] took such occasions to raise lies and clamours, that we may say, for every Papist employed in His Ma­jesties Arms, [...] the hearts of half a dozen, seduced, though otherwise Loyal Protestants.—However, to discharge their duty in serving their King, against a Protestant, not a Popish P [...]ty, and at a time when their own safety and private Inte­rest obliged them so to do, was surely little mat­ter of merit: but rather, if we may guess at the Body of Hercules by his Foot, we may then by tracing some of the footsteps of our English Ca­tholicks as have casually come to light, discover their main design, especially of their Clergy, to have been wholly for the ruine of that King of happy memory, and thereby of the Protestant Religion: for,

3. The disloyal Principles on which the Pha­natick Rebels proceeded, they wholly learnt from the Jesuits: for example, did they say the Soveraign Power was lodged in the people, and that they may alter the Government of a State? Bellarmine taught it them, whose words in his Treatise De Laicis, l. 3. cap. 6. are these: Potestas immediatè est tan­quam in subjecto, in totâ multitudine, &c. The Su­preme power is in the whole multitude, as in its Sub­ject; and if there be cause for it, they may alter a Monarchy into an Aristocracle, or Democracie, &c. Did they affirm, that the People made the King, and may unmake him, and retain still the habit of power? they are the same Bellarmines own words. In Regnis bominum potestas Regis est à populo, quia po­pulus facit Regem: In the Kingdoms of men, the Kings power is from the people, for the people make the King, Bell. de Concil. l. 2. cap. 19. [Page 70] And again, In Rebuspublicis temporalibus, si Rex degeneret in Tyrannum, licet caput sit Regni, tamen à populo potest deponi, & eligi alius: In Temporal States, if a King degenerate into a Tyrant, though he be the head of the Kingdom, yet the people may Depose him, and choose another. Idem Ibid. cap. 10. Did our Rebels hold they might take up Defen­sive Arms against the King, and expel him? 'twas your Jesuite Suarez taught them that Doctrine: Si Rex legitimus tyrannicè gubernat, & Regno nul­lum aliud sit remedium nisi Regem expellere & depo­nere, poterit Respublica toto publico & communi con­sensu Civitatum & Procerum Regem deponere: If a lawful King govern as a Tyrant, and the Kingdom can be no other way relieved its grievances, the whole Common-wealth, by common consent of the Cities and Peers, may Depose such a King. Suarez Defens. Fid. l. 6. cap. 19. Sect. 15. Did they Levy a formal War, and were the first Aggressors against the King? the Jesuit Mariana chalkt them out the way, lib. 6. de Rege, cap. 6. p. 59. & 60. Expedi­ta maximè & tuta via est, &c. The readiest and safest way, (saith he) is, if the people can meet in a pub­lick Assembly, to deliberate by common consent what is to be done, and then inviolably to observe what is agreed on by common consent; the Prince must first be admonisht to amend, which if he refuse, it will be law­ful for the Common-wealth to refuse to obey him: and because a War must necessarily follow, counsel must be taken how to carry it on; Arms must be pro­vided, and Taxes laid upon the people to bear the Ex­pences thereof: and if it be requisite, and the Pub­lick cannot otherwise preserve it self, it will be lawful, both by the right of self-defence, and the pro­per [Page 71] Authority inherent in the people, to proclaim such a King to be a publick enemy, and then to cut off his Head. Nay, their infamous Court of Injustice, was but erected by the Jesuits Model; for so the same Mariana there goes on: Certè a Rep. unde ortum habet Regia po­testas, &c. 'Tis certain, the Common-wealth from which the Royal power hath its Original, may, when the case requires, (which we know is whenever they have a mind to it, and power to effect it,) bring the King to Iudgment, and deprive him of his Soveraignity: for the Common-wealth hath not so transferred the Right of power unto the Prince, but it hath reserved a power paramount unto it self.

The very Parricide and Execrable Mur­ther acted on the Kings Sacred Person, is allow'd, and the manner directed by another Jesuit, Lessius, l. 2. de Justitiâ & Jure, cap. 9. dubio 4. Principem qui Tyrannus est ratione Administrationis, non posse à privatis interimi quamdin manet Princeps; sed pri­mùm a Republica, vel Comitiis Regni vel alio habente Authoritatem, esse deponendum, & hostem declarandum, ut in ipsius personam liceat quicquam attentare: A rightful Prince who becomes a Tyrant by Male-Administration, ought not to be killed by a pri­vate person: (so far you see Gawen the Jesuit late­ly Executed, in his dying Speech was right) as long as he remains a Prince. But what then is to be done with him? why, he must first (saith this Popish Doctor) be Deposed, and declared an Ene­my by the Common-wealth, or the Parliament of the Kingdom, or some other [the Pope no doubt] having Authority, and then afterwards it will be law­ful to attempt what you please upon his person. Thus [Page 72] you see the Phanaticks drew all those Arrows which they shot at Royalty, out of the Popes Quiver; and if it be truely said, that the Presbyterians brought that good Prince to the Block, and the Independants cut off his Head; it may as truely be added, That the Papists lent them the Ax. And are these men after all this to boast their Loyalty? are these to be relyed upon by any Prince, to make himself an Absolute Monarch? who, not onely by their Religion are bound to esteem the Pope his Superiour in his own Dominions, but likewise by so many of their chief Doctors avow­ed and uncondemned Judgments publisht in Print, are taught to place the people above him; and that he may lawfully by them be questioned, De­posed, Judged, Condemned, and Murthered.

4. For a more clear and positive proof, if it be true, that many known and professed Roman Catholick Gentlemen sided with the King; 'tis no less true, that not a few of the Jesuits, and other disguised Romanists, mingled themselves a­mongst the Rebellious Troops; there they were Levellers, Agitators, &c. and the prime Authors of those damnable Councils which took away his precious Life. And that this may not seem to be spoken gratis, we shall produce two or three witnesses for it.

1. The first, a Treatise, Intituled, [...]: Or, a brief Narration of the Mysteries of State carried on by the Spanish Faction in England, &c. Printed by Samuel Brown at the Hague, 1651. who handles this matter gradatim, throughout all our late Civil Wars, and particularly p. 59. ob­serves, That about and after the Treaty in the [Page 73] Isle of Wight, 1648. when the bringing the King to a Mock-Tryal was in agitation, those of the Spanish Faction and notorious Papists who fled away at the very beginning of the troubles, did now again ap­pear (to the admiration of all that knew them) openly in London and at Westminster; as Sir Kenelm Dig­by, Sir John Winter, Walter Montague, Endymi­on Porter: [These very names we met with be­fore, in the Treason against the Kings Life, disco­vered by Habernfeld in 1640. which much con­firms the matter] and Sir Edward F. (who was Commissary-General Iretons Bed-fellow:) these who were Proclaimed Traitors by the Parliament, and some of them of the blood of the old Gun-powder-Traitors, these were now become the familiar Friends of the great men in the Army.

Again, p. 73. and 74. He hath these words, That the Jesuits and Spanish Faction did in Oxford, (immediately after the Kings going thence to the Scots) conspire together to ruine and destroy the King, I have it from a Jesuits own Confession in Print; Bernard, the onely Intelligencer at Court in those days, is the man that affirms it, in his Book called Polemo-mu­tatus. Which assertion, and many more circumstances, made me credit that Relation; which told me for certain, that Walter Montague, Endymion Porter, and the rest of those Papists who came at that time over into England, were they that were the designed men sent on purpose, (from Rome some of them) to manage the business in the Kings Tryal; and if the King had pleaded, they were to have come as Witnes­ses against him. This was laid particularly to Endy­mion Porters charge by some English Gentlemen, as also to Sir John Winters.

[Page 74] It is thought, that after Endymion Porter san his loving Master cut off, calling to mind the favours he had received from him, and his most unkind re­quital of them, his Conscience so smote him, that he went to his House in the Countrey, and there poisoned himself, falling down dead on a sudden as he sate in his Parlour. And hereupon also, (after the death of the King) Sir John Winter was so generally cryed out of as a Trayer and Conspirator in the business, that for fear of his life, (left some of the Loyal English Gentry should kill him) and to palliate the design, he had the favour to take up Lodgings in the Tower, which (by all means) went under the name of Imprisoning him. On the same score, Montague, Digby, and the rest of that designed Party, percei­ving their Treason was openly known, and fearing their just reward from some enraged hand, desired a Pass to return (since the work of killing the King was done) beyond the Seas; which that they might with less suspicion and more security pass, they pretended to Banish them.

A Noble person of this Kingdom, (of Sir K. ac­quaintance) told me, That he observed him in pub­lick to exclaim against the Hereditary Rights of Kings, as a most pernicious thing to a Kingdom; say­ing, That oft-times thereby, the Kingdom was Govern­ed by Children, Fools, and Women. And hereupon, took occasion to traduce the then Prince of Wales, (now King) saying, &c. [The Expressions are so base and foul-mouthed, that we dare not out of Reverence to Majesty, go on to repeat them from our Author.] At the same time highly commending Cromwel, as one of the ablest men in Europe, and Bradshaw (that sate as the Kings Judge) for a gal­lant man.

[Page 75] Thus far that Treatise; concerning the credit of which, we shall onely say, that the Author ap­pears by the Work to have been a man of no vulgar Intelligence or Conversation in those times, and all along expresses much Loyalty and Affecti­on to his present Majesty.

2. The Reverend and Learned Doctor Peter du Moulin hath long since declared in Print, That the Roman Priest is known, who when he saw the [...]atal stroke given to our Holy King and Martyr, flourished with his Sword and said, Now the greatest Enemy that we have in the World is gone. And that the year before the Kings Murder, a select num­ber of Jesuits out of England, had a Consult with their Confederates at Paris, where this questi­on in writing was by them put to the Faculty of Sorbon, then altogether Jesuited, That seeing the State of England was in a likelyhood to change Go­vernment, whether it were lawful for the Catholicks to work that change, for the advancing and securing of the Catholick Cause in England, by making away the King, whom there was no hope to turn from this Heresie? Which was answered affirmatively. And afterward the same question being transmit­ted to Rome, the said Resolution was likewise ap­proved and confirmed by the Pope and his Council, That it was both lawful and expedient for Catholicks, by such means to promote that alteration of State. But afterwards, when the Regicide was so univer­sally cryed down and detested, his Holiness con­sulting his credit, commanded all Papers about that question to be burnt; in obedience to which order, a Roman Catholick in Parts was demanded a Copy which he had of those papers, but having [Page 76] had time to consider and abhor the wickedness of that Project, refused to deliver it up; but shewed it to a Protestant friend of his, relating the whole carriage of this Negotiation. This passage the [...] Reverend du Moulin aforesaid, now Canon [...] Christ-Church, Canterbury, and one of His Majestie [...] Chaplains, did seventeen years ago set forth [...] print, in his answer to a scurrilous Popish pamphle [...] Intituled Philanax Anglicus; and there publickly offered to justifie the truth of it, if any should [...] him to an account for it before Authority; but That in all this time they have been afraid or asha­med to do; onely soon after the coming forth of his Book, the Gentlemen of Somerset-house, who were netled, & one eminent person of them it seems not a little concerned actually in the story, in­stead of having the truth thereof examined, pri­vately by interest obtained a Command from the King to the said Doctor, that he should write no more Books; which Prohibition the Doctor go [...] taken off, Anno 1668.—See the last Edition of the Doctors Answer, p. 60. where likewise, p. 64 we have the Testimony of that worthy judicious Gentleman Sir William Morris, late Secretary of State, who in a Letter to the said Doctor du Mou­lin concerning this matter, hath these words.—This I may say safely, and will do it confidently, That many arguments did create a violent suspicion, very near convincing Evidences, That the Irreligion of the Papists was chiefly guilty of the Murder of that excel­lent Prince; the odium whereof they would now file to the account of the Protestant Religion.

5. 'Tis notorious, that no sort of men truckled more servilely to the late Rebellious Powers; they [Page 77] adressed their Petitions to them, with the Stile of the Supreme Authority of this Nation, the Parlia­ment of the Common-wealth of England,—First Moderator, fol. 59. They affirmed, That they had generally taken, and punctually kept the Engagement. Second Moderator, fol. 41. They promised that [...] they might enjoy their Religion. They would [...] the most quiet and useful Subjects of England. First Moderator, fol. 31. which they proved in these words, viz. That the Roman-Catholicks of Eng­land would be bound by their own interest, (the strong­ [...] obligation amongst wise men) to live peaceably and [...]hankfully in private Exercise of their Consciences; and becoming gainers by such compassions, they could not [...] reasonably be distrusted as the Prelatick Par­ [...]y that were loosers. First Moderator, fol. 36.

6. 'Tis observable, That Tho. White a Popish [...]riest, in the height of Olivers Tyranny, set out [...] Book, Intituled, The grounds of Obedience and Go­vernment, purposely to confirm his usurpation, another His Majesties just Tale, and perswade people that they were not obliged to assist or re­ [...]ore him: Who was it (as Doctor Oates says in his Epistle to the King before his Narrative of the Plot, printed by Order of the House of Lords) [...]hat broke off the Uxbridge Treaty, but the Romish Interest and Policy? with what zeal and Interest did they perswade the Scots in 1650. to im­pose that upon your Majesty, which your Royal Law had forbidden others? for the effecting whereof, some Thousands of pounds were spent and given by them. Where he likewise sets forth, how they endeavoured to Betray and Sacrifice His Majesty, after his mira­culous escape as Worcester. And that those who [Page 78] were to pay the 1000 l. promised for his Discovery, were no other but Father Joseph Simmonds, and Father Carleton Compton, both Jesuits: and [...] whereas Mr. John Huddleston a Priest, having [...] instrumental in His Majesties Escape, (for whic [...] good Service he has been always excepted out [...] His Majesties Proclamations against Priests and Jesuits) several of the Jesuited Crew have often call'd him FOOL for his labour; and said, that the same was the worst days work that ever he did in his life.

That there is a Popish Lord, not forgotten or unknown, who brought a Petition to the late Regicide and Ʋsurpers, signed by above 500 of the principal Popists in England, wherein was promised, upon condition of a Toleration here by a Law, they would jointly resolve to Abjure and Exclude the Family of the Stuarts for ever from the Crown.

That a whole Convent of Benedictine Monks were Olivers Pensioners, to betray His Majesties Secrets and Counsels. That the Traitor Manning, taken [...] discovering such His Majesties Affairs, was a Roman Catholick, and had Masses sung for him after his [...] Execution: and that it was by their instigation and interest, that the French King was prevailed with [...] banish His Majesty out of France, &c.

From all which, the pretended Loyalty of the Papists to his late Majesty, and our present Soveraign during his Exile, is most evidently detect­ed; and by these brief Historical touches that we have given, (the matter whereof would have swell'd to a vast Volume, had it been worthily di­lated upon, as hereafter, if God send leave and opportunity may be done) it sufficiently appears how dangerous and insufferable the Principles of [Page 79] the Roman Church, and practices of Papists have been, and must always be to Princes in general, but Protestants especially. So that we may fitly shut up these Observations, with that Oraculous conclusion of judicious King James, in his Speech to both Houses of Parliament, Nov. 1605. That as it is not impossible but many honest man seduced with some Errours of Popery, may yet remain good and faith­ful Subjects; so on the other part, none that know and believe the grounds and School-conclusions of their Doctrine, can ever prove good Christians or faithful Subjects.

CHAP. V.

The Preparatory Circumstances at home and abroad, encouraging the Papists to this Plot, and facilitating their Designe.

SECT. 1.

WE have hitherto seen the restless and im­placable malice of the Romish Priests and Emissaries, continually conspiring and endeavou­ring by all kind of Arts, ever since the Reforma­tion, to subvert the Protestant Religion, and there­with the Government in these Nations; so that we may reckon the Raigns of our late Princes, by a Succession of Popish Treasons. In displaying whereof we have been the larger, as well that the World may take notice that their late dam­nable Plot was nothing strange or incredible; (for what wonder is it to hear an Horse neigh, to find a Fox crafty, or a Tyger cruel, or see those con­cerned in Trayterous and bloody practices, whose Doctrines recommend the same as Duty or Merit, and who have for so many Ages been inured there­unto?) as also to satisfie the Reader, that the Conspiracy which now threatned us, is all of a piece with those under which our Ancestors la­boured, that 'tis still the same Tragedy, though the Scenes have been often shifted, and the Actors varied according to the different posture of Af­fairs; [Page 81] a continued stream of Treason flowing from the See of Rome, which though sometimes interrupted, diverted, or (like the River Arethusa) hid under ground, yet it perpetually, sometimes swifter, sometimes slower, kept on its course: but how and by what accessional Springs, Forreign Tides, or Domestick Land-floods, it came now to swell to so great and extraordinary an Head, just ready to ore-whelm us, may be worth inquiry. To give an exact account of all Circumstances at home and abroad, that contributed to the ripening and facilitating of this Plot, and which favouring the Design, encouraged the Conspirators to push forwards the same at this, rather then another time, requires more conversation in Court-In­trigues, than we dare pretend to. But most ob­vious it is, to an ordinary Eye, that there were not a few advantages which might much flush their hopes at this Conjuncture, and rendred their De­sign more probable and feizable, than at any other moment since the Reformation.

SECT. 2.

For as this Plot aim'd not solely at these King­doms of Great Britain and Ireland, but was truely Catholick, [general or universal] to root out the Protestant Religion from the face of the earth; so no man that considers the present State of Christendome, can be ignorant what a vast pro­gress within few years last past they have made, in order thereunto. The French Kings Arms no doubt are employed chiefly for Conquest and Glory; yet 'tis as unquestionable, that the Jesuits and [Page 82] Court of Rome know how to improve them like­wise to their advantage. For if we reflect on the late proceedings of the French, and their modern Irruption which they made into Holland few years since, the manner of the Attempt, and Manage­ment before and after; we may see that haughty Monarch hath plainly taken off his Mask, and is to be regarded in this Conjuncture, not onely in the same Character as Conquerors of former Ages, towards all Estates who had the unhappi­ness to be adjacent to their Frontiers; but that he ought also to be formally look'd upon, as the declared Protector of the Tyrannick Designs of the Papacy; and consequently, the pre-meditated and positive Enemy and destroyer of all the States and People whose Faith is opposite to that Tyranny. And though in his Declaration of War against the States-General, 27 March 1672. he was pleased to assign no reason but his Glory, yet 'tis averr'd in print, that by his Embassador to the Pope, he gave afterwards a more clear Account, viz. That he had not undertaken this War, but for the Extirpa­tion of Heresie: and to the Emperour declared, That the Hollanders were a people, who having for­saken God, and being Hereticks, all good Christians were in duty bound to associate for their Extirpation, and ought to pray to God for a blessing upon so pious an Enterprise. And to other Popish Princes, That it was a War of Religion, and in order to the propa­gation of the Catholick Faith. Pursuant to which, in the Second Article of his Demands afterwards to the Dutch at Ʋtrecht, it is in express words contained: That thenceforth there shall be, not onely an entire Liberty, but a publick Exercise of the Ca­tholick [Page 83] Apostolick Roman Religion, throughout all the Ʋnited Provinces, &c. And as he hath been thus active to promote Popery abroad, so he has been no less busie to destroy Protestants at home; having suppressed so many of their Churches, contrary to Solemn Edicts, put down their Academies, made them incapable of any Office or Preferment, and by all kind of discouragements and pressures, endeavoured to ruine them. The Conspirators therefore having such a powerful friend to Abet and Assist them, who besides the glorious Rattle of propagating Catholick Religion, a specious motive in publick, is also obliged by reason of State, (a more Sacred Tye amongst such Princes) to em­broil England and Holland by all Arts, that in the mean time he may sweep away the Trade of the World, (chiefly managed by these two) and put them both in a condition to be made absolutely his Slaves, wherever he should think fit to extend his yoak. 'Tis no wonder then, I say, if the Con­spirators venture bard, with such encouragement, to accomplish their Designs, in the drudging Secular Butchering part whereof, he hath already made so fair (or rather monstrously foul) an advance.

Long since have the Jesuits learnt how to shrowd themselves under the ambitious wings of the most potent active Princes, and by pretence of promoting their interests, to set up their own. When in the last Century the Austrian Family was in its ruffling grandeur grasping at Universal Mo­narchy, how entirely did they seem devoted to that House? But as soon as it declin'd, and the French Monarch, by the revolution of humane Affairs, grew more formidable, these subtle Steers-men, [Page 84] (who know how to catch every wind) presently shifted their Sails, varied their Course, though still bound for the same Port, (viz. The advancing of the Roman Churches power) and abandoning those old useless Patrons, embark their hopes in the Designs of France; thinking (though we trust in vain) that King may ere long give Laws to all these parts of the World. Thus are we threatned with a double Intertwisted Tyranny; by the one in Temporals, by the other in Spirituals; and at the same time, a Cursed Design by their Confederate Councils is carried on, to enslave both the Bodies and Souls of all the Christians in Europe.

SECT. 3.

England and Holland having with fierce and tedious Wars, (on what grounds, and by what Counsels occasioned, is not unknown) profusely wasted each others Blood and Treasures; and the latter being reduced to so low an Ebb, that had not providence strangely put an hook into the no­strils of Leviathan at Ʋtrecht, that Republick had been quite subjugated and over-run: The same French and Jesuitical Incendiaries, in the next place, engage the three grand Protestant Princes of the North, Sweden, Denmark, and Brandenburgh likewise in bloody Wars with each other, that the Protestant Religion may every where be pluckt down with their own hands, and owe its ruine as much to the indiscretion of its Professors, as the malice of its Enemies; whilst in the mean time the disturbances in Hungary are secretly fomented on one hand, and the Emperour exasperated against [Page 85] them on the other: so that the poor Souls of the Reformed Religion in those parts, lamentably suffer under a two-fold Injustice; the ignominy of Rebellion, and Cruelty of Persecution.

Thus was there not a Protestant Kingdom, State, or Interest in the World, (besides Geneva, and a few Cantons of Switzer-land, who like­wise have felt not a few drops of the storm) but had since the year 70. been most considerably weakned; whilst France, the present Hector of the Papacy, hath so mightily encreased in strength and reputation. So that in this respect, if ever Rome would re-gain its lost grandeur, and entirely Extirpate Heresie, (as they call it) now was the time.

SECT. 4.

But then besides these Forreign advantages, if we consider the several points they had gain'd at home in England, we shall find them much facili­tating the work: The countenance of two Roman Catholick Queens for divers years, and an opinion of the Papists Loyalty, Services, and Sufferings for King Charles the First; which they were never wanting to commemorate, and represent through false Opticks, to render them more great and ob­liging, (though in themselves little, or nothing, or worse than nothing, as before we have proved) gave them free Access and welcome at Court, as their plausible behaviour, and fair pretences, large Estates, and insinuating Arts, gave them reputa­tion in the Countrey, and drew over great numbers of their Dependants, Tenants, and Relations, sway'd by Interest, to their Communion, and ma­ny [Page 86] more to a kind of Neutrality and indifference, by a too general debauching of the younger Gen­try with Principles of Atheism, no small part of their Policy; for those that were really of no Re­ligion, were very fit to comply with theirs. To carry on the Intrigue, multitudes of Jesuits, Se­cular Priests and Monks of several Orders daily came over without any let or punishment, and appeared almost publickly, as if in Contempt of Law, they car'd not who knew them to be such; they said Mass up and down, and had their Ser­mous in English frequently at their pleasure; and the Popish Court-Merry-Andrew, that Buffoon-Priest Father Patrick, (who seemed to affect Father Ju­nipers Title of Joculator Christi, Christ's Jester, as their Book of Conformities, p. 106. most pro­sanely calls him) did not a little contribute to the mischief, by the great interest he had obtained amongst persons of very high quality, by whose influence they afterwards screw'd many of their Party into considerable Offices and places of Trust Civil and Military, at Land and Sea, being allow­ed Dispensations to go to Church, receive the Sacrament, or take any Test, the better to colour the matter; and on the contrary, who ever they thought was of a spirit to oppose their Designs, they procured to be turned out, and disgraced with the Title of a Fanatick, a Rumper, or disaffected to the Government.

This formidable increase of Popery, and Inso­lence of that Party, was not unregarded by judi­cious men, but lookt upon as a thing very omi­nous, and of dangerous consequence; insomuch, that the then Parliament (though oft-times [Page 87] thought remiss enough on such occasions) could not but take notice of it: for on Munday the 29th of April, 1678. these following Reasons were agreed to be used at a Conference with the Lords, concerning the dangers the Nation is in by the growth of Popery.

THe House of Commons taking into serious consi­deration the dangers arising to this Kingdom from the restless endeavours of Priests and Jesuits, and other Popish Recusants, to subvert the true Re­ligion planted amongst us, and to reduce us again under the Bondage of Roman Superstition and Idolatry; and finding how great boldness they have assumed to themselves, from the great remisness and connivance of His Majesties Officers and Ministers of Justice, both Civil and Ecclesiastical, whereby so many good and necessary Laws, heretofore made against them, have not of late times been put in any effectual exe­cution:

They do therefore think it requisite to apply same remedy to this growing Evil; especially at this time, wherein the unity of Affections, and the mutual con­fidence between His Majesty and his People, dath so much conduce to the preservation of the whole King­dom. And because they have found by experience, that all those applications they have sormerly made upon this Subject, have not produced any effects answe­rable to their expectations, they have endeavoured to discover the Causes and Grounds thereof, which they conceive are principally these.

1. The difficulty of convicting a Romish Priest by proving their Ordinations by Authority derived from [Page 88] the See of Rome; which makes them more confidently to appear in publick, and perform their Offices and Functions without fear of punishment.

II. That Justices of the Peace are discouraged, because those that have been forward in executing the Laws against Papists, in such Countries where they do most abound, have been turned out of Com­mission, without any apparent cause, whilst others who have been Popishly inclined, have been continued in Commission, or put in de novo.

III. That in several Countries many Protestant Dissenters have been Indicted under the notion of Popish Recusants, and the penalties of the Act levyed upon such Protestant Dissenters, when the Papists there have been either totally, or for the most part discharged.

IV. That the Papists do evade the penalties of the Laws, by making over their Estates, by secret Trusts, and fraudulent Conveyances, yet receiving the profits of them to their own use and benefit; whereas in former times, considerable Sums of money were raised by the Forfeitures of Popish Recusants. That now, by the remisness of some, and discouragements of others of His Majesties Officers and Ministers of Justice, little or nothing is levyed upon them, or like­ly to be levyed hereafter, unless the care thereof be committed to persons Commissionated in the several Countries for the advancement of the Protestant Re­ligion, which may encourage persons to see it exe­cuted.

[Page 89] V. That persons are not discouraged to bring up their Children, or suffer them to be bred up in the Popish Religion, because they are as capable of inhe­riting the Estates of their Parents, or Relations, as any other of His Majesties Subjects.

The Commons do therefore most earnestly desire your Lordships to consider the danger and sad consequences that may befal this Kingdom by the spreading of that Religion amongst us, and seriously and cordially to joyn with them in removing these and all other impe­diments, which obstruct the course of Justice, and the due execution of the Laws, either by expediting those Remedies which have been offered by them to your Lordships, or by proposing such others as may be more effectual; and that this may be done with all Expedi­tion, because the Commons cannot think it suitable to their Trust, for them to consent to lay any further charge upon the people, how urgent soever the occasions may be that require it, till their minds be satisfyed, that all care and diligence is used to secure the King­dom, and prevent the dangers that may arise from the prevalency and countenance that is given to that Party, by some more effectual course than hath been provi­ded.

But the Parliament being soon after by the ill influences of unhappy Councils Prorogued, nothing was done, so that the Conspirators went on with their Game more vigorously than ever; they had gain'd the Heir Presumptive of England to own their Religion; whence they assumed no small [Page 90] confidence; they had made sure of the French King for their Friend, and he made as sure of several English Courtiers for his Pensioners: they had formed their design, engag'd great persons in it at home, and setled Correspondencies abroad: an Army was on foot so Officer'd, as might give them hopes to debauch it; or if that fail'd, they had got Commissions from the Pope to raise one of their own; and to Crown the work, his Ho­liness had provided an English Cardinal [Howard] like a second Pool, to reconcile and receive us again into the bosome of Mother Church.—Thus all things were prepared; Behold the fire and the wood, but where is the Lamb? We cannot say here, Deus providebit; but we must say, these bloody Traytors had designed one for Sacrifice, even our gracious King; (whom God long preserve) as knowing they could never destroy our Religion, till they had first destroyed him, who is (and long may he live to be) the Defender of it.

And certainly whatever Papists may suggest, who because the Conspiracy did not take, would fain perswade us there never was any, that next time they may do their business more effectually: and how lowd soever some very indifferent Protestants, and men of droll, may laugh at the mention of a Massacre, and the general destruction of all that should not conform to the Romish Church in these Nations, as a thing more extravagant to be at­tempted, more impossible to be effected, than any Romance-Adventure; yet considerate men will ac­knowledge, that as things stood, and had not this Plot been discovered, nothing to an humane [Page 91] eye could be more feazable: for when the King had been destroy'd, and a Popish Successour so establisht, that all had been Traitors who should offer to oppose his pleasure; when all Offices of Trust should have been in the hands of Papists, who had got not a few of them already; as Hull was then of the Lord Bellasis, and P. of another, &c. when the Commonalty of England, on pre­ [...]ence of executing the Statute for preserving the Game, were generally disarm'd, and not left so much as a Musquet or pocket-Pistol, for fear (as one pleasantly expresses it) of killing a Popish Bird: When we had a mercenary Army on foot, [...]eady raised, and filled with Popish Officers, to have joyn'd that Party at an hours warning: when the French were ready to have assisted them with Men, Money, and Ammunition, being through their contrivance at peace with all the rest of the World, that they might be at better leisure to attend their Motions: When at the same time the Spaniards, (under the name of Pilgrims) had designed to land amongst us 12 or 1400 men, (which is not only attested by Mr. Bedloe, but confirmed by a Master of a Ship, who was aboard their Fleet before they were dispersed by ill-wea [...] [...]ther) when our own Ships had been bestowed up­on Popish Commanders, and our strongest Forts and Militia under the like Conduct: When at the same time our great City had been fired, and every man taking care of his own particular con­cerns, and none left to mind the Publick: When you might have search'd twenty good Houses, before you met with one that had more Arms in [Page 92] it than some old rusty Gun or Pistol, and that per­haps without either Flint, Powder, or Bullet: when all these things should concur together, you must needs confess they would have it in their pow­er to act Massacres, or any other villanies they pleased; and as nothing but Providence did, so nothing else could hinder them.

CHAP. VI.

An Account and Vindication of Doctor Oates, the first Discoverer of the Plot; how he became Engaged amongst the Romanists: the prudent course he took for the said Discovery, and the difficul­ties he met with therein.

SECT. 1.

AS Hell and Rome had improv'd all their skill and force to manage this hideous Plot, and bring it to perfection; so Almighty God (notwith­standing all the provocations of our manifold sins) was graciously pleased to appear for our de­liverance, by blasting all their long-studyed en­deavours and Designs with a Miscarriage, just when they were ready for the Birth. The In­strument made use of by Providence, for this great work, was Mr Titus Oates, a Name which (not­withstanding all the Slanders and Calumnies of his, because our Religions and Nations Enemies) will be dear and honourable in after-Ages, as well as the present, to all true Protestants, especially of these Kingdoms, whom he hath been so emi­nently serviceable to preserve; and therefore it will be requisite here to give some brief account of him.

[Page 94] As for his Education, it was Liberal, in the course of Learning, being bred a Student in St. John Colledge in Cambridge, where he took his De­gree: and that as Heaven had endued him with good Natural parts, an inquisitive Genius, quick Apprehension, wary Judgment, and tenacious Memory; so he had not been wanting in impro­ving those Talents, and cultivating those happy seeds by pains and industry. For acquired Abili­ties, appears, by his proceeding Doctor in Divinity at Salamanca in Spain, no contemptible Univer­sity, where he performed all his Exercises, said by experienced persons to be more difficult than those that are commonly exacted elsewhere. He was formerly Vicar at Bobbing in Kent, to which he came in the year 1672. but the Air not being good, left it, and was sometime Minister near Chi­chester in Sussex, and afterwards came to be Chaplain to the Duke of Norfolk, with an ample testimony of his Life and Conversation. In all these stations he was a person of a sober Life, and never charged with Debauchery: whence 'tis plain, that all those scandalous Aspersions since spread abroad by the Romanists, are false, and raised by malice, since they were never heard of before he was engaged in this Discovery. Nor can it be imagined, that the Jesuits would have esteemed him so much, or trusted him so far as they did, had they not found him a person, as of good parts, so of a discreet, sober deportment, fit to be employed in affairs of Moment.

The manner and occasion how he came enga­ged amongst them, is thus related. Whilst he was the Duke of Norfolk's Chaplain, he over-heard [Page 95] some whisperings amongst the Priests, (with whom that Family was sufficiently haunted) That there was some grand Design on foot, but could not learn what it was in particular. He had heard from his Protestant Friends, and read in Sir Hamond L'Estrange's History of King Charles the First, and other judicious Authors, That the Papists had for many years carried on a Design to introduce Popery again into these Nations; which created in him a longing desire to sound the depth of it, and, if it were possible, to Countermine it. To this end, he entred more freely into Conversa­tion with some of that Tribe concerning Religion; who greedy of gaining such a Proselyte, failed not to press him with variety of Arguments: in­somuch that at last he seemed as if he were dissa­tisfyed in some things concerning our Church, and desired an opportunity to discourse with some of their Jesuits, as being vogued the most Learn­ed and able Men of that Party. This on some preliminary cautions was procured; and after sundry Conferences with them, in which he suf­fered himself to be overcome, he was formally reconciled to the Church of Rome.

Shortly after this, seeming to aspire to the highest degree of perfection, (which to be sure the Jesuits place in their Society, to which they have blasphemously arrogated the Sacred Name of Jesus) he requested some of those Fathers that he might be admitted to their Order; which after three days consideration they were willing to consent to. And as a particular favour, because he was a man of years, (being then about eight and twenty) they told him, they would not em­ploy [Page 96] him as usually they did Novices, (for so they call their young Students) in drudgery for the first two years, but he should spend that time in being a Messenger for their Society.

This exactly fitted his Design; and so, soon af­ter, he was sent with Letters to Valladolid in Spain, which by the way he dextrously opened, and there­by began to smell something more of their Hellish Designs: he dispatcht this and some other affairs so much to their satisfaction, that after a little time, he was taken into their Consults, as they call them, as a very confiding instrument, and thereby had an opportunity to see all that was on the Wheel at present, and liberty without suspicion to enquire how any thing past had been carryed on. More particularly, he made it his business to inform himself of the beginning, progress, and conclusion of our late Wars; in all which he found the Jesuits and Popish Party had a great hand. The Rebellion that led to it, being began in Scotland, where it was first laid by Cardinal Richelieu, His Majesties irreconcileable Enemy: then it broke out in Ireland, where it was blest with his Holinesses Letters, and assisted by his Nuncio, whom he sent purposely to tend the fire there, as aforesaid: afterwards they plaid their parts in disguise in England, to unsettle the people, start new Phanatical opinions, furnish the Rabble with Arguments for Treason, raise needless occasions of jealousie, push on Rebellion, frustrate all endeavours of Accommodation, &c. till they had destroyed the King, the Government, the Church, and brought us all into confusion. By this means al­so he understood that the City of London in the [Page 97] year 66. was fixed by their contrivance, and was told how that Plot was laid, and who were the Actors in the several Scenes; Richard Strange, heretofore Provincial of the Jesuits, being Di­rector in Chief thereof, and how their Society got 14000 l. by the said Fire, &c.

He kept (but very privately) short Notes of all things of moment, that occurr'd from the time he was admitted amongst their Society, with an in­tent to produce them when they might be of use; by which means he was enabled to give an Account of so many hundred Particulars, which are con­firmed by other Circumstances and Collaterate E­vidence, and have not in the least Interfer'd with one another, nor with those Papers which have been found elsewhere; or with the Informations which have been given in by other Persons (though wholly Strangers to him) whom God hath since raised up further to clear and unmask this de­testable and Bloody Conspiracy.

SECT. 2.

Doctor Oates being thus qualified, and resolved, though with the great hazard of his Life, to pre­vent, if possible, the Ruin of these Nations, by a Discovery of the Plot, which was now so far ad­vanc'd, that his Majesties Life was daily in dan­ger; all their other Contrivances being ripe, and only wanting that Fatal Blow to bring them into Act: He therefore saw the greatest necessity of ex­pedition, lest the notice should come too late.

And whereas Father Whitebread, the Jesuits Provincial, having before his last return into Eng­land, [Page 98] engaged him to Assassinate Israel Tongue, Doctor of Divinty (because he had Translated a Book Intituled, The Jesuits Morals, into English, which severely reflected on the Society) and pro­mised him 50 l. Reward for the fame. He, after his coming over, having acquaintance with the said Doctor Tongue, and knowing him to be a person of Trust and Integrity, did Communicate to him, as well the said intended Assassination, as also some Heads of the general Plot; and they both having seriously consulted of the best method for managing of the Discovery, wherein they were sure to meet with mighty Opposition, and run no small hazards, concluded to acquaint one Mr. Christo­pher Kirby with the business; as one, who for his firm Fidelity, Zeal, and Courage for the Protestant Religion, and his Majesties safety, and the Inte­rest he had at Court, was the most capable and likely Person they could think of, to assist them, and therefore on Monday the 12th. of August, the said Dr. Tongue, See Mr. Kirbies Narrative of the manner of the Dis­covery. shewing him 43. Articles drawn up in writing; requested that (without acquainting any other person there with he would make the same known to the King; which Mr. Kirby generously under­took, but could not get any opportunity of seeing his Majesty (except in Company of the Duke of York) till the next Morning: Then in the Park he acquainted his Majesty that his Enemies had a de­sign against his Life, and humbly pray'd him to use all caution, for he did not know but he might be in danger in that very Walk. Tyrants are always haunted with suspitions and fears: But his Majesty [Page 99] arm'd with his Native Goodness and Innocence, seem'd more surpriz'd with the strangeness of the news, than any apprehension of the danger; and only askt how that could be? To which Mr. Kirby answered, that it might be by being Shot at; but to give a particular account, requir'd more privacy. His Majesty ordered him to attend his return out of the Park; and then taking him aside, laid his Commands on him, to tell him what he knew; who acquainted him that there were two Men, by Name, Grove and Pickering, that watch'd an op­portunity to Shoot his Majesty; and that Sir G. W. was hired to Polsoh him, as he had been the day before acquainted by a Friend, who had a more full account thereof in writing, and was near at hand, ready to appear when commanded, which his Majesty was pleased should be about Eight that Evening: Accordingly Mr. Kirby and Doctor Tongue did at that hour attend his Majesty; and in the Red Room at White-Hall, delivered unto him the said 43 Articles, Copyed out by the Doctor (keeping the Original for his own security) and both of them humbly begg'd that those Papers might be kept safe and secret, lest the full Discovery should otherwise be prevented, and their own lives indanger'd. His Majesty was pleased graci­ously to answer, That being to go next Morning to Windsor, he would safely deposite the said Pa­p [...]is in the hands of one whom he could Intrust, and with whom he would answer for their safety; ordering them to wait upon the Earl of Danby, then Lord Treasurer, the next Morning, which ac­cordingly they did, but it was After-noon before they could be admitted to speak with him. When [Page 100] being brought to his Closet, they found him with the Papers in his hand, saying he had received them from his Majesty Sealed up, and that they were of the greatest concern in the World: But after some few questions, very civilly for the present dismiss'd Mr. Kirby and the Doctor, who two or three days after, carried more Informations, but could hardly come to speak with him; only one of his Gentle­men was appointed to receive the Papers Sealed.

And about the 20th. of Aug. Doctor Tongue offered to bring the said Pickering and Grove into St. James's Park, that they might be taken with their Guns about them, his Informant having as­sured them he could do it at any time, if the King would please to be walking there; but this was not accepted, or neglected. However, shortly after, Mr. Kirby shewed Pickering, as he attended the Priests at Mass in Sommerset-House, to one of the Lord Treasurers Gentlemen.

The 26th. of Aug. Dr. Tonge told Mr. Kirby that he had Informed the Lord Treasurer how he might Intercept Letters that come to Grove (which if it had been honestly done, must of necessity have very much laid open their Traiterous practices, the Jesuits Letters being generally directed to him.) But having heard nothing of it, and the Treasurer being gone out of Town, he was resolv'd to know if any thing had been taken, or no: Accordingly, on the 31th. of Aug. he made an Interest in a certain Letter Carrier belonging to the Post-Office, who on the 3. of Sept. informed him, that the said Grove had usually Letters every week amounting to three or four pound; and that the very day be­fore he had as many Forreign Letters as came [Page 101] to 4 s. and some Inland Letters, but how many he could not positively tell, nor could give account of any offered to be intercepted.

Doctor Oates on the second of Septemb. first discover'd himself to Mr. Kirby, Lodging at Fox-Hall, who all the time before had never seen his face, nor heard his name; but from thenceforth they met together, and on the 4th. of Septemb. he acquainted the said Mr. Kirkby, that Whitebread. the Jesuits Provincial was come to Town, and having got intelligence that there was some Dis­covery made, had Beaten him, and charg'd him with having been with the King, with a Minister, and that he had Betray'd them. The means and occasion whereby they came to have this notice and suspicion, is thus set forth: One Bedingfield, a Jesuit, deeply conecrn'd in the Plot, and who had got (as is said) to be Confessor to the Duke of York, had related in a Letter to Blundel, another of the Gang, that his Royal Highness had intima­ted some such thing to him, viz. That a Gentle­man in such-colour'd Habit, and a Minister had been with the King and made some Discovery: Now it happened that Mr. Kirkby, when he waited on his Majesty, as aforesaid, had on a Suit much of the same colour, with what Dr. Oates then usually wore, which created such their jealousie: How­ever Dr. Oates denying it (for in truth he had then never been with the King) the Provincial at last seem'd Reconcil'd to him, and only ordered him speedily to prepare to go beyond the Sea, preten­ding he had some Business there for him to Nego­riate. Upon this discourse of Dr. Oates, Mr. Kirkby finding him partly discovered, and in danger, re­solved [Page 102] to go next day to Windsor, desiring Dr. Tonge in the mean time to get his Information Sworn before some Justice of the Peace, which on the 6th. of Septemb. was done before Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, yet without permitting him to read the particulars; only assuring him in general, that it contained matter of Treason, and other high Crimes, and that his Majesty had a Copy of it. In the mean time, on the 5th. Mr. Kirkby presented himself be­fore his Majesty at Windsor; but there having been some prepossessions to take away all belief of the Plot, used by Bedingfield, &c. he could not that day, or the next obtain Audience; and therefore on the 7th. repaired to the Treasurers Lodgings, and acquainted his Man, that the Original Infor­mant was discover'd and beaten, therefore desired his Lordships directions; who sent out word that he would hear him. But although Mr. Kirkby wai­ted all that day, was in his presence, and offered to speak, yet the said Treasurer declined it; and on the 9th. went away to Wimbleton. Mr. Kirkby receiving this discouragement, returned home: In the mean time Dr. Oates holding on his Cor­respondence with the Jesuits, on the 6th. of Sept. at night coming to the Provincials Lodgings, and attending at his Chamber door, over-heard him and some others discourse concerning the disposing of a person, saying, This man has Betray'd us; we will give 20 l. to a See Dr. Oate's Narrative, p. 55. Coach-man to take him up, who by By-ways shall carry him to Dover; and when we have got him beyond Sea, we will force him by Tortures to Confess who had been with the King, and inform'd him of the Business. Whereupon con­jecturing, [Page 103] as well he might, that they meant him­self, he privately got away with speed, and ab­sented himself from his Lodging in Drury-Lan [...] that night; and returning thither next night, for some necessaries, was like to have been Assassina­ted by one Stratford. On the 9th. at Night, he met Mr. Kirkby and Dr. Tonge at the Flying-Horse in Kings-Street Westminser, whither for the present he had retired; and then for his security went o­ver with Mr. Kirkby to Fox-Hall, where he and Dr. Tonge continued.

During this time, Dr. Oates wrote fair Copies of his Informations; and Dr. Tonge in vain sought to give in farther Informations to the Treasurer, but were both (and Mr. Kirkby also) much perplexed with apprehensions of the danger they were in, and discouragements they had met with: Till on the 27th. at Night, one of the Treasurers Servants meeting Mr. Kirkby, acquainted him he was come for Dr. Tonge to go to the Council, who with Mr. Kirkby immediately went, but the Council was risen before they came, and order given them to attend next day: Whereupon they resolved next Morning to get two more Copies Sworn unto, that each man might have an Authentick Copy, which accordingly they did (being 28th. of Sept.) before Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, who would needs keep one of them, having never before perused the said Informations: Then first Dr. Tonge and Mr. Kirkby, and afterwards Dr. Oates being sent for, attended the Council, who upon Examination of Dr. Oates, were pleased to order both him and Dr. Tonge, Lodgings in White-Hall for their [Page 104] Security; and proceeded to examine and enquire further into the matter.

Post varios Casus, post tot Discrimina Rerum,
Tendimus adversus Latium—

CHAP. VII.

The nature and scope of the Plot in general, laid open.

SECT. 1.

THE design in general was by Fire and Sword, when all other means fail'd, to subvert the Establisht Government and Religion of these Kingdoms, and to reduce the same to Popery, so as no Toleration should be given to any Protestant, but all to be Extirpated, Root and Branch.

The chief Conspirators that design'd, and were to carry on this, were

1. The present Pope, Innocent the Eleventh, who in the Congregation, de propaganda fide (consisting of about 350 persons) held about December, 1677. Declared all his Majesties Dominions to be part of St. Peters Patrimony, as forfeited to the Holy See for the Meresie of the Prince and People, and so to be dis­posed of as he should think fit.

2. Our English Cardinal Howard, whom in pur­suance of such Declaration, his Holiness appointed [Page 105] as his Legate, to take Possession of England in his Name; he likewise made him Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with an augmentation of Forty-thou­sand Crowns a year, for the maintenance of his Legantine Authority: He had also Constituted Bishops and Dignitaries for all or most of the Sees and Ecclesiastical promotions in England: As Perrot, Superior of the Secular Priests, to be Arch-Bishop of York; Corker, Bishop of London; White­bread of Winchester; Strange, of Durham; Dr. God­den of Salisbury; Napper, a Franciscan Fryar, of Norwich, &c. Removing all the Bishops in possessi­on from their present Dignities.

3. Johannes Paulus de Oliva, Father-General of the Jesuits Society, residing at Rome, who was to give directions to the Provincial of the Jesuits in London, how to proceed in this affair.

4. Pedro Jeronymo de Corduba, Provincial of the Jesuits in New Castile, who was to assist with Counsel and Money, and to mis-represent the Actions and Intentions of his Majesty of Great Britain in the Spanish Court, to create Jealousies and Feuds between the two Crowns; which like­wise was to be done by a Jesuit that is Confessor to the Emperour, in Relation to England and that Court.

5. Le Chese, a Jesuit, Confessor to the French King, with whom Coleman holding Correspon­dence, discover'd to him all the Secrets of State he could, and by his means endeavour'd to obtain a Pension from the French King for his good Services in betraying his Native Countrey.

6. The Provincial of the Jesuits for the time be­ing in England, which of late was first Strange, and then Whitebread.

[Page 106] 7. The Benedictine Monks at the Savoy', where they had erected them a Colledge; to such a de­gree of Confidence were they arriv'd.

8. Jesuits and Seminary-Priests, of whom there were about that time in England, the number of Eighteen-hundred, and were generally privy to the main design, though perhaps not all acquainted with particulars.

9. Several Lay-persons of Quality drawn in, out of Zeal, Ambition, Covetousness, Revenge, &c. to joyn with them, to Command the Forces they were to raise, and execute the great Offices of the Realm: As the Lord Arundel of Warder, to be Lord Chancellor of England: The Lord Powis, Lord Treasurer: Sir William Godolphin, Lord-Privy-Seal: Edward Coleman, Secretary of State: Lord Bellasis, General: Lord Peters, Lieutenant Gene­ral: Sir Francis Ratcliff, Major General: John Lambert, Adjutant-General: Langhorn, Advocate-General, &c. who had Commissions sent them, Sealed by Paulus d' Oliva, from Rome.

The work was so great, and in their appre­hension so glorious, that the most Eminent of the Popish Clergy in Europe were engaged in it; so that it cannot be said to be an Act or Contrivance of any few particular persons, but an Ʋnanimous undertaking of their whole Church, and so it must be Recorded to Posterity, to their everlasting shame.

SECT. 2.

The means whereby they resolv'd to accomplish it, were,

1. By Killing the King, finding they could not [Page 107] work him to their purpose, and therefore to re­move him, they laid several distinct Plots, and all to be kept unknown to each other: As 1. Grove and Pickering to Shoot him: 2. Conyers and Ander­ton Benedictine Monks, and four Irish Russians, to Stab him. 3. To Poison him; for which purpose 5000 l. was entred in their Books as paid to Sir George Wakeman in part of 15000 l. Reward, which he was to have for that Horrid work, by vertue of a Contract made with him, in the presence of Coleman and Dr. Fogarthy. As for the Duke of York, they concluded to make use of his Name and Interest, if he would comply with them. 1. To accept of the Three Kingdoms as a gift from the Pope, and hold them in Fee of him. 2ly. If he would Confirm their Settlement of the Church and State. 3dly. If he would Exterminate all Protestants. 4thly. If he would Pardon the Murtherers of his Brother, the Murtherers of the People, and those who should Fire the remaining part of the City and Suburbs.

2. For that was the second particular of their work, to Fire London and Westminster, and places adjoyning thereunto; as also other the chief Cities and Towns of England, immediately on the Killing of his Majesty; and lay the whole load, both of the Murther and Firing on the Presbyterians and Fanaticks, thereby provoking the Episcopal men to joyn with them to cut them off; that so Pro­testants being weakned by their own Feuds, they might have the better opportunities, and easier task to subdue them All.

3. By a general Massacre, to which purpose they had formed an Army, which was to consist of [Page 108] Fifty-thousand to be Listed about London: The Officers all resolute Papists, and for the most part French and Irish. These they gave out were enow to Cut the Throats of One-hundred-thousand Pro­testants, especially being taken upon a Surprize, when the Militia of London was unprovided and Undisciplin'd, and the Country generally Dis­arm'd as aforesaid. And besides, the Conspira­tors had the French, and also many thousands of Pilgrims and Lay-Brothers daily expected from Spain, to assist them.

4. The Prince of Orange was also Condemned, Scandaliz'd, and designed against by Name, and 12. Jesuits sent into Holland, on purpose to use means to put that People in a Mutiny against his Person and Government; by buzzing amongst them, that his Uncle of England, and himself had a design to make the said Prince Absolute, with the Title of a King over them, and so to bring them to a Slavery for ever, worse than they suf­fered heretofore under the Spaniard.

5. As for Ireland, the Pope had made Talbot the Titular Arch-Bishop of Dublin, his Legate, to take possession for him of that Kingdom; whose Brother Talbot was to be General of all the Forces there, which were to consist of 20000. Catholick-Foot, and 5000. Horse, besides the French Auxi­liaries. It was there to be carried on by a general Rebellion and Massacre of the Protestants, as in 41. which they call, Demonstrating their Zeal for the Ca­tholick Faith. In the first place the Duke of Or­mond was to be Assassinated, which four Jesuits had undertook to dispatch: And the better to en­courage this Rebellion, the Pope was to Contri­bute [Page 109] Eight-hundred-thousand Crowns, and the French had privately sent over some supplies of Men and Arms, and was to furnish them with more as soon as they should be in Action; Le Chese having a great Influence in promoting all these Trans­actions.

6. In Scotland likewise particular care was ta­ken to foment Discontents, and raise a Rebellion, to which end they divers times sent over several Jesuits, to mingle themselves if they could with the Dessenters, so as they might Preach in their Field­meetings, and inflame them to take Arms to Vindi­cate their Religion and Liberty against those Pres­sures they complained of, and which they were to aggravate; and also against Bishops. And for their encouragement, the Papists there were to raise Eight-thousand Men to joyn with such Dissenters, lest they should be too weak to oppose the Govern­ment; by which they would kill two Birds with one stone, make a difference and hatred between Protestants, and cast the Odium of Rebellion on the Presbyterians, if it should not succeed, or de­stroy the Government, if it should; nor have their Policies in this kind, been wholly ineffectual, as appears by the late Rebellion in Scotland, princi­pally occasion'd by these Romish Incendiaries, though happily suppress'd without doing that ge­neral mischief which they expected.

Towards the necessary Charge.

1. The Society of Jesus in England, are Credibly said to have above Threescore-thousand Pounds per Annum Estate in Land, managed by Trustees; in the securing and settling whereof, Mr. Langhorn the Councellor, was principally concern'd.

[Page 110] 2. They have One-hundred-thousand Pounds Stock in ready Money, imployed at Interest by Scriveners, and used in Trade by Persons of several occupations.

3. Eleven-thousand Crowns Paulus de Oliva was to send them from Rome. Ten thousand Pounds more from Pedro Jeronymo de Corduba, from Spain. Le Chese, the French King's Confessor, advanc'd Ten thousand Pounds more; and Six thousand pounds the Benedictines: Besides considerable sums of Money transmitted to Coleman by Foreign Ministers of State; and the Benevolencies of Ca­tholick Grandees at home, for promoting so meri­torious a work.

This is the general Scheme of this Bloody, Hellish Plot, which in the quality and number of the Con­spirators; the long time it hath been contriving and carried on; the Cruelties design'd; the vast­ness of the undertaking; the multitudes that would thereby have been destroyed, and other cir­cumstances, is not to be parallel'd in any History; and all this Treason, Blood-shed, and Villany, without any provocation, to be perpetrated under the colour of Religion.

SECT. 3.

As for particulars, and the several Letters and Negotiations, we refer the Reader that is so curious to Dr. Oates his Narrative Printed, as aforesaid, last Spring, by Order of the House of Lords, where­by it appears, that in April 77. he was imployed by Strange, the then Provincial; Fenwick, Hartcourt, and other Jesuits in London, to carry their Letters [Page 111] to one Father Suinam, an Irish Jesuit, at Madrid in Spain: That in his Journey he broke open the said Letters, and found therein an account given what Jesuits they had sent into Scotland to stir up Tu­mults, and that they feared not success in their de­sign, having got an Interest in his Royal High­ness, &c. That he saw several Students sent out of England to Valladolyd, who were obliged by the Jesuits of the College, to Renounce their Allegiance to his Majesty of Great Britain; and that one Armstrong, in a Sermon to the Students there, did with most false and black-mouth'd Scandals repre­sent his said Majesty, using such Irreverent base ex­pressions, as no good Subject can here repeat with­out horror; with several other Traiterous words and Correspondencies which he there discovered: from whence he returned in November.

That about the beginning of December, he was sent with another Treasonable Letter to St. Omers, wherein was expresly mentioned their design to Stab; or if that could not be done, to Poison the King; and that they had received Ten thousand Pounds from Le Chese, which was in the hands of one Worsley of London, Goldsmith. There was likewise Inclosed a Letter of thanks to Le Chese, which he carried from St. Omers to him at Paris. During this his Journey, and being abroad, he saw and read many other of their Letters, all ten­ding to one effect, viz. Of cutting off the King, Subverting the Government, and Restoning the Romish Religion; and were so confident as in some of them, to say, That his Majesty of England was so possest of their Fidelity, that if any Male­content amongst them should not prove true, [Page 112] but offer to discover, he would never belie [...] them.

That in April, 1678. he came over with others to the grand Consult which was held the 24th. of that moneth, by about 50 Jesuits, at the White-horse Tavern in the Strand, where they met suc­cessively in small Companies, and thence dispersed into distinct little Colloquies or Clubs, where they Signed a Resolve for the Death of the King, which Dr. Oates, as Messenger, carried from one Company to another to be Signed; and very shortly after returned to St. Omers, from whence he came again, (being the last time of his being abroad) the 23. of June for England; where in July, he became privy to the Treaty with Wakeman and the terms; as also heard John Keins a Jesuit, Preach a Sermon on the 13th. of August, to 12 persons in disguise, supposed to be of eminent quality; wherein he asserted, That Protestants and other Heretical Princes, were ipso facto, deposed because, such; and that it was as lawful to destroy them, as an Oliver Cromwel, or any other Ʋsurper; with several other Traiterous words and discourses from divers of the Conspin­tors at several times and places therein specified, till the time of his making the Discovery, as afore­said.

CHAP. VIII.

Some proceedings immediately following the Discovery, and the true manner and cir­cumstances of the Murther of Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey.

SECT. 1.

THE Discovery was made to the Council on Sa­turday the 28th of Septemb. (being Michael­mas Eve) as aforesaid, in the Morning, where Dr. Oates was a long time under Examination. In the Afternoon the Council sat again, and Dr. Oates was imploy'd with a Guard, that Night, to search after some Jesuits, whom he took. On Sunday, in the Afternoon, the Council sat again very long, and then he was Re-examin'd; and when they rose, he was sent abroad all that Night to Search the Lodgings of several Priests, and find out their Papers, which he did seize upon. On the said Sunday Sir George Wakeman (the Queens Phy­sician) before mentioned, was summoned to at­tend the Council, but was dismiss'd; being told by Sir Ph. Lloyd, that his Majesty would have the hearing of his business next day himself. On Mon­day Morning the Council sat again, and Dr. Oates was further Examined; and by reason of so long watching, and running up and down for two days and nights together, continually without any re­spit, [Page 114] and in bad rainy weather, he was reduced to such extream weakness and disorder of body, that he could hardly stand or speak: Then it was that Sir George Wakeman again appeared, and be­haved himself so strangely, that the whole Council were amazed at the manner of it, for he did not seem to deny what he was charged with so positively, as one that was Innocent would have done, but used ma­ny boasting expressions of his great fidelity and Loyalty to the King, and required Satisfaction and Reparation for the Injury done to his Honour. Dr. Oats did then set forth that he had seen a Let­ter from Whitebread to Fenwick, mentioning that Sir George had undertaken the Poisoning of the King for 15000 l. of which 5000 l. had been paid him by Coleman: But a question arose afterwards, at his Trial, Whether he then mentioned another Letter, which afterwards he insisted upon, written from Sir George himself to Father Ashby; Sir George denying that he then said any thing of it; but on the contrary, declared he had not any thing fur­ther to charge him with, and then endeavour'd to Invalidate his after-Evidence; whereas Dr. Oates alledged, the Council did not press him to his knowledge; and that the Omission of men­tioning that Letter, if he did omit it, as to the best of his memory he did not, was to be attribu­ted to his Weakness at that time; which the King and Council were so sensible of, that his Majesty himself had like to have sent him away once or twice before, because he found him so Ill. [See Wakemans Trial, p. 55, 56, & 59.] It not being improbable that a man under such Circumstances might forget to mention that, which at another [Page 115] time he might well know and remember. How­ever it was, things were so manag'd, that Sir George was not Committed at that time, nor till above three weeks afterwards. When Dr. Oates ac­quainting the House of Commons with that Letter under Sir Georges hand, they thereupon sent a Message to the House of Lords, wondring why he was not Confined: Whereupon their Lordships upon Examination of the matter, Committed him.

As for Priests, Jesuits, and Conspirators about this time secured, there were

On the 30th. of September, Committed to New­gate by Order of the Privy Council, for High Treason,

  • Dr. William Fogarthy, Since dead in Goal.
    • William Ireland,
    • John Fenwick,
    • Thomas Pickering,
    All since Executed.
    • John Grove.
    • John Smith,
    • Tho. Johnson.
    Still in Newgate Untry'd.

On Sunday the 30th. of Septemb. Mr. Colemans House was Search'd, and some of his Papers seiz'd: On Munday the first of Octob. he voluntarily rendred himself to Sir Joseph Williamson, then Secretary of State, hearing there was a Warrant out against him: But there were so many other Prisoners un­der Examination, that he was not call d till After-noon, where he seem'd to hear these lewd things charg'd upon him, with Scorn and Indignation; insomuch, that though a blank Warrant was fill'd [Page 116] up, to send him to Newgate, he was only for the present Committed to a Messenger, and a special Warrant granted to the Messenger to secure him against the said first Order.

On Tuesday the 2d. of Octob. his Majesty went out of Town to New-Market; and a Committee being appointed to Examine several Papers, and Mr. Colemans amongst others, there were found in a Deal-box some, of such dangerous Consequence, as moved the Lords forthwith to Sign a Warrant for his Commitment to Newgate, dated the 4th. of October.

On the 7th. Mr. Richard Langhorn the Elder, a Councellor of the Temple; and on the 10th. Mr. Edward Peters, lately living at Sir Charles Shellies in Sussex (who Married the Lady Aber­gaveny) were both Committed to Newgate by the Council.

Hitherto the weight of this mighty work lay wholly upon Dr. Oats's shoulders and Reputation, and the design he mentioned, was in it self, and its tendency so Horrid and Bloody, that good men (who are always Charitable) could scarce perswade themselves of its reality: The fashionable men of the Town, that pretend to wit and humour, did but make a Jest of it, having long since learn'd to turn all things, though never so serious and sacred, into Drol and Ridicule; and on the other side, the Conspirators with Impudence, lies, noise, number, and the powerful Interest they had, did not doubt but to over-bear and crush his testimony; and upon this Confidence no doubt it was, and consideration that at worst he being but a single Evidence, they could not by our Law be Convicted of Treason [Page 117] for any thing he could say; that so many of them stood so long by it without flying, that at last they fell into the hands of Justice; which Indiscretion, these men who are excellent at turning Objections into Arguments, would afterwards have made an advantage of, as a sign of their Innocence, when in truth it was only a symtom of their Presumption.

SECT. 2.

But now the adorable Providence of God was pleased to take the Crafty in their own Net, and so far Infatuate these Romish Achitophels, that them­selves mortally wounded their own Cause, and became Accessary to promote a further Discovery and Confirmation, by venturing upon a Bloody Enterprize, which immediately Alarm'd the whole Nation, and left no room any longer for doubt, whether or no there were a Plot. This was the Murther of that worthy Magistrate, Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, whose memory shall be dear to Po­sterity, as a Martyr for our Church, and a Ransom for the State: And though the manner of his death was not discovered till a considerable time after­wards; yet not to interrupt the Series of time, we shall relate it here.

Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, as is before related, took Dr. Oat's Depositions, which was no more than every Gentleman in the Commission of the Peace, was bound to do; yet for this necessary dis­charge of his duty, the Conspirators were so en­raged, that they resolved to cut him off; the ra­ther (as may reasonably be supposed) to deter all other Magistrates from inter-medling with any [Page 118] affairs relating to the Plot: How many there were in all, that Conspired his death, is not yet certain­ly discovered; for it appears, they accounted the Murthering of him so necessary, that they had im­ployed several Parties to do it, which knew nothing of each others designs. But those who are known to have been in it, were these, Father Girald and Father Felly, two Irish Priests, Robert Green, Cushion-man to the Queens Chappel; Laurence Hill, Doctor Godden's Man (which Doctor is Trea­surer of the said Chappel) Henry Berry, who was Porter of Sommerset-House, and Mr. Miles Prance, a Goldsmith in Covent-Garden, who workt to the Queen: These were actually present at the Mur­ther; and besides, they knew there were two more that were Privy to it, & should have been there, but were not, viz. one Father Lewson, a Priest, and one Phillip Vernatti, who belonged to the Lord Bellasis (who since fled.) Then of the other Gang, who were to have done it, but did not, there were Pritchard, Le Fair, Welch, Kains, and another (five Jesuits) and Mr. William Bedloe.

Of that Company that effected it, 'tis believed that Vernatti, and the Priests first undertook it, and drew in Green, Hill, and Berry first; and afterwards engaged Mr. Prance, which they did at the Plough-Alehouse by the Water-gate, by Sommerset-House, on a Sunday, after they came from Chappel; tell­ing him that Sir Edmundbury was a better Persecutor of Catholicks, and a particular Enemy to her Majesties Servants (whereof Mr. Prance counted himself one, as aforesaid) and that he had very lately Examined people against them, and got Depositions to fix base Crimes and Scandals on their Religion; and that [Page 119] Catholicks would be ruined, unless he were taken off; and therefore it was necessary for the Glory of God, and good of the Church, that it should be done; and that besides, they should have a good Reward from the Lord Bellasis; and when Mr. Prance scrupled it, the two Priests, Girald See Prance, Nar­rative. page 10. and the Tryals of Green, &c. p. 14. and Kelly told him, It was no sin, but a work of Charity; so far from being a Murther, that it was a Meritorious work, and he ought to assist in it.

Having thus fixt him, they had several Con­sultations how to accomplish the work: At last, on Saturday the 12th. of October, Hill went to Sir Edmundbury Godfreys House in the Morning, and spoke with him; but what he said, is not known: Then taking his leave, he went to Girald and Green, and with them staid hard by, waiting Sir Edmundbury Godfreys coming forth, which a­bout 10 or 11. a Clock he did, as he used to do all alone; they dog'd him up and down (as they said) all that Day, till about six or seven a Clock in the Evening, and then Green came to Prances House, and told him that they had Set him, but did not name where, any further than by saying near St. Clements; and that Prance must make all hast down to Sommerset-House, to the Water-gate (that is the furthermost Gate, or passage West ward, in the Strand, that goes into Sommerset-House, down to the Water-side) and there he should find Kelly and Berry, which he did, and they three waited there till about Nine a Clock at Night; then Hill came in hast, and told them he was coming, and that they must pretend a quarrel, and he would fetch him in; Kelly and Berry did begin a seeming [Page 120] quarrel; and just as Sir Edmundbury was passing by the Water-gate, Hill (who was acquainted with Sir Edmundbury, and Sir Edmundbury with him, as having dealt with him formerly) steps out in a great deal of hast, and entreated him for Gods sake to come in, for there were two men a quarrelling, and he was afraid there would be Bloodshed; whereas his presence, being a Magistrate, would presently quiet them: He refused at first; but the other was so importunate, that at last he consented, and Hill entred the Gate first; after him, Sir Edmund-bury; and just behind him followed Girald and Green: As soon as they were in, Prance went up to the Water-gate, to watch that no body should come in that way; and Berry was to secure the Stairs and passage by the Chappel; but first he and Kelly, the pretended Quarrellers, stood about the end of the Rail by the Queens Stables; and as Sir Edmundbury went down towards them, Green sud­denly threw a twisted Handkerchief about his neck, and forthwith all four of them pull'd him down and Throttled him, so as he could make no noise; then they threw him behind the Rail, and gave him many violent punches on the Breast with their Knees; and Green wrung his neck almost round, with all his force: Prance and Berry being come to them, when he was quite dead, they all help'd to carry the Body into Dr. Goddins Lodgings, where the said Hill liv'd, who went before and opened the door: When they were in, they carried him up five or six steps, into a little Room on the right hand, and there left him that night, and Sunday all day and night.

[Page 121] On Munday night, Hill and some others of them removed him into a Room in the upper Court; and Prance having a mind to see where they had laid him, they all went with a dark Lanthorn thi­ther, and lookt on the body; at which time Mr. Bedloe saw Mr. Prance, and knew him again, long afterwards, as in due place shall be men­tioned.

On Tuesday night they carried him to another Room in the said long Entry, over against Dr. God­dins Lodgings: And on Wednesday night, being removing it from thence to the Room where it was at first; Prance happening to come upon them at that instant, they all run away and left the Body in the Entry, till he call'd to them; and then they came back and laid it, as at first, in the little Room.

Then that they might Murther his Reputation, as they had his Person; the two wicked Pciests, Girald and Kelly, advised to carry him out into the Fields, and leave him run through with his own Sword, in some obscure place, that he might be supposed to have Murther'd himself, and therefore his Money, Rings, &c. were all to be left with him. This being agreed, they resolv▪d to carry him out at Night; and in order thereunto, Hill procured a Sedan, into which, about 12. a Clock, they put him; Prance and Girald carried him out at the great Gate, Berry the Porter opening the door, who to avoid the Soldiers taking any notice, had invited them into his House with Drink and Tobacco: Thus sometimes Girald and Prance, and sometimes Kelly and Green carried him up towards So-ho Fields, hard by the Grecians Church, and [Page 122] there Hill attended with an Horse, and they set the body up before him, and clapt the Sedan into an House that was Building there, but unfinish'd, till they came back; and then Girald the Priest said, I wish we had an hundred such Rogues as secure as we have this: Then Prance, because he was a House-keeper returned home, and the other four went away with him, one leading the Horse, Hill riding and holding the Body, and the other two walking by.

They carried him into an obscure place, about two miles out of Town, towards Hampstead, near a place call'd Prim-rose Hill, and there in a Ditch they left his Body, Girald having run Sir Edmonds own Sword through him, and left it in, but the Scabbard and his Gloves they laid on the Bank, at a small distance.

In the mean time Sir Edmund-burys Servants first, and then his Friends, and at last the whole Town were not a little concern'd for his abscence; and there was once a Proclamation ordered to disco­ver him, but Countermanded by reason of false Information given by some Papists, that he was living and well; and there were several persons that went up and down to Coffee. Houses to spread false Reports, that he was gone into the Country to be Married to such a Lady, whom they took up­on them to name; that they saw him at such or such a place, &c.

That Saturday the 12th. of October, the very Evening that Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey was so Murthered, did Father Harcourt the Jesuit, lately Executed, send away a Letter to Father Ewers, a Priest, at the Lord Astons in Stafford-shire, wherein [Page 123] were these words, This night is Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey dispatcht: This Letter was received there on the Munday, and shown to Mr. Dugdale, as he hath since made See the Tryal of Whitebread, &c. p. 26. Oath at several Tryals, which is further confirmed by Mr. Chetwin, a worthy Gentleman, who being then in that Countrey, heard a report of it there, by means of that Letter, on the Tuesday, which was before ever there was any discovery of it at London.

For here was no tidings to be heard what was become of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, till on the Thursday following, being the 17th. of Octob. and then two men passing over the Fi [...]ls by chance, spied the Gloves and Scabbard; and as they came back, going to the place, discovered the Body in the Ditch.

The 20th. of Octob. the King Issued his Procla­mation, Commanding all his Officers and Subjects to use their utmost diligence to find out and disco­ver the Murtherers of the said Sir Edmund-bury, Graciously promising 500 l. Reward, to any that should make such discovery; and if any one of the Murtherers should discover the rest, he should not only be pardon'd, but likewise have the said Re­ward.

But this Royal offer could not prevail with any of them to come in, for the present, but they seem'd more hardned in their wickedness by its success; for about a Fortnight afterwards, there was by them a Narrative of See Pran. Nar­rative, p. 18. this Heroick fact drawn up in Writing, which Vernatti read in a Triumphing manner, at a meeting they had at the [Page 124] Queens-Head at Bow; and said that the same was drawn up to be shew'd to the Lord Bellasis, and some other great persons that were the original Designers and Promoters of the business, for their satisfaction; and possibly it may since be sent to Rome, and there finds as great approbation, and causes as great Joy as the News of the Murther of King Henry the Third of France did, upon which Pope Sixtus the Fifth made a Panegyrical Oration, calling it the Work of God, and preferring the Ver­tue, Courage, and Zeal of the Fryar that did it, before that of Eleazer in the Macchabees, or of Judith killing of Holofernes.

The 21th. of Octob. the Parliament met, to whom his Majesty in his Speech took notice of the Plot in these words: I now intend to acquaint you (as I shall always do with any thing that concerns me) that I have been informed of a design against my Person, by the Jesuits, of which I shall forbear any Opinion, lest I may seem to say too much or too little; but I will leave the matter to the Law, and in the mean time will take as much care as I can to prevent all manner of practices by that sort of men, and others too, who have been tampering, in a high degree with Foreigners, and contriving how to Introduce Popery amongst us.

October the 24th. 1678. Mr. Oates was Exa­mined in the House of Commons six or seven hours; and about Nine a Clock at Night, the House sent for the Lord Chief Justice Scroggs, and he took Mr. Oates's Examination upon Oath, and in the House | Sealed 26 Warrants against several Lords, and others that Mr. Oates had Sworn against; whereupon the five Lords, viz. The Lord Powis, the Lord Stafford, the Lord Arundel of Wardour, the [Page 125] Lord Petre, and the Lord Bellasis, and Sir Henry Tichburn, Baronet, were taken into Custody, and shortly after Committed to the Tower, and about the 30th. of Novemb. the Lords were Impeached of High Treason.

The same day James Corker was Committed to Newgate by Sir Charles Harbord, and Sir Thomas Stringer for a suspected Priest; who afterwards ap­peared to be one charged with the Plot: And the 26th. Matthew Medburn (formerly a Player) was likewise sent thither by the Lord Chief Justice Scroggs, for High Treason, who died in Custody the 19th. of March following.

The 30th. of October, the Parliament having by an Address desired that Papists might be Banish'd the Town, his Majesty set forth a Proclamation, declaring that there was a Bloody Traiterous design of Popish Recusants against his Majesties Sacred Person and Government, and the Protestant Religion; commanding them all, except settled House-keepers that would take the Oath of Alle­giance and Supremacy (which the Justices should be Impowered by Special Commission to Administer) to depart the Cities of London and Westminster, and all places within 10 Miles distance of the same. In pursuance of this Proclamation, many Papists pretending they could not in Conscience take the said Oaths, did go out of Town with great Lamen­tation, leaving their Trades and Dwellings; But within a Week or two, their Ghostly Fathers had fitted them with Dispensations, as appears by the sequel, and then they generally return'd again, and freely, without any Keckings of Conscience, offer­ed to swallow the said Oaths, or indeed any other Test that could be tendred them.

[Page 126] Octob. the 31th. Upon the further perusal of Mr. Colemans Papers, and the Examination of Mr. Oates taken upon Oath, it was Resolved by the House of Commons, Nemine Contradicente.

That there has been and is a Damnable and Hellish Plot contrived and carried on by the Popish Recusants, for Assassinating and Murthering the King, and for Subverting the Government, and destroying the Pro­testant Religion by Law Established.

The same day the Body of Sir Edmund. bury Godfrey was Honourably Buried, being carried from Old Bridewel, attended with a vast number of Per­sons of Quality, Ministers, and substantial Citizens, to the Parish Church of St. Martin in the Fields, wherein he dwelt, and there Enterr'd.

Novemb. 2. A Proclamation promising 20 l. Reward to any that should discover any Officer or Soldier of his Majesties Guards, who after taking the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, was per­verted to the Romish Religion, or should hear Mass.

On Saturday the 9th. of Novemb. his Majesty made a Speech to both Houses of Parliament, pur­posely to give them thanks for the care they took for the safety of his Person in these times of dan­ger; assuring them he would joyn with them in all the ways and means that might Establish a firm Security of the Protestant Religion, as their own hearts could wish, and this not only during his time, but in all future Ages to the end of the World.

Nov. 10. was a Proclamation to confine all Po­pish Recusants within five Miles of their respective dwellings. About this time to Corroborate and confirm Dr. Oates his Testimony, it pleased God [Page 127] to work upon the heart of Mr. William Bedloe, to come in and make a further discovery. He had formerly been (as 'tis said) a Servant to the Lord Bellasis, afterwards an Alpherez [or Ensign] in Flanders; and about Michaelmass, 1674. was sent for over by Harcourt, recommended by the Eng­lish Abbess at Dunkirk, and so by degrees be­came acquainted with the Jesuits, and was at last generally imploy'd as an Agent for them, and sent frequently with Letters into Forraign parts, where­by he became privy unto several of their Traiterous designs; and after the Plot discovered by Dr. Oates, he continued amongst them, who being somewhat jealous of his revolting, did, the better to keep him in awe, make him constantly twice every week take the See the Tryal of Green, &c. p. 33. Sacrament, and thereupon swear Se­cresie, and to conceal his know­ledge of the Plot. Before the Murther of Sir Ed­mund-bury Godfrey, Le Fair, Pritchard, Kains, and other Jesuits and Priests, treated with him about Killing a Gentleman, and said he should have a good Reward, but would not discover who it was: Af­terwards they imploy'd him to Insinuate himself into the Acquaintance of Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, which he accordingly did, pretending to take out Warrants for the good Behaviour against persons that were not in being, but what use they designed to make of such his Acquaintance, he knew not: But being with them the day before Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey was Murthered, at the Gray-hound Tavern, the said Mr. Bedloe sent his Boy to his House to desire him to come to them; but he hap­pen'd not to be at home, else 'tis probable they had [Page 128] Poisoned, or otherwise Kill'd him then: Next day they told him it was to be done that night, and that there was to be 4000 l. Reward for doing of it, given by the Lord Bellasis, which Mr. Coleman had order to pay; therefore they engaged him to meet them that night in the Cloisters at Sommerset-House, but he fail'd in coming, for which Le Fair was angry, but told him on the Munday, that the business was done without him, and then endea­vour'd to engage him to help carry off the Body; and at this request some Priests shew'd him the Bo­dy, who then, and not before, knew it to be Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey: When they talkt of carry­ing him out, Mr. Bedloe told him it was yet too early, and about 12. would be a better time, at which time he would come to them, which Le Faire made him promise to do upon the Sacrament which he last took; but being much troubled to see their Cruelty, he returned no more to them, but went to Bristol very restless and disturbed in his mind; and at last being convinc'd it was his duty, he could no longer forbear discovery, but wrote to one of the Secretaries of State, and was sent for up; and though he had no acquaintance with, or to his knowledge ever saw Dr. Oates before; and that for a considerable time they were kept with Guards apart, and not suffered to have any Correspon­dence, yet he most exactly agreed in the Account he gave of the Plot, with what Dr. Oates had set forth, both as to things and persons. He also gave an account that Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey was Mur­thered at Somerset-House by the Contrivance of the Jesuits, but the particulars he could not fully set forth.

[Page 129] The 17th. of Novemb. upon this new Informa­tion received, his Majesty set forth a Proclamation for the Apprehension. of George Coniers, Le Phaire, Prichard, Symonds, Charles Walsh, and Biston, alias Beeston, late Servant of the Lady Bellasis, who were thereby required to render themselves, and that if they did not so do before the 10th. day of Decemb. next, a Bill should be presented to the House of Peers for Attainting them of High Treason; and further pro­mising 100 l. Reward to any Person that should Discover or Apprehend any of the said Offenders. The same Proclamation directs the Oaths of Su­premacy and Allegiance to be tendred to all Popish Recusants or Persons so reputed; and if they re­fuse, to bind them over to appear the next Sessions; and in case they cannot, or will not find Securities, then to Commit them: And all such Refusers to be Disarm'd, and 10 l. Reward promised to any that should discover any considerable quantity of Arms in any Popish Recusants House.

The 20th. of Novem. was another Proclamation, promising 20 l. Reward to any person that should Discover and Apprehend any Popish Priest and Jesuit, (except John Huddleston, signally Instrumental in his Majesties escape after the Fight at Worcester, Priests belonging to the Queen, whose names shall be Enrolled in the Kings-Bench, and those that attend upon Foreign Ambassadors) the said 20 l. to be immediately, paid upon such Discovery and Apprehension, and due proof thereof.

CHAP. IX.

The Proceedings against William Staley, Goldsmith, and his Execution for speaking Treasonable words.

THE late Discovery had so unexpectedly frustra­ted the designs of the Papists, that being therewith enraged, they could hardly contain them­selves within any bound of patience or moderation, but the Traiterous Poison which had long rankled in their hearts, began now to blister out at their tongues; and since they were prevented from Acting, they descended with a kind of Female ma­lice, to vent their Resentments in talking and ut­tering lewd Expressions and Menaces. Of this kind of Traitors was William Staley, a Goldsmith in Covent-Garden, a Strict and Zealous Papist, bred beyond the Seas at one of the English Seminaries, intended for a Priest; in order to which, he took the degrees of a Deacon, as is related by those that well knew him, but afterwards altered his resolu­tions, and began to study Physick, in which Art he took his Degree in Italy; but coming home, and his other Brother being unhappily Kill'd by an Ac­cident, he staid at home as an Assistant to his Fa­ther in the Shop, who had a great Trade, being much Entrusted with the Cash of the Roman Ca­tholick Nobility and Gentry, who upon this no­tice taken of the Plot, calling in their money on a sudden, and he (as 'tis said) not being able readily [Page 131] to make up his Accounts to his Father, and finding their Trade hereby like to be ruined, grew so far disturb'd, that on the 14th. of Novemb. in the Forenoon, being in the Company of one Fromante, a Foreigner, at a Cooks Shop in Kings-Street, by Long-Acre, discoursing together about the Plot, &c. in French, the said Fromante said that the King of England was a great Tormenter of the People of God (meaning the Papists) To which the said Staley Answered, The King of England, the King of Eng­land (repeating the words twice as in a great fury) is a grand Heretick, and the greatest Rogue (Bouger the word was in French) in the world: There's the heart (striking his hand on his Breast) and here's the hand that will Kill him, my self: And then he said further, The King and Parliament think all is over, but the Rogues are deceived or mistaken. When he spoke these words, he was in a Room with the door open, and just over against him in another Room on the same Floor, were three Scotch Gentlemen, of whom two understood French, who not only plain­ly heard, but as plainly saw him speak them; and being mightily concern'd to hear such desperate ex­pressions, when he was going, enquired who he was, having never seen him before, and set one to watch him to his Fathers, where next day they apprehended him. And because there were a sort of men that endeavoured to cry down the Disco­very as f [...]ictitious; alleadging, that although Ro­man Catholicks in England might endeavour to promote their Religion; yet it was nothing pro­bable that they should have any design against the Kings Person: Therefore it was thought fit to bring this Man to Tryal first, before any of the [Page 132] others in Custody, thereby to convince those peo­ple, that there was such a design; seeing the Pri­soner even since the discovery of this Devilish Plot, and after so many had been Imprisoned for it, did persist in a Treasonable mind, and a Traiterous attempt against the Kings Person; a clear Evi­dence of which, was his speaking such words.

Accordingly for the same, on the 20th. of Novemb. he was Arraigned at the Kings-Bench Bar, and the 21th. brought to his Tryal, where a Jury was Impannell'd; and the Prisoner not making any Challenge, they were Sworn, being all Per­sons of good quality, viz.

  • Sir Philip Matthews,
  • Sir Reginald Foster,
  • Sir John Kirke,
  • Sir John Cutler,
  • Sir Richard Blake,
  • John Bifield, Esq
  • Simon Middleton, Esq
  • Thomas Cross Esq
  • Henry Johnson, Esq
  • Charles Ʋmfrevile, Esq
  • Tho. Eaglesfield, Esq
  • William Bohee, Esq

The Witnesses, William Corstairs and Alexander Sutherland, did both positively Swear the words before-cited, for they both understood French very well, having been Officers abroad, and just then returned into England: And the third Witness, though he did not understand French, Swore he heard the Prisoner speak something with great earnestness, and that Capt. Corstairs at that instant told him it was in English, That he would Kill the King; and was so fill'd with Indignation, that he said he would not endure to hear him use such Language, and therefore would have drawn his Sword and run upon him presently, but that [Page 133] Mr. Sutherland prevented him. They also proved that they writ down the words in French, as they were spoken and now sworn to, before they came out of the said Cooks. The Prisoner own'd that he was at that time with Fromante at that Cooks, but denied that he spoke the words, and said they only spoke of the French King, and that the words Sworn by the Witness in French, must signifie, I will Kill my self, rather than I will Kill him my self. But as to this the Court observ'd, First, that the Witnesses Swore directly that it was the King of England he spoke of, and nam'd him twice; nor did he sure count the French King an Heretick: And as for the Second, that evasion could not be allow'd; for what sense would it be to say, the King of England is a great Heretick, and the great­est Villain in the World, and therefore here's the hand, and here's the heart, I will Kill my self. The Prisoner had little more to say for himself, besides general Protestations of his Loyal Intentions. And therefore the Lord Chief Justice having repeated the proof to the Jury, they without going from the Bar, brought him in Guilty of Treason; and Sen­tence was pronounced on him to be Drawn, Hang'd, and Quartered.

On Tuesday the 26. of Novemb. he was Executed, behaving himself in his passage to Tyburn in a very sober penitent manner: His Quarters upon the humble Petition of his Relations, to his Majesty, were delivered to See an account of digging up his Quarters, Pub­lish'd by Order of the Lord Chief Justice Scrogs. them privately to be Buried, and not to be set upon the Gates of the City: But to the great Indignity and Affront of such his Majesties [Page 134] mercy and favour, the Friends of the said Staley caused several Masses to be said over his said Quar­ters, and used other Ceremonies according to the manner of the Church of Rome, and Solemnly appointed a time for his Interment, from his Fa­thers House in Covent-Garden; at which time there was made a Pompuous Funeral, many People fol­lowing the Corps to the Church of St. Paul Covent-Garden, where he was Buried; which his Majesty hearing of, was justly displeased, and Commanded the Coroner of Westminster to take up the Body of the said Staley, and deliver it to the Sheriff of Mid­dlesex to be set upon the Gates. Accordingly it was taken up, and brought back to Newgate, and then the Quarters exposed on the Gates of the City, and the Head on London Bridge, as the Limbs of Traitors usually are.

November the 27th. his Majesty emitted a Pro­clamation for the further discovery of the late hor­rid design against his Person and Government; whereby he declared, That if any person before the 25th. of Decemb. then next, should make any fur­ther Discovery to one of his Majesties Principal Se­cretaries of State, he or they should not only have and receive 200 l. immediately paid, but also his gracious Pardon, if a Principal or any way con­cern [...]d in the Treason.

CHAP. X.

The substance of the Proceedings against Mr. Coleman, and manner of his Exe­cution; with a kind of Popish Prayer made to him afterwards as a Saint.

MR. Staley being thus Executed, Mr. Edward Coleman, two days after, was brought to his Tryal. He was the Son of a Reverend worthy Minister in Suffolk, brought up in the Protestant Religion, and an Academick Education; but whether by reason of any Disgust taken for missing a Preferment, for which he stood Candidate at the University, as some report; or whether drawn in upon his Marriage, as others alleage, or to gratifie a Rich Ʋncle of that Persuasion, as a third sort re­late it, on which, or whether on some other occa­sion different from all these he revolted, is not much material; but revolt he did to the Roman Church, and became a mighty Bigot to advance the same, and gain Proselytes: He was a Person of rare natural and acquired parts, and so well conceited of himself, that he once undertook to be one that should manage a Conference concerning Religion, against the Learned Doctor Stillingfleet, and another Divine of the Church of England; which discourse is extant in Print: But his Talent lay more in News and Policy than Divinity, being for some time Secretary to her Royal Highness the Dutchess of York, he was a Leading-man in this [Page 136] Horrid Conspiracy, and a prime Promoter thereof by his great Correspondency abroad, both at Rome and in the French Court. Concerning the manner of his Commitment an Account is given before Chapt. the 8th.

On Saturday the 23 of November, he was Ar­raigned at the Kings-Bench Bar, the Indictment being very Expressive and Signifi­cant, we shall for Example sake See Colemans Tryal. p. 2. recite part of it, viz. That as a false Traitor against our most Illustri­ous, Serene, and most excellent Prince, Charles by the Grace of God, &c. his natural Lord, having not the fear of God in his heart, nor duely weighing his Alle­giance; but being moved and seduced by the Instigation of the Devil, his cordial Love, and true Duty and na­tural Obedience (which true and lawful Subjects of our said Lord the King ought to bear towards him, and by Law ought to have) altogether with-drawing, and devising, and with all his strength intending the Peace and common Tranquillity of this Kingdom of England to disturb, and the true Worship of God within the Kingdom of England practised, and by Law Establish­ed, to overthrow; and Sedition and Rebellion within this Realm of England to move, stir up, and procure; and the cordial Love and true Duty and Allegiance which true and lawful Subjects of our Soveraign Lord the King, towards their Soveraign bear, and by Law ought to have, altogether to withdraw, forsake, and extinguish, and our said Soveraign Lord the King to Death and final Destruction to bring and put. The 29th. of Septemb. in the 27th. year of the Reign of our said Soveraign Lord Charles the Second, &c. at the Parish of St. Margarets Westminster, Falsly, [Page 137] Maliciously, and Traiterously proposed, compassed, ima­gined, and intended to stir up, and raise Sedition and Rebellion within the Kingdom of England, and to pro­cure and cause a miserable Destruction amongst the Sub­jects of our said Lord the King, and wholly to Deprive, Depose, Deject, and Disinherit our said Soveraign of his Royal State, Title, Power, and Rule of his Kingdom of England; and to bring and put our said Soveraign Lord the King to final Death and Destruction, and to overthrow and change the Government, and alter the sincere and true Religion of God, in this Kingdom by Law establish'd, and wholly to subvert and destroy the State of the Kingdom, and to Levy War against our said Soveraign Lord the King, within his Realm of England: And that to accomplish these his Traiterous designs and imaginations, on the 29th. of Septemb. in the 27th. year of the King, he Traiterously composed two Letters to one Monsieur Le Chese, then Servant and Confessor of Lewis the French King, to desire, procure, and obtain for the said Edw. Coleman, and other false Traitors, the Aid, Assistance, and Adherence of the said French King, to alter the true Religion in this King­dom Establish'd to the Superstition of the Church of Rome, and Subvert the Government of this Kingdom of England, &c. Reciting his receiving an Answer from Le Chese, his Correspondence with Monsieur Rovigni, Envoy Extraordinary from the French King; and Letters to Sir William Throckmorton, in France: Concluding in usual form, That all this was done against his true Allegiance, and against the Peace of the King, his Crown and Dignity.

To this Indictment he pleaded Not Guilty; and on Wednesday the 27th. of Novemb. 1678. was [Page 138] brought to his Tryal. To the Jury Empannel'd he made no Challenges: Their Names were,

  • Sir Reginald Foster, Baronet.
  • Sir Charles Lee.
  • Edward Wilford, Esq
  • John Bathurst, Esq
  • Joshua Galliard, Esq
  • John Bifield, Esq
  • Simon Middleton, Esq
  • Henry Johnson, Esq
  • Charles Ʋmfrevile, Esq
  • Thomas Johnson, Esq
  • Thomas Eaglesfield, Esq
  • William Bohee, Esq

His Tryal, as it held very long, so it was managed with all Integrity and Moderation by the Court: The Charge against him was made out two ways, partly by Witnesses, Vivâ voce; and partly by Let­ters and Papers found at his House, which he could not deny to be his own hand writing.

Dr. Oates was the first Witness produced; to whom the Lord Chief Justice gave this grave Caution. That he See Colemans Tryal. p. 17. should speak nothing but the truth, not to add the least tittle that was false, for any advantage whatsoever, mind him of the Sacredness of the Oath he had taken; declaring that since the Prisoners Blood and Life was at stake, he should, stand or fall, be justified or Condemned by truth.

The substance of Mr. Oates's Evidence, was

1. That in Novemb. 1677. being brought ac­quainted with Mr. Coleman, by one John Keins, then Dr. Oates's Confessor, who Lodged at Colemans House, he carried some Letters for him to St. Omers, in which were Treasonable Expressions of the King, calling him Tyrant; and a Letter in Latine, en­closed to Monsieur Le Chese, to whom Dr. Oates [Page 139] carried it from St. Omers to Paris, in which there were thanks returned for the Ten thousand pounds by him remitted into England, for the Propagation of the Catholick Religion; and promising that it should be Imployed for no other purpose, but that for which it was sent, which was to cut off the King of England, as appear'd by the Letter of Le Chese, to which this was an Answer, and which Dr. Oates saw and read.

2. That Coleman was concern'd in the design of taking away the Sacred Life of the King; for that when at the Jesuits Consult at the pag. 2. Whitehorse-Tavern in the Strand, in April Old Stile, and May New Stile; and afterwards adjourned into several Companies, It was resolv'd that Pickering and Grove should Assassinate his Ma­jesty by Shooting, or other means; for which the latter should have 1500 l. and the former Thirty thousand Masses, which at 12 d. a Mass, amounted much what to the same sum: This resolve was in his hearing Communicated to Mr. Coleman at Wild-House, who did approve thereof, and said it was well contriv'd.

3. That in August, 78. Mr. Coleman was present at a Consult with the Jesuits and Benedi­ctine Monks in the Savoy, for raising a pag. 23. Rebellion in Ireland, and was very for­ward to have Dr. Fogarthy sent thither to dispatch the Duke of Ormond by Poison: And at another time, did say to Fenwick, at the said Fenwicks Chamber, in Dr. Oates's hearing, that he had found a way to Transmit 200000 l. to carry on the Re­bellion in Ireland.

4. That in the same moneth of August, Mr. Cole­man [Page 140] knew of the four Irish Ruffians sent to Windsor to Kill the King; and in his pag. 24. hearing, askt Father Harcourt at Wild-House, what care was taken for those four Gentle­men that went lastnight to Windsor; who reply'd that there was 80 l. ordered to be sent them, which he saw there on the Table, most of it in Guinies, and that Mr. Coleman was so Zealous to promote the work, that he gave a Guinny to the Messenger who was to carry this Reward, to expedite the bu­siness.

5. That in July 78. Mr. Coleman was privy to the Instructions brought by Ashby, some­times Rector of St. Omers, from Father pag. 25. Whitebread, to Impower the Consulters to propose 10000 l. to Sir G. Wakeman to Poison the King, provided Pickering and Grove fail'd to do the work: That he read and Copied these Instructi­ons, and transmitted them to several others of the Conspirators, who were gathering Contributions about the Kingdom, and would thereby be the more enco [...]rag'd to give largely, both because hereby they were assured the business would be soon dis­pa [...]cht, and that they might see they had assistance from beyond the Seas; and that Mr. Coleman was so far from disapproving this Treason, that he said it was too little, and advised to add 5000 l. more to it, that they might be sure to have it done.

6. That in May New Stile, April Old Stile, 78, he saw Mr. Colemans Patent or Com­mission to be Secretary of State, from pag. 27. Paulus de Oliva, General of the Society of Jesus, by Vertue of a Brief from the Pope; and that in Mr. Fenwicks Chamber in Drury-Lane, he [Page 141] saw Mr. Coleman open it, and heard him say, it was a good exchange [meaning, to come from being the Dutchesses Secretary, to be Secretary of State.]

This was the substance of Dr. Oates's Testimony; but by our merciful English Laws, no man can be Condemned by a single Evidence: But here was sufficient proof, for in the next place Mr. Bedloe Witnessed

1. That Sir Henry Tichbourn told him, he brought a Commission for Mr. Coleman to be prin­cipal Secretary of State, when he brought pag. 27. over the rest of the Commissions for the Lords and others, from the principal Jesuits at Rome, by Order of the Pope.

2. That in April 75. he carried over a large Packet of Letters from Mr. Coleman to Monsieur Le Chese, about carrying on the Plot, and brought back an Answer: And May 24. or 25. 77. he re­ceived another Packet of Colemans, to carry to Paris to the English Monks.

3. That upon his return with Answers to the last Letters which were delivered to Cole­man by Harcourt, he heard Mr. Coleman at pag. 39. his House behind Westminster-Abbey, at the foot of the Stair-case, say, That if he had an hundred lives, and a Sea of blood to swim through, to carry on the cause of the Church of Rome, and to esta­blish that Church in England, he would venture it all; and if there were an hundred Heretical Kings to be Deposed, he would see them all destroyed.

This was the Oral Testimony; in confirmation whereof, in the next place, were produced several of Mr. Colemans Papers, taken at his House by Mr. Bradley the Messenger, by vertue of a Warrant [Page 142] from the Council, the 29th. of Septemb. at which time he was not to be found, but surrendred him­self next day, as aforesaid. The Messenger Swore he seiz'd them there, and Seal'd them up, and brought them to the Clerks of the Council, who Swore these were the same Papers, and they were (all that were made use of) proved to be his own Hand-writing by Mr. Boatman his Servant, and Mr. Cattaway, a Sub-secretary, that used to write many things for him, and were both well acquainted with his hand, and also by his own Confession; so that it was impossible there could be any firmer proof: And if there had been no other Evidence in the Cause, his own Papers were as good as an hundred Witnesses to Condemn him: Where also note by the way, that one of these Servants acknowledged up­on his Oath, that a Packet of Letters from beyond the Seas, was directed to Mr. Coleman two or three days after he was made Prisoner; and that his Ma­ster kept a large Book of Entries for his Letters and News, which he saw on Saturday the 28th of Septemb. but not since nor knew what was become of it; by which it appears, both that he still main­tain'd a Correspondence beyond the Seas, even to the time of his Commitment; and that he had made away with most of his dangerous Papers; however through hast or inadvertency, he had left these behind, which probably being old, and long since laid by, he might forget.

The first Paper read, was the draught of a long Letter to Monsieur Le Chese, dated the 29th. of of Septemb. 1675. Subscribed thus, Your most humble and most obedient Servant, but no name. This did contain a deduction of a three years History, of his [Page 143] former Traiterous Negotiations (for the most part with Father Ferrier, the Predecessor of Le Chese) by means of Sir William Throckmorton; and has many insolent and dangerous exprssions, as [pag. 44. of the Tryal, in which it is inserted Verbatim.]

The fatal Revocation of the Kings Declaration for Liberty of Conscience, to which we owe all our miseries and hazards, p. 45. I pressed all I could to persuade his most Christian Majesty to use His utmost endeavours to prevent that Session of our Parliament, and proposed Expedients how to do it, pag. 46. That it was his Royal Highnesses opinion, that if his most Christian Ma­jesty would make the same proffer to his Majesty of Eng­land, of his Purse to dissolve this Parliament, which he had made to his R. H. to call another, he did believe it very possible for him to Succeed, with the Assistance we should be able to give him here. p. 47. Logick in our Court, built upon Money, has more powerful Charms than any other sort of Reasoning again; speaking of the 300000 l. that he would have had of the French King, he says, Thereby the Condition of his R. H. and of the Catholick Religion (which depends very much upon the Success of his most Christian Ma­jesty) would thereby have been delivered from a great many frights and real hazards. p. 53. he says, He would willingly be in everlasting disgrace with all the World, if by the assistance of 20000 l. to be obtained from the French King, he did not regain to the Duke his Ma­ster, his former Offices, and especially that of being Ad­miral of the Fleet. p. 54. If we can Advance the Dukes Interest one step forward, we shall put him out of the reach of Chance for ever; then would Catho­licks be at rest, and his most Christian Majesties Interest secured with us in England, beyond all apprehensions [Page 144] whatsoever. We have two great designs this Sessio [...] to put the Fleet in his R. H's. Care, and to get an Act for general Liberty of Conscience: If we carry on these two, or either of them, we shall in effect do what we list afterwards: And if his most Christian Majesty would but help us with 20000 l. I would be content to be Sa­crific'd to the utmost Malice of my Enemies if I did not succeed: And then he speaks out presently after­wards, for what end this design is, and why he presses it so earnestly; Because, saith he in the same place, our prevailing in these things, would give the greatest Blow to the Protestant Religion here, that ever it received s [...]nce its Birt [...]. He draws to a Conclusion with these words, p. 55. I have shewn you the present State of the Case, which may (by Gods Providence and good Conduct) by made of such advantage to Goods Church, that I can searce be­lieve my self awake, or the thing real, when I think on a Prince in such an Age as we live in, Converted to such a Degree of Zeal, as not to regard any thing in the World, in comparison of God Almighty's glory, the Salvation of his own Soul, and the Conversion of our poor Kingdom, which has been a long time opprest, and miserably harrast with Heresic and Schism.

These passages need no Comment to shew what he would be at in all these urgent Solicitations for Foreign Assistance, viz. To Dissolve or Influence our Parliaments at his pleasure, so as may most make for the French Interest, and that of Popery, to Convert our Nation from its present Heresie; that is, to give the fatal Blow to Protestantism.

An Answer to this Letter from Le Chese was read next, dated the 23. of Octob. 1675. wherein [Page 145] he promises Mr. Coleman to assist in seconding his good intentions. &c.

Then was read a Declaration, which Mr. Coleman looking, it seems, upon himself already as establish'd in his Office of Secretariship, had drawn up in the Name of the King; for as he would have the Par­liament Dissolv'd, so this was to satisfie the People, and give Reasons for its Dissolution, promising to call another; charging all persons to forbear talk­ing Irreverently of the proceedings of his Majesty there, and offering 20 l. to the discoverer of any Seditious Talker against it, unto a principal Secre­tary, whereof he counted himself one as aforesaid.

There was likewise produced and read a Letter, written in the Name and Stile of the Duke of Y. to Monsieur Le Chese; declaring that the Interest of the French King, and those of his Royal H. were so clearly linkt together, that those that opposed the one, should be lookt upon as Enemies to the other: That Pro­positions had been made to the French King, that had regard to the Catholick Religion, and to the use of his Purse, and refers a further Account to be had from Throckmorton and Coleman, who, he says, are firm to his Interest, and may be treated with, without any apprehension.

'Tis true upon a Committee of Lords going to Newgate, and Examining Mr. Coleman touching this Letter, he confessed, That it was prepared with­out the Order or Privity of the Duke; and that when he was so bold as to shew it to him, the Duke was very angry and rejected it. But it seems his displeasure did not long continue, for Coleman remained still a Favourite; and certainly, had he not made some extraordinary Apology for such an Insolence; as [Page 146] Counterfeiting a Letter in his Masters Name, he must have lost his Royal Highnesses favour for ever.

But that which gave the most clear Light to his designs, was a Letter to Le Chese, without date; but appearing to be written soon after his long Let­ter of the 29th. of Septemb. wherein after his ap­prehensions of the approaching Session of Parlia­ment, and care taken for a Cipher, and secret wri­ting besides with juice of Lemon, because their Cor­respondence would be of things not fit to be trusted, even to a Cipher alone: He hath these words, We have here a mighty work upon our hands, no less than the Conversion of three King­doms, p. 69. and by that perhaps the utter subduing a Pesti­lent Heresie, which has domineer'd a long time over great part of this Northern World: There were never such hopes of success since the death of our Queen Mary, as now in our days; when God has given us a Prince, who is become (may I say a Miracle) Zealous of being the Author and Instrument of so Glorious a work. But the opposition we are sure to meet with, is also like to be great, so that it imports us to get all the aid and assi­stance we can, For the Herbest is great, and the Labourers but few: That which we relie upon most, next to God Almighty's Providence, and the favour of my Master the Duke, is the mighty mind of his most Christian Majesty, whose generous soul inclines him to great undertakings; so as I hope you will pardon me, if I be very troublesome to you upon this occasion, from whom I expect the greatest help we can hope for. I must confess I think his Christian Majesties Temporal Inte­rest is so much attracted to that of his R. H. (which can never be considerable, but upon the growth and advance­ment of the Catholick Religion) That his Ministers can­not [Page 147] give him better Advice, even in a politick sense, ab­stracting from the considerations of the next world, than that of our Blessed Lord, To seek first the Kingdom of Heaven, and the Righteousness thereof, that all other things may be added unto him. Yet I know his most Christian Majesty has more powerful mo­tives suggested to him by his own Devotion, and your Re­verences Zeal for Gods Glory, to engage him to afford us the best help he can in our present Circumstances, &c.

Scarce could any words more significantly ex­press the whole Intrigue of the Plot: For

1. Here is the immediate End they aim at, The Conversion of these three Kingdoms; that is, destroy­ing the Religion Establish'd, and introducing Po­pery.

2. Here is their main and ultimate scope; that by thus reducing these Nations, they may root out Protestant Religion throughout the world, and by that perhaps the utter Subduing, &c.

3. Their Malice is shown, by calling the Pro­testant Religion, A Pestilent Heresie.

4. The favourable Conjuncture for them, Never such hopes of success since Queen Maries days; whom for her good Bloody Services for the Roman Church, he cannot mention without an endearing and ap­propriating title, Our Queen Mary.

5. The reason for such their confident hopes, be­cause they have Seduced his R. H. and made him Zealous for doing their drudgery.

6. That they expect great Opposition, but re­solve to meet it, so that of necessity here must War, Blood-shed, and Desolation ensue, before they could accomplish this their mighty work.

7. The means whereby they hope to over-bear [Page 148] this opposition, and that is by the aid and power of the French King, whom next to God (who might as well have been left out) and the Duke, they rely on, and expect the greatest help they can hope for from; and this to be obtained by the Interest of Le Chese his Confessor, inspiring him with the glory and piety of the business.

There were also read divers other Letters, written by the Prisoner; and one especially of Aug. 21. 1674. to the Popes Internuncio at Brussels, where in so many words, he owns his design to be the utter Ruin of the Protestant party in general: But these were never thought fit to pass the Press; and in­deed the others which are published, are sufficient alone to satisfie any rational man; nay, I durst al­most say a Papist himself, not only that Coleman was Guilty of the Treason in the Indictment, for endeavouring to Subvert the Government and E­stablish'd Religion of England, but also to con­vince him of the truth of the Plot in general; and that what Dr. Oates testifies, is real; for had he seigned or guess'd at things, how was it possible, that he should tell the Council before hand; that if Mr. Colemans Papers were search'd, there would be found that in them which would cost him his Neck; as Sir Robert Southwell positively Swears he did, [p. 36. of the Tryal.] And indeed it was digitus dei, a most signal Providence, that these few Papers were left behind to be produced. If we consider what grounds and opportunities Mr. Coleman had to ab­scond all his Papers (as tis plain he did the most of them, none of his Letters of this Subject since 1675 being to be found.) For being a man of that In­terest and Intelligence as he was, and being expresly [Page 149] Charged by Name in Dr. Oates's Informations, which were delivered to the King, and transmitted to the Treasurers perusal, and had lain in his hands almost 50 days before this seizure of Colemans Pa­pers, as aforesaid; and since it appears, Bedingfield, his R. H s. Confessor, had notice of the Discovery of the Plot, almost as soon as ever it was made to his Majesty. We cannot, after all this, reasonably imagine Mr. Coleman could so long be Ignorant of it; at least, he must needs have some Inkling of the business on the Saturday-night, when almost all the Town knew of it, which was time enough for him to have remov'd all, as well as some of his dan­gerous Papers, had not Providence Infatuated him, that his own Hand-writing, and which he could not, nor did deny to be so, might be brought in Evidence against him, and undeniably justifie both his Treasons and the Witnesses Integrity.

The defence he made for himself, consisted in these Particulars,

1. That Dr. Oates, who now pretended such Acquaintance with him, declared before the King and Council, That he never saw him before, or did not know him.

To this the Dr. Answered; That it being by Candle-light, and his sight weak, and Coleman alter­ed in Habit and Wig, he did indeed at first say, That he would not Swear that was the Man, or that he had ever seen him before; but as soon as he heard him speak, he knew him well, and could then have Sworn it, had he been demanded.

2. That had the things Dr. Oates now alledged, been true, he would have Charged the same before the Council: But then he charged him only with a [Page 150] Letter which he thought was his hand; and such slender matters, that the Council was ready to let him go at large; and therefore all the rest must be Invented since.

To this the Dr. replied, That he was then so weak and weary, that he cannot tell particularly all he then said, and possibly in that condition might forget something; besides, his design then, was to lay no more to his Charge than might serve for In­formation; for Prisoners may supplant Evidence when they know it; and when he saw Mr. Coleman was secured, he had no need to give a further Ac­count, for he never apprehended the Council in­clined to let him go at large; if he had, he should certainly have charged him home: And so in truth it appears he did, as weak as he was; for in full Answer to this Objection, Sir Robert Southwell Swears, that Dr. Oates did then pag. 38. declare, that Coleman paid Wakeman 5000 l. of money, which he was to have for Poisoning the King.

3. Whereas Dr. Oates charg'd him with consen­ting to Wakemans Poisoning the King; and that it was consulted by him in August, and as he re­membred, about the 21th. day, Mr. Coleman al­leadged that he was then in Warwickshire, and one of his Men and he, was all August there, (as he thought) but was not sure of it; and after Con­viction, he talkt of a Book that would shew he was out of Town from the 15th. to the 31. of August: But as this was no Evidence in it self, and offered too late, so it did not contradict Dr. Oates, for he was not positive to the day, but only to the moneth, and it might as well be before the 15th. day.

[Page 151] And this was all he had to object against Dr. Oates's Testimony. Against Mr. Bedloe he had no­thing to say, but that he never saw him in his life: To which Mr. Bedloe replied; Yes, you saw me in the Stone-Gallery in Somerset-House, pag. 40. when you came from a Consult, where were great Persons, whom I am not to name here, that would make the very bottom of your Plot tremble; then you saw me.

Then as to his Papers; he would excuse himself by alleadging there was no Treason in them, though very extravagant Expressions; and that his design thereby was so far from Killing the King, that it was only to make the King and Duke as great as could be. But to Answer to this; It was observed, that it is apparent he was Guilty of Contriving and Conspiring the Destruction of the Protestant Religion; and how could this be done without the Death of the King? He that will Subvert the Pro­testant Religion, and would bring in Popery; that is, a Forraign Authority, does an act in Derogation of the Crown, and in Diminution of the Kings Title and Soveraign Power, and endeavours to bring a Forraign Dominion both over our Consci­ences and Estates, which in it self, is no less than Treason.

Lastly; He pleaded the Act of General Pardon, but in vain, because his Papers were written since the last Act of that kind pass'd.

Then the Jury going together, after some time, returned, and brought him in Guilty: The next day he was again brought to the Bar, and there received Sentence; the Lord chief Justice advising him to Confess the whole Truth, and not to be [Page 152] deluded with the sond hopes of having his Sen­tence respited; to which purpose, amongst others, he used this Expression, Trust not to it Mr. Coleman, you may be flattered to stop pag. 99. your mouth, till they have stopt your breath; and I doubt you will find that to be the event.

However he did not think [...]t to take this advice, but remain'd in an obstinate sullen manner till Thurs­day the 3d. of Decemb. and then was drawn on a Sledge to Tyburn. where he declared that he had been a Roman Catholick for many years, and thank'd God he died in that Religion, which he did not think at all prejudicial to the King and Government: And being askt if he knew any thing of the Murther of Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, declared that he did not, for that he was a Prisoner at that time: Then after some private Prayers, he was Hang'd and Quar­ter'd, but his Quarters granted to his Friends to be Buried. It was the opinion of most that beheld him as he was drawn along, or whilst he was speak­ing or praying at Tyburn, that he was somewhat di­sturb'd in his mind, or under some expectations of a Reprieve: and it was confidently reported, that he should say that day, with great Passion, There is no Faith in Man. But as to this last, Enquiry has been made, and no Credible persons have yet appeared to testifie that they heard the words spo­ken; so that it must be left only as a probable rumbur.

But that the world may take notice of the Inso­lence of the Popish Crew, and what a strange Ve­neration they pay to the most notorious Traitors of their Party; it may (we hope) be no inexcusable [Page 153] offence, to add here the true Copy of a certain Poetical Prayer address'd to this Saint.

About a Fortnight after Colemans Execution, one Nevil, alias Pain (a reputed Papist) being Ap­prehended for speaking some dangerous words, one Mr. Gill, a Constable in King-Street, Westmin­ster; searching him, found in his Pocket the fol­lowing Lines, fair written, this Copy being faith­fully compared with the Original in the said Con­stables hands.

To that Glorious Saint and Martyr, Mr. EDWARD COLEMAN.
HAil Glorious Soul! To whom the Crown is given;
All-hail, thou mighty Favourite of Heaven.
Triumphant Martyr! From that endless Throne,
Where thou maist reign with Christ, disturb'd by none:
Look down a while, and view upon his Knee,
An undeserving Friend to Truth and Thee.
Pardon the boasted Title, since that Love,
Which gave it here, must needs Confirm't above:
For twas a Flaming Charity, which sure,
Since boundless here, must endless there endure.
But ah alas! Great Saint, I own with shame,
That Ill I then, worse now deserve that Name:
Whilst here on Earth, my Troubles kept me still,
From Friendships Laws, as now my senses will.
But what you pardon'd then on Fortunes score,
Be pleas'd on Passions now to pitty more:
[Page 154] And for that Good which here you did design,
Without Reward, or least desert of mine,
Obtain me more from our Great Lord and Thine.
Not that I hope to equal Thee in place;
Though I could Wish it, with the like Disgrace.
I only hope to view that Holy Ring,
Where Crowned Souls do Hallelujahs sing.
Prepare me some low place in that bright Quire,
Where though I may not sing, I may Admire.

Such stuff needs no descant to render it odious to all true Christians and good Subjects; since 'tis not only a gross Affront to Government, and the proceedings of publick Justice, and a kind of a­betting Treason against the Magistrate on Earth, but even against the Majesty of Heaven too, by slighting the invaluable Mediation of the Blessed Jesus, to Invocatr such a wretched Impostor with glorious Titles, and expect to obtain a place in those Holy Mansions (where no unclean thing can enter) for the Merit or Intercession of so Flagi­tious and (as 'tis justly to be feared) Impenitent at Malefactor.

CHAP. XI.

An Account of the Proceedings against Wil­liam Ireland, Tho. Pickering, and John Grove, for Conspiring to Murther the King.

THE sixth of Decemb. his Majesty taking notice of the bold and open Repair of his Subjects to her Majesties Chappel, and the Houses of For­raign Ministers, for hearing of Mass, and often­times Sermons Preached in English there, by Eng­lish, Scottish, and Irish Priests, thought fit to Issue out an Order of Council, strictly Prohibiting the same.

And now on the 17th. of December, we come to the Tryal of William Ireland and Thomas Pickering, both Priests, and John Grove, a Lay-Brother, at the Sessions House in the Old Bailey: There were at the same time Arraigned with them Thomas White, alias Whitebread, and John Fenwick, two Jesuits, but in the course of the Evidence, it not for the present appearing to the Court that there was suffi­cient Proof against the two last, by two Witnesses, as our English Laws require: The Jury was dis­charged of them, and they returned back to New­gate.

The other three were Indicted for High-Treason, and that of the highest nature imaginable, as being actively concerned in carrying on the general Plot [Page 156] for Subversion of the Government, but more especi­ally for the horrid design to Murther his Majesties Per­son; Ireland for contriving and consenting to it; and Pickering and Grove for having undertaken and attempted actually to effect it.

The Jury consisted of Persons of very good Quality, viz.
  • Sir William Roberts, Baronet.
  • Sir Philip Matthews, Baronet.
  • Sir Charles Lee, Knight.
  • Edward Wilford, Esq
  • John Foster, Esq
  • Joshua Galliard, Esq
  • John Byfield, Esq
  • Tho. Eaglesfield, Esq
  • Tho. Johnson, Esq
  • John Pulford, Esq
  • Tho. Earnesby, Esq
  • Rich. Wheeler, Gent.

The sum of the Evidence (waving Generalities which were here necessarily repeated, and have for the most part been already set forth in this History) was as follows:

Dr. Oates Swears, that at a Consult of 40 or 50 Jesuits, begun at the White-horse, Tavern in the Strand, and pro­secuted See the Tryal of Ireland, &c. p. 19. at [...] several Colloquies, or lesser meetings at several Cham­bers (whereof Mr. Irelands was one) to which they Adjourn'd themselves: It was resolved that Pickering and Grove should go on (for they had for­merly been engaged) in their design and attempt to Murther the King; and that Grove being a Lay-man, should have 1500 l. for his Reward; and Pickering (being a Priest) Thirty-thousand Masses for his (which at 12 d. per Mass, as they usually value them, comes to the same sum.)

2. That this Resolve was the same day drawn up [Page 157] in writing by one Mico, that was Secretary to the Society, and Socius or Companion to Whitebread the Provincial, at the said Whitehreads Chamber, who having Signed it, it was carried by the Wit­ness (Dr. Oates) as being Messenger to the Consult, to the rest of the Colloquies to be Signed; and that Ireland at his own Chamber did Sign it in his pre­sence.

3. That Pickering and Grove consented to such Resolve, accepted the Terms, and also Signed it the same day, at the said White­breads pag. 23. Chamber, at Mrs. Sanders's at Wild-House, where in a little Chappel, they and a­bout 40 or 50 of the Consulters heard Mass, re­ceived the Sacrament, administred by one Barton, a Jesuit, and thereupon took pag. 28. an Oath of Secresie upon a Mass-book which Mico held, whilst Whitebread pronounced the words.

4. That in pursuance of this resolve and under­taking to Murther the King, he did several times see Pickering and Grove pag. 23. walking in the Park together with their screw'd Pistols, which were longer than ordinary Pistols, and shorter than some Carbines: That they had Silver Bullets to shoot with, and that Grove would have had the Bullet champt, to render the wound Incurable; and that he saw Grove's Bullets in May, and Pickering's in August.

5. That in the Moneth of March, 1677/8. (for these persons followed the King to mischief him, before the said Consult and Resolve, which was made only to encourage them as well by so general an Approbation as by the certainty of Reward set­led) [Page 158] Pickering had a fair opportunity to have shot the King, but the Flint of his Pistol happen'd to be loose, and he durst not venture to give fire; and because by their negligence this oppor­tunity was miss'd, Pickering underwent pag. 24. Penance, and had 20 or 30 strokes of Discipline, and Grove was chidden for his careless­ness, as Whitebread had written in his Letters, which the Witness had read, and well knew his hand.

6. That Grove did go about with one Smith to gather Peter-pence, which was either to carry on the design, or to send them to Rome: That he saw the Book wherein it was entred, and heard the said Grove say he had been gathering it.

The second Witness was Mr. Bedloe, who Swears

1. That he was imployed for the space of near five years as a Messenger, p. 37, 38. by these Conspirators, for the carrying their Letters to their Confederates beyond the Seas, and bringing others back, all or the most relating to this Plot, for he Swears he had a way to open and read them, whereby he fully informed himself of matters: And for the nature of the Plot, he Swears he heard some of the Conspirators say, That they would not leave any Member of an Here­tick in England, that should survive to tell hereafter, that there ever was any such Religion there as the Pro­testant: And to confirm his Intimacy with them, he Swears the manner of his coming first to be im­ployed by them: By means of the Lady Abbess of the English Nunnery, at Dunkirk, who having kept him six weeks in her Convent, recommended him to Sir John Warner, as a proper Instrument, [Page 159] who afterwards sent him to Harcourt to be in­structed; and then he brings his Brother James Bedloe, who knew nothing of the Plot, but Swears he hath heard the Prisoners often named, as being of his Brothers Acquaintance; and that he hath on his Brothers behalf, received several sums of mo­ney from Priests and Jesuits, sometimes 50 or 60 l. a [...] a time; from all which it appears that he must be very well acquainted amongst them, and know­ing in the design, having been imployed under them so long in it.

2. Mr. Bedloe Swears, That about the latter end of August, 78. (the very day, he Con­fesses, he cannot Swear to) at Mr. Har­courts pag. 41. Chamber (one of the Conspira­tors) he met Ireland, Pickering, and Grove the Pri­soners, with some others, where he heard them dis­course that the 4 Irish Russians missing of Killing of the King at Windsor, therefore Pickering and Grove should go on in their design; and that one Conyers (a Benedictine Monk) was to be joyned with them, and that they should endeavour to Assassinate his Majesty in his Morning walk at New Market; and they had taken it so strongly upon them, that they were eager upon it, and Mr. Grove more forward than the rest, insomuch that he said, Since it could not be done Clandestinely, it should be attempted Openly, and that those that should fall therein, had the Glory to die in a good Cause; but if it should be discovered, the discovery could never reach to that height, but their Party would be strong enough to accomplish the work.

[Page 160] 3. He Swears that Harcourt told him, Grove was to have 1500 l. and Pickering as many Masses as at 12 d. a piece came to the like sum.

4. That at the same time, when the discourse was at Harcourts Chamber about Killing the King at New-Market, there was likewise a discourse a­mongst them of a design to Kill several Noble Per­sons, and the particular parts assigned to every one; Knight was to Kill the Earl of Shaftsbury; Prichard the Duke of Buckingham; Oneile, the Earl of Ossory; Obrian, the Duke of Ormond, &c.

And here it is to be noted, That though Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe do not speak to one and the same Consultation, nor to one and the same time, yet they are in Law two Witnesses to one and the same Crime; for thus several Witnesses to several Overt Acts, are so many Witnesses to the Treason; and the several Overt Acts which declare the Inten­tion, are but as so many Evidences of the Treason; and this hath often heretofore, as in the case of Sir Henry Vane, and else where, as well as now, been declared to be Law; and there seems good reason that it should be so, for otherwise scarce ever any Treason could be proved; for men that run the ha­zard of their lives in such Consultations, will hard­ly suffer two persons to hear them, or meet twice to­gether, but so dispose them, that they may meet severally at several times, and in different places, as Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe did.

To Corroborate Dr. Oates's Testimony, con­cerning the Consult of the 24th. of April, there was a Letter produced and read, taken in Harcourts Chamber when they Search'd for him, dated Feb. 23. 77. written by one Peters, a Jesuit, now in [Page 161] Newgate, on the score of the Plot, to one Tonstall, of the same Society, to summon him to meet at the general Consult to be held at London, April the 24th. [the same day Dr. Oates set forth] wherein there is special Caution given in these words; Every one is also to be minded, not to hasten to London long before the time appointed, nor to appear much a­bout Town till the meeting be over, lest occasion should be given to suspect the Design; finally, Secresie, as to the time and place is much recommended to all those that receive Summons, as it will appear of its own nature necessary.

Now Dr. Oates had given in his Testimony of the Consult, on April the 24th. long before this Letter was found, so that he was right in that: And by the words, Suspect the Design, and the un­usual Caution and Secresie prescribed as necessary there, is a strong presumption that the design in­tended, was indeed no other than what he hath set forth.

The Prisoners Defence for themselves, a­gainst all this, was

1. A naked peremptory denial of the whole, but that without Witnesses or good Circumstances to prove it, signifies very little, being the common Allegation of every Malefactor, much more to be expected from these men, who having the Consci­ence to venture on such Devillish Crimes; and who by their Religion could have, or grant a Dis­pensation for the breaking of an Oath, were not [Page 162] like to Boggle at telling a Lie to save their Lives, and to keep off so great a Scandal from their Party.

2. They would seem not to know Mr. Oates, or to have had scarce any acquaintance with him.

In answer to this, he Swears to several Circum­stances which they were forc'd to ac­knowledge; As, that Grove in December pag. 31. last, lent him 8 s. to hire a Coach to Dover, being then to go for St. Omers; that Fen­wick was his Confessor; that the said Grove drank twice in his Company at the Red posts in Wild-Street, and once more, by a good token, when he owned that he Fired Southwark, assisted by three Irish men; and that they had a Thousand pounds given them for it, whereof he had 400 l. and the other 200 l. a piece.

And here as a Digression, not altogether imper­tinent, I cannot but inform the Reader, that when Dr. Oates gave in his Informations to Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, when he read them, and came to this passage concerning Grove Firing of Southwark, being Article the 49th. The said Sir Edmund-bury having, it seems, some knowledge of the said Grove, said, That he had been informed that the said Grove wrought so hard at the said Southwark-Fire, and so over-heated himself, that it was thought it would have cost him his life, or words to that effect; which hard working, the said Sir Edmund-bury did before judge to have been in helping to quench the said Fire; but, as appears, was indeed in promoting and carrying on the same; which Circumstance unknown before to Dr. Oates, doth [Page 163] exactly correspond with, and confirm his Testi­mony in that point.

3. Ireland endeavoured to oppose Mr. Bedloes Evidence, who Swore that he was at the Consult at Harcourts Chamber in August: Now he brings two or three to prove that he was not in London all the moneth of August; and two of them (but they are his Mother and his Sister) say he went out of Town the 3d. of August, and returned not till a Fortnight before Michaelmas:. And a Coach-man speaks of being with him from the 5th. of August to the 16th. and afterwards at Westehester.

But against these Peoples sayings, whereof two were so related, there was not only Mr. Bedloes po­sitive Oath, but likewise Dr. Oates's, though he knew nothing of the particular Consult at Har­courts Chamber mentioned by Mr Bedloe; yet he Swears directly that Mr. Ireland was in London the beginning of Septemb. by a remarkable Token; that on the first or second of that moneth he had 20 s. of him: And furthermore, Sarah Pain, formerly Grove's Servant, and pag. 57. who knew Ireland very well, of which knowledge she gives the reason, because he came often to Grove's House, and was the man that still broke open the Pacquets of Letters that her Master Grove carried about afterwards, and Sealed all the Pacquets that went beyond the Seas; and she Swears positively, and by most certain Circum­stances, that she saw Mr. Ireland at a Scriveners door in Fetter-Lane, where he Lodg'd about the 12th. or 13th. of August; so that here were three [Page 164] clear Testimonies upon Oath, to disprove this Alle­gation of Irelands, which yet he insisted on at his Death with Solemn Protestations: Whereas since it has pleased God further to manifest the falsi [...]y thereof, by Mr. Jennison, a Kinsman of his, and then a Catholick, as in due place shall be set forth; whence we may take our measures what Credit is to be given to the dying Asseverations of such men.

4. Mr. Ireland objected, that Dr. Oates was all the moneth of May at Saint Omers, when he Swears he was here at the Consult; and to prove that he was so there then, offered to bring a Certificate from St. Omers, under the Seal of the Colledge; for it seems the Youths either were not then come over, or had not sufficiently Conn'd their Lesson.

But to this it was Answered, that such a Certi­ficate was not by the Law of England any Evidence, in any case whatsoever, much less to be allowed to them in this case; for what Certificate could they not get from the Colledge at St. Omers, if it might serve their purposes?

Lastly, They essai'd to blast Dr. Oates's Credit with an Imputation of Perjury; because they al­leadged that there was once an Indictment against him for that Crime; but upon Examination, this appeared to be extreamly frivolous: For

1. The pretended Perjury was only thus, That Mr. Oates Swearing the Peace against a certain man, did at the taking of his Oath, say, that there were some Witnesses that would evidence such a point of Fact, which when they were produced, would not [Page 165] testifie so much: Now suppose this were true, (though it were never proved) yet how could this be corrupt or wilful Perjury?

2. There was no Record produced, only a pre­tended Copy.

3. It appeared, if every any such Indictment was Exhibited, it could not be made good, for there was never any Conviction or Prosecution there-upon; and if barely to Accuse, would make a man Guilty; who could be Innocent?

4. Sir Denny Ashburnham, who was called by the Prisoners to Discredit Dr. Oates, was able to say nothing against him, but this, That he had known Mr. Oates in his Youth, and that then he [...] [...] Person of that Credit as to be depended on for what he should say; and that had the discovery of the Plot come only from his Testimony, he might have had, same little daubt of it. [These are his very words, p. 66.] But then the very same Gentleman declares,] That as it is Corroborated with other Circumstances, it hath (saith he, ibidem) convinced me, so that I am satis­fied in the truth of the thing; and I do think truly, that nothing can be said against Mr. Oates, to take off his Credibility.

This being all they had to offer in their own de­fence, the full substance whereof we have impar­tially repeated, with the Answers thereunto. The Lord Chief Justice proceeded to sum up the Evi­dence, and in his Speech to the Jury, amongst ma­ny others, had these excellent Expressions, speaking of the Popish Priests and their Religi­on, If they had not Murther'd Kings p. 73, 74. (saith he) I would not say they would [Page 066] have done Ours: But when it hath been their practice so to do, when they have Debauch▪d mens Ʋnderstan­dings, Over-turn'd all Morals, and Destroy'd all Divi­nity: What shall I say of them? When their Humility is such, that they tread upon the necks of Emperors; their Charity such, as to kill Princes; and their Vow of Poverty such as to Covet Kingdoms: What shall I judge of them? When they have Licences to Lye, and Indulgences for Falshoods; nay, when they can make him a Saint that dies in one, and then pray to him; as the Carpenter first makes an Image, and after Worships it, and can then think to bring in that Wooden Reli­gion of theirs amongst us in this Nation: What shall I think of them? What shall I say to them? What shall I do with them? They Eat their God; they Kill their King, and Saint the Murderer; they Indulge all sorts of Sins, and no humane Bonds can hold them.

After a short Recess, the Jury brought them in all three Guilty; and in the Afternoon, Sir George Jeffries, Recorder of London, pronounced Sentence of Death upon them.

But there being a delay of their Execution, on the 26th. of Decemb. the House of Commons Or­dered the said Recorder to attend, and give the House an Account why he did not Issue out his Warrant to Execute them: On which being call'd in the next day, he informed the House, that he had not yet received any Orders from the King for their Execution; which Answer, to some Mem­bers, seem'd Unsatisfactory, but the Debate was Adjourned: And on the 24th. of January, the Prisoners, William Ireland and John Grove suffered [Page 167] according to Sentence. And on the same day was Publish'd a Proclamation for Dissolving the Parlia­ment, and calling a New one, to be Assembled the 6th. of March. But Tho. Pickering, whether to in­duce him to a Confession, or for what other rea­sons, I know not, was kept a considerable time afterwards, but at last likewise Executed on the 9th. of May, persisting in denials, as the rest had done before him, and scarce behaving himself as a dying man at the place of Execution.

CHAP. XII.

The manner of Mr. Prances coming in to give Evidence: The Objection concerning his Recanting his Information Answered. An account of Mr. Everards Discovery and Imprisonment; with other subsequent proceedings.

SECT. I.

THough Mr. Bedloe had given some general Ac­count of Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey's Murther, sufficient to fix it on the Jesuits and Popish Priests, and their Confederates, and that the same was transacted at Somerset House; yet not being actu­ally present, he could not exactly set forth the Par­ticulars: But now it pleased God to give a more full Discovery thereof, and by means so strange and unexpected, that we must needs acknowledg it to be the act of a singular Providence.

The Murderers (as you have heard Chapt. the 8th.) had so closely carried that Bloody Villany, that now they had for ten Weeks slept in Security, and imagining Heaven as well as their Priests had approved so black a deed by this success, they had, no doubt, so far stifled all Convictions and Alarms of their Consciences, as not to dream of giving a­ny account for the same; when on a sudden all is wonderfully brought to light: The occasion thus,

[Page 169] There happening some mis-understandings be­tween Mr. Prance and a Neighbour of his, the latter knowing the former to be a Zealous Papist, and having understood by some of his Servants, that one time, about Michaelmas, he had absented himself two or three Nights from home; an Ima­gination came into his head, that he might be con­cern'd in Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey's Murder; though in truth such his Absenting was a Fort­night before Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey's death, on the first noise of the Plot, when Penwick, Ireland, &c. were taken, whom he was so Zealous to defend in a publique. Coffee-House, that for some words then spoken, he was threatned to be Prosecuted, and on that score, only lay from home the said three Nights, as he could prove by Credible Wit­nesses, till the Business might be composed: How­ever this Neighbour, on the bare suspition afore­said, took out a Warrant against him to appear before the Council, which France readily obey'd, as knowing him not to be able to prove any thing of that nature upon him. But being taken by Vertue of that Warrant, on the 21th. of December, and being first carried into See Mr. Prances Narrative p. 20, 21. the Lobby, by the House of Commons, Mr. Bedloe (whom he did not know, having but once been seen him be­fore, viz. upon the view of Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey's Body in Somerset-House before-menti­oned, at which time, Prance did not much observe him, yet) knew his face again, and Charg'd him with that Murther; whereupon, after Examina­tion, he was Committed to Newgate.

Next day, being the 22th. of December, he [Page 170] made a Discovery, and Charg'd the before named Girald, Dominick Kelly, Robert Green, Henry Berry, and Laurence Hill, of whom the three last were Apprehended, but the two first escaped; the subtle Priests shifting for themselves, and leaving those whom they had drawn in, to Answer for it; though Kelly was afterwards taken up in Surry, by the name of Daniel Edmonds, as a Recusant; but understanding Prances being taken, got out upon hired Bail, before he was known to be Kelly, though afterwards the same was discovered, as shall hereafter in its proper place be set forth.

The 24th. of December, Prance was Examined before the King and Council, and having given the particular Circumstances of the Murther, and in what respective Rooms and places the Body was kept, as aforesaid, several Lords were ordered to go with him, to see if there were such Rooms as he described, and whether he could readily go to them, which he did to their Honours full sa­tisfaction.

But sometime after, remaining in Prison, with­out any assurance of his Pardon, he was so far prevailed with, to retract by word of mouth what he had truly Confessed upon Oath; as once to say before the King and Council, That he was Inno­cent, and they All were Innocent. But as to the Temptations he was under, and the Circum­stances that sway'd him to that Ill Action, he hath since set them forth so ingeniously, as may satisfie any Impartial man, and take off that Ca­lumny wherewith the Papists load him, and in vain endeavour to Invalidate his Testimony on that account. In Answer to which, he offers [Page 171] these Considerations in his Book, pag. 23. which cannot be better express'd than in his own words, viz.

That what he before declared concerning the Murther in manner herein before set forth, was Solemnly upon Oath. This supposed Re­traction was suddenly done under consternation and fear, and not upon Oath.

2. That he was at that time under certain danger of his Life, if he persisted in that Con­fession, for he had no Pardon granted, nor any certainty of obtaining the same.

3. That if he should obtain his Pardon, he considered, that yet his Life would be still in danger, from the Revengeful and Bloody Priests and Jesuits.

4. That his mind was sorely troubled, as with all these dangers; so with this further Apprehension, that if he should escape with his Life, yet by this Discovery he should lose his Livelihood, and in all humane probability, both he and all his Family, be utterly un­done: For as he was the Queens Servant, and that his Trade and Subsistence chiefly, or in­deed wholly depended on her Majesties Custom (which was certain and considerable) and that of other Roman Catholicks; so it was not to be doubted but the most crafty and implacable Priests would soon use means by false Repre­sentations and Scandal, to deprive him thereof, if he proceeded in this detection.

5. That he retained still a certain respect to the Popist [...] Religion, in which he had so long been Educated; for he had not yet en­tirely [Page 172] got his Soul out of that Snare; and therefore he did then conceive, being swayed by such powerful Inducements, That he might Lawfully say, he Note, ☞ was Innocent, and so they were all; which in Popish construction, is not to de­ny that they Killed Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey; for that, according to their Divinity, and what the said Priests had Solemnly declared, was no Sin or Crime, and consequently they might All, in such their Catholick sense, still be In­nocent: Yet this he must acknowledge, he somewhat doubted, because he had never been at Confession, and received Absolution, since the Fact Committed, which all the rest (as some of themselves had declared) had done, and so might more peremptorily persist (as they did) in averring themselves to be Inno­cent; and he does ingeniously declare, That had he received Absolution, 'tis his fear he he should never, or not without extream diffi­culty have been brought to any acknowledg­ment.

These Circumstances, together with a great distemper of Body, contracted by the incommo­dities of Consinement, want of Air, &c. oc­casioned that sudden revolt of his Reason and duty, under that perplexity of Spirit; but as soon as he had done it, Conscience flew in his face, and would no longer be laid asleep with any delusive Popish Charms: When he began to recollect himself, the power of truth dispersed all those Temptations of Interest, Fear, and Superstition. If it were true that [Page 173] he might hazard his Life, and lose his Trade, if he did persist in the Confession of the Mur­ther; it was as true, and he found it by ex­perience, that he should never have peace of Conscience, if he denyed it.

And therefore he was no sooner returned from the King and Council to Newgate (which come­ing in a Coach, 'tis certain, was not half an hour) but he most earnestly requested Capt. Richardson (who had been with him, and heard what he had said that Morning) for God's sake, to go back, and assure the King, and that Honourable Board from him, That the first Confession which he had made on Oath, was true in all Circum­stances; and that whatsoever he had said before them that Morning, to the contrary, was occa­sioned only by the Consternation, Fear, and Per­plexity of mind he was under; which the Capt. immediately did, and hath since declared the same upon Oath.

Thus far the words of Mr. Prances own Narra­tive, well worthy the Readers perusal, not only for his satisfaction in this behalf, but also for the several notorious Villanies of a great number of Po­pish Priests therein by name exposed: To which, as a very confirming Circumstance, we may add, that falling very dangerously Ill. soon after; he then, when he had nothing but a certain prospect of approaching Death before his eyes, he declared and asserted to divers, his first Confession to be true in all points; and also afterwards, as soon as he recovered his Health, he repeated the same with all stedfastness before the Kings most Excellent Ma­jesty, and the Lords of the Council: Whereupon, [Page 174] his Majesty was most gratiously pleased to grant him his Pardon.

From all which, 'tis most plain, that all this Dust which the Priests and Jesuits have raised a­bout this matter, is fairly blown away, and Truth is become perspicuous to any ingenious man that will but Impartially look into these Transactions, and consider them as they are, and not as they are represented by their false perspectives.

SECT. II.

On the 21th. of December, 1678. there was some Discovery relating to this Plot, given into a Committee of the House of Lords, by one Mr. Ed­mund Everard (a Scottish Gentleman) who had been kept four years Prisoner in the Tower; the ef­fect of which, and the occasions and manner of such his Confinement, was as followeth.

This Mr. Everard having been concern'd with the English Forces in France, and there having the Honour to be acquainted with his Grace, the Illustrious Duke of Monmouth, was employ'd as Agent for the concerns of the English Militia at the French Court, where he became acquainted with the Lady Ann Gourdon (Sister to the Marquess of Huntly in Scotland) living in a Popish Convent in Paris, who being a Lady very Zealous for Popery, of excellent Accomplishments, and great Correspondence, did in the moneth of Novemb. 1673. acquaint him,

That there was a grand design on foot in Eng­land, for settling Popery there; and a project ei­ther to dissolve the then Parliament, or sow mis-understandings between his Majesty and it; and that there was a considerable Party labouring to [Page 175] make the Duke of York King; and that his Ma­jesty would be made away, and shortly would not be in a case to hurt any body.

After this he was entertain'd to Introduce Peter Talbot, Popish Arch-Bishop of Dublin, to the Marshal Bellefond and the French King, into whose presence he was admitted, and allow'd half an hours Conference, presenting that King with a Letter, and other Papers.

That the said Talbot then told Mr. Everard, that the business he had to negotiate with that King, mightily concern'd the welfare of all the Catho­licks in England, but those of Ireland more espe­cially, being to propose ways to the French King to relieve them of their present Persecutions, and un­dertake their Protection; some of which Expe­dients he declared, were to Arm some of the Irish, and secure a Sea-port Town in Ireland for the French; for which Negotiation, he said he had good Warrant and Commission from some of the greatest persons in England.

Mr. Everard immediately discovered all this to one Sir Robert Welsh, hoping for his Assistance to Communicate it to his Majesty of Great Britain; but it seems Sir Robert re-acquainted Colonel Talbot the said Bishops Brother, both what Everard had said of his Brother, and of the Lady Huntly, and that he was designing for England, to make known such their Correspondencies, who thereupon threatned him, That if he offered to do any such thing, they would infallibly procure that he should forthwith be Committed to the Tower of London, or the Gatehouse: That notwithstanding Mr. Everard pri­vately getting away, not without great danger, be­ing [Page 176] desperately sought after and pursued in France, came over into England; but within three or four days, and before he could get to speak with the Duke of Monmouth, whom he intended to have Address'd himself unto, he was suddenly sent for to one of the Secretaries of State, and without any Examination or Crime proved, Committed to the Tower, where after some moneths, he was Examin­ed by the then Lieutenant, to whom he declared all the said particulars of the Traiterous Conspiracy, whereof he seem'd to take little knowledge, but threatned to Rack him next day, and afterwards Hang him, if he would not Confess some de­sign he had against the Duke of Monmouth; and several other Examinations he had before other persons to that purpose, but was continued Priso­ner on this false and malicious suggestion, occasion­ed by the Malice and Interest of the said Traitors beyond the Seas, and thereby their Conspiracy lay Concealed for the space of four years, till after the Plot was discovered by Dr. Oates, and then he gave in this Information first to the House of Lords, and afterwards to the Commons upon Oath, as by the Narrative thereof, Printed by it self, more at large appears.

It may here be noted, That afterwards, viz. but in August last, the before-mentioned Sir Robert Walsh, taking advantage of the Liberty of the times, adventured to Print some Papers, which he pre­tended to be an Answer to this Narrative; but it being found to consist of nothing material, but only certain Scurrilous and causeless. Reflections on Mr. Everards Person, the same upon Complaint was Ordered by Authority to be suppress'd.

[Page 177] As for other Occurrences, the most material were as follows, Decemb. 30th.—The Parlia­ment was Prorogu'd till the 4th. of February, and before that time, viz. Jan. 24th. Dissolv'd by Proclamation, as aforesaid.

January the Third, was an Order of Coun­cil made to Reinforce the Proclamation, of the 30th. of October, To keep Papists out of Lon­don, and 10 Miles distance.

January the Eigth, A Proclamation Com­manding the immediate Return of all his Maje­sties Subjects, who were in any Foreign Semina­rles, and forbidding any Releif to be sent to them.

About this time, Come in Herefordshire was dis­covered to be a College of Jesuits; and Mr. Ste­phen Dugdale formerly Servant to the Lord Aston in Staffordshire, came in and made a considerable Discovery, whereupon on the 15th. of January, a Proclamation was set forth against Francis Evers, aliàs Eurie, aliàs Ireland, of Tixal in the Coun­ty of Stafford. John Gaven, late of Wolver­hampton in the same County. Vavasor, aliàs Gifford, late of Boscobel, Edward Levi­son, late of Wilnot in the same County, All Jesuits, and Broadstreet, late of Hore-Cross in the same County, a Popish Priest, being charg­ed upon Oath, to be guilty of the Plot, and a promise of 100 l. to any that should Apprehend Evers, and 50 l. for each of the rest. Of these, Gaven was soon after taken into Custody, and since Executed, but the rest absconded.

[Page 178] January, 17th.

The Judges gave their Opinions in the Points following, relating to Recu­sants.

May it please your Majesty,

We have met, and considered of the Questions proposed to us, and do hereby humbly return our Opinions.

To the First, We are of Opinion,

That Foreigners (being Popish Recu­sants) and exercising ordinary Trades, (but not Merchants) are not excused from taking the Oaths, or finding Securities.

To the Second, That Foreigners, though certified by Ambassadors to be their Servants, except they are menial Servants, are not excused.

To the Third, That Foreigners, though settled House-keepers, being no Tra­vellers, or Foreign Ministers Servants, are not excused.

[Page 179] To the Fourth, That the King's Native Subjects, are not excused form taking the Oaths, by being menial Servants to Fo­reign Ministers.

To the Fifth, We find no Law that ex­cuses a Feme-Covert, being a Papist, from taking the Oaths, though her Husband be a Protestant.

To the Sixth, That a Popish Recusant, having taken the Oaths, is not bound to find new Sureties, unless upon a new tender of the Oaths, he shall refuse to take them.

All which, with great Humility we sub­mit to your Majesties judgment.

  • Will. Scroggs.
  • Fran. North.
  • W. Mountagu.
  • W. Wylde.
  • Tim. Littleton.
  • Hugh Wyndham.
  • Robert Atkyns.
  • V. Bertie.
  • Fr. Bramston.
  • Tho. Jones.
  • W. Dolben.

At the Sessions in the Old-bailey, the 16th. and 17th. of January, One John Ayleworth, aliàs Adland, Committed to Newgate as a Preist, on the 23th. of Novemb. before, was Indicted of [Page 180] High Treason, upon the Stat. of 27 Eliz. cap. 2. And upon full Evidence of his having fre­quently said Mass, received Confessions, given Absolutions, and performed all other Priestly Functions, and that he had often appeared in her Majesties Chappel in Priestly Vestments, a­mongst the rest of the Preists, he was found guilty, and Condemned. But his Majesty tread­ing the merciful steps of his Ancestors, being most unwilling, to punish any for their Religion, or that any Preist, though even upon this odious provo­cation of their Parties plotting against his Life, should suffer purely for being a Priest, or meerly for their presumption and disobedience, for coming into his Dominions contrary to that Law; was graciously pleased to grant him a Re­preive.

CHAP. XIII.

A Design of the Papists to suborn Witnes­ses, to oppose and vilifie the Evidence of Dr. Oats, and Mr. Bedloe.

THE Papists finding all their Plot was like to be unravel'd, unless some speedy Course were taken to overthrow the Evidence, resolv'd to spare no Charge for so necessary a work; and to this purpose, one James Nettervile an Irish Papish, Prisoner in the Marshalscy, Tutor'd by Dominick Kelly, (one of [Page 181] the Priests that Murther'd Sir Edmundbury God­frey, being for some time his Fellow-prisoner) and holding some Correspondence with the Lords in the Tower, attempted to corrupt and suborn two Gentlemen for great Sums of money, to Swear what should be dictated and prescribed unto them, to oppose the Testimony of Dr. Oats, and Mr. Bedloe, and to scandalize them with odious Crimes, and charge the Plot on dissenting Prote­stants, as wholy contrived and pretended by them, to cut off the Papists, that they might the more easily accomplish some ill intentions they had against the King, and Government.

But the Persons they happened to tamper with, were of greater worth and integrity, than to en­gage in, or conceal so base a Business. The one of them was Captain Bury, dwelling in Ireland, and Son of Sir William Bury of Grantham in Lin­colnshire. The other, Mr. William Brooks, one of the Aldermen of Dublin, who being in London for the prosecution of their private concerns, they were oft times with this Nettervile, who had been formerly a Clerk in the Court of Claims at Dublin, and did now pretend he could be ser­viceable to them, and knowing that their atten­dance here had been very chargeable, was so far infatuated, as to think them profligate enough to entertain such a wicked proposal for money, and so broke the matter to them severally, the one not knowing of the others being concern'd, till after they had both discovered it.

For about the 13th. of January, See the Narra­tive of this de­sign. P. 1, & 2. Nettervile having sent for Captain Bury to the Marshalsey, told him in [Page 182] private after some preparatory discourses, That there was a Design on foot, to amuse those that had Impeached the Lords, and those concern'd about the Plot, and to turn the Game an other way, as he expres­sed it; and that the said Captain might do himself a kindness if he pleased, and that if he would prove some certain things against Mr. Oats, and Mr. Bed­loe, and that they held such and such Correspon­dencies, and particularly with Mr. Blood, &c. he should have 4 or 500 l. The Captain seem'd to adhere to his discourse, and learn'd of him, that one Russel a rank Papist, and an Irish man, who Married Madam Rowse, the Dutchess of Portsmouth's Gentlewoman, was appointed to manage the affair, and pay the money; and after two or three meetings, it was concluded, That the money should be put into a third persons hand, and that a paper should be drawn up, and delivered to him, containing the particulars, that he should swear. And promised him no small Interest amongst the Papists, for this good Ser­vice, besides the money. For, says Nettervile to to him, If we can but turn off this Plot, there is no danger of effecting our Business. For, said he, most impudently, The King will beleive nothing of it. Ibidem P. 4. But in the mean time, Captain Bury first ac­quainted Colonel Blood, and afterwards the Se­cretary of State, from time to time, of these proceedings.

Nettervile also told the Captain, They had got one in that Prison, (which was one Brewer, a desperate indigent Papist) that would swear, that the very morning the Proclamation came out [Page 183] concerning Sr. Edmundbury Godfrey, Mr. Bedloe came to his Chamber and askt him, If he had ever seen Sr. Edmundbury Godfrey, for said he, If I knew what a like man he was, I could easily get 500 l. and however, I am resolved to hazard my Neck but I will have it; As also that he would have had this Brewer gone with him to Somerset-house, to view the Rooms, that he might make his Story probable, With much more false stuff, to the same purpose.

The manner of Alderman Brooks being dealt with, was more remarkable, for going to see this Nettervile about 23th. Decem. at the Marshel­seys, he desired him to carry a Note for a Fellow-Prisoner of his, to one Peirce Butler, that lived in Jermainstreet; this Prisoner was Kelly the Priest, who had been taken up in Surry, only as a Recusant, they then knowing nothing more of him, who was so strangely infatuated, though under such desperate Circumstances, as guilty of Sr. Edmundbury Godfrey's Murther, yet to send it unseal'd; however the Alderman for the pre­sent did not read it, but carrying it to the place, found Butler gone out of Town upon the Pro­clamation against Papists, and about two days af­ter, having occasion for wast Paper, happened to read it, and found it to this effect,

That being Committed thither, by the name of Daniel Edmonds, as a Recusant, he desired him to come to him, and in so doing, he would, oblige him Friend, Subscribed, Dominick Kelly.

[Page 184] Soon after this, the Alderman happening on a Paper at a Coffee-house, wherein it was said, that Mr. France had named one Kelly a Preist, for one of the Murtherers of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, he suspected this might be the man, whereupon he went over to Nettervile, and by the by, in­quired after him, who told him, he was a Priest, but had got Bail, whom he hired for 10 s. a­peice, and was got out, and then the said Net­tervile told the Alderman, that if he would but assist to villifie the Evidence of Oats and Bedloe, he should have money enough, &c.

But afterwards Alderman Brooks meeting Cap­tain Bury, they discovered to each other in dis­course some of these transactious, and then the Alderman went likewise to the Secretary, Cap­tain Bury still holding on his Correspondence with Nettervile, endeavouring to have the money, paid in, to see the Depositions he must swear, seize Russel, &c.

But all this was prevented by an unhappy Acci­dent, for Mr. Brooks being to meet with Mr. Lo­man, and Mr. Glover, (the Keeper and Clerk of the Marshalsey,) to consider some way for the dis­covering those that had been Bail for Kelly, hap­pned to give some hints of the Captain's Informa­tion, whereby Dr. Oats coming to have some no­tice thereof, and knowing nothing of what progress had been made towards discovery, did with Mr. Bedloe, and Sir William Waller, go to Nettervile, and with some threatnings, mixt with a promise of pardon, made him confess the discourses he had had with Captain Bury, he in­truth imagining the said Captain had sent them. [Page 185] Thus by an untimely process the proceedings were spoil'd, which otherwise in short time might have produced a more notable discovery; and Russel having notice, absconded himself.

Conformable to this wicked design of charging this horrid Plot upon the Ibidem P. 16. Protestants, about the same time there were several Popish Emissaries imployed, to go to the Houses of some Nonconformists well known in the City of London, to pray their charitable Contributions towards the maintenance of Mr. Oats, and Mr. Bedloe, upon this specious but most false suggestion, That his Majestics Allowance was not sufficient for their Encouragement. But the Parties to whom they thus Addressed them­selves (supposing their Intentions were to abuse their King and Countrey, and get money for themselves, or some worse Design;) rejected them, and checkt them for their Insolence. And happy it was, that they did so, for other wise who knows what advantage they might have made thereof, in order to the promoting their wicked Enterprize. Which as Originally it was to lay the Odium of their Treason on the Dissenters, if they could have effected it; so ever since the discovery, they have endeavoured by all Arts to play the same Game, and would have been glad of such a pretence as this, to render it more probable.

CHAP. XIV.

The Proceedings against Robert Green, Henry Berry, and Lawrence Hill, for the Murther of Sir Edmundbury God­frey; with Hill's pretended Speech at Execution.

ON the 28th. of December, it was Or­dered by the House of Commons, That Sir John Earnly do immediately carry an Address of that House, to his Majestie, That his Majesty would be pleased to issue out a Commission of Oyer and Terminer, for the Tryal of the three Persons last taken, for the Murther of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey. Which being done, the said Sir John Reports, That he had waited upon his Majesty, and that his Ma­jestie was pleased to Answer, That he would immediately issue out his Commission for their Tryal.

Accordingly on Wednesday the 5th of Februa­ry, 1678/9. The said three Persons, viz. Robert Green, Henry Berry, and Lawrence Hill, were Arraigned, and pleaded Not Guilty, at the Kings-Bench-Bar, Westminster, and a Rule of Court entred, for their being brought to Try­al on the Friday following, being the 10th. of the same Month; at which time the Jury sworn, was as follows,

  • [Page 187]Sir William Roberts, Bar.
  • Sir Richard Fisher, Bar.
  • Sir Michael Heneage, Kt.
  • Sir Thomas Bridges, Kt.
  • William Avery, Esq
  • Charles Ʋmphrevile, Esq
  • John Bathurst, Esq
  • Richard Gowre, Esq
  • Thomas Henslow, Esq
  • John Sharp, Esq
  • John Haynes, Esq
  • William Moyle, Esq

Dominick Kelly, and Girald, the two Preists, and Philip Vernatti, stood charged in the same Indictment for the Murther, but they were fled, and could never yet be taken; the Evidence was manag'd in this Order,

1. Dr. Oats Swore, That after he had sworn his Depositions before Sir Edmundbury, Sir Ed­mundbury did tell him, He had received affronts from great Persons, for being so Zealous in that Business of the discovery of the Plot, and that the Week before his Death, he again complained, that several Popish Lords, (some of them since in the Tower) had threatned him, and askt him what he had to do with it, and seeming to be much concerned, did declare, He went in fear of his Life by the Popish Party, and that he had been dogg'd several days, and the Witness ad­vising him to take his man always with him, he said, No,—He did not fear them, if they did but come fairly.

2. Thomas Robinson, Esq Te­stified, That on the 7th. of Octo­ber, See the Tryals of Green, &c. P. 13. discoursing of the Plot, Sir Edmundbury said these words to him—Ʋpon my Conscience, I beleive I shall be the first Martyr; but I do not fear them, if they [Page 188] come fairly, I shall not part with my Life tamely.

3. Then Mr. Prance set forth the whole mat­ter, how the two Preists drew him into it, and how they Murthered and disposed of the Body, and afterwards met at Bow, and read over a Paper there, of the particulars of the Murther, &c. exactly for substance, as is before set forth, Chapter the 8th. To which, for avoiding Repe­tition, the Reader is referred. He also swears, That he never had any Conference with Mr. Bed­loe in his life, before he was committed to Pri­son.

4. Mr. Bedloe Swears, That about the begin­ning of October, Le Fair, and Prichard, and Keins, and some others, all Preists, discours'd him about Killing a certain Gentleman, whom they would not name, and told him he should have a considerable Reward, and then they set him to insinuate himself into Sir Edmundbury God­frey's acquaintance, which he did do on several pretences.

5. That the very day Sir Edmundbury Godfrey was Murthered, Le Fair at the Pals­graves-head Tavern, told him there Ibidem P. 30. was a Gentleman to be put out of the way [for so they call Murther,] that Night, and would have him to assist, and that there would be 4000 l. Reward from the Lord Bel­lasis; for if this Gentleman were not cut off, things would de discovered to that degree, that they should not be able to bring this design to pass, but must wait another Age to effect it, and therefore desired him to meet in the Cloi­sters at Somerset-house that Evening, for therea­bouts [Page 189] it was to be done, which he promised to do, but wilfully faild them, because he would not have his hands in Blood. He all this while not knowing upon whom their design was.

6. That on Monday Le Fair meeting him, charg'd him with breach of Promise, and ap­pointed him to come to Somerset-house at Nine a'Clock, where he told the Witness that he had done ill, that he did not help in this business, but if he would assist to carry him off, he should still have part of the Reward. Why, saith the Witness, is he Murthered? yes, saith the said Le Fair; whereupon the Witness askt if he might not see him? which was granted, and Le Fair led him through a dark Entry into a Room where were several People, that had no light but a dark Lanthorn, and were consulting how to carry him off; one of the Company throwing off the Cloth wherewith he was co­vered, the Witness saw the Face, and presently knew it to be Sir Ed. Godfrey; with whom by the Priests instigation, he had of late been much Conversant. The Witness ad­vised, to tie weights to his head Page 32. and feet, and throw him into the River, but they did not think fit to do so, but said, They would put it upon himself, and carry him out in a Chair, and that the Porter [Ber­ry,] was to sit up to let them out; the hour appointed was 12 that Night; and the Wit­ness promised on the Sacrament, which he had took the Thursday before, then to come again to help them. But being got from them, never came at them more.

[Page 190] 7. The Constable that viewed the Body in the Ditch, gave an account that the Sword was sticking through him, but no blood appeared on the ground, and he found a great deal of Gold and Silver in his Pockets. And two Chyrurge­ons swore, That they verily believed, the Sword was run through him after he was dead, and cold, but that he died by reason of Suffocation, and breaking of his Neck, and bruis [...]s on the Breast.

8. In Confirmation of Mr. Prances Evidence, That they had been several times at his House inquiring for him, and that Hill (as he and the rest told Prance) was there in the Morning of that Day, on which he was Murthered. There was produced one Elizabeth Curtis, that at the same time dwelt with Sir Edmundbury as Servant in the House; she swore directly, That Green had been at her Masters about a Fortnight before her Master was killed, and talkt to him a quarter of an hour, in French; and that Hill was there that very Saturday Morning, on which he was kill'd, and spoke to him before he went out, and was there a good while in the Parlour with him, but cannot tell what his business was; and that o­vernight, there was a strange man brought a Note to her Master, which she gave to him, and the man staying for an answer, prethee, saith Sir Edmund. Godfrey, tell him I don't know what to make of it. But this was none of the three Persons at the Bar, but supposed to be one of the same Tribe. But as for Hill, she was sure he was there on the said Saturday Morn­ing, by the same token, he had then on the same [Page 191] Cloaths as he had now at the Bar; now though he denied he was there, yet he acknowledged he had not changed his Cloaths, but wore the same Suit ever since before that time.

9. The man at the Plow-Alehouse, (where Mr. Prance swore, That the Murther was Consulted,) and his Servant Page 41. said, That Prance used to come thither with Hill, and Girald, and Kelly, several times, and this within 5 Weeks before the Mur­ther.

10. The Relation Prance gave of the meet­ing, at the Queens-Head at Bow, is confirm'd by a Messenger they Page 43. employ'd there, to go to call Mr. Dethwick of Poplar to them; and the Servant of the House swears positively, That they pull'd out a Paper and read it, and named Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey's name, and whilst he stood with­out the door, one of them threatned to kick him down stairs.

11. Sir Robert Southwell Deposes, That Prance having related these things to the Council, and being sent with the Duke of Monmouth, and the Earl of Ossory, to shew the places he mention­ed, did readily go to them all, and they appeared to be all such, as he had described them, only as to the Room in the upper Court where the Body was laid one Night, having never been there but once, and that in the dark, he said he could not positively assign it, but pointed to some Rooms, and said, He was sure it was therea­bouts. And this doubtfulness the Court ob­serv'd, did give more credit to the rest of his [Page 192] Testimony, for a man that will swear any thing, would stick at nothing.

Lastly, It was proved, That Berry the Porter, on his Examination before the Lords of the Committee, did say, He had Order from the Queen, or in the name of the Queen, That he should suffer no strangers, nor any persons of Quality to come into Somerset-house on the 12th. 13th. and 14th. days of October, that is, the day Sir Edmund. was Murthered, and the two days following, and particularly, that Prince Rupert did come in that time, and he did refuse him, and sent him back again.

Now as to the defences they offered for them­selves.

1. They all denied the Fact very stoutly, but that is of no value against plain Evidence, and doe; but aggravate their Crime.

2. Hill would have invalidated Mr. Prance's Testimony, because he had once denied it, and said, They were innocent. But that the Court vindicated for the Reasons before reci [...]ed, that it could no ways legally take off his Evidence, for he was no ways perju [...]'d, but rather excusa­ble, under the Circumstances aforesaid.

3. The said Hill, to evade the Charge, brings several Witnesses all of his own Religion, to aver, he was never from his Lodgings, after Nine a Clock at Night, but these did it so mineingly and generally, that no stress could be laid upon them; it being proved that they had several Keys to the door, and that Hill might go in and out without their knowledg, and one of his Witnesses makes a palpable mistake of an whole [Page 193] Month, P. 55. and two of Greens Witnesses, a whole Week, P. 66. So ill had they calculated the time, which they were brought to speak to.

4. On the behalf of Berry, The Soldiers who were placed at the Gate, Sentin [...]l, say, They saw a Sedan come in, so far they agree with the King's Evidence; but then they confidently aver, That they saw none go out all night. But what was this to the matter of Fact, and to the Mur­ther committed, sworn in all Circumstances so punctually? The Sentinel might be from his Post, and Mr. Prance who best knew the contri­vance, tells us, that Berry had inveigled the Senti­nel in, to drink, and so he might not see the Se­dan go out; and then the Sentinel knowing he had committed a dangerous fault by so doing, might be so wise, though not very honest, to conceal it, and say there was no Sedan went out.

This was all the defence they could make, which in every part appeared so weak, that as well the Jury, as all other impartial Auditors, were fully satisfied, to bring them in guilty of the Murther. On Tuesday the 11th. of Februa­ry, they were brought again to the Bar, in order to receive their Sentence, which after a grave speech was pronounced, by Mr. Justice Wild, to whom it apperrained, as being second Judg in the Court.

In pursuance of which Sentence, Robert Green, and Lawrence Hill, were Executed at Tybu [...]ne, on the 21th. of February, and Henrry Berry on the 28th. of the said Month. They all three did at their [Page 194] deaths deny the Crime, and used that Expression, That they were as Innocent as the Child new born. But we may justly fear, they were under an hor­rid delusion, and so charm'd and bound up by so many Oaths, and Sacraments, by their Gostly Fathers the Jesuits, and Preists, that they durst not acknowledg the Truth, but on the contrary, thought by concealing and denying the same, they should do great Service to the Romish Church, by keeping it from scandal, and be Sainted for it in Heaven. That there was some such Artifice used to seal up their Lips, is plain, by this notable Circumstance. When Hill and Green were hang'd, and dead, Captain Richard­son Keeper of Newgate, and many others pre­sent, saw the Executioner (amongst other things) take a Paper out of Hill's Pocket, purporting to be the form of speech that he should use to the People at the Gallows; which being very re­markably Penn'd, I shall here insert the same verbatim, as follows,

I now come to the Fatal Place, where I must end my Life, and I hope, with that Cou­rage that may become my Innocence: I must now appear before the great Judge, who knows all things, and judges rightly; and I hope it will be happy for me a Sinner, that I am thus wrongfully put to death. I call God, Angels, and Men, to Witness, that I am wholy ignorant of the Manner, Cause, or Time, of the Death of Justice Godfrey, [Page 195] although on that account, by the malice of wicked men brought to this shameful Death, which I hope, will give me a speedy passage to Eternal Life. In this hope, I die chear­fully, because of my Innocence, and the be­nefit of the precious Wounds of my Blessed Saviour, by whose Merits I hope for Sal­vation. I die a Roman Catholick, desiring all such to Pray for me: And I beseech God in his Justice, to discover this Horrid Murther, with the Contrivers thereof, that my Innocence may appear: And though from my heart I forgive my Accusers, yet I Cite all such as have had a hand in this Bloody Contrivance, before the gre [...] Tribunal of Gods Justice, to answer for the wrong they have done the Innocent; and particularly the Lord Cheif Justice, and the Brothers of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, with Jury, Witnesses, and all their Partakers. Oh Lord bless and preserve his Majesty, and be merciful to this poor Nation, and lay not In­nocent Blood to its Charge: So I bid you all Farewel in Jesus Christ, into whose hands I commit my Spirit.

This Paper is no small Evidence of the ill Arts used by the Jesui [...]s and Popish Preists, to make their People persist in denial of their Crimes at their Death, and keep up the Credit [Page 196] of their Church, though with never so certain an hazard of their own Souls. For 'tis certain, these were not Hill's own words, but prepared by some other, for See the Animad­versions Print­ed thereon. P. 2. him to say, and what need was there of so much skill, in a matter where only Truth and not Art was necessary? For if Hill knew himself guiltless, he could have told the people so, which would have been more Credible out of his mouth, from his heart, then out of this Paper, from his memory. But they were afraid, he would either confess the whole matter, or that the power of Truth would over-bear his Tongue in some Circumstance, or at least that he would not deny it so resolutely, and in such a taking manner, as might fix a suspi­cion and odium upon the Witnesses, Judg, and Jury, in the minds of the people, which was the great thing they aimed at, and therefore some Preist drew up this form, of what he should say, that every word might be according to their mind, how remote soever it was from his Thoughts, or the Truth. Nor is it any wonder, that they should teach their Proselytes to make Speeches, just as they do Prayers, Opere Operate, [...] without any understanding, or attention, or consent of the mind, to the words they use. For that the words were fram'd by another for him to Con by heart, is most evident; for that he ne­ver had Pen, Ink, nor Paper, all the while he was in Newgate; and his Wise Testified that it was not of his hand writing, nor did she ever see it be­fore, or know how he came by it; yet he began his Speech with these very words, and repeated [Page 197] as much thereof as he had got without book; but certainly a man under his Circumstances, would never have troubled his mind with a par­cel of formal words, if the Awe of the Preist, or some Absolution on that Condition, had not been more prevalent with him, than Truth or Conscience; the strain of it shewing a malicious Spirit in the Inditer, towards the Evidence and Court, as it does his uncharitableness towards the Prisoner, to impose thus on a poor ignorant dying man.

And whereas the Papists do general [...]y report, That Berry was always, or at least died a Prote­stant. The same is no toriously false, for he had many Years been a Papist, cheifly led there­unto for Lucre, and to get an Employment, as he acknowledged to Mr. Ordinary; to whom, 'tis true, he declared a little before his Execution, That he did not believe many things, which the Do­ctors of the Romish Church teach as necessary to be embraced for Articles of Faith; which is no more than what many other Papists will affirm. But the said Berry neither in Prison, nor at the Gallows, would ever disown the Romish Church, nor in the least declare himself a Protestant.

CHAP. XV.

The Proceedings in Parliament touching the Plot, with the discovery of Mr. Read­ing's ill practice, and the substance of the Proceedings against him, for attempt­ing to stifle the King's Evidence, re­lating thereunto.

AT the beginning of March, his Ma­jesty sent his Royal Highness the Duke of York a Letter, Ordering him to withdraw for some time, who thereupon set forwards on the third of March towards Flanders, and on the sixth of the same, the new Parliament met, whom the King entertain'd with a Speech, setting forth what had been done in prosecution of the Plot, disbanding the Army, &c. during the interval; and con­cerning the Duke of York's being so withdrawn beyond the Seas, his Majesty was pleased to take notice thereof, in these words,—And above all, I have Commanded my Brother to absent himself from me, because I would not leave the most Malici­ous Men room to say, I had not removed all Causes which could be pretended to influence Me towards Popish Counsels. But some unhappy Traverses happened, about settling a Speaker, which stum­bling at the Threshold, was even then look'd up­on [Page 199] by observing men as an Ominous Presage, That little good would be attained or effected by that Assembly, though undoubtedly it was com­posed as of men of the best Estates, so generally of the most able Understandings, and most pub­lick-spirited Gentlemen, that over served their Country in that Capacity; To allay and com­pose these Animosities which were unhappily started by the Treasurer and his Interest, pur­posely to render this Parliament ineffectual, which he knew would otherwise prove Fatal to him. There was a short Prorogation, and then they fell to Business, and on the 24th. of March, 1678.

Resolved, Nemine Contradicente,

That this House doth declare, That they are fully satisfied by the proofs they have heard, that there now is, and for divers Years last past, hath been an Horrid and Treasonable Plot and Conspiracy contrived and carried on by those of the Popish Religi­on, for the Murthering of his Majestie's Sacred Person, and for Subverting the Protestant Religion, and the Antient, and well-Establisht Government of this King­dom.

And the Concurrence of the House of Lords being desired herein, the next day their Lord­ships sent a Message to the Commons, That their [Page 200] Lordships did immediately and unanimously Con­cur with the House of Commons in the Decla­ration as to the Plot. Thus have we the Judg­ment of Two Parliaments in the Case solemnly and publickly declared.

The same 25th. of March, One Mr. Sackvile a Member of the House of Commons, and Bur­gess for East Greenstead in Sussex, being charg'd by Dr. Oats to have said,—That they were Sons of Whores, who said there was a Plot, and that he was a lying Rogue that said it, the matter was examined, and Resolved, That the said Mr. Edw. Sackvile be sent to the Tower, and that he be Expelled the House, and made incapable of bear­ing any Office; and though the next day on his Knees at the Bar of that House, he desired to have the last part of this Sentence remitted, yet the House would not Retract what they had done.

About the same time, Mr. Bedloe made a com­plaint of harsh usage, and discouragements, to the House of Commons, and upon Oath set forth, That going to the Lord Treasurer for some money, by virtue of an Order from the Council, my Lord took him into his Closet, and asked him, Whether the Duke of Buckingham, or Lord Shafts­bury, or any of the Members of the House of Com­mons, had desired him to say any thing against him, and to tell him who they were, and he would well Reward him, and to know if he would desist from giving Evidence against the—and the Lords in the Tower, &c. To which he answered, That he had once been an ill man, and desired to be so no more: To which the Treasurer replied, You may have a great sum of money, and live in another [Page 201] Countrey, as Geneva, Su [...]den, or New-England, and should have what money he would ask, to maintain him there; But Mr. Bedloc refusing such Temptations, his Lordship began to threaten him, saying, There was a Boat and a Yatch ready to car­ry him far enough for telling of Tales, and after this, Guards were as Spies upon him, and he very ill used, till by an Address to the King, the same was remedied, and better Care taken. And at the same time, Dr. Oats declared to the House, That one day he being in the Privy Garden, the said Lord Treasurer passing by, and reflecting on him, said,—There goes one of the Saviours of Eng­land, but I hope to see him hang'd within a Month; all which Complaints as to the Earl of Danby, were referred to the Consideration of the Com­mittee of Secrecy.

We have before Chapter the 13th set forth a kind of Counter-plot, laid for opposing and vi­lifying the Evidence of Dr. Oats and Mr. Bedloe, but now we must give an account of another kind of Design, still aiming at the same end, but manag'd more privately, to mollifie aad sweet­en Mr. Bedloe in his Evidence, and stifle his Testi­mony by his own consent, that it might not fall too heavy upon the Lords in the Tower, but this too proved Abortive, for though they had chosen a notable Agent for the Work, viz. One Mr. Reading a Council at Law, (famous for his Adventures in the Isle of Axolme) yet Mr. Bed­loe out-witted him, and brought him to deserved Infamy for that corrupt practice; for after he had long held him in hand, got several sums of money of him, procured by a stratagem suffici­ent [Page 202] Witnesses to prove it out of his own mouth, and under his hand, and made the Business full ripe. Then on the third of April, the Committee of Secrecy (to whom Mr. Bedloe had from time to time communicated this Intrigue, and from them took his measures of proceeding in it) in­form'd the House of Commons, that they had something of moment lately come to their know­ledg, wherein they desired the Assistance of the House; hereupon it was immediately Ordered, That all Persons who were not Members, should be put out of the Speakers Chamber, and that no Person should be suffered to go out of the House, and that the Keys be brought in and laid upon the Table, which being done, and the bu­siness discovered and debated, it was Ordered, That Mr. Speaker immediately issue out his War­rant against Nathaniel Reading Esquire, who be­ing then walking in the Lobby, (for he had much Practice in Soliciting Causes in Parliament, and commonly attended there,) was taken into Custo­dy, and the Secret Committee Ordered to take his Examination; which being dispatch'd and Reported, the House on the 8th. of April, made the following Address to the King for bringing him to his Tryal.

May it please your Majesty,

WEE your Majesties most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, the Commons in Parliament Assembled, having according to our Duty made equiry into the Damnable and Hellish Plot against your Majesties Sa­cred [Page 203] Person and Government; and for the Extirpation of the Protestant Religi­on, have upon examination discovered that Nathaniel Reading Esq hath Industri­ously and against the Duty of a Loyal Sub­ject held frequent Correspondencies with se­veral Lords and other Persons that stand Committed for High-Treason, and also used his utmost endeavours to prevent and sup­press your Majesties evidence, and as much as in him lay to stifle the discovery of the said Plot, and thereby to render the same Fallacious and of no reality, and by such undue means to prevent the Malefactors from coming to Justice; Therefore We your said Commons do most humbly beseech your Majesty that you will be Gratiously pleased to command, That a Commission of Oyer and Terminer do immediately Issue forth for the Tryal of the said Nathaniel Read­ing for the said Offence, that he may be brought to publick Justice.

Accordingly a Commission was granted, and on Thursday the 24th. of April, Mr. Reading was brought to his Tryal, before Sir Francis North, Lord Cheif Justice of the Common Pleas, and most of the other Judges, (except the Lord Cheif Justice of the Kings-Bench, who was in the Country) and several other Persons of Qua­lity in the Commission named, at the Kings-Bench-Bar at Westminster.

[...]
[...]
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[Page 204] When the Jury came to be Sworn, Mr. Read­ing desired the Liberty of a Peremptory Challenge, which the Court could not allow, he standing Indicted only for a Misdemeanour, not Treason, then he replied with a great deal of Submission, and Eloquence, seeming to urge that the nature of the Crime as it was laid, was Treason, and thence descended to crave the Opinion of the Court, whether he might not be Indicted again for Treason for the same matter, but in this, the Court refused to gratifie him, only telling him, that the laying of it but as a Misdemeanour was a favour, and ought so to be by him accounted; and so proceeded to Swear the Jury as follows,

  • Sir John Cutler, Kt.
  • Joshuah Galliard, Esq
  • Edw. Wilford, Esq
  • Thomas Henslow, Esq
  • Thomas Earsby, Esq
  • John Serle, Esq
  • Thomas Cass, Esq
  • Rainsford Waterhouse, Esq
  • Matthew Bateman, Esq
  • Walter Moyle. Esq
  • Richard Pagett, Esq
  • John Haynes, Esq

The Effect of the Evidence.

1. Mr. Bedloe set forth how he came acquaint­ed with Mr. Reading, whom he employed in some Concerns: See Reading's Tryal, P. 15. That he never went about to have him stifle the whole Plot, but only to make him easie towards some particular Peo­ple, that he Solicited for, to which purpose he would tell him it was not for his safety to run at the whole Herd, and if he could do a kindness he should be well gratified.

[Page 205] 2. That the cheif Persons he Solicited for, were the Lord Petre, the Lord Powis, the Lord Stafford, and Sir Henry Titchborn, in whose name he promised great Rewards, both in money and Estate, for shortning the Evidence, and bringing them off from the charge of High Treason; and particularly that he made him easie towards Whitebread and Fenwick, when they were first Arraigned, which was to be an Assurance that he would accomplish what he promised, and an ex­ample what kindness might be done, wherein the Witness was willing to comply, to carry on the Intreigue with the Lords, till it might pro­perly be discovered, he esteeming that of greater Consequence, then two old Priests, whom he might charge further another time.

3. He did not know but Reading had laid a Trap for him, and therefore discovered these Conferences to Prince Rupert, the Earl of Essex, Mr. Kirkby, and others; and Mr. Reading being to give him a meeting at his Lodgings on the 26th. of March, he had planted one Mr. Speke a Gentleman of good Quality behind the hang­ings, and making an hollow place in the Bed, laid his man there, cover'd over smooth with a Rugg, as if it had been new made, that they might over-hear what passed, and not be descry­ed. There he agreed to bring the Final Answer of the Lords, and told him, That he had Autho­rity to draw blank Deedes, both for Sums, and Estates, which they would settle on him; and that the Lord Stafford was Felling of Timber to sell, to raise money for him, &c.

[Page 206] 4. That the Monday following, the Witness and the Prisoner drew up a Paper of what the Witness had to charge the aforesaid Lords with, which was carried to the Lords, and then re­turn'd by Reading in his own hand writing, but minc'd so, as not to signifie any thing material against them. This paper Mr. Reading own'd, and it was read in Court.

5. Mr. Speke sets forth the Conference be­tween Mr. Bedloe and Mr. Reading, which he over-heard, and that Mr. Ibidem P. 28. Reading said, The Lord Stafford would settle an Estate in Glocestershire on Mr. Bed­loe, and Sign and Seal a Deed thereof within ten days after he should be discharged, and se­veral other discourses plainly proving the matter of the Indictment, too long here to be recited. And the same was sworn by Henry Wiggins, Mr. Bedloes man.

6. Mr. Bedloe swore positively, That Mr. Read­ing had given him several Sums of money, a­mounting in all to 56l. or upwards, and all to dispose him to this matter.

To all this Mr. Reading had very little to say in his own defence, that was pertinent or mate­rial, but only endeavoured with a multitude of fine words to cloud the matter, and asperse the Evidence, yet in the process of his discourse he did in effect own the whole matter of Fact, he stood charged with, but would have had it be­leiv'd that Mr. Bedloe first proposed it to him, and that all that he did; was not in the least to short­en, lessen or stifle any thing of Truth, which Mr. Bedloe had to say; but only to prevent him [Page 207] from the guilt of Perjury and Innocent Blood, &c.

All which, being sufficiently disproved by the Evidence, and most improbable in it self, the Ju­ry going together, soon returned, and brought Mr. Reading in guilty of the Misdemeanour where­of he stood Indicted.

And then the Lord Cheif Justice North after a grave Speech respecting the heinousness of the Crime, and the Quality of the Person, as being of the long Robe, whose knowledg should keep them from so foolish, and their Integrity from so wicked an Attempt, Pronounced the Judgment of the Court, viz. That be be Fined 1000 l. Im­prisoned for one Year, and stand one hour in the Pillory, in the Pallace-Yard in Westminster on Monday then next, between the hours of Eleven and Twelve. Accordingly he did at the same time publickly stand in the Pillory, and the People generally appear'd so Enraged against his Crimes, that if an extraordinary Guard had not been provided to secure him, 'tis thought, some Fatal Mischeif might have been done to his Person, by the Fury of the incensed Rabble.

CHAP. XVI.

The Cursed Design of Morrice Gifford a Popish Priest, and others of the Conspi­rators, to Fire the Cities and Suburbs of London and Westminster, happily dis­covered, with other Subsequent Trans­actions, as the Model and Names of the New Council, &c.

WE have told you before in the Se­venth Chapter, That one part of this Damnable Popish Plot consisted in Firing, and Mr. Bedloe in a particu­lar Narrative (sold by Mr. Boulter, and other Booksellers in Cornhil) hath acquainted the World how far he was concern'd therein, as a Member of their Committee appointed for carry­ing on that Villany, how he was engaged by the Benedictine Monks at Paris, in the Year 1676. to that purpose, and afterwards joined with one Father Gifford and others, to Fire Westminster, Limehouse, and other places; and he there names several particular Streets, and the very Houses where he hired Cellars and laid in Wood, Coals, and other combustible Matter, to effect this Bu­siness, as on the backside of the Palsegraves-Head Tavern, without Temple-Bar, Brewers Yard in the Strand, a Cellar at Mr. Withers's at the Plough in [Page 209] Seething-Lane, another in White-Friars, others in Red-Cross-Street, White-Cross-Street, Bishopsgate-Street, Queen-hive, &c. And in his Epistle he names Twelve several distinct ways they have to cause and promote Fires, one of which is by Bribing Servants to fire the Houses of their Ma­sters. Of this kind we had about this time a notorious Instance, and wherein the very same Father Gifford was concern'd. For the discove­ry of the Plot hitherto had only enrag'd, not daunted the Conspirators, and therefore they still resolv'd to go on with their Work, and amongst others, they had drawn in one Eliza­beth Oxley, a Servant Maid to one Mr. Bird, (an eminent Attorney in Fetter-Lane) who having dwelt there about 6 weeks, took the opportuni­ty on the 10th. of April, 1679. when all the Family was in Bed, to fire a large Press in her Master's Closet, wherein were kept Papers and Writings, and when she thought it was not to be Quencht, wak'd her Master and Mistress with out-cries, that the House was on Fire, and ran down to let in the Watch, who had took notice of it, and by the great Mercy of God, and rea­dy help, the Fire was put out, and the House preserv'd, though the Gentleman suffered consi­derable damage by it. Now as there was no pro­bability how this Fire should come by any Acci­dent, so it was observ'd, that this Elizabeth had pack't up her Cloaths, and several other Circum­stances of suspicion, whereupon she was taxt with it, and at last confessed it, declaring on her Examination, That about Michaelmas, 1678. she became acquainted with one Nicholas Stubbs [Page 210] a Papist (formerly Butler to a Popish Lady) who had used mnay persuasions to turn her to his Reli­gion, and after her shewing a liking to it, and that he supposed she had embraced that persuasi­on, in his discourse to her at several times told her, That she should set all the Protestants destroy'd that were in England, before the Eighth and Twen­tieth of June next, and that all that would turn to the Roman Catholick Religion should live far better than now they did, that as for Hereticks, it were a Meritorius Act to kill them. And that all such as were Papists should have marks upon their Hats, whereby to distinguish them from Protestants, that they might not be destroy'd a­mongst them. That the Duke of York was the bravest Prince living, and was gone out of the Kingdom, lest the Heretiks should cut off his head, and he would not return, till they were destroy'd; that not one of the Lords in the Tow­er would Suffer, for they would come off well enough, being to be Tryed by the Lords, &c. She likewise did avouch, That she telling the said Stubbs, that she was hired to live with Mr. Bird aforesaid, and naming to him the place, he used persuasions to her at several times to set Fire on her said Master's House, telling her, That if she would do it, he would give her 5 l; and gave her once half-a-Crown in earnest of such Re­ward, and said, That he would have other Hou­ses in Holborn Fired at the same time by others. That on the Sunday before this Fire happen'd, she was with the said Stubbs, and did then promise that she would certainly fire her Master's House on Thursday or Friday Night following, and that [Page 211] accordingly she did on Thursday Night take a Candle, and set fire to her Master's papers in his Study, which were in a kind of Press, and then being on a light Fire, she shut the door, and went up stairs into her own Chamber at the top of the House, where she packt up her own things, and undress'd her self, lest her Master should suspect her, and there stay'd till a great Knocking was at the door, and the Watchmen crying out, Fire; whereupon she went and let them in, but she declared, That she did not do this out of any Spleen or Malice towards her Master, nor with any attempt to Rob him, but meerly to carry on the Design which Stubbs had proposed to her, out of hopes of the Reward he had promis'd.

Hereupon a Warrant was issued forth to appre­hend Nicholas Stubbs, who was shortly after ta­ken, and though at first he out-brazen'd the Truth with the usual Popish Impudence, yet when he came to be confronted with the Wench, who offered so many Circumstances to convince him, he could no longer stand it out, but did confess and own, That he had used such discour­ses to the said Elizabeth, as she had set forth in her Examination, and that he did persuade her to fire her Master's House, and was to give her 5 Guinnies for doing it, besides half-a-Crown in hand.

He did likewise declare upon Oath, That Fa­ther Gifford his Confessor, had put him upon this Business, and told him it was no Sin to fire all the Houses of Hereticks and Huguenots.

That Derby Molrayne aliàs Flower, a Barber in Jermanstreet; and one Roger Clinton that lodged [Page 212] at the Coach and Horses in the same Street, both Irish men, were Engaged in the same Design; that Father Gifford promised this Examinate One Hundred Pounds for to carry on the Work, and told him, He was to have the money from the Church. That the said Gifford, Clinton, Flower, and He, did use to meet in St. Jame's Feilds in the dark of the Evening, and there to discourse of these matters, and that the several Informations that he had given to the said Elizabeth Oxley, he had from the said Father Gifford. He further said, That the said Flower and Clinton told him the said Stubbs, That they would carry on the said Fire, and that they had Fireballs for that purpose, and that they would fire other Houses in Holborn at the same time. He confessed he was at the Fire in the Temple, but was not Engaged to do any thing in it.

That Gifford told him that there were English, French, and Irish Roman Catholicks enow in London, to make a very good Army, and that the French King was coming with 60 Thousand men, under a pretence of a Progress to shew the Dauphin his Dominions, but it was to plant them along the Coasts at Diep, Bulloign, Calais, and Dunkirk, to be presently ready to be Landed in England when there was an opportunity, which he doubted not but might be by the middle of June, for by that time all the Roman Catholicks here would be ready, who were all to rise, and with the Assistance of the French Forces to cut off, and utterly destroy the Hereticks, that then the Papists were to be distinguish't by marks in their Hats, and that the said Father Gifford doubted [Page 213] not but he should be an Abbot or a Bishop, when the work was over, for the good Service he had done; who frequently told this Examinate, and the said Flower and Clinton, That it was no more Sin to Kill an Heretick, than to knock a Dog o'th head, and that they did God good Service in do­ing what mischeif they could by Firing their Houses. That it was well, Sir Edmundbury God­frey was Murther'd, for he was their devilish Ene­my. That Coleman was a Saint in Heaven, for what he had done, &c.

That the Examinate was fearful he should be Murther'd for this Confession, the said Father Gif­ford having sworn him to Secrecy, and told him he should be damn'd if he made any discovery, and should be sure to be Kill'd, but gave him leave to take the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, because he was an House-keeper, and it was necessary that he should stay in Town to help to promote the work of Burning, therefore the taking of such Oaths to him should be no sin.

April the 15th. That worthy Patriot Sir Tho­mas Player, giving the House of Commons in­formation concerning this matter of Oxley and Stubbs, the Examinations were transmitted to the Lords, and the Lords sent them to the secret Committee to make a further inspection and pro­gress therein, but they had their hands so full of Business, that it was thought fit to appoint a Special Committee for this very purpose, before whom the Parties were again Examined, and gave them such satisfaction, that the House be­came Suitors to his Majesty, that they might both have his gracious Pardon, which was granted, [Page 214] and a Proclamation (but not till the 4th. of May) set forth—Reciting—That whereas due Information hath been given, that Morrice Gif­ford a Popish Priest, Roger Clinton, Derby Mol­raine alias Flower, and several other Persons of the Romish Religion, have (out of their detesta­ble and barbarous Malice) conspired and agreed to­gether, to set on Fire the City of London, the Su­burbs thereof, and the places thereunto Adjacent, and have in prosecution of such their devilish and wicked Design, procured divers Mansion Houses within the said City, Suburbs, and parts adjacent, at sundry times, and in divers places to be set on Fire and Burnt. The King's most Excellent Majesty (at the humble desire of the Commons in Parlia­ment Assembled) doth Command the said Gifford, Clinton, and Flower, (who are fled from Ju­stice) to render themselves by the 10th. of May in­stant, and is pleased to promise 50 l. Reward to any that should apprehend any of them, or if any of themselves should come in and discover his Accom­plices, so as any of them may be taken and Convicted, he shall not only have his Pardon, but the 50 l. al­so, for each Incendiary.

As this ingenious Confession of Oxley and Stubbs was a grand Confirmation, and undenia­ble proof of the restless Malice of these bloody Priests, so 'tis a notable Corroboration of the Truth and sincerity of Mr. Bedloes Evidence; for how was it possible, if what he says were not certain Truth, but only contrived Stories, as Papists calumniat, How is it probable, I say, That Stubbs should happen so exactly to accuse the very same man which Mr. Bedloe had done, [Page 215] for the Instigator to these barbarous Attempts of Firing; for at that time Mr. Bedloe, though he had given in such his Informations to the Committee of Secrecy, yet had not published the same abroad, so that Stubbs could not then have any notice thereof.

On the 20th. of April happen'd an extraordi­nary Change at Court, no less unexpected, than grateful to the people, who by such alteration of Ministers did hope to find considerable improve­ments in the management of the publick Affairs; for his Majesty having caused his Privy Council to be extraordinarily summon'd, was pleas'd by the Lord Chancellor to dissolve them; and to declare his Pleasure, That for the future, their constant Number should be limited to that of Thirty, where­of Fifteen to be of his chief Officers, who shall be Privy Councellors by their Places, Ten others of the Nobility, and Five Commons of the Realm, whose known Abilities, Interest, and Esteem, in the Nati­on, shall render them without all suspicion of either mistaking or betraying the true Interest of the King­dom. These Fifteen Officers, to which the Quali­ty of a Privy Councellor was hereby annext, are

  • The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.
  • The Bishop of London.
  • The Lord Chancellor.
  • One of the Lord Cheif Justices.
  • The Admiral.
  • The Master of the Ordnance.
  • [Page 216] The Treasurer and Chancellor or First Comissioner of the Exchequer.
  • The Lord Privy-Seal.
  • The Master of the Horse.
  • The Lord Steward.
  • The Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold.
  • The Groom of the Stole.
  • Two Secretaries of State.

And that there shall be a President of the Coun­cil, when necessary, and room for the Secretary of Scotland, when any such shall be here.

The Names of the New Privy Council then Establisht, were as follows,

  • His Highness Prince Rupert.
  • William Lord Arch Bishop of Canterbury.
  • Heneage Lord Finch, Lord Chancellor of Eng­land.
  • Anthony Earl of Shaftsbury, Lord President of the Council.
  • Arthur Earl of Anglesey, Lord Privy-Seal.
  • Christopher Duke of Albemarle.
  • James Duke of Monmouth, Master of the Horse.
  • Henry Duke of New-Castle.
  • John Duke of Lauderdaile, Secretary of State for Scotland.
  • James Duke of Ormond, Lord Steward of the Houshold.
  • [Page 217] Charles Lord Marquess of Winchester.
  • Henry Lord Marquess of Worcester.
  • Henry Earl of Arlington, Lord Chamberlain of the Houshold.
  • James Earl of Salisbury.
  • John Earl of Bridgewater.
  • Robert Earl of Sunderland, one of his Maje­sties principal Secretaries of State, [lately made in the room of Sir Joseph Williamson.]
  • Arthur Earl of Essex, first Lord Commissioner of the Treasury.
  • John Earl of Bath, Groom of the Stole.
  • Thomas Lord Viscount Faulconberg.
  • George Lord Viscount Hallifax.
  • Henry Lord Bishop of London.
  • John Lord Roberts.
  • Denzil Lord Holles.
  • William Lord Russel.
  • William Lord Cavendish.
  • Henry Coventry, Esq one of his Majesties prin­ciple Secretaries of State.
  • Sir Francis North, Kt. Lord Cheif Justice of the Common-Pleas.
  • Sir Henry Capel, Kt. of the Bath, first Com­missioner of the Admiralty.
  • Sir John Earnley, Kt. Chancellor of the Exche­quer.
  • Sir Thomas Chicheley, Kt. Master of the Ord­nance.
  • Sir William Temple, Baronet.
  • Edward Seymour, Esq
  • Henry Powle, Esq

[Page 218] The 30th. of April, His Majesty made a Speech to both Houses of Parliament, wherein he recommended three things to them, The prosecu­tion of the Plot, The disbanding of the Army, and the providing a Fleet, which was followed by a larger signification of his Majesties mind, by the Lord Chancellor,

That His Majesty had considered with himself, That 'tis not enough that his Peo­ples Religion and Liberty be secure, during his own Reign, but thinks he ows it to his People to do all that in him lies, that these Blessings may be transmitted to Posterity. And to the end that it may never be in the power of any Papist, if the Crown descend upon him, to make any change in Church or State, his Majesty would consent to limit such Successor, in these points. 1. That no such Popish Successor shall present to Eccle­siastical Benefices. 2. That during the Reign of such Popish Successor, no Privy Coun­cellors, or Judges, Lord Leiutenant, or Deputy Leiutenant, or Officer of the Na­vy, shall be put in, or removed but by Au­thority of Parliament. 3. That as it is already provided, That no Papist can sit in either House of Parliament, so there shall never want a Parliament when the King shall happen to die, but that the Parliament then in Being may continue Indissoluble for a com­petent [Page 219] time, or the last Parliament Re-as­semble, &c.

But it seems all these Provisions were not thought a sufficient Fence for such dear and pre­cious things as Religion and Liberty, and that in the progress of their Debates upon this most im­portant Subject, they could not resolve upon any certain Expedient of safety, less than the Exclusion of his Royal Higness.

For on Sunday April the 27th. 1679. It was Resolved by the House of Commons, Nemine Con­tradicente, That the Duke of York being a Papist, and the hopes of his coming such to the Crown, hath given the greatest Encouragement and Countenance to the present Conspiracies and Designs of the Papists, against the King and Protestant Religion.

And on Sunday May the 11th. (the better Day the better Deed we use to say, but whether it will hold here, will be the Question,) they Order­ed, That a Bill should be brought in to disable the Duke of York to Inherit the Imperial Crown of this Realm; which was brought in accordingly, and twice read in the House; the preamble there­of being to this effect,

That forasmuch as these Kingdoms of England and Ireland by the wonderful Providence of God many Years since, have been delivered from the Slavery and Superstition of Popery, which had despoiled the King of his Sovereign Power, for that it did and doth advance [Page 220] the Pope of Rome to a Power over So­vereign Princes, and makes him Mo­narch of the Universe, and doth with-draw the Subjects from their Allegiance by pretended Absolutions from all for­mer Daths and Obligations to their law­ful Sovereign, and by many Supersti­tions and Immoralities, hath quite sub­verted the Ends of the Christian Religi­on. But notwithstanding, That Pope­ry hath been long since Condemned by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, for the detestable Doctrine, and Trai­terous Attempts of its Adherents, a­gainst the Lives of their lawful Sove­reigns, Kings and Queens of these Realms. Yet the Emissaries, Priests, and Agents, for the Pope of Rome, re­sorting into this Kingdom of England in great numbers, contrary to the known Laws thereof, have for several Years last past, as well by their own Devilish Acts and Policies, as by Counsel and Assistance of Foreign Princes and Pre­lates, known Enemies to these Nations, contrived and carried on a most Horrid and Execrable Conspiracy, To destroy and Murther the Person of his Sacred Majesty, and to Subvert the ancient Government of these Realms, and to [Page 221] Extirpate the Protestant Religion, and Massacre the true Professors thereof. And for the better effecting their wicked Designs, and encouraging their Uilai­nous Accomplices, they have Traterous­ly Seduced James Duke of York, Pre­sumptive Heir of these Crowns, to the Communion of the Church of Rome, and have induced him to Enter into seve­ral Negotiations with the Pope, his Cardinals, and Nuntio's, for promoting the Romish Church, and Interest, and by his means and procurement have ad­vanced the Power and Greatness of the French King, to the manifest hazard of these Kingdoms, That by the descent of these Crowns upon a Papist, and by Foreign Alliances and Assistance, they may be able to succeed in their Wicked and Uillainons Designs.

And forasmuch as the Parliaments of England, according to the Laws and Statutes thereof, have heretofore, for great and weighty Reasons of State, and for the publick Good and common Interest at this Kingdom, directed and limited the Succession of the Crown in other manner than of Course it would otherwise have gone, but never had such important and urgent Reasons, as at [Page 222] this Time press and require their using of their said Extraordinary Power in that behalf. Be it therefore Enacted by the Kings most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Com­mons in this Parliament Assembled, and by the Authority of the same, And it is hereby Enacted accordingly, That James Duke of York, Albany, and Ulster, (having departed openly from the Church of England, and having publick­ly professed and owned the Popish Religi­on, which hath notoriously given Birth and Life to the most Damnable and Hel­lish Plot, by the most gracious Providence of God lately brought to light) shall be Excluded, and is hereby Excluded and Disabled, &c.

On the 19th. of May the House of Commons attended his Majesty with this following Address.

Most Dread Sovereign,

WEE your Majesties most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, the Commons in Parliament Assembled, do with all hum­ble gratitude acknowledge the most gratious assurances your Majesty hath been pleased to give us, of your constant Care to do every [Page 223] thing that may preserve the Protestant Re­ligion, of your firm resolution to defend the same to the utmost, and your Royal endea­vours that the security of that blessing may be transmitted to posterity. And we do hum­bly represent to your Majesty, That being deeply sensible, that the greatest hopes of Suc­cess against our Religion in the Enemies thereof, the Papists, are founded in the ex­ecrable Designs, which they have laid against the Sacred Person and Life of your Majesty, which it is not onely our Duty, but our Inte­rest with the greatest hazards to preserve and defend. We have applyed our selves to the making such provision by Law as may defeat these Popish Adversaries, their Abettors and Adherents, of their hopes of gaining an advantage by any violent at­tempts against your Majesty, and may utter­ly frustrate their expectation of Subvert­ing the Protestant Religion thereby in time to come. And further to obviate by the best means we can all wicked practices against your Majesty, whilest any such Lawes are in preparation and bringing to perfection, It is our resolution, and we do Declare, That in defence of your Majesties Person and the Protestant Religion, we will stand by your Majesty with our Lives and For­tunes, and shall be ready to Revenge upon the [Page 224] Papists any violence offered by them to your Sacred Majesty, in which we have your Majesty will gratiously please to be the more assured, as We our Selves are the more encouraged, in that the Hearts of all your Majesties Protestant Subjects, with the most sincere affection and zeal joyn with us herein.

But this Zeal of the House of Commons run­ning to so high a pitch touching the Succession, together with some unhappy misunderstandings arising between them and the House of Lords, concerning the Tryal of the Popish Lords, and Earl of Danby, as shall be related in the next Chapter. His Majesty to allay the same, was pleased first to Prorogue, and then to put a peri­od to them by a Dissolution of that Parliament, by a Proclamation dated at Windsor the 12th. of July, 1679. But therein graciously declaring that a New one should be called to begin, and be holden on Tuesday the 7th. (which was af­wards altered to Friday the 17th.) of Octo­ber.

CHAP. XVII.

The Proceedings against the Popish Lords in the Tower.

WE have before related the Commit­ment of these Lords to the Tower for High Treason; after which fol­lowed this Vote in the House of Commons, in the old Parliament.

Decemb. 5th. 1678.

Resolved, That the House do proceed by way of Impeachment of High Treason, and other High Crimes and Misdemeanours, against the Lord Arun­del of Warder, Lord Powis, Lord Petre, Lord Bellasis, and Viscount Stafford, and a Committee appointed to draw up Articles of Impeachment a­gainst them.

Which Vote was Communicated to the House of Lords, and the several Lords Charged by se­veral Members in these words.

The Commons in Parliament having received In­formation of divers Traiterous Practices and De­signs of a great Peer of this House, Henry Lord Arundel of Warder, have Commanded me to Im­peach the said Henry Lord Arundel of Warder of [Page 226] High Treason, and other high Crimes and Misde­meanours. They have further Commanded me to acquaint your Lordships, that they will within a con­venient time, exhibit to your Lordships particular Articles of the Charge against him.

Thus standing Impeached, they continued in the Tower all the Interval of Parliament, and as soon as the next Parliament was settled to Busi­ness, they forgot not their Lordships. For March 20th. 1678. it was Ordered, That a Committee of Secrecy be appointed to take fur­ther Evidence, and prepare Articles against the Lords in the Tower who stand Impeached of High Treason, and take such further Informati­ons as they shall receive, touching the Plot in ge­neral, and the Death of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, and that this Committee have power to send for Persons, Papers, and Records, and that they sit de die in diem, and the Quorum to be Three.

The Articles at last Exhibited, were as fol­lows.

Articles of Impeachment of High Treason, and other high Crimes and Offences, a­gainst William Earl of Powis, Willi­am Viscount Stafford, Henry Lord A­rundel of Warder, William Lord Pe­tre, and John Lord Bellasis, now Priso­ners in the Tower.

THat for many Years now last past, there hath been contrived and carri­ed on a Traiterous and Execrable Conspiracy and Plot within this Kingdom of England, and other places, to alter, change, or subvert the Antient Government and Laws of this Kingdom and Nation, and to sup­press the true Religion therein established, and to Extirpate and destroy the Professors thereof; which said Plot and Conspiracy was contrived and carried on in divers places, and by several ways and means, and by a great number of Per­sons of several Qualities and Degrees, who acted therein, and intended to execute and accomplish the aforesaid Wicked and Traiterous Designs and Purposes.

That the said William Earl of Powis, William Viscount Stafford, Henry Lord Arundel of War­der, William Lord Petre, and John Lord Bellasis, together with Philip Howard, commonly called Cardinal of Norfolk, Thomas White aliàs White­bread, commonly called Provincial of the Je­suits [Page 228] in England, Richard Strange, late Provinci­al of the Jesuits in England, Vincent, commonly called Provincial of the Dominicans in England, James Corker commonly called Pre­sident of the Benedictines, Sir John Warner aliàs Clare, Baronet, William Harcourt, John Keines, Nicholas Blundel, Pole Edward Mico, Thomas Bed­dingfield, Bazil Langworth, Charles Peters, Richard Peters, John Conyers, Sir George Wake­man, John Fenwick, Dominick Kelly, Fitz Gerald, Evers, Sir Thomas Preston, William Lovel, Jesuits, Lord Beltamore, John Carrel, John Townely, Richard Langhorn, Willi­am Foggarty, Thomas Penny, Matthew Medbourn, Edward Coleman, William Ireland, John Grove, Thomas Pickering, John Smith, and divers others, Jesuits, Priests, and Fryars, and other persons, as false Traitors to his Majesty and this Kingdom, within the time aforesaid, have Traiterously con­sulted, contrived and acted to, and for the ac­complishing of the said wicked pernicious and Traiterous Designs, and for that end did most wickedly and Traiterously agree, conspire and resolve, to Imprison, Depose, and Murther his Sacred Majesty, and to deprive him of his Royal State, Crown, and Dignity, and by malicious and advised speaking, writing, and otherwise, declared such their Purposes and Intentions, and also to subject this Kingdom and Nation to the Pope and his Tyrannical Government.

And to seize, and share amongst themselves the Estates and Inheritances of his Majesties Pro­testant Subjects, and to Erect and Restore Abbies, Monasteries, and other Convents and Societies, [Page 229] which have been long since by the Laws of this Kingdom supprest, for their Superstition and Idolatry, and to deliver up and restore to them the Lands and Possessions now Invested in his Ma­jesty and his Subjects, by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm.

And also to Found and Erect new Monasteries and Convents, and to remove and deprive all Pro­testant Bishops, and other Ecclesiastical Persons from their Offices, Benefices & Preferments, and by this means to destroy his Majesties Person, extirpate the Protestant Religion, overthrow the Rights, Liber­ties, and Properties of his Majesties good Sub­jects, Subvert the Lawful Government of this Kingdom, and subject the same to the Tyranny of the See of Rome.

That the said Conspirators and their Compli­ces and Confederates, Traiterously had and held several Meetings, Assemblies, and Consultations, wherein it was Contrived and Designed amongst them, what means should be used, and what Persons and Instruments should be employed to Murther his Majesty, and did then and there re­solve to effect it by Poisoning, Shooting, Stab­ing, or some such like ways or means; and of­fered Rewards, and promises of Advantage to several Persons to Execute the same, and hired and employed several Wicked Persons to go to Windsor and other places, where his Majesty did re­side, to Murther and destroy his Majesty; which said Persons, or some of them, accepted some Rewards, and undertook the Perpetrating there­of, and did actually go to the said places for that end and purpose.

[Page 230] That the said Conspirators, the better to com­pass their Traiterous Designs, have consulted to Raise, and have procured and raised Men, Mo­ney, Horses, Arms, and Ammunition; and al­so have made Application to, and Treated and Corresponded with the Pope, his Cardinals, Nuncio's, and Agents, and with other Foraign Ministers and Persons, to raise Tumults within this Kingdom, and to Invade the same with Foraign Forces, and to surprize, seize and de­stroy his Majesties Navy, Forts, Magazines, and places of Strength within this Kingdom: Where­upon the Calamities of War, Murthers of inno­cent Subjects, Men, Women, and Children; Burnings, Rapines, Devastations, and other Dreadful Miseries and Mischiefs must inevitably have ensued, to the Ruin and Destruction of this Nation.

That the said Conspirators have procured, ac­cepted, and delivered out several Instruments, Commissions, and Powers made and granted by, or under the Pope, or other unlawful and usurp­ing Authority, to raise and dispose of Men, Money, Arms, and other things necessary for their wicked and Traiterous Designs, and name­ly a Commission to the said Henry Lord Arundel of Warder, to be Lord High Chancellor of Eng­land, and to the said William Earl of Powis, to be Lord Treasurer of England; another Com­mission to the said John Lord Bellasis, to be Ge­neral of the Army to be raised, and the said Wil­liam Lord Petre, to be Lieutenant General of the said Army, and a Power to the said William Viscount Stafford, to be Paymaster of the Army: [Page 231] That in order to encourage themselves in prose­cuting their said wicked Plots, Conspiracies, and Treasons, and to hide and hinder the disco­very of the same; and to secure themselves from Justice and Punishment, the Conspirators afore­said, and Confederates, have used many wicked and Diabolical Practices, (viz.) They did cause their Priests to Administer to the said Conspira­tors an Oath of Secrecy, together with their Sa­crament, and also did cause their said Priests up­on Confession to give their Absolutions, upon condition that they should conceal the said Con­spiracy. And when about the Month of Septem­ber last, Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, a Justice of Peace, had according to the Duty of his Oath and Office, taken several Examinations and In­formations concerning the said Conspiracy and Plot, the said Conspirators or some of them, by Advice, Assistance, Councel, and Instigation of the rest, did incite and procure divers Persons to lie in wait and persue the said Sir Edmundbury Godfrey several days, with intent to Murther him, which at last was perpetrated and effected by them, for which said horrid Crimes and Offen­ces, Robert Green, Henry Berry, and Lawrence Hill, have since been Attainted, and Dominick Kelly, and Gerald, are fled for the same.

After which Murther, and before the Body was found, or the Murther known to any but Complices therein, the said Persons falsely gave out, That he was alive, and privately Married; and after the Body was found, dispersed a false and malicious Report, that he had Murthered him­self.

[Page 232] Which said Murther was Committed with de­sign to stifle and suppress the Evidence he had taken, and had knowledg of, and to discourage and deter Magistrates, and others, from acting in the further discovery of the said Plot and Conspiracy, for which end also the said Sir Ed­mundbury Godfrey while he was alive, was by them. their Complices and Favourites, threatned and discouraged in his Proceedings about the same.

And of their further Malice, they have wick­edly contrived by many false Suggestions, to lay the imputation and guilt of the aforesaid horrid and detestable Crimes upon the Protestants, that so thereby they might escape the Punishments they have justly deserved, and expose Protestants to great Scandal, and subject them to Persecuti­on and Oppression in all Kingdoms and Coun­tries where the Roman Religion is received and professed.

All which Treasons, Crimes, and Offences, above mentioned, were Contrived, Committed, Perpetrated, Acted, and done by the said Willi­am Earl of Powis, William Lord Viscount Staf­ford, Henry Lord Arundel of Warder, William Lord Petre, and John Lord Bellasis, every of them, and others the Conspirators aforesaid, against our Soveraign Lord the King, his Crown and Dignity, and against the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom.

Of all which Treasons, Crimes, and Offen­ces, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, in Parliament Assembled, do in the name of them­selves, and of the Commons of England, Im­peach the said William Earl of Powis, William [Page 233] Viscount Stafford, Henry Lord Arundel of War­der, William Lord Petre, and John Lord Bellasis, and every of them.

And the said Commons by Protestation, saving to themselves that liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other Accusations or Impeach­ments against the said William Earl of Powis, William Viscount Stafford, Henry Lord Arundel of Warder, William Lord Petre, and John Lord Bellasis, and every of them, and also of replying to the Answers which they and every of them make to the Premises, or any of them, or to any other Accusation or Impeachment which shall be by them exhibited, (as the Cause according to course, and proceedings of Parliament shall re­quire,) do pray, that the said William Earl of Powis, William Viscount Stafford, Henry Lord Arundel of Warder, William Lord Petre, and John Lord Bellasis, and every of them, may be put to Answer all and every of the Premises, and that such Proceedings, Examinations, Try­als, and Judgments, may be upon them, and every of them had and used, as shall be agreea­ble to Law and Justice, and Course of Parlia­ment.

To these Articles of Impeachment, the said Lords soon after put in their several Answers, as follows,

The several Answers of William Lord Petre now Prisoner in the Tower, to the Articles of Impeachment of High Treason, and other Crimes, and Offences, exhibited to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament Assembled. Whereas the Lord above named stands Impeached by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, in Parliament Assembled, in the name of themselves, and all the Commons in England.

THE said Lord in the first place, and above all other, protesting his Innocency.

The said Lord doth with all humility submit himself, desiring above all things the Tryal of his Cause by this Honourable House; so that he may be provided to make his just Defence for clearing of his Innocency, from the great and hainous Crimes charged against him by the said Impeachment, this being prayed, as also liberty to correct, amend, and explain, any thing in the said Plea contained, which may any way give this Honourable House any occasion of Of­fence, which he hopes will be granted.

The said Lord as to that part of the Impeach­ment that contains the matter following, Name­ly, That for divers Years last past, there hath been contrived and carried on by the Papists, a [Page 235] most Traiterous and Execrable Conspiracy and Plot within this Kingdom of England, and other places, to alter, change, and subvert the An­cient Government and Laws of this Kingdom and Nation, and to suppress the true Religion therein Established, and to extirpate and destroy the Professors thereof, and that the said Plot and Conspiracy was contrived and carried on in di­vers places, and by several ways and means, by a great number of Persons of several Qualities and Degrees who acted therein, and intended thereby to execute and accomplish their aforesaid Wicked and Traiterous Designs and Purposes.

That the said William Lord Petre, and other Lords therein named, together with several o­ther Persons threin likewise named and mention­ed as false Traitors to his Majesty and this King­dom, within the time aforesaid, have Traite­rously acted and consulted to, and for the ac­complishing the said Wicked, Pernicious, and Traiterous Designs, and for that end did most wickedly and Traiterously Agree, Consult, Con­spire, and Resolve to Imprison, Depose, and Murther his Sacred Majesty, and to deprive him of his Royal Estate, Crown and Dignity, and by malicious and advised speaking, and otherwise declaring such their purposes and intentions, as also to Subject this Kingdom and Nation to the Pope and his Tyrannical Government, and to seize and share among themselves the Estates and Inheritances of his Majestie's Protestant Subjects, and to erect and restore Abbies, Monasteries, and other Convents and Societies, which have been long since by the Laws of this Kingdom sup­pressed [Page 236] for their Superstition and Idolatry, and to deliver up, and restore to them the Lands and Possessions now Vested in his Majesty and his Subjects, by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, and also to Found and Erect new Mona­steries and Convents, and remove and deprive all Protestant Bishops and other Ecclesiastical Per­sons from their Livings, Benefices, and Prefer­ments, and by this means to destroy his Maje­sties Person, extirpate the Protestant Religion, overthrow the Rights, Liberties, and Properties of all his Majesties good Subjects, Subvert the lawful Government of this Kingdom, and Sub­ject the same to the Tyranny of the See of Rome. And the said Conspirators and their Complices, and Confederates, Traiterously had and held se­veral Meetings, Assemblies, and Consultations, wherein 'twas contrived and designed amongst them, what means should be used, and the Per­sons and Instruments which should be imployed to Murther his Majesty, and did then and there resolve to effect it by Poisoning, Shooting, Stab­bing, or some such like ways or means.

And to that part of the Impeachment, named, The better to compass their Traiterous Designs, have consulted to raise Money, Men, Horses, Arms, and Ammunition.

The said Lord saving to himself (and which he humbly prays, may be reserved to him) the liberty of Answering over, and denying all and singular the said Crimes and Offences charged on him, Saith, And humbly offereth to this Honou­rable House, that the charge of those Crimes and Offences so imposed on him by the said Im­peachment, [Page 237] are so general and uncertain, that he can­not possibly give any direct Answer thereto, or make any just or lawful defence upon his Tryal, for that the said Charge had no manner of cer­tainty in point of time, it being laid only for many Years now last past, which may be for 5, 10, 20, 30, or more Years, whereby though the said Lord knoweth himself to be altogether innocent of any such horrid and detestable Crimes, as by the said Impeachment are object­ed against him.

Yet 'tis impossible for him on any Tryal there­of, to be prepared with his just and lawful de­fence by Witnesses, to prove himself absent, or in any other place, at the time of such Meetings or Consultations to, or for any of the wicked Designs and Purposes in the said Impeachment mentioned, as on his Tryal may be suddenly ob­jected against him, when he cannot by any care or foresight whatever, have such Witnesses ready, as would speak thereunto, if they were certainly charged for any Traiterous Design, Act, or Crime, at any time certainly alleadged in the said Im­peachment.

Nor is the said Charge in the said Impeach­ment more certain, as to the place of any such Traiterous Meeting or Consultation laid down in the said Impeachment, it being only alledged to be at divers places in this Realm of England, and elsewhere, which for the Cause aforesaid, is so utterly uncertain, that it deprives the said Lord of his defence on his Tryal. Likewise the uncertain­ties of the number of Meetings or Consultations to the wicked purposes in the Impeachment, and [Page 238] the not shewing how many times the Lords met and consulted, and with whom in particular, doth likewise deprive him of all possibility of making his defence, in producing Witnesses; for the said Lord being wholy innocent, cannot sup­pose or imagin what Meeting or Consultation ei­ther to raise Money, or Men, for carrying on of a Traiterous Design, or to any other wicked in­tent or purpose in the said Impeachment menti­oned, shall or may be objected against him on his Tryal, and 'tis as impossible for him to bring Witnesses to prove all the Meetings he hath had with others in his life time, as 'tis for him to foresee, on this general Charge, what Meetings or Consultations may on his Tryal be objected a­gainst him as Traiterous Consultations.

And whereas 'tis in the said Impeachment charged on the said Lord, That he hath uttered Treason by malicious and advised speaking, and otherwise declaring the same.

The said Lord saith, That never any Traite­rous Thoughts entered into his Heart, and there­fore cannot possibly know what words or writings he ever spoke, uttered, reveal'd, or declared, which are now charged on him as Treason; their be­ing no words or writings at all specified in the Impeachment, whereby the said Lord might know how to prepare his defence against them. So as this Honourable Court may or might judg, whether the same words or writings are in truth Treasonable or not.

ALL WHICH incertainties, and eminent and apparent Dangers of the said Lord, being there-upon surprized in a Cause of this Consequence, [Page 239] wherein his Life and Honour (more dear to him than his Life) and all else that is dear to him in this World, are immediately concerned being seriously weighed and considered by your Lord­ships, he humbly prayeth, (as by his Councel he is advised,) that your Lordships will not put him to Answer the said Impeachment herein above re­cited, till the same be reduced to such compleat certainty, that the said Lord may know how to Answer thereunto, and may thereby be enabled to make his just defence accordingly.

ALL WHICH notwithstanding, he humbly submitteth to whatsoever your Lordships in Ju­stice shall order and think fit, and as to all other Treasons, Crimes, and Offences, contained, mentioned, or specified in the said Impeachment, the said Lord protesting his Innocency, In the great Wisdom and Sentence of this Honoura­ble Court, shall always Acquiesce.

So the Rest, Mutatis Mutandis.

But these Pleas being Judg'd unsatisfactory and illegal, they were afterwards forc'd to plead the general Issue.

And now there were daily expectations of their being brought to Tryal, and Scaffolds erected in Westminster-Hall for that purpose, but in the mean time, the Earl of Danby late Lord Treasurer, whom the Commons had likewise Im­peach'd for Treason, and who had for some time absconded himself, did on the 15th. of April un­exspectedly surrender himself, and insisted on his [Page 240] Pardon, which the Commons Voted Illegal, and thereupon prayed Judgment against him on the Impeachment. About this matter, and also up­on the Question, whether the Bishops had a right to sit upon the Lords, when they should be brought to Tryal, some misunderstandings happened be­tween the two Houses, for removing of which, and settling a good Correspondence, the House of Commons used several Endeavours, as by the following Paper may appear.

THE Reasons and Narrative OF Proceedings, BETWIXT THE Two Houses: WHICH Were delivered by the House of COMMONS TO THE LORDS: At the Conference touching the Lords in the Tower, On Munday 26th. of May, 1679.

THE Commons have always desired, that a good Correspondence may be preserved between the two Houses.

There is now depending between your Lordships and the Commons a matter of the great­est weight: In the Transactions of which, your Lordships seem to apprehend some difficulty in the matters proposed by the Commons.

[Page 242] To clear this, the Commons have desired this Conference; and by it they hope to manifest to your▪ Lordships, that the Propositions of the House, made by their Committee, in relation to the Tryal of the Lords in the Tower, have been only such as are well warranted by the Laws of the Parliament, and Constitutions of the Go­vernment, and in no sort intrench upon the Ju­dicature of the Peers; but are most necessary to be insisted upon, that the Antient Rights of Ju­dicature in Parliament may be maintained.

The Commons readily acknowledg, that the Crimes charged upon the Earl of Powis, Vis­count Stafford, Lord Petre, Lord Arundel of War­der, and Lord Bellasis, are of deep Guilt, and call for speedy Justice: But withall, they hold, That any change in Judicature in Parliament, made without consent in full Parliament, to be of pernicious Consequence, both to his Majesty, and his Subjects; and conceive themselves obliged to transmit to their Posterity, all the Rights which of this kind they have received from their An­cestors, by putting your Lordships in mind of the progress that hath already been between the two Houses, in relation to the Propositions made by the Commons, and the Reasonableness of the Propositions themselves: They doubt not but to make it appear, that their aim has been no other, than to avoid such Consequences, and preserve that Right; and that there is no delay of Justice on their part. And to that end, do offer to your Lordships the ensuing Reasons and Narrative:

That the Commons in bringing the Earl [Page 243] of Danby to Justice, and in discovery of that Execrable and Traiterous Conspiracy, (of which the Five Popish Lords now stand Impeach­ed; and for which some of their wicked Accom­plices have already undergone the Sentence of the Law, as Traytors, and Murtherers,) have la­boured under many great Difficulties, is not un­known to your Lordships.

Nor is it less known to your Lordships, That upon the Impeachment of the House of Com­mons against the Earl of Danby for High Trea­son, and other High Crimes, Misdemenours, and Offences, even the Common Justice of Seque­string him from Parliament, and forthwith Com­mitting him to safe Custody, was then required by the Commons, and denied by the House of Peers, though he then Sate in their House: Of which your Lordships have been so sensible, that at a free Conference the Tenth of April last, your Lordships declared, That it was the Right of the Commons, and well Warranted by Prece­dents of former Ages, That upon an Impeach­ment of the Commons, a Peer so Impeached, ought of Right to be Ordered to with-draw, and then to be committed. And had not that Justice been denied to the Commons, great part of this Session of Parliament, which hath been spent in framing and adjusting a Bill, for causing the Earl of Danby to appear, and Answer that Justice, from which he was fled; had been saved, and had been imployed for the Preserva­tion of his Majesties Person, and the security of the Nation, and in Prosecution of the other Five Lords. Neither had he had the Opportunity for [Page 244] procuring for himself that illegal Pardon, which bears date the First of March last past, and which he hath now pleaded in Bar of his Im­peachment. Nor of wasting so great a propor­tion of the Treasure of the Kingdom, as he hath done, since the Commons exhibited their Articles of Impeachment against him.

After which time thus lost, by reason of the denyal of that Justice which of Right belonged to the Commons upon their Impeachment, the said Bill being ready for the Royal Assent, the said Earl then rendred himself; and by your Lordships Order of the Sixteenth of April last, was Committed to the Tower. After which, he pleads the said Pardon; and being prest, did at length declare, He would relie upon, and abide by that Plea, which Pardon pleaded, being ille­gal and void, and so ought not to Bar or Preclude the Commons from having Justice upon the Im­peachment. They did thereupon with their Speaker on the Fifth of May instant, in the name of themselves, and all the Commons of Eng­land, Demand Judgment against the said Earl, upon their Impeachment: Not doubting, but that your Lordships did intend in all your Pro­ceedings upon the Impeachment, to follow the usual Course and Method of Parliament.

But the Commons were not a little surprized by the Message from your Lordships, delivered them on the Seventh of May; thereby acquaint­ing them, That as well the Lords Spiritual as Temporal, had Ordered, that the Tenth of May [Page 245] instant, should be the day for hearing the Earl of Danby, to make good his Plea of Pardon. And that on the Thirteenth of May, the other Five Lords Impeached, should be brought to their Tryal: And that your Lordships had Addressed to his Majesty, for naming a Lord High Steward, as well in the Case of the Earl of Danby, as the other Five Lords.

Upon consideration of this Message, the Com­mons found, that the admitting the Lords Spiri­tual to exercise Jurisdiction in these Cases, was an alteration of the Judicature in Parliament; and which extended as well to the Proceeding against the other Five Lords, as the Earl of Danby. And if a Lord High-Steward should be necessary upon Tryal on Impeachments of the Commons, the Power of Judicature in Parliament upon Im­peachments, might be Defeated, by suspending or denying a Commission to constitute a Lord High-Steward.

And that the said days of Tryal, appointed by your Lordships, were so near to the time of your said Message, that these Matters, and the Method of Proceeding upon the Tryal, could not be Adjusted by Conference betwixt the two Houses, before the Day so nominated. And con­sequently the Commons could not then Proceed to Tryal, unless the Zeal which they have for speedy Judgment against the Earl of Danby, (that so they might proceed to Tryal of the other Five Lords) should induce them at this Juncture, both to admit the inlargement of your Lordships Jurisdiction, and to sit down under [Page 246] these or any hardships, though with the hazard of all the Commons Power of Impeaching for time to come) rather than the Tryal of the said Five Lords should be deferred for some short time, whilst these Matters might be agreed on and settled.

For Reconciling Differences in these great and weighty Matters, and for saving that time, which would necessarily have been spent in De­bates and Conferences betwixt the two Houses, and so expediting the Tryal, without giving up the Power of Impeachment, or rendring them ineffectual.

The Commons thought fit to propose to your Lordships, that a Committee of both Houses might be appointed for this purpose. At which Committee (when agreed to, by your Lord­ships) it was first proposed, That the time of Tryal of the Lords in the Tower should be put off till the other Matters were Adjusted, and it was then agreed, That the Propositions as to the time of the Tryal, should be the last thing considered. And the effect of this Agreement stands reported upon your Lordships Books.

After which, The Commons communicated to your Lordships, by your Committee, a Vote of theirs, (viz.) That the Committee of the Commons should insist upon their former Vote of their House, That the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in any Proceedings against the Lords in the Tower, and that when that [Page 247] Matter should be settled, and the Method of Pro­ceedings Adjusted, the Commons would then be ready to proceed upon the Tryal of the Par­don of the Earl of Danby, against whom they had before Demanded Judgment, and afterwards to the Tryal of the other Five Lords in the Tow­er. Which Vote extended as well to the Earl of Danby, as the other Five Lords; but the Com­mons as yet received nothing from your Lord­ships towards an Answer of that Vote, save that your Lordships have acquainted them, that the Bishops have asked leave of the House of Peers, that they might withdraw themselves from the Tryal of the said Five Lords, with liberty of entring their usual protestation.

And though the Commons Committee have almost daily Declared to your Lordships Commit­tee, that that was a necessary point of Right to be settled before the Tryal, and offered to debate the same, your Committee always answered, That they had not any Power from your Lord­ships, either to conser upon, or to give any An­swer concerning that Matter.

And yet your Lordships, without having gi­ven the Commons any satisfactory Answer to the said Vote, or permitting any Conference or De­bate thereupon, and contrary to the said Agree­ment, did on Thursday the Twenty Second of May, send a Message to the Commons, Decla­ring, That the Lords Spiritual as well as Tem­poral, had Ordered that the Twenty Seventh of this instant May, be appointed for the Tryal of [Page 248] the Five Lords. So that the Commons cannot but apprehend, that your Lordships have not only departed from what was agreed on, and in effect laid aside that Committee which was Con­stituted for preserving a good understanding be­twixt the two Houses, and better dispatch of the weighty Affairs now depending in Parliament: But must also needs conclude from the Message, and the Votes of your Lordships on the Four­teenth of May, That the Lords Spiritual have a Right to stay and sit in Court, till the Court proceeds to the Vote of Guilty or not Guilty. And from the Bishops asking leave (as appears by your Lordships Books two days after your said Vote) that they might with-draw themselves from the Tryal of the said Lords, with liberty of entring their usual Protestation, and by their per­sisting still to go on, and give their Votes, Proceedings upon the Impeachment, that their desire of leave to with-draw at the said Tryal, is only an Evasive Answer to the before menti­oned Vote of the Commons, and chiefly intend­ed as an Argument for a Right of Judicature in Proceedings upon Impeachments, and as a Re­serve to judg upon the Earl of Danby's Plea of Pardon, and upon these and other like Impeach­ments, although no such Power was ever claim­ed by their Predecessors, but is utterly denyed by the Commons, and the Commons are the rather to beleive it so intended, because the very asking leave to withdraw seems to imploy a Right to be be there, and that they cannot be absent without it.

[Page 249] And because by this way, they would have it in their Power, whether or no for the future, ei­ther in the Earl of Danby's Case, or any other, they will ever ask leave to be absent; and the Temporal Lords a like Power of denying leave, if that should once be admitted necessary.

The Commons therefore are obliged not to proceed to the Tryal of the Lords on the Twen­ty Seventh of this instant May, but to Adhere to their aforesaid Vote: And for so doing, be­sides what hath been now and formerly by them said to your Lordships, do offer you these Rea­sons following.

Reasons.
  • I. Because your Lordships have received the Earl of Danby's Plea of Pardon, with a very long and usual Protestation; wherein he hath Aspersed his Majesty by false Suggestions, as if his Maje­sty had Commanded or Countenanced the Crimes he stands charged with, and particularly suppressing and discouraging the Discovery of the Plot, and endeavouring to Introduce an Arbitra­ry and Tyrannical way of Government: Which remains as a Scandal upon Record against his Ma­jesty, tending to render his Person and Govern­ment odious to his People; against which, it [Page 250] ought to be the first and principal care of both Houses to Vindicate his Majesty, by doing Justice upon the said Earl.
  • II. The Setting up a Pardon to be a Bar of an Impeachment, defeats the whole use and effect of Impeachments; and should this point be ad­mitted, or stand doubted, it would totally dis­courage the exhibiting any for the future: where­by the cheif Institution for the Preservation of the Government, (and consequently the Govern­ment it self) would be destroyed. And there­fore the Case of the said Earl (which in conse­quence concerns all Impeachments whatsoever) ought to be determined before that of the said Five Lords, which is but their particular Case.
  • III. And without resorting to many Authorities of greater Antiquity: The Commons desire your Lordships to take notice, (with the same regard they do) of the Declaration which that Excel­lent Prince, King Charles the First of blessed Me­mory, made in this behalf, in his Answer to the Nineteen Propositions of both Houses of Parlia­ment: Wherein, Stating the several parts of this regulated Monarchy, he says; The King, the House of Lords, and the House of Com­mons, have each particular Privileges: And among those which belong to the King, he reck­ons Power of Pardoning. After the enumerate­ing [Page 251] of which, and other his Prerogatives, His said Majesty adds thus: Again, ‘That the Prince may not make use of this high and perpetual Power, to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it, and make use of the name of publick necessity, for the gain of his private Favourites and Followers, to the detriment of his People; The House of Commons, (an excellent Con­server of Liberty, &c.) is solely intrusted with the first Propositions concerning the Levies of Money, and the Impeaching of those, who, for their own ends, though countenanced by any surreptitiously-gotten Command of the King, have violated that Law, which he is bound (when he knows it) to protect, and to the protection of which, they were bound to advise him, at least not to serve him in the contrary. And the Lords being Trusted with a Judicatory Power, are an excellent Screen and Bank be­tween the Prince and People, to assist each against any encroachments of the other, and by just Judgments to preserve that Law, which ought to be the Rule of every one of the three, &c. Therefore the Power legally placed in both Hou­ses, is more then sufficient to prevent and restrain the power of Tyranny, &c.
  • IV. Until the Commons of England have Right done them against this Plea of Pardon, they may justly apprehend, that the whole Justice of the Kingdom, in the Case of the Five Lords, [Page 252] may be obstructed and defeated by Pardons of like nature.
  • V. An Impeachment is virtually the Voice of eve­ry particular Subject of this Kingdom crying out against an Oppression, by which every Member of that Body is equally wounded: And it will prove a Matter of ill Consequence, that the uni­versality of the People should have occasion mi­nistred and continued to them, to be apprehen­sive of utmost danger from the Crown, from whence they of right expect Protection.
  • VI. The Commons Exhibited Articles of Im­peachment against the said Earl, before any a­gainst the Five other Lords, and demanded Judgment upon those Articles: Whereupon, your Lordships having appointed the Tryal of the said Earl before that of the other Five Lords; now your Lordships having since inverted that Order, gives a great cause of doubt to the House of Commons, and raises a Jealousie in the Hearts of all the Commons of England, that if they should proceed to the Tryal of the said Five Lords in the first place, not only Justice will be obstructed in the Case of those Lords, but that they shall never have right done them in the matter of this Plea of Pardon; which is of so fatal Consequence to the whole Kingdom, and [Page 253] a new device to frustrate publick Justice in Parli­ament.

Which Reasons and Matters being duly weighed by your Lordships, the Commons doubt not but your Lordships will receive satisfaction concerning their Propositions and Proceedings: And will agree, That the Commons ought not, nor can, without deserting their Trust, depart from their former Vote communicated to your Lordships; That the Lords Spiritual ought not to have any Vote in any Proceedings against the Lords in the Tower; and when that Matter shall be settled, and the Methods of Proceedings ad­justed, the Commons shall then be ready to pro­ceed upon the Tryal of the Earl of Danby, (against whom they have already demanded Judgment) and afterwards to the Tryal of the other Five Lords in the Tower.

May, 27th. 1679.

The Narrative and Reasons delivered at the Conference Yesterday with the House of Com­mons, were again read, and after a long Debate, the Vote of this House dated the 13th. of May instant, and the explanation thereupon, dated the 14th. instant, were read; and the Question was put, Whether to insist upon these Votes concerning the Lords Spiritual, and it was re­solved in the Affirmative. But there were pre­sent—These Dissenters.

  • [Page 254]Buckingham.
  • Huntington.
  • Kent.
  • Shaftsbury. PR.
  • Bedford.
  • Winchester.
  • Rochester.
  • North and Grey.
  • Suffolke.
  • J. Lovelace.
  • Townsend.
  • Herbert.
  • Gray.
  • Stamford.
  • Newport.
  • Say and Seal.
  • L. Wharton.
  • Leicester.
  • Scarsdale.
  • Stafford.
  • Derby.
  • Delamer.
  • Howard.
  • Paget.
  • Clare.
  • Salisbury.
  • Falconberg.
  • Windsor.

CHAP. XVIII.

The Proceedings against Whitebread, and the other Four Jesuits.

ON Friday the 13th. of June, 1679, was the grand Tryal of Five notorious Jesuits, viz. Thomas White aliàs White­bread, Provincial, or cheif of the Je­suits in England, a comely antient man, of a ve­ry grave deportment, both at his Tryal and Ex­ecution; William Harcourt pretended Rector of London, who 'tis thought, after the first dis­covery of the Plot had been beyond the Seas, and had the confidence to return hither again, where being apprehended in his Lodging near long Acre, he was by the Lords and Commons Com­mitted to Newgate on the 8th. of May last.

John Fenwick Procurator of the Jesuits in Eng­land.

John Gavan aliàs Gawen, and Anthony Turner, Committed first to the Gate-house, and thence brought to Newgate.

There was at the same time Arraigned one James Corker a Benedictine Monk, but he pre­tending he had not his Witnesses ready, was put off, and happy it was for him, who since was ac­quitted with Wakeman; whereas if he had then been tryed, 'tis most probable, it would have prov'd as Fatal to him as the rest.

[Page 256] Whitebread and Fenwick pleaded that they were tryed before for the same Fact, but the Court answer'd, That though they were indeed once Arraign'd, yet the Jury was discharg'd of them, and they not then in any Jeopardy of their Lives, and therefore must plead to this In­dictment.

Then the Prisoner made a general Challenge, That none should be of their Jury, that were of any of the former Juries concerning the Plot; Those now sworn were

  • Thomas Harriot.
  • William Gulston.
  • Allen Garraway.
  • Richard Cheney.
  • John Roberts.
  • Thomas Cash.
  • Rainsford Waterhouse.
  • Matthew Bateman.
  • John Kaine.
  • Richard White.
  • Richard Bull.
  • Thomas Cox.

The Proofs were long, and consisting in divers particulars. As

1. Dr. Oats Swears, That the Consult of the 24th. of April, was by the Order of Whitebread the Prisoner at the See the Tryal of Whitebread, &c. P. 12. Bar as Provincial, and that then the said Whitebread, and Fenwick, and Harcourt, and Turner, did all in his presence Sign the Resolve for the King's death.

2. That Whitebread after his return back again to St. Omers, did say, That he hoped to see the King's Head laid fast enough, only he had not the manners to give him the Title of King, but shew'd his spight by calling his Majesty opprobri­ously—[These are those that speak evil of Digni­ties.]

[Page 257] 3. That in July, Ashby, alias Timbleby, brought over Instructions from White­bread P. 13. to offer Sir George Wakeman 10000 l. to poyson the King; and also a Commission to Sir John Gage to be an Officer in the Army which they design'd to raise; which the Witness himself delivered to him the said Sir John.

4. That Turner was at the Consult; and at Fenwick's Chamber he saw him signe the Re­solve for the King's Death.

5. That as for Gavan, alias Gawen, though he could not positively say he saw him at the Consult, yet he saw his hand subscribed to it; and makes it out how he knows it to be his hand. And that he in July 78. gave P. 15. them in London an account how prosperous their affairs were in Staffordshire and Shropshire; that the Lord Stafford was very diligent, and that there was two or three Thousand Pound ready there, to carry on the Designe: And that some time in July homet the said Gawen at Ireland's Chamber, where in his presence he gave Father Ireland the same account, as before he had writ­ten.

The next Witness was Mr. Dugdale, that ne­ver gave Evidence before at any of their Tryals, who had no knowledge of either Mr. Oates or Mr. [...] when he first came in and so could not conspire with them to charge the very same persons as they had done. He swears.

1. Against Whitebread, That he saw a Letter under his hand (and tells you how he knew it [Page 258] to be his,) to Father Ewers a Jesuit, and the said Mr. Dugdale's Confessor, in which he ordered him to be sure to chuse men that were hardy and trusty, no matter whether they were Gentlemen, p. 22. and p. 29. he swears it again, and what they were to do; that the words under his hand were in express terms,—For Killing the King.

2. Against Gawen he swears directly, that he entertain'd him the said Mr. Dugdale to be of the Conspiracy to Murther the King, as one of those resolute Fellows prescribed by Whitebread; and that they had several Consultations in the Coun­trey, at several places which he names, for Mur­dering of the King, and bringing in Popery; as at Boscobel, and at Tixal, in Sept. 1678. And that he heard them discourse at one of these Consults, that it was the opinion of the Monks at Paris, who were concern'd in the Conspiracy, and were to assist, That assoon as the Deed was done, that is, the Killing of the King, they should lay it on the Presbyterians, thereby to pro­voke the other Protestants to cut their P. 25. Throats, and then they might the more easily cut theirs. And p. 26. That he hath intercepted and read (for all their Letters in those Parts came un­der his Cover) above 100 Letters to the same purpose, all tending to the Introducing of Po­pery, and Killing the King; which being without any Names, only directed to Mr. Dugdale, and to be delivered by marks known to Father Ewers, if they had been intercepted by the way, only Dugdale could have been called in question for it.

[Page 259] 3. That himself was so zealous in the Cause; that he had given them 400 l. for carrying on this Design, which Gavan had made him believe was not only lawful, but meritorious; and that he was to be sent up to London by Harcourt, there to be instructed for Killing the P. 23. King.

4. That the same Harcourt, whose hand the Witness well knows, did write word of Sir Ed­mundbury Godfrey's being Murthered, that very Night it was done, to Father Ewers; so that they knew of it in Staffordshire several days before any (except those privy to the Murder) at Lon­don knew, what was become of him. And to confirm his Testimony herein, he produceth Mr. Chetwin, a Person of Quality, who swears, That he did hear it then reported as from Dug­dale; and that he was not in Town when the Murderers of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey were Try­ed, or else he would then have witnessed the same.

5. Against Turner he positively swears, That he saw him with others at Ewers's Chamber, where they consulted together to carry on this Design; and that he agreed to the Plot, that is, bringing in of Popery by Killing the King.

Then Mr. Prance gave Evidence,

1. Against Harcourt, That such a day, when he paid him for an Image of the P. 30. Virgin Mary to send into Maryland, he told the Witness that there was a Design of Killing the King.

2. Against Fenwick, That he told him in [Page 260] Ireland's Chamber, Ireland and Grove be­ing by, that there should be 50000 Men P. 31. in Arms in a readiness to settle their Religion, and that they should be commanded by the Lords Beliasts, Powis, and Arundel.

Lastly, Mr. Bedloe was sworn, who first gives a satisfactory account why he did not before give in his Evidence against Whitebread and Fenwick, because he was then finding out the Bribery and Subornation of Reading, in behalf of the Lords in the Tower; but now he positively swears,

1. That he hath seen both Whitebread and Fenwick at several Consults about this Plot, and that he heard Whitebread at Harcourt's Cham­ber tell Coleman the manner of the sending the four Russians to Windsor to kill the King.

2. That he saw Harcourt take out of a Cabinet about 80 or 100 l. and give it to a Mes­senger, to be carried to the said Russians, P. 32. with a Guiney to drink Mr. Coleman's health.

3. That Whitebread told him, That Pickering was to have a great number of Masses, and Grove 1500 l. for killing the King. P. 33.

4. That Harcourt employed him several times to carry their Consults beyond the Seas, and that he received in Harcourt's presence Mr. Coleman's thanks for his Fidelity; and P. 35. that Harcourt recommended him to the Lord A­rundel, who promised him great favour when the times were turned: Also that he saw Harcourt give Wakeman a Bill to receive 2000 l. in part of a greater sum; and heard Sir George say, 15000 l. was a small Reward for the settling Religion, [Page 261] and preserving three Kingdomes from Ruine.

Thus we see, there is the positive Testimony of three, viz. Dr. Oates, Mr. Dugdale, and Mr. Bed­loe, against Whitebread: Of three quite blank a­gainst Fenwick; viz. Oates, Bedloe, and Prance. And against Harcourt, four very fully; Oates, Dug­dale, Bedloe and Prance. Against Gavan there is positively Dugdale's and Oates's; and the same directly against Turner. Whereby the matter of Fact is plainly proved, and the Evidence full and legal against them all.

There was also the before-mentioned Letter read, found amongst Harcourt's Papers, which did much fortifie the Evidence as to the certainty and nature of the Consult of the 24th of April. It was written from one Petre a Jesuit, to another of their Society, to let him know there was to be a Consult on the said 24th of April, in which were these words: Every one is minded also not to hasten to London long before the time appointed, nor to appear much about the Town till the meeting be over, lest occasion should be given to suspect the Design. Finally, Secrecy as to the Time and Place, is much recommended to all those that re­ceive Summons, as it will appear of its own nature necessary.

Now as to what the Prisoners had to say a­gainst all this, it was well observed by the Lord Chief-Justice, p. 89. That they defend their Lives as they do their Religion with weak Arguments, and fallacious Reasons. For to omit their Aspersions, which they did not so much as offer to prove upon the Witnesses, and therefore signified little, [Page 262] the main part of their Defence consisted in a Re­giment of Lads of their own tutoring, brought from St. Omers, on purpose to prove Mr. Oates to have been all April and May 1678. and till the latter end of June, at St. Omers, and conse­quently that he could not be at the Consult at London 24 April, nor truly know any of the particulars which he swears to, depending there-upon: and indeed they all said, and offer'd to swear it very confidently, that they saw him every day, Conversed and Dined with him; and that he was never out of the Colledge, except two Days and one Night he was absent at Wat­ton, and two or three days that he was in the Infirmary, &c.

But still to make good Dr. Oates's Testimony, 'tis observable, that these Witnesses were at great variance amongst themselves; some of them said, That Mr. Oates left their Colledge some time in June, some say the tenth, some the latter end. But p. 53. one of them mistakes his Moneth, and avers he is sure it was in July that Mr. Oates went away; and being told that he differed from all the rest, he cryed, He was sure he was there till after the Consult at London; which gave a great light to what point of time these Novices were instructed to speak to, and caused the Peo­ple to laugh to see the Youngman out in his part.

But secondly, Mr. Oates brought no less than seven substantial Witnesses, who swear P. 79. his being in London in April and May, 1678. the time that they aver him to have constantly been at St. Omers. 1. A Minister swears he saw him, [Page 263] (which is confirmed by a Gentlewoman to whom he then told it) that he had the day before seen Titus Oates in St. Martins-lane, disguised in a Serge Coat, and gray Hat. Mrs. Mayo, (p. 81.) swears more punctually as to point of time; That about a week before Whitsontide, which was in May, she saw Mr. Oates twice in Sir Richard Barkers Court-yard in London, and that one of Sir Richards men told her it was Mr. Oates, and that he was either turned Quaker or Jesuite; but she replyed he was no Quaker, because he then wore a Per­riwig; and swears this Doctor Oates in Court was the same man which then she saw there. And then one Page swears, that he saw this Mr. Oates in a gray or light-coloured Campaign Coat, and discoursed with him at Sir Rich. Barkers, in May 78. and tells a circumstance to prove his know­ledge that it was in May. Sir Richards Coachman swears, that he was well acquainted with Mr. Oates, and that he was at their House in Barbican the be­ginning of May 78. with his Hair cut close to his Ears, in gray cloaths, and inquired for Doctor Tongue. Sir Richard Barker himself swears that he being then in the Country, when he came home his Servants told him that Titus Oates had been there in such a strange Habit, and they thought he was turned either Quaker or Papist. Mr. Smith School-master at Islington, (p. 84.) swears, That in the beginning of May 78. Mr. Oates dined with him at his House at Islington; and as he remem­bers, it was the first Munday in May; and that he knew him well, for he had been his Scholar at Merchant-Tailors School, when the Witness was Usher there; and that he stayed with him three [Page 264] or four hours after Dinner, discoursing of his Tra­vels. Lastly, one Mr. Clay, who own'd himself a Roman-Catholick, (and is supposed to be a Priest; nay, affirmed since by Blunden's Letter to be so, and of the Dominican Order) swears, (p. 84, and 85.) That he met Mr. Oates in April, and afterwards in May, 78. at Mr. Howards, at Arundel-House; and that this was the same man he saw there. So that they are not all Protestants that he brings to annul their Evidence, but one of their own Religion too, that durst speak truth. And now let all the world iudge, whether the Jury had any reason to think Doctor Oates's Evidence was any way weakened by all that those Novices had averr'd, knowing that though they might have Dispensations for telling of Lies, to serve a turn, yet the Protestant Religion doth in no case allow it, much less of Swearing falsely. And that these young men spoke onely as they were directed, is more than probable, from the nature of the thing, their own circumstances, and the manner of their Behaviour. And it is credibly re­ported, that as for one of them, Palmer by name, (p. 51.) who says positively that he saw Mr. Oates at St. Omers the first of May New Stile, and the second, and the fifth, and the eleventh days, and gives particular circumstances for each; yet 'tis since said to be discover'd, and offer'd to be sworn by two worthy Gentlemen, that the said Palmer was at the same time at Rome, and in those Gen­tlemens company, the said first week in May, when he tells all these, stories as of his own knowledge at St. Omers. And by this we may judge what regard to give to their Witnesses, to prove that [Page 265] Sir. John Warner and Sir Tho. Preston did not come over with Doctor Oates, or that Mr. Gavan was in April, June, and July; for indeed these last speak so timerously, and give such weak reasons, that though what they say should be true, yet Mr. Ga­van might step up to London and sign this Con­sult in few days, without their knowledge.

Lastly, p. 69. Whitebread insisted, that Mr. Oates had sworn falsely that Mr. Ireland was in London the middle of August, and beginning of September, whereas he could prove the contrary. But it had been better for his Party if he had let it alone for though he did produce some. Popish witnesses to say something to that purpose, yet the same was not only disproved then by the Oaths of Doctor Oates and Sarah, Pain, formerly Groves's Servanr, but also occasioned the happy Discovery after­wards by Mr. Robert Jenison, of which we shall give an account in another Chapter.

This was the whole effect of their Defence, aba­ting some vain flourishes of Gavan's Rhetorick, his offering to maintain his Innocence by the old obsolete Tryal of Ordeal, (or walking bare-foot on Red-hot Plow-shares, p. 68.) and his starting a point of Law, p. 87. That Mr. Oates swears to a Treason in London, Mr. Dugdale to one in Stafford-shire, therefore there were not two Witnesses to one Fact: which the Court over-ruled, shewing that the Treason in both places was the same, viz. killing the King, raising an Army, subverting the Government, and bringing in of Popery, though the Overt acts demonstrating the same be several, or in different Counties.

[Page 266] Then the Lord Chief-Justice summ'd up the Evidence, and took particular notice of the proof made that Harcourt was privy to the Murder of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey; which he declared he could never be more or better satisfied in, than by what he heard that day; and thereupon speaking to the Prisoners, he said, P. 93. ‘—This will stick I assure you, Sirs! upon all your Party—We have therein a Testimony, that for promoting your Cause, you would not stick at the Protestants blood; you began with Sir Edmundbury, but who knows where you would have made an end? It was this one man you killed in his person, but in Effigie the whole Nation. It was in one mans Blood your hands were embrewed, but your Souls were dipt in the Blood of us all; this was an hansel one­ly of what was to follow; And so long as we are convine'd you killed him, we cannot but believe you would also kill the King; we cannot but believe you would make all of us away, that stand in the way of your Religion; a Religion, which accor­ding to what it is you would bring in upon us, by a Conversion of us with Blood, and by a Baptism with Fire; God keep our Land from the one, and our City from the other.’

The Jury after about a quarter of an hours con­sideration returned into Court, and brought in all the Five Prisoners Guilty of High-Treason; who the next day with Mr. Langhorn received Sentence, and on the twentieth of June following, were drawn to Tyburn, Whitebread and Harcourt in one Sled, Gavan and Turner in another, and Fen­wick by himself in a third. At the Gallows they [Page 267] made every one a particular Speech, which seem­ed to be not onely premeditated, but the substance and matter thereof to have been prescribed, or at least agreed on before amongst them; the big pro­testations of Innocence and expressions being so near alike. These Speeches, as there were Copies of them spread up and down that very morning by their own Party, which shews them to have been prepared out of design; so they were after­wards printed, and answered very solidly, shewing the nature of their Principles, and the impious fraud of such their solemn Appeals, &c. See An Impartial Consideration on the Five Jesuites Speeches; as also Animadversions on their Speeches; whereunto we refer the Reader for full satisfaction in this point.

Indeed, what credit is there to be given to the words of those men dying, whose whole Lives have been but continued Lies? it being not un­known, that the said Whitebread had for several years heretofore, made it his business to Masque­rade it in the various Fanatical Mock-Religions of the late times. In confirmation of which gene­ral Report, soon after his Execution, there was the following Letter published, said to be writ­ten by a very Reverend Minister, and communi­cated to the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor of London. And though we are far from gi­ving credit to every Pamphlet, in an Age that swarms with printed Lyes and Fictions, and de­test that redoubled baseness to abuse the Living by scandalizing the Dead, yet to the end that if it be true, villany may not be conceal'd, but the next Age warn'd to avoid their wyles, by re­flecting [Page 268] on what they have practised in this; and for that upon inquiry we find very probable grounds to believe the sincerity of this account (though for some Reasons the Author declin'd exposing his name to it in Print) we shall here in­sert it in his own words; that such as shall think fit, may farther satisfie themselves concerning the Contents.

A Letter from a Minister of the Church of England, communicated to the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor, re­lating to Thomas White, alias White­bread, who was lately Executed for High Treason.

Sir.

IN Answer to your request in two Letters of yours to your Brother, these are to assure you, that the Gentleman you mentioned, viz. White, alias White­bread (more than twenty years ago) came to Ox­ford, under pretence of a Jew converted by some eminent Divine of the Presbyterian way in Lon­don. But in Oxford he pretended a farther light, by joyning with, and hearing at the several Churches and Sermons of Doctor Thomas Goodwin, Doctor Owen, and some others of the Independent or Con­gregational way. But not stedfast there long, (pre­tending the Apostles rule to try all things) he fell to the Anabaptists, and then to the Quakers; amongst whom he challenges Doctor Owen, and several others for their Principles, in a Letter written in se­veral Languages, so learnedly, that it was thought [Page 269] worthy of consideration of the Learned Convocation there; by whom he was censured as a Jesuite, or some other Popish Seminarist, and thereupon Impriso­ned in the Castle-Prison there, where he pretended a Distraction, and personated the Mad-man so exactly, that in few days some friends of his procured his li­berty. I saw him several times running up and down the streets, with his Hat under his arm full of stones, throwing at every small Bird he saw. But e're long I met him at a Papist-house, where I heard him dis­course very gravely, learnedly, and discreetly; where I got not only acquaintance with him, but familiari­ty, insomuch, that several times in change of Habit he came to visit me, and several other young Scholars in Magdalen Colledge. But at length being again suspected, and like to be apprehended, he got private­ly away for London. I brought him five miles of his way, and so left him to his designs.

In six Months after, business called me to London, where after a day or two I heard a Report of a fa­mous Preacher amongst the Quakers near Charing­cross, and the same day met the same Gentleman (then so much famed) going to speak, in an old-fashio­ned pinked Fustian Jerkin, and clouted shooes, and Breeches faced with Leather, and a Carters Whip in his hand, altogether disguised from my knowledge of him; but he knew me, and spake with me, and re­newed our acquaintance. At present he went about his intended work, and the next day came to my Quarters, in the neat Habit of a London-Minister, and carried me to his Lodgings within the Precincts of the Mid­dle-Temple, where I had a good entertainment, and a view of several strange Habits, in which he dis­guised himself to the several sorts of people he insi­nuated [Page 270] himself into. I saw also his Orders from the Roman Court, and an Instrument wherein he was assu­red of, and ordered to receive of certain Merchants an Hundred pounds per Annum, besides an yearly Pension of Eighty pound per Annum from his Fa­ther. I am sure he pretended he was born at Wit­tenberg, his Fathers Name John White; and in his Writing, he himself was stiled Johannes de Al­bo, by the Court of Rome. He was both Jesuit, and Priest in Orders. I went with him by water, and visited some Ships; and in one House in South­wark he Celebrated the Mass in the Popish Mode to more than forty. The same day we visited several Presbyterians and others; and I continued in his company by the space of a Month, when he was ap­prehended, and by a special Order from the then Pro­tector, Imprisoned in the Tower of London; where I endeavoured, but was not admitted to visit him. Two years after I understood by a friend of mine and his, that he was freed from his durance within the space of six Months. And within these four or five years (as far as my friend and I could judge) tampering much with Independents in and about London, was seen several times by a friend of mine at Doctor Mantons private Lectures, in or near the Lord Whar­tons House, still known by the name of John White. He spake as good English as any Native, and knew all Cities, Towns, Villages, Hamlets, (in a manner) in all or most part of England.

[Page 271] Sir! This is the sum of the Relation I made to your Friend. I bless God I was never noosed in his snare, but rather confirmed in our true Christian Principles; in which I pray God continue stedfast both you and
Your loving Friend.

CHAP. XIX.

The Procedings against Richard Lang­horn, Esq

THis Gentleman was a Counsellor at Law of the Temple, and Transacted much busi­ness for the Jesuits, being well skill'd in Con­veyancing: He was oft imployed by divers of the Catholick Gentry, and almost his whole pra­ctice lay between Papists and Quakers; for of the latter, many of the most eminent frequently re­sorted to him for Advice and Direction. He was Committed to Newgate by the Lords of the Pri­vy-Council, by a Warrant dated the seventh of October, 78. for High-Treason; and on the first of Nov. he had a Son, named likewise Richard Langhorn, sent to the same Goal, under the same Charge, who there still remains, having not yet been brought to his Tryal.

The Father came on at the Sessions in the Old-Bailey, on Saturday the 14th of June, 1679. be­ing next day after the Conviction of Whitebread and his Associates.

The Jury consisted of able Citizens of Lon­don, viz.
  • Arthur Young,
  • Edward Beeker,
  • Robert Twyford,
  • Tho. Barnes,
  • Francis Neeve,
  • John Hall,
  • William Yapp,
  • John Kirkham,
  • Peter Pickering,
  • George Sitwell,
  • James Wood,
  • Richard Cauthorn.

[Page 273] As for the Proofs against this Prisoner, they were as home and positive as against the rest.

1. Dr. Oates declares how he came acquainted with him, by bringing him See the Try­al, P. 9. Letters from his Sons from a Semina­ry in Spain; and then swears, That Langhorn did hold Correspondence with Le Chese and others, and that the Witnesses carried several Letters to persons beyond the Seas; in one of which he saw under his own hand, words to this purpose, That now they had a fair opportunity to begin, or give the blow; with other expressions plain enough con­cerning the Plot: and these he saw signed Richard Langhorn, and that the Prisoner himself delivered them to him.

2. That he had order from the Pro­vincial to give Mr. Langhorn an Account P. 10. of the Resolve of the Jesuits Consult for Kil­ling the King, and that he did acquaint him therewith; and that the said Langhorn thereupon lift up his Hands and Eyes, and prayed to God to give it a good success.

3. That he saw at his Chamber cer­tain Commissions, which they call Pa­tents; P. 11. and that on his desire he permitted the Witness to peruse several of them; and that there as one Commission to the Lord Arundel of Wardour, and another to the Lord Powis, for the one to be Lord Chancellour; and the other Lord Treasurer of England; and one to Mr. Lang­horn himself, to be Advocate of the Army; and that they were signed Johannes Paulus d'Oliva, by Vertue of a Brief from the Pope: and Mr. Lang­horn also told him, that he had sent one of these [Page 274] Commissions by his Son, to be delivered to the Lord Arundel of Wardours Son.

4. That Mr. Langhorn, being employed as Solicitor for several of the Fathers of P. 13. the Society, did prevail with the Benedictine Monks to raise six thousand pounds for carrying on the Cause; and did say in the hearing of the witness, That he would do his utmost for procu­ring the said Money.

5. That Mr. Langhorn was disgusted that Sir G. Wakeman was not content with ten thousand pound to poison the King, and call'd him nar­row-spirited, narrow-soul'd Physician: for being a publick concern, and to carry on the Cause, it was no matter if he did it for nothing.

6. An Instrument was produced in Court, signed by Paulus d'Oliva, found in Mr. Langhorns Chamber, long after Mr. Oates had given in his Testimony. Now Mr. Oates swore, that the be­fore-mentioned Commissions were signed by the same hand, and had the same mark; but they were all conveyed away; and this being onely concerning an Ecclesiastick business, wherein they thought there was no danger, was left. How­ever, this much confirmed Mr. Oates's Evidence, by shewing that Mr. Langhorn did use to receive Pa­tents from, and had Commerce with the Superi­our of the Jesuits at Rome.

In the next place comes Mr. Bedloe, and he swears that he went with Mr. Coleman P. 19. to Mr. Langhorns Chamber, and there Mr. Coleman gave him his Letters to le Chese, and the Popes Nuncio and others, open, to read and Register in [Page 275] a Book by him kept for that purpose; and that he saw him read these Letters, which were con­cerning these designs in hand; and that he Regi­stred them in a Book in his Closet, whilst he and Mr. Coleman walkt in the outer room; and that afterwards Coleman sealed up these Letters, and delivered them to the Witness, who carried them to le Chese; and that some of the expressions in those Letters were, That all things were now in readiness, and they onely wanted Money: That the Catholicks were now in safety; that Places and Offices had been disposed to them, and that all the Garrisons either were, or suddenly would be in their hands; and that now they had a fair opportunity, having a King so easie to believe what was dictated to him by their Party; and that if they missed this advantage, they might despair of ever introducing Popery into England. These were the very Expressions of some of them.

2. That he brought other Letters from Har­court to Langhorn to be Registred, and Langhorn writ back, that he had received and would Regi­ster them; of which Letters one was from the Rector of the Irish Colledge at Salamanca, which specified, That the Lord Bellasis and the rest con­cerned, should be in readiness, for that they had sent some Irish cashier'd Souldiers, with many other Lay-Brothers, under the notion of Pilgrims for St. Jago, who were to take shipping at the Groin, and to land at Milford-Haven in Wales, and there to meet and joyn with the Lord Powis.

The onely defence Mr. Langhorn could maket was like that of the rest of his Party, by stou­denyals, [Page 276] and endeavouring to invalidate the cre­dit of the Witnesses, by intrapping or confront­ing them in point of time or place.

1. He would make Doctor Oates an Approver, as having been pardoned for the P. 27. same Crime; and alleadged, that the Witnesses had received Rewards and gratifications for swea­ring against them. But to this the Court answe­red, That it could not be supposed the King would Bribe his Witnesses; and unless he could prove any reward to be given by Contract, or subornation, it was no Objection, for that allow­ance of sustenance was usually given of old to Approvers, &c.

2. He mustered up again their baffled Evidence from St. Omers, of whom one P. 33. being askt how he came to take notice of Mr. Oates being at St. Omers all April and May, and not in June and July as well, plainly answered, (being not well instructed, or more simple than the rest)—It was—Because the Question he came for did not fall upon that time: Which gives more light to the suspicion that they came with their Lessons in their Mouths, to save these mens lives, and their Churches sinking Credit; not to speak truth, but only right or wrong confront the Kings Evidence: but in vain, for Dr. Oates sufficiently asserted his Testimony by seven Witnesses, who now again proved, as they had done the day be­fore, his being in London at the time controverted.

3. Then Mr. Langhorn produced the Woman at the White-horse Tavern, where P. 46. Mr. Oates had said the Consult was held; and she boldly averred, that there was never a room in [Page 277] her House would hold above a dozen people, and therefore there could not meet 50, or 18 or 20 persons at a time. This was an Objection Doctor Oates could not fore-see, not thinking any body would have had the confidence to alleadge it, and so was not provided with any Witnesses to con­fute it: but as Providence ordered it, no less than three several strangers stood up in Court, that knew the House well, and being sworn, Attested, The first, that he had known sixteen to dine of­ten in one Room of that House; the second, that he knew two Rooms, one backwards and the o­ther forward, where Thirty might Dine at a time; and the third, that at a Wedding he knew of above Twenty that Dined together in one Room next the street. Nay farther, there was a Gentleman of good Quality in Court, who declared there have been fifty in a Room there; so that this Evidence, by such a peremptory falshood, did but add to the suspicion already too apparent on the rest of his Witnesses.

The matter being thus plain, the Jury did not find any difficulty that might require a te­dious Consultation, and therefore returning af­ter a short retirement, into Court, pronounced the prisoner Guilty; and then Whitebread, and the other Four Convicted the day before, being brought to him to the Bar, Mr. Recorder pro­ceeded to pass Sentence of Death upon them all Six. But Mr. Langhorn, either in consideration of the affairs of others in relation to his Practice, which it might be convenient to adjust; or ra­ther in hopes he might have been wrught upon [Page 278] to make some ingenuous Confession, was Re­prieved for a Month, and then Executed on Munday the Fourteenth of June, persisting in the most solemn and studied expressions of his Innocence; which, that they might be home and full, and consequently the more taking with the people, he had written down in a paper, whe­ther of his own penning, or prescribed unto him by some Priest, is uncertain; and this he delivered to the Sheriff, referring himself thereunto, as the last Expressions of his mind; and desiring it might be seen.

CHAP. XX.

The Occasion and manner of Mr. Robert Jennison's first Discovery; and the Apprehension of one Caryl, alias Blun­den; and his Letter beyond the Seas concerning the Execution of White­bread, &c.

WE have before related how Mr. Ireland in­sisted that he was in Staffordshire, when Dr. Oates, Mr. Bedloe, and one Sarah Pain attest upon their Oaths that they saw him in London. And this he not onely alleadged at his Tryal, and brought Witnesses to prove it, but made solemn Asseverations at his death. That he never was in London from the 5th of August to the 14th of September. And knowing that such a failure in circumstance of time and place, if they could get it believ'd, would much depretiate the Evidence, they not content with what had pass'd, revive it again at Whitebread's Tryal, as you have heard, offering fresh people to confirm it: And though the contrary was sufficiently attested by three Witnesses on Oath, enough to convince an impartial Jury, or any body else that consi­ders the nature of a Papists Religion, and how far he may lawfully, nay is bound to stretch his private Conscience, when it may be for the pub­lick Emolument of their Church; yet it pleased [Page 280] Providence, as well for the Vindication and fur­ther Illustration of Truth, as to shame these false Dissemblers, and expose their fallacious dealings, soon after to make a further Discovery, and detect their Lyes in this behalf, by one that had been no small Zealot of their Party.

For presently after that Tryal, Charles Chet­wind Esq upon some discourse concerning the same, was accidentally inform'd, That one Mr. Robert Jennison of Grays-Inne, a person of good Quality, and formerly a strict Romanist, had af­firm'd, That he was with the said Ireland about the middle of August in Russel-street in Covent-garden: whereupon Mr. Chetwind resolv'd to en­quire further after it, being thereunto encoura­ged by the Earl of Shaftsbury, to whom he had communicated what he had heard. Then tracing the business, he went to Robert Bowes Esq who own'd, that Mr. Jennison had signified so much to him formerly in a Letter from Reading, dated the 19th of December. Hereupon several of these Gentlemen repaired to Mr. Jennison, who after some unwilling Evasions, ingenuously owned the same, and testified it upon Oath before Edmund Warcup Esq one of his Majesties Justices of the Peace for the County of Middlesex, viz. That coming up from Windsor on the 19th of August, he went to visit the said William Ireland (with whom for some time he had been well acquainted, as being Related unto him) and found him at his Lodging in Russel-street, who told him he was then newly arrived by Post from Wolverhampton in Staffordshire; and in discourse enquired how his Majesty and the Court were diverted: To which [Page 281] Mr. Jennison replied, That he heard his Majesty took much delight in Hawking and Fishing, but chiefly in the latter; which his Majesty follow'd early in the mornings, accompanied onely with two or three Lords: Whereupon Ireland replied, He wondred his Majesty should be so thin guarded; he were easily taken off or removed; or words to that effect. At which Mr. Jennison saying God forbid, Ireland began to qualifie it, saying, I do not say it is lawful; and some such Expressions, which made him take little notice of it at that time; but afterwards hearing of the Plot, and that the King was to have been kill'd at Windsor, he began to reflect upon the former words more seriously, and related them to his Father, and one Mr. Smith his Fathers Confessor, being then at Wallworth his Fathers Mansion-house, in the Bi­shoprick of Durham.

This, and some other Depositions confirming the same, with the true Copy of the said Letter, have since been published in print, and Mr. Jen­nison publickly attested the same at Wakeman's Tryal; the horror and detestation of this hellish Plot carried on by the Romanists, having induced him to quit their communion.

Three days after the Execution of Whitebread and the other four Jesuits, viz. 23 June, was Apprehended by Captain Rich, one of his Maje­sties Justices of Peace for Surry, one Caryl, alias Blunden, supposed to be a Popish Priest, at Lam­beth-Marsh, at the House of one Mr. Woodinbrook formerly an Haberdasher of Small Wares in the Burrough of Southwark; in whose Chamber was found the following Letter, prepared to give an Ac­count [Page 282] thereof to their Correspondents beyond the Seas; wherein 'tis observable, what liberty they take to scandalize the proceedings of Justice, and invent so many palpable notorious Lies; as that of the Reprieve being brought to the Gallows, &c. to keep up their Reputation with their Par­ty. The words of the Letter were as follow; one­ly in the Margent we have added some necessary Observations.

IHS. MR.

My Dr. C.

ON the Thirteenth of June, being Friday, Mr. White­bread, Mr. Harcourt, Mr. Tur­ner, Fenwick and Gaven of the Society, and Mr. Corker, were brought to the Bar in the Old-Baily: Mr. Corker moved the Court for a longer time, being onely warned the night before, whereas the other Prisoners had eight days warning to prepare themselves; whereupon he was re-manded to prison till the next day: Then was the Indictment read against the Five above-na­med Jesuits, for conspiring the Kings Death, subversion of Go­vernment and, Protestant Religi­on. Then Mr. Oates swore, that on the Twenty fourth of April, there was a Consult held in Lon­don, [Page 283] where the Kings Death was Conspired; and that he car­ried this Resolve from one to the other, for their subscribing; and swore particular Circumstances against each. To Corroborate this Testimony, other Witnesses, Bed­loe, Prance, Dugdale, and Chet­wind, came in with A pretty way of expressing plain positive Evidence of several Overt Acts of Treason. Over­tures to the matter sworn by Oates. Then did the Prisoners (after a most solemn and It might be so­lemn, but could not be counted Religious by any but you, whose Religion consists in Lies and Blasphemous Hypocrisie. Re­ligious Protestation of their Inno­cence and ignorance of any Con­spiracy against His Majesty) de­sire that their Witnesses might be heard, which could demonstrate that Mr. Oates was actually at St. Omers in all April and May, and most of June, when he swears he was in London at the Con­sult. To prove this, about twen­ty Witnesses were produced, who did shew evidently, by several re­markable passages, how Oates was at St. Omers all the whole time. But the Judge Scroggs asked each Witness as he did appear, of what Religion he was of; and upon answer that he was a Catholick, the whole Court gave a shout of laughter. Then the Judge would say to them, All absolutely false, though it might have been the most proper way of Exa­mining such bold young Villains; for 'twas apparent they did not speak their knowledge, but their Masters dictates. Well, what have you [Page 284] then been taught to say? and by many scoffing Questions (which moved the Court to frequent laughter) he did endeavour to take off the Credibility of their Witnesses. Then the Butler, Tay­lor, and Gardiner of St. Omers offered to swear that they saw Mr. Oates all that time at St. Omers, when he swore he was in London. After this, the Pri­soners at the Bar produced Six­teen Witnesses more, that proved Oates Another im­pudent Lie; and sure the Jesuits themselves and the Staffordshire Vouchers, if they have any shame left, will now blush at the story. forsworn in Mr. Ire­lands Tryal, because he was in Shropshire, when he attested he was in London. Then did Ga­ven, one of the Prisoners, with a great deal of clearness and Elo­quence, and with a cheerful coun­tenance, draw up their justifica­tion, shewing the force of their Evidences, and how fully their Witnesses had proved Mr. Oates Not the least pretence for this old baffled Scandal. perjured: then he did lay open the improbabilities of such a Plot, and how unlikely that Mr. Oates should be entrusted in de­livering Commissions to Persons of Honour and Estates, whom he never (as he acknowledges) had seen before or since. This was de­livered by Mr. Gaven, O brave Ora­tor! sure this Recom­mendation of such brave service don the Church, will hasten Gavens Canonization, at least one score or two of years. with a Countenance wholly unconcer­ed, [Page 285] and in a voice very audible, and largely and pertinently ex­prest. The Judge was incensed at this Speech, in which he of­ten interrupted him: but Gaven still urged, My Lord, I plead now for my Life, and for that which is dearer to me than life, Ay, and Soul to boot. the honour of my Religi­on, and therefore I beseech you have a little patience with me! After this Plea of Mr. Gaven's, the Judge made his Harangue to the Jury, telling them, that what the Prisoners had brought, was onely the bare assertions of Boys, who were taught it as a point of their Religion, to lye for the ho­nour of their Religion; whereas Mr. Oates, Bedloe, and others, were upon their Oaths; and if Oaths were not to be taken, no Courts could subsist.

Then Mr. Oates brought forth four These four were no less than seven. Witnesses which he had kept in reserve; an old Parson in his Canonical Gown, an old Do­minican Priest Is he so? The honester man he, to speak the truth and shame the Devil and the Jesuits.—But Proh dolor! Alas! how this grieves you, that any one of your Religion should speak Truth when it makes against you. Proh Pudor & Dolor! and two old women, that swore they saw Mr. Oates in the beginning of May 1678. At this the whole Court gave a shout of And who could forbear, to hear how undeniably your Novices were proved to be like their Ma­sters, most egregious LIARS? Nor yet did the Court laugh, but the crowd of people, whom the Court took order to silence. laughter and hollow, that for almost a quarter [Page 286] the Gryers could not still them: Never was Bear-baiting more rude and boisterous than this Tryal. Ʋpon this the Judge dismiss'd the Jury, to consider and bring in their Verdict; who (af­ter half an hours absence) brought in the Five Prisoners at the But all guilty of High-Treason. Thereupon the whole Court clapt Better so, than that you clap your hands at the murder of the King, as some of your Tribe did at that of your Enemy, his blessed Father. their hands, and gave a great hollow. It being now eight at night, the Court adjour­ned till next day at seven of the clock, which was Saturday: I was present from five in the mor­ning, till the Court broke up. The Prisoners comported them­selves Bravely said! Who would confess now? To be thus Apostolified, would make one venture Purgatory. most Apostolically at the Bar; not the least passion or alteration appeared in them at the Invectives of the Judge, or at the Clamours of the People; but made a clear and candid defence, with a chearful and unconcerned countenance; and (as Dear Sir, tell us his name; he was a Wit undoubtedly, unless it were your self. A Jury of Turks have done strange things, and may ac­quit any body; but these were a Jury of honest Christians, and therefore they found them guilty. a Stander-by said) if they had had a Jury of Turks, they had been quitted. I was with them both before and after their Tryal, and had the honour of being in my Function 'tis pity you had not been caught giving the Knaves that Absolution. serviceable to them; which I look upon, as that God favoured me in, I hope for my future good.

[Page 287] Next day Mr. Langhorne a Lawyer, Sir George Wakeman, Mr. Corker, Mr. March, Mr. Rumbly, the three last Bene­dictines, were brought to the Bar; where the Indictment being read against them for conspiring the Kings death, &c. they pleaded all Not guilty. Then was Lang­horne first tryed, whose Tryal held so long, that they had not time to try the other four; and the Commission by which they sat expiring that day, the Judge ad­journed the Tryal of the other four till the 14th of July, and then the Judge commanded the Keeper to bring the five Jesuits; whom with Langhorne Poor Lang­horne! not one word of praise for thee! methoughts thou loo­kedst as Apostolically as the best of them: but this 'tis to be a Lay-man, and confess Jesuits Lands. were sentenced to be hang'd, drawn, and quartered. Mr. Cor­ker and Mr. March are close Prisoners, and have been so this eight months, with whom I have been; God has fitted, and is still fitting them as Sacrifices for him­self: They are very well dispo­sed, and resigned to Gods holy will. Mr. Rumbly hath the liberty of the Prison, with whom is Mr. Heskett; all chearful, and expect the good hour.

On Thursday, the day before the five Jesuits were executed, [Page 288] my Lord Shaftsbury was with Turner and Gaven, promising them the Kings Pardon, if they would acknowledge the Conspi­racy. Mr. Gaven answered, He would not murther his Soul, to save his Body; for he must ac­knowledge what he knew not, and what he did believe was not. On Friday the 20th of June, Mr. Whitebread on one Sled with Mr. Harcourt, Mr. Turner and Mr. Gaven upon another Sled, and Mr. Fenwick in a Sled by himself, were drawn from Newgate to Tyburn. Mr. Langhorne is for a time reprie­ved, and promised Pardon, if he will (as 'tis reported) discover the Estates of the Jesuits: he was their Lawyer. 'Tis certain my Lord Shaftsbury has been often with him. In the way they comported themselves seri­ously and chearfully; Mr. Gaven had smug'd himself up as if he had been going to a Wedding. When they arrived at Tyburn, they each made a Speech: 1. As­severing their ignorance of any Plot against his Majesty. 2. Par­doning their Accusers. 3. And heartily praying for them. Mr. Gaven in his Speech made an [Page 289] Act of Contrition, Perhaps that whisking Lye, That never any Jesuites have allow'd of King­killing. which was much liked by all; for he was an excellent Preacher. Then they all betook themselves to Me­ditation for more than a good quarter. The Multitude was great, and yet there was a pro­found silence; and their most Re­ligious Comportment has won­derfully allayed the fury of the People. When they had ended their Prayer, and the Ropes were about their necks, there came a Horse-man in full speed from Whitehal, and cried as be rode, You may measure the truth of the rest by this most groundless and noto­rious Lye, coyn'd to amuse the people be­yond the Seas; there being no such Par­don, nor any thing in the world like it, that might occasion such a Fable: so that it must needs be purposely invented to deceive. A Pardon, a Pardon! so with much difficulty he made through the press to the Sheriff, who was under the Gallows to see Execution performed: Then was the Pardon read, which ex­pressed how the King most gra­ciously, and out of his great incli­nation to Clemency, granted them their lives, which by Treason they had forfeited, upon condition they would acknowledge the Con­spiracy, and lay open what they knew thereof: but they all than­ked his Majesty for his inclina­tion of Mercy towards them; but as to any Conspiracy, they knew of none, much less were guilty of any: so they could not [Page 290] accept of any Pardon upon those Conditions. After a little re­collection, the Cart was driven a­way. After they were dead, they were quarter'd, but their Quarters were given to their Friends. Non poena, sed Causa, facit Marty­rem: Did any one of these die for Reli­gion, or any thing re­lating thereunto? Or is Treason and kil­ling of Kings, part of your Religion? Sanguis Marty­rum sit semen Ecclesiae.

I sent to you an account of Mr. Pickering's death, and will tell you what may happen, but I know not if they come to you. You may cover your Letter to me for Mrs. Ploydon at my Lady Drummonds in Queen-street, London.

Superscribed, A Madame, Madame Catherine Hall à Cambray, aux Re­fuge de Isemy.

This Letter was found upon a Table under the Carpet, on which was a parcel of Money laid when the Justice came into the Room; and though Mr. Carul was pleas'd to deny it to be his hand-writing, yet the Steel-dust wherewith it was dried, appeared by comparison to be the very same with that which was in his Dust-box. And when they came to search him, in his Pocket­book, amongst other things, there were upon one of the leaves these words written.

Ʋpon my Salvation, and as I hope to see the face of God, I know no more of any Plot or Con­spiracy, of which I am accused, directly or indirectly, than the Child that is new-born.

Tho. Whitebread.

This will be proved to be the hand-writing of Father Whitebread the Jesuits Provincial, lately executed; and there is good reason to believe that this was the very form whereby he generally directed and allowed all Jesuits to deny the Plot; and which when they had his command to do it, could not be (according to their Doctrine) any sin: for he being their Superiour, is to be obeyed without scruple, in all things; nor can there be any other reasonable construction made thereof.

There were several other notable Circumstances attending the Apprehension of this person, which may possibly in time give further light to the Plot. In the mean time the said Caryl is kept close in the Marshalsea.

CHAP. XXI.

The Proceedings against Sir George Wakeman Baronet, William Marshal, James Corker, and William Rumley.

SIR George Wakeman Her Majesties Physician, was Committed, as is before related, first to the Gate-house, on the thirteenth of June, and on Friday the 18th of July he was Arraigned at the Sessions-house in the Old-Bailey; together with Marshal a Benedictine Monk, and Rumley a Lay-Brother of that Order, upon an Indictment of High-Treason, for Conspiring the Death of the King, and the Subversion of the Government, and Protestant Religion: and at the same time Corker another Benedictine, Arraigned last Sessi­ons, was Tryed for the like offences.

The Names of the Jury that passed upon them, (none of the Prisoners offering to make any Chal­lenges) were as followeth.
  • Ralph Hawtrey of Rislip Esq
  • Henry Hawley of New-Brantford Esq
  • Henry Hodges of Hanwell Esq
  • Richard Downton of Isleworth Esq
  • John Bathurst of Edmunton Esq
  • Robert Hampton of Greenford Esq
  • William Heydon of Greenford Esq
  • John Baldwyn of Hillingdon Esq
  • Richard Dobbins of Harvile Esq
  • [Page 293] William Avery of Enfeild Esq
  • Richard White of Cripple-gate Gent.
  • William Wayte of St. Clement Danes Gent.

The Tryal was long and tedious, too large to be here repeated; and being out in Print exactly taken, we thereunto refer those that would be sa­tisfied in all Circumstances: but the substance of the Evidence was as follows.

1. Mr. Dugdale, Mr. Prance, and Mr. Jennison, were examined to prove the Plot in general, which they did in such variety of instances and Circum­stances, as satisfied all unbiassed men: and parti­cularly Mr. Jenisnn, Deposed, That discoursing with Father Ireland (lately Executed) at his Chamber in Russel-street in the Month of June, 1678. the said Ireland did say, There was onely one in the way that stopped the gap, and hindred the Catholick Religion from flourishing in England again; and then said—It was an easile matter to Poison the King.

2. As to Wakeman in particular, Doctor Oates swears,

1. That Sir George Wakeman, in the Month of July, 78. sending a Letter to P. 25. Ashby the Jesuite, of Instructions how he should order himself before he went to, and at the Bath, whither he was going, did afterwards in the same Letter write, That the Queen would assist him to poison the King. And knows it to be his hand by this means, because within a day or two after, Sir George being at Ashby's Lodging, he [Page 294] saw Sir George sit in a writing posture, and then lay by his pen, rise up; and going away, left be­hind him a written Paper, purporting to be an Apothecaries Bill, the Ink whereof was not dry; and no body by but a Gentleman that was lame of both hands, and so could not write it: and the hand or Character of this paper so left then by Sir George, was the same with that of the be­fore-mentioned Letter to Ashby, wherein were the Treasonable words aforesaid.

2. That at the same time Mr. Ashby did give Sir George some Instructions concerning the Pa­tent or Commission; he had received of being Phy­sician to the Army; and that the Witness did see the said Commission in Sir George's hand.

3. That a few days after, Father Har­court and four other Jesuits did go to at­tend P. 26. the Queen at Somerset-house, being sent for, and the Witness waited upon them; and they went into a Chamber, whilst he waited without, and did hear a Womans voice which did say,—That she would not indure those violations of her Bed any longer, and that she would assist Sir George Wakeman in poysoning the King; and that he was afterwards admitted in, and that he saw no other Woman there but, &c. and heard whilst he was within, the same voice ask Father Harcourt if he had received the last 1000 l.

4. That in the same Month 10000 l. was pro­posed by Ashby, at his Lodgings in Wild-house, in the presence, of Father Harcourt, and Father Ireland, and the Witness, to Sir George Wakeman to poyson the King; and that he at that time re­fused it, saying, it was too little for so great a work.

[Page 295] 5. That he hath heard that afterwards 5000 l. more was offered and accepted; and swears po­sitively, that himself hath seen in the Jesuits Entry-book, an Entry thereof in these words; or to this purpose:

Memorand. Such a day of August, 15000 l. was proposed to Sir George Wakeman, which he accept­ed. And this was Harcourts hand. And that then under it was a Receipt to this effect: Received 5000 l. in part of this 15000 l. of Father Har­court, by order of Edw. Coleman.

George Wakeman.

Which last words were the same hand and Character with that Letter P. 29. to Ashby, and Bill to the Apothecary, which the Witness had seen before.

Then, as to him, Mr. Bedloe swears,

That about the beginning of Aug. P. 46. 78. being at Harcourts Chamber, Sir George Wakeman came in discontented, and askt why he was drilled on in a concern of that importance, and sighted; and said he knew not whether he should go on or no: but Harcourt ask'd him what he would have, they were ready for him; and then [...]tcht a Bill and gave him, which he said he re­ceived that day by the Queens Order; and that it was on such a Goldsmith for 2000 l. and then said, Sir George,—'Tis well some body gives me en­couragement; I have more encouragement from my good Lady and Mistress, than from any of you: Nay, replyed Harcourt to Sir George, for encou­ragement, that you shall not want, for the rest shall be paid in due time; but, Sir George, continued [Page 296] he, this must be well followed, and closely obser­ved, because so much depends upon it: For if we should miss to kill him at Windsor, or you miss in your way, we will do it at New-market.—Which words Mr. Bedloe twice repeated; and thereupon, Sir George said privately to his fellow-Prisoners, There is my business done.

The sum of Sir George's defence was thus:

1. As to Doctor Oates's Evidence concerning the Letter to Ashby, he brought an Apothecary that produced a piece of a Letter of directions to Ashby, sent from Sir George, and said he had read it all, and that there was no mention in it of King or Queen.

But suppose this were true, and not coyn'd to serve a turn, Doctor Oates swore this was none of that Letter he spoke of, for it was neither the same hand, nor the name subscribed, nor the same Contents with the other, nor writ at or about the same time, for that was writ to Ashby ten days before he went out of Town; & Mr. Oates saw it before he went, and swears positively (p. 26.) that he saw Wakeman with Ashby two or three days after that; whereas this Letter the Apothe­cary speaks of, was, as Sir George says, writ by his man late in the night, & Ashby went away next morning. And whereas Wakeman (p. 51.) desires the Jury to take notice, how improbable it was he should write two Letters about the same thing; it is false that it was about the same thing: for be­sides the Treason which possibly might be the main business, as to the Physical directions that Doctor Oates mentions, was, how he should drink [Page 297] Milk in Town, and onely general instructions by the by touching the Bath: but when he was just a going, then he might cause more particular in­structions to be writ by his man: Or, which is most probable, knowing what stuff he had in­termint with his former directions, unfit to be shewed to any Apothecary, he therefore was ob­liged on that very score, to repeat his directions of the number of strokes at the Pump, what Pills he should take, &c. So that in all this, there is nothing worth the Juries taking notice of, but one­ly to observe that it was nothing to the purpose.

2. Sir George's next Exception to Mr. Oates's Testimony, is, That before the House of Lords he should say, that he thought that before-mentioned Letter to be of Wakemans writing, onely be­cause it was subscribed George Wakeman. But this the Knight was not able to prove; and Doctor Oates gives another account of his words there to the best of his remembrance, and refers to the Record, So that this ca [...]il too signifies nothing.

3. But then was started an Objection, which though very little in it self, yet was made very much of by good management and that was; That Doctor Oates did not charge Sir George so fully before the King and Council, but rather denyed that he knew any thing against him, but what he had seen in other peoples Letters: And to this purpose Sir Philip Lloyd did say, (p. 55.) (but not upon Oath, being produced by the Priso­ner) That Mr. Oates did their say, he had seen a Letter from Whitebread to Fenwick, that Sir George was to poison the King, and to have [Page 298] 15000 l. for it, whereof 5000 l. had been paid by Coleman: and Sir Philip farther added, That Sir George did then carry himself, as if he were not concerned at the Accusation; and that Mr. Oates being called in again, and askt whether he knew any more against him, did lift up his hands, and said, No, God forbid that I should say any thing a­gainst Sir George Wakeman, for I know nothing more against him.

In Answer to this:

1. Doctor Oates did now upon his Oath deny that he to his remembrance spake any such words, but believed Sir Philip was mistaken.

2. That he was then so weak and weary, with watching and hurrying up and down, that he was not in a condition to make Answer.

Sir Thomas Doleman upon Oath saith of Sir George's behaviour then before the P. 59. Council, that in his opinion, and in the opini­on of others, he did not deny the Crime so posi­tively, as one that was Innocent would have done; which is somewhat contrary to Sir Philips opini­on.

4. The same Sir Thomas confirms Dr. Oates's Apology, and swears, he seem'd at that time to be in such great weakness and disorder, that he believes he was scarce able to give a good An­swer.

Now suppose Doctor Oates through weakness, forgetfulness, or some other good reason, did not at that time charge Sir George so home, it being e­nough then to give a general Charge, does it fol­low that he was now tyed up in his Evidence, [Page 299] and may not afterwards charge him farther? Was not Whitebread and Fenwicks Jury with-drawn one time, because one of the Witnesses did not swear home, and yet afterwards that Witness admitted to enlarge, and thereupon the Prisoners Convicted and Executed? Besides, in Mr. Oates's Depositions at that time exhibited to the King in writing, Article the 37. it is more than probably intimated, that Doctor Oates could Charge Sir George Wakeman further, but pruden­tially, for some reasons, perhaps that he might not all at once stir too many and mighty Enemies, for­bore to do it.—For speaking there of the 15000 l. proposed to Sir George, he adds,—But whether Sir George hath been treated with about that concern, the Deponent cannot inform here in this Article.—And so much touching his Evidence against Wakeman.

Against Mr. Bedloes Testimony, Sir George ob­jected onely,

1. That it was not likely he should let P. 40. him be privy to so so great a secret, being but a stranger.

To which Mr. Bedloe answers, That Harcourt had told Sir George who he was, and that after he knew he was his Confident, and engaged in their grand design, he might well be free before him.

2. He solemnly swears, he never saw Mr. Bedloe before in his life. Ibidem.

But this Mr. Bedloe does also confute, making it out by Circumstances, that he had taken Physick of him at the Bath three years ago; and that ac­quaintance Wakeman could not deny, onely calls [Page 300] him Rogue, &c. And thus, as to any thing ma­terial, stood Sir George Wakemans Case.

Then as for Corker and Marshal,

Doctor Oates swears positively, that they P. 31. both knew of the design of killing the King, for that they did both of them in his hearing express their dislike (not of the Treason, but) of one of the persons chosen to do it, saying that Pickering was no fit person for that service, because being commonly attendant on the Altar, he might thereby miss of an opportunity; and therefore they declared their opinion, that a meer Lay-man would be more proper. He farther saith, (p. 35.) That Marshal went half with Conyers, who laid a wager. That the King should eat no more Christmas-pies; and that both of them were privy and consenting to the Consult of the Bene­dictines, for raising 6000 l. for carrying on the design, Marshal being actually present at the Con­sult, at the Benedictine Convent in the Sauoy; either the day before or after the Feast of the Assumption, which is the fifteenth of August; and Corker, though he were not there, but gone as he said to Lamspring in Germany, yet he sent a Letter dated the latter end of August, to signifie his consent; which was necessary, because he was their President; and this Letter Doctor Oates, by comparison of hands, prov'd to be his Writing; and farther, that he had a Patent from the See of Rome to be Bishop of London, which Doctor Oates saw in his hands, and was told by him, (p. 34.) That he hoped it would not be long ere he exercised his Episcopal Function. And [Page 301] lastly, That Marshal was present at another Con­sult, 21 of Aug. where he agreed to the sending of Commissions into Ireland, to raise Forces there, and to the poysoning of the Duke of Or­mond.

Then Mr. Bedloe, as to these two, swears, P. 38. That though he never heard any thing from Cor­ker that did positively relate to the Murder of the King, yet he hath heard him talk much of the Design, and carrying it on, about raising an Army, what Interest he had in the people, what Let­ters they had received from beyond the seas, and how forward they were in their proceedings here. And as to Marshal, that he used to carry Letters to and fro concerning the Plot, amongst the Plot­ters; and that he knew what was the effect of such Letters, and the Answers, being one of the Club and Consult that saw all; and particularly, that whereas Mr. Bedloe carried a Letter from the English Monks to le Chese at Paris, wherein they acquainted him that all things were in readiness within a year or two, to put the design in practice, and subvert the oppression and Tyranny which the Catholicks were under in England, &c. when he brought back an Answer thereunto, Mr. Marshal carried a Copy of it to Sir Francis Rat­cliffe.

1. As for the Defence made by these two, Mar­shal, with a long starcht Oration, would under­take to perswade the people there was no Plot, and that Whitebread and the rest dyed Innocent, and all because they did not confess it at their death.

[Page 302] 2. Corker denyed his being at Lamspring; but that was nothing to the purpose, for Mr. Oates swore onely that he said he would go thither, and that it was usual with them to give out they go to one place, and go clear another way; and the Letter he mentioned was not dated from any place.

3. He alleadged that he was not President of the Benedictines, so that Mr. Oates was mistaken therein, and consequently his consent not neces­sary to the Consult for raising the 6000 l.

To prove this, though p. 65. he saith he could bring no body, yet at last, a good while after, he called three women that all said, that not he, but one Mr. Stapleton was President of the Bene­dictines.

But as to this it is to be noted, That Doctor Oates being taken very ill, was gone out of the Court, and did not hear this Objection; and though he was called for by Mr. Recorder, yet when he came, by I know not whose negligence, he was not acquainted with it, nor Examined about it, who otherwise might probably have cleared the point. But however, 'tis not at all impossible, that the Prisoners might find three Women in this Town, kind enough to tell so small a Lye for them; which, considering they were under such Circumstances, might by their Votaries be counted not onely venial, but exceed­ing meritorious.

4. They both urged, that when Pickering was taken at the Savoy, they were there in Bed, and yet Doctor Oates and his Company did not ap­prehend them, but rather said they had nothing to do with them; and to prove this, they pro­duce [Page 303] a woman that was the Monks House-keeper, or Bed-maker, Nell Rigby, who you might be sure would speak a good word for her Masters.

But Doctor Oates at that time came purposely for Pickering; and 'tis possible in the night and hurry, and such disguises as they might have, might not know them; but indeed we may con­clude he did not see them: for the Prisoners offer no proof of that, no, not Nelly Rigby her self, who onely says she nam'd them all to them when they askt who else was in the house.

5. This Nell Rigby starts another Objection a­gainst Dr. Oates, and says, That in the Summer 78, she saw him come a begging to Mr. Pickering for Charity, and that Pickering bid her shut the door, and never let that man come in again. Whence Marshal observes, how unlikely it was they should suffer him to be in such want, and use him in that manner, in the very heat of the Plot, when they most employed him, and when he could gain such advantages by discovering them, if indeed there had been any such Conspiracy as he pretends.

But as to this, we are not obliged to take all that Nell Rigby the Monks Bed-maker (to say no worse) tells us for an Oracle, and prefer it to po­sitive proof upon Oath: for undoubtedly this begging story was a meer flam; for if true, why was it not offered before? why was it not set up at Pickerings Tryal? whom it as much concerned, or more than these; and who could never have been so careless, as to omit so material an Evi­dence, if he had known any such thing.

Besides, 'tis plain, Mrs. Nelly is a common Vou­cher, and says she knows nor cares what, if she [Page 304] think it will make for her beloved Masters; for she positively avers; (p. 73.) That Mr. Bedloe was with Mr. Oates at the taking of Pickering, which was on Michaelmass Eve, upon the very first publick notice of the Plot; whereas that must needs be a notorious Lie, for all the world knows that Bedloe was then wholly amongst the Jesuits, and did not come in till many weeks af­ter. And had this been well enough obser­ved, this scandalous Objection would have left no impressions.

Lastly, Marshal made a great stir about Bedloe's not knowing him, but was confuted, though not at all ashamed in his Lies, by Sir Wil. Waller upon Oath, and afterwards with an impudence that none but a Monk could own, said—That he would be content to be hanged, if Mr. Bedloe could prove, That he, (viz. Mr. Bedloe himself) was ever in the Savoy in his life. And though it hapned Bedloe had none ready by him to prove that, for who should dream of such a question being askt? yet by a sufficient circumstance, he proved not onely that he had been in the Savoy, but also that he was well acquainted with their Convent and Af­fairs there, in that he gave Sir Will. Waller dire­ctions where to search in the most material places, describing them; and in particular, he de­sired him to look under such a Bench in P. 45. Irelands Apartment, where he should find the Gun that was to kill the King; which was there found accordingly: all which was confirmed by the said Sir William Waller, now present in Court.

These were all their Objections that seem'd to have any colour of weight or argument in [Page 305] them; the rest of their tedious talk being no­thing but either railing at the Witnesses, certain flashes of Rhetorick, and some long set-speeches, ad faciendum Populum, to amuse the People; or else down-right Impertinence, as Marshal's tri­fling that he had Witnesses here, to prove that he had Witnesses in the Country but sixty miles off, that could say something for him, when he had had a months notice to get them ready for this time of tryal.

As for Rumley, Dr. Oates testified that he was privy to the Consult of the Monks wherein the 6000 l. was agreed on, and he judg'd did con­sent to it: for he did pray God it might have good success, and that the Catholick Cause might once again flourish in England. But he being but a single Evidence, and Mr. Bedloe not being able to speak any thing material as to that Priso­ner, he came off on course.

Thus, after a tedious, full, and most favourable hearing of all that the Prisoners or their Wit­nesses had to offer, the Lord Chief Justice Sir William Scroggs came to sum up the Evidence to the Jury; which he performed in a long Speech; (See the Tryal, p. 77. to which we refer the Reader) some material heads whereof, as his Lordship was then pleas'd to observe them, were as follows.

1. That as to Rumley, there was but one Wit­ness, which not being sufficient Evidence accor­ding to Law to condemn him, therefore they ought to acquit him.

2. That as to Sir George Wakeman, Corker, and Marshal, there had two sorts of Evidence been [Page 306] given; General and Particular: the General, by Mr. Dugdale, Mr. Prance, and Mr. Jennison. 'Tis true, neither of them so much as name any of the Prisoners, but they prove the Plot, That there was a Conspiracy to bring in Popery by killing the King. This his Lordship observ'd was a cir­cumstantial Evidence against the Prisoners, and might answer their Objection, when they said the Jury were not to credit positive Oaths with­out probable Circumstances, or something else to guide them by. And especially his Lordship noted to the Jury Mr. Jennison's Testimony concerning Ireland, and how clear it was made appear that the said Ireland died with a Lye in his mouth.

3. Then as to the particular Evidence, first a­gainst Wakeman, That Mr. Oates had sworn he saw a Letter to Ashby, subscribed George Wake­man, in which were the Treasonable words be­fore-mentioned, but saith, he had never seen his hand before, but afterwards saw him writing, (as he thinks writing) and looking on that Paper when he was gone, while it was wet, the Cha­racter to the Witnesses thinking was the same with the Letter. Now his Lordship observed, that supposing this to be true, 'tis something hard for one having never been acquainted with a mans hand before, by seeing it afterwards thus to recollect backwards, and know that what he saw before was the same hand-writing.

2. That in Harcourts Chamber he saw a Book kept by the Jesuits, wherein was written, This day (specifying a certain day) agreed with Sir George Wakeman for 15000 l. to which he [Page 307] consented; and under it a Receipt for 5000 l. part of 15000 l. by order of Mr. Coleman, sub­scribed George Wakeman; which Receipt Mr. Oates, by comparison of hands, believes to be the same hand which he had so seen twice before; and that he did not charge Sir George with any positive thing farther, to the best of his Lordships memory.

Here Sir Robert Sawyer interposed, saying, Yes, my Lord, he says he saw his Commission.

Whereupon his Lordship proceeded, That in­deed he does say, he saw a Commission in his hands to be Physician-General to the Popish Ar­my, and that he denyed ten thousand, and would have fifteen thousand pounds; the truth his Lordship would leave with the Jury: and then expressing a just tenderness of shedding In­nocent Blood, and that probabilities of things were truely to be weighed, proceeded to Mr. Bed­loe's, Testimony, which having shortly repeated, he declared, that if the Jury believed what was sworn by him, then there were two Witnesses against Wakeman; but his Lordship would leave it with them, hoping his Brothers, if they remembred any thing farther, would observe it to them.

4. As to Corker, his Lordship observed, That Oates says he saw a Letter under his hand, (that is, his Name, as his Lordship supposes, was to it) wherein he consented to raise 6000 l. for carrying on the Plot; but his Lordship does not find that he proves he knew Corkers hand. And whereas Oates swears Corker was President of the Bene­dictines, and therefore his consent necessary, his Lordship takes notice, That Corker contradicts [Page 308] him therein by two or three Witnesses, that he was not President, but one Stapleton. And for Oates saying that Corker excepted against Picke­rings killing the King, and that they had better have chosen another; He did not prove that he was at the Consultation, but onely that he knew of it, and proves no fact but these words: and for what Bedloe says, it is less than what Oates says, &c.

5. That against Marshal there was rather less than against Corker; That Oates onely says that he consented to raise the 6000 l. and excepted (as Corker did) against Pickerings being employed to kill the King: and Bedloe says, That he knew he carried Letters concerning the Plot, and was pre­sent at the Consults, where they were read and answered.

6. Then as to the Prisoners defence, his Lord­ship summ'd it up particularly; as, why Oates did not take them before? why he did not ac­cuse Wakeman further at the Councel, &c. adding, That if it were possible, they had almost undone themselves in their Defences, by insisting upon trivial things: but his Lordship declared he would discharge his Conscience to the Jury, telling them plainly, That it lay upon the Oaths of those two men, (meaning Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe.) And so having descanted once more upon Mr. Oates's weakness before the Council, and decla­red, that what had been proved of that nature by Sir Tho. Doleman, was to his Lordship no an­swer; and also that it was well observed, that Oates was a begging at the Savoy, and how strange it was they should use him so, when he [Page 309] knew of so great a design on foot; his Lordship concluded.

Upon which Mr. Bedloe said,—My Lord! my Evidence is not right summed up; but it appears by the Printed Tryal, that there was no farther no­tice taken thereof, than by this Answer from his Lordship,—I know not by what Authority this man speaks.—And immediately the Jury withdrew; who after about an hour's in Consultation, re­turned into Court, desiring to know if they might not find the Prisoners guilty of Misprision of Treason; and being told by Mr. Recorder, (the Judges being gone off) That they must either Convict them of High-Treason, or acquit them, they immediately gave in their Verdict Not Guilty, of all the Four Prisoners. And the same even­ing Sir George Wakeman and Rumley were dischar­ged out of Newgate; but Corker and Marshal, be­ing Priests, and so liable to another Indictment on that account, were continued in custody. And Sir George Wakeman, whether conscious of guilt, or apprehending prosecution for some new mat­ter, we cannot say, did shortly after think fit to get out of the Land, being furnished (as 'tis set forth by Mr. Dangerfield; See Colonel Mansels Narrative, p. 43.) with 500 l. by a very great person, for his Transportation; and by a Chaloup ordered from Calice, was taken in about six miles from Dover, and so escaped, and landed at New­port, being ('tis said) splendidly entertained and caressed by the Papists, especially the Jesuits, and those under their influence, in all places that he comes to.

CHAP. XXII.

Of the farther Discovery made by Mr. Robert Jennison, and Mr. John Smith a quondam Priest.

AS this unexpected Acquittal of Sir George Wakeman, and the rest tryed with him, seemed some discouragement to the Kings Evi­dence; so Protestants in general were much sur­prised thereat, and not a few odd rumours and surmises spread abroad on that occasion: some thought it strange, that the veracity of Doctor Oates and Mr. Bedloe should be more questioned, or their Testimony less regarded, now, than here­tofore at the many precedent Tryals, since no con­tradiction, or other sufficient matter, was thought to have been assigned that might so invalidate their Credit. Others fancyed it an Excess of good-nature, that when Sir George could not but give himself up as a lost man, in his own apprehen­sion, from the strength of the proofs against him, that yet he should meet with so favourable a Ver­dict. And most people lookt upon it as a riddle, That Coleman should be Hanged for the payment of 5000 l. upon the account of Treason, and Sir George be acquitted for receiving of him the same 5000 l. for the same Treason. Such were the popular discourses at that time; for the reason or justice whereof, we shall not engage, but leave them floating on the surface of opinion, till Time [Page 311] with his discriminating wings shall either disperse them into oblivion, or hatch them into a better shape of Truth, than yet they have been made ap­pear in.

This is certain, That the Papists took from hence occasion to insult, to scatter many inso­lent Pamphlets up and down, to perswade the world that there was no Popish Plot, to scandalize the Evidence, and magnifie the Innocence of White­bread and his Companions; intending it should seem to over-bear so many of His Majesties De­clarations, the solemn Votes of two Parliaments, the Judgments of all the Judges of England, and the Oaths of so many Juries of most substantial Gentlemen and Citizens, with a few flashes of Rhetorick, and the onely Logick of noise and im­pudence. But in this Career of their Jollity, and Revival of their hopes, it pleased Providence again to quail and dash their confidence, by the new and more full discovery made by Mr. Robert Jennison, before-mentioned.

This Gentleman, as he had been bred up a Papist, and zealous in that perswasion, so he had always approved himself of a devout temper, and regular Conversation; and was not onely des­cended of an antient worthy Family, but within the prospect of a fair Estate; so that he could not be imagined to have any temptations of ma­lice, envy, or interest, to prompt him to this Dis­covery, as will more evidently appear by his ge­nerous Conduct in this affair towards his Elder Brother, but onely out of pure unbiassed Con­science, and sense of Loyalty, he came in a Vota­ry to Truth; being first scandalized at the un­accountable [Page 312] confidence of his Cousen Ireland, in­sisting not onely at his Tryal, but also at his death, on that which this Gentleman knew to be absolutely false. Yet on the inducements specifi­ed in his Narrative, as the respect to his Relati­ons, (an own Brother and Kinsman being concern­ed) and regard to the credit of the Religion he had been Educated in, and was not yet weaned from, and some particular reflections on his own safety, he at first proceeded no farther, (either in his Depositions, or Oath vivâ voce at Wakemans Tryal, against whom he then was perswaded there would be other sufficient Evidence) than to disprove such the said Irelands false Allegations of his not being in Town; yet afterwards the stings of Con­science still pricking him to a farther manifestation of Truth, on the second of August, 1679. before Edmond Warcupp Esquire, one of His Majesties Justices of Middlesex, and (to his immortal Ho­nour) a very vigilant and active Magistrate, in tra­cing and detesting this horrid Popish Plot, he made Affidavit of some other particulars: As, that Ireland, in June 1678. did say in his presence, That it was an easie matter to poyson the King, and that Sir George Wakeman might opportunely do it, being the Queens Doctor: and that on the nine­teenth of August following, the said Ireland of­fered to forgive him twenty pound which he had borrowed of him, (of the St. Omerians money) if he would be assisting to the taking off the King: which he absolutely refusing to be concerned in, Ireland, inquired if he did know any Irish Gen­tlemen that were Papists, and stout and couragious for that purpose: whereupon, he named Mr. Le­vallyn, [Page 313] Mr. Tho. Brahall, Mr. Karney, three Irish­men, and Mr. Wilson an English Papist, all of Grays-Inn, or harbouring thereabouts, (who for some time before this Discovery, for want of knowledge of their true Names, had been Im­peached by others of the Kings Witnesses, by the general term of the Four Irish Russians hired to Assassinate his Sacred Majesty at Windsor,) and in a subsequent Affidavit of August 6. he sets forth, That Ireland desired him to go down with these Four persons to Windsor, to be assisting in the Murder, the said Ireland approving of them as fit persons for such an Exploit, being before acquainted with two of them: And that his Brother Tho. Jennison, at Harcourts Chamber, once told him, That if C. R. would not be R. C. he should not long be C. R. &c.

This Mr. Jennison likewise in such his Narrative (well worthy of perusal) sets forth the passio­nate Letters from his Brother and other Relations, whereby they endeavoured to deter or inveigle him from declaring the Truth in these matters; for the better understanding whereof, the Reader is to be informed, that Thomas Jennison his elder Brother was a Jesuite, and upon Mr. Oates's in­formation, at the first Discovery, secured in New­gate. But so far was this his generous Brother from having any by-ends of advantage, as to the Inheritance of his Fathers Estate, which is considerable, and to which he was next Heir af­ter his Brother, who had so incapacitated him­self, That he would not deliver in such his Infor­mation, till he had obtained a promise from the Lords of his Majesties most Honourable Privy-Council, [Page 314] of a Pardon to be extended to his said Brother, (though continuing obstinate) thereby setting him again Rectus in Curia, As also for his other Relations. By which he hath for ever si­lenced and stopt the mouths of Popish slanderers, who would calumniate him, as designing to de­feat his Brother of the Inheritance, and advan­cing his own Interest. Though true it is, by the Providence of God his said Brother is since de­ceased of a natural death in Prison, and there­by the Right justly devolved to him.

This Discovery of young Mr. Jennison, had not onely a blessed effect on his aged Father, who thereby, and by several other previous discourses he had heard, was convinced of the Traiterous Popish Design, and consequently induced to aban­don such a bloody vile Religion; but also influen­ced one Mr. John Smith, heretofore a Secular Priest retaining to that Family; if rather we ought not to say, that by some relation he had heard from the said young Mr. Jennison, of discour­ses that had passed between Ireland and him, the said Mr. Smith were not first alarm'd, and grown apprehensive of the Hellish Plot; and thereupon, as a local Subject, was not a little instrumental to incline him the said young Mr. Jennison to a candid delaration of the truth of what he knew thereof. For the said Mr. Smith hath since pub­lished an excellent Treatise, (dedicated to the Kings most Excellent Majesty) giving an account of the Inconsistency of the Popish Principles with the Peace of all States, especially their destructive­ness to Protestant Kingdomes, the incouragements of this Popish Design at this time against Eng­land, [Page 315] the progress they had made in it, the rea­sons of their endeavouring the death of His Ma­jesty, and a vindication of the justice on those Traitors already Executed.

Particularly, by an Affidavit taken the eighth of September, 1679. before the pre-named Justice Warcup, he corroborates the Testimony of the said Mr. Jennison junior, as to his seeing Ireland in London at the time before-mentioned; for that soon after, viz. in September, he going into the North, young Mr. Jennison did relate the same, and acquainted them therewith at his Fathers house; and likewise of so much of the said Irelands dis­courses to him, touching taking off the King, &c. as gave them cause to believe, that there was a Jesuitical Plot, the apprehension whereof, put Loyal old Mr. Jennison at that time into a great passion, &c.

He likewise in his Narrative, p. 23. sets forth, That he being not long since at Rome, heard the Jesuits affirm, That the Pope had power to de­pose Kings; and that it was lawful, nay merito­rious to kill any Prince or person Excommunicated, and declared an Heretick; and that he, (being then to return to England) ought not to pay Obedience to any Heretical or Excommunicated Prince; and that Father Anderton, Father Campian, and Father Green, did then and there (as likewise Abbot Montague at Paris) assure him there would sud­denly be great alterations in Church and State in England; and that there was but one man in the way (meaning the King) who might soon be removed; and that they were assured from the most eminent persons of this Nation, That their [Page 316] Religion should be Establisht again here, in as great glory as at any time heretofore; and whoever opposed it, should be removed. And that parti­cularly they bottomed their hopes on the Duke of York's being a Papist; who they declared was brought over by the Jesuits, and that they had the greatest influence over him.

And p. 30. as a pregnant Circumstantial Evi­dence of the Plot, he sets forth an universal col­lection of Money made to his knowledge, though he discouraged it, amongst the Papists, under pretence of repairing Doway Colledge, but so general, and in such large sums, (as twenty pound, and ten pound a man) that it was apparent to be for the carrying on some greater design, &c.

Furthermore, as Mr. Jennison in his Narrative hath answered all Objections, as why he did not come in sooner, &c. so it thereby appears, that he hath reserved some farther particularities to be yet discovered in time convenient. In the inte­rim, upon such his information, his Majesty was graciously pleased to issue forth his Royal Proclamation, commanding the before-named Four Irish Gentlemen (or rather Russians) to ren­der themselves, and proposing rewards to any that shall seize them or any of them; but they are fled, or abscond; a shrewd Argument of their guilt, and the truth of his information; so that at the time of writing hereof, there was none of them come in or apprehended.

CHAP. XXIII.

The endeavours of the Papists to cast the Guilt of their Plot on the Protestants; and the Providential Discovery of such their Designe in several Particulars. An Account of the Rebellion in Scot­land; The Attempt on Colonel Man­sel, &c.

THat it was part of the Original Popish Plot, when they had Murder'd the King, to cast the odium thereof on the Dissenters from the Church of England, thereby at once to have shifted off the scandal of the horrid Treason from their own Party, and heated the Episcopists with a colourable pretence to have fallen upon, and with their help to have destroyed all that they should think fit to call Presbyterians or Fanaticks, (under which ignominious Titles the soundest Protestants and most regular Sons of the Establisht Church should at last have suffer'd) is apparent from what we have recited of Doctor Oates's Depositions and Master Dugdale's Testimony. Which is no more than what their Predecessors inten­ded: For even their Gunpowder-Plot, if it had succeeded, was to have been charged on the then Puritans, as the famous Thuanus in his History testifies. Now in order to plaining the way for this suggestion, in the present Case, it must be [Page 318] noted, that some time before the first Discovery of the Plot (which was about August 1678, as afore­said) the Conspirators had fixt a groundless Ac­cusation on one Mr. Claypool, who though a Gentleman of a most innocent peaceable Deport­ment, and far enough from intermeddliug with Intrigues of State, having for many years wound himself up in a private Recess, devoted to Books and Study, yet he having formerly been Married to a Daughter of the quondam Protector Cromwel, they fancied from the prejudice of that Alliance, he might be a person fit for them to designe up­on, and make him a property for Suspicions. Having therefore Charg'd him with high Crimes in general against the Government, they caused him to be clapt up in the Tower; And had not the Hand of Heaven soon after confounded their measures, would no doubt have prosecuted him by suborn'd Witnesses: But being so happily in­tercepted, after a long Durance, and no particular Crime chargeable, he obtained his Liberty.

About the same time also they endeavoured to Trepan an eminent worthy Citizen of London, under pretence of doing a kindness for an un­known Gentleman, viz. To convey certain Let­ters to be left with him, to a place beyond the Seas; but he discreetly, mistrusting the Project, open'd one of them in presence of substantial Witnesses; and finding therein Expressions of a dangerous nature, communicated the same to a Magistrate, and thereby frustrated their devilish Designe. Nor is it to be forgot, that near the same time there were certain riotous persons, who with Horse and Arms were said to come out [Page 319] of Scotland, (represented for Presbyterians flying from the Justice of that Kingdome) committing some Violences in the Marches of England, of whom a dreadful Account was published in the Gazette; but no more Tydings heard either of the Men, or the matter.

These were some of their specious Preparatives, that whenever they should strike the Accursed Blow, their Clamours against the Fanaticks might appear credible. And though their Plot in gene­ral was soon after so Miraculously discovered, and the reality thereof confirm'd, as well by their Murther of Sir Edmund-bury Godfrey, as by seve­ral fresh Evidence that came in; yet they resolved still to push on the same Contrivance. Nor had they indeed any way to amuse the People, startle Authority, and divert just Prosecution against themselves, other than by starting a fresh scent, and raising imaginary Jealousies.

But such was the peaceable Loyal temper of people in general in England, that they could not yet hope to brand them with any such Imputa­tion. Towards the North therefore they must plant their Engines, Scotland must be made the Scene to begin the Tragedy. And this too Do­ctor Oates (if you remember) had before set forth, and told us, what and how many Jesuitical In­struments (those common Boutefeus and Nursers of Rebellion) had thither been delegated and fet on work.

Under what Circumstances that Kingdome had lain for some years, is too well known to need here a Repetition: that Oppression may make wise men mad, is attested by the wisest of Princes; yet [Page 320] far be it from us to patronize or palliate Rebel­lion on any pretext.

The first Overt act was the Murther of Doctor Sharp Archbishop of St. Andrews in his Coach on the Road, May 3. 1679. by about a dozen Assas­sinates, attended with such extraordinary horrid and barbarous Circumstances, that seem'd to in­timate something of a further Improvement, as well as present Malice; or as if there had been a Design to eclipse the Villany of the Popish Assassi­nation on Sir Edmondb. Godfrey, by this more inhu­mane one committed by supposed Protestants. 'Tis certain the blame was laid upon the Whiggs or Nonconformists there, for which there wanted not specious Reasons: But Relations no less credible have given an Account, that the principal Mur­derer acted merely on private Revenge for personal Injuries; and 'tis not impossible, that a person of such bad Principles might be egg'd on to so villanous a Barbarity by insinuating Jesuits, who like their Father the Devil take the advantage of mens Passions, and by Temptations improve their Animosities to the perpetration of the blackest Crimes.

The next News was of an Insurrection in the West of Scotland, May 29, 1679. attended with a Declaration and other Insolencies of those Re­bels, equally extravagant and detestable. To quell which, his Grace the Gallant Duke of Monmouth, June the 15th, sets forward towards Scotland, and with great Expedition Joyning and Heading the Royal Plost, soon discomfited the Rebels at Bothwel-bridge, and returned Vi­ctorious. [Page 321] victorious.] That the Papists or some of their well-willers, at least by their Counsel and contri­vances, had an hand in fomenting these distur­bances, is more than probable, as well for the preparations they had made for it, as aforesaid, as for that nothing at this juncture could make more for their Interest, to which they do not use to be wanting; for hereby they startled the Govern­ment, diverted the general odium from them­selves, and notably colour'd their clamours against the Presbyterians. Besides, 'tis not unlikely, that some who were justly apprehensive of being called in question about that time, for their male-Administration of Affairs in that Kingdom, might hope to bury the memory of their past se­verities, or justifie them as necessary Policies, by ostentation of this Rebellion; the more liable to be suspected for a Contrivance, for that it was not only not joyned in, but generally dis-own'd and de­tested by the Dissenters both in Scotland; and England; and for that their Horse, when the Duke came to engage them, so soon betook them to flight; as if they had onely designed to cajole in these miserable desperado's of the Infantry in­to destruction. However, since his Grace the Duke of Monmouth behaved himself with so much Zeal, Conduct, and Courage in that Action, 'tis hard to measure the Confidence of the Popish Con­spirators, that they should hope, so soon after, to set him up for a General of Rebellion in England, over a like pretended Faction, as he had but now routed and dissipated in Scotland; and whereof se­veral inferiour promoters, and active instruments therein, have since suffered Death, Banishment, and [Page 322] other punishments, according to the Laws of that Kingdom.

And now Affairs sleeping as it were for a while, the old Enemy takes advantage of that opportuni­ty, industriously to sow his Tares, by spreading swarms of virulent Libels, (of which we shall give you a more particular account in the next Chapter, against the Protestant Interest, and the Reputation of the Kings Evidence; who had they not been wonderfully supported by the hand of God, the prayers of good men, and their own natural courage, must certainly have sunk, and been over-whelmed with the various discourage­ments and mountains of Lies and slanders daily cast upon them. But at last, the Conspirators finding that all the Interest they had made for car­rying Elections for their Tooth of Members to serve in the new Parliament summoned to sit the seventeenth of October, could not prevail, but that generally throughout the Nation, men of approved Loyalty and Integrity to the Protestant Religion, and weal of the Publick, had (notwith­anding all their stickling, and the vain efforts of a multitude of Laodicean Chemarims) been chosen for that weighty Trust; and particularly reflect­ing how shamefully they had been baffled in the Choice for the City of London, Octob. the 7th, they were now for stifling that Child, which before they would have mis-begot; and improved all their endeavours, by a certain White-Powder, that makes no noise, (probably some new French In­vention) to blow up the approaching Parliament, which yet 'tis hoped, by the blessing of God and His Majesties Favour, will continue sitting so long, [Page 323] as may enable it, to Countermine all their Plots, and bring the Traytors, as well Cedars as Shrubs, to condign punishment, so as to secure His Ma­jesties Life from their villanous attempts for the future, and settle the Protestant Religion and Property on a firm and durable Basis.

In the mean time, viz. on the second of Sep­tember, (the Anniversary Fast for the never-to-be­forgotten Burning of London by Popish Treachery) and (as 'tis said) about Two of the clock in the morning, his Royal Highness the Duke of York arrived here from Flanders, and forthwith went to the King, who then, to the great grief and af­fliction of all his good Subjects, was very Ill at Windsor. The Dukes coming, (as was then pub­lished by Authority in the Gazet) was contrary to expectation, and therefore he acquainted His Majesty, That hearing of His Majesties Indisposi­tion, he thought he could do no less than to come to wait on him, and see how he did; adding, That he was ready as soon as His Majesty pleased, to depart for Flanders, or any other part of the world that His Majesty should appoint.

And now the Popish Conspirators, those Rooks in policy, resolving to put the great Game upon us, began notably to shuffle the Cards; a Procla­mation was published, signifying, That the Parli­ament which was to Convene on the seventeenth of October, should thence be Prorogued till the thirtieth of the same Month. Out-cries and Ala­rums from Pulpit, and Press, and Coffee-houses, were every where heard against the Presbyterians, &c the dangers the Government was in from a Fa­natical Faction; the grounds and broachers where­of, we shall soon acquaint you with: though 'tis [Page 324] possible some innocent zealous Protestants might be inveigled in so far, as to believe the thing real, and might, far from any ill design, join in, and promote the common clamour.

And now, to the great surprize and grief of the people, his Grace the Duke of Monmouth fell un­der the Kings disfavour, and was commanded to withdraw himself out of His Majesties Domini­ons; the occasion whereof was variously repor­ted: nor dare we presume to pry into the Cabi­net of State so far, as to conjecture the reasons; though some subsequent Discoveries of Transacti­ons at that instant on the wheel, perswaded ma­ny, That the cloud which Eclipsed this beloved Prince, and averted for the present the kind Rays of His most gracious Majesty from him, proceeded originally from putrid Exhalations, and the venemous breath of Calumny whispered a­broad by his Enemies, thereby to remove him; hoping that by shaking his Interest thus in the Royal favour, they might the better utterly ruine him, by getting credit to those false and horrid suggestions which they were shortly after to ad­vance against him, as Generalissimo of a Protestant Rebellion, &c. However, his Grace most obedi­ently departed, and about the twenty fourth of September went over into Holland.

His Royal Highness the Duke of York immedi­ately after returned to Flanders, and obtained leave to go from thence and reside in Scotland: in order to which, he arrived here again, on Sun­day the twelfth of October, (a day the last year notorious, whence some superstitious people would needs make a noise of it; though far be it from [Page 325] any man of sense, to countenance any such ridi­culous, as well as bold and unbecoming observa­tions.) On the twenty first of October, his Royal Highness was invited to Dine at the Annual Feast of the Artillery-Company at Merchant-Tailors Hall; most of the Stewards being persons of Ho­nour, or great at Court. His Highness came at­tended with his Guards, and there did appear a­bove an hundred Artillery-men, (the number be­longing to that Society being said to be in all be­tween five and six hundred) besides such as on this occasion came in with Tickets bought at under­rates, or given gratis; the Right Honourable the then Lord Mayor was there likewise present.

Some days before this, the Right Honourable the Earl of Shaftesbury was removed from his place of President of the Councel; and on Fri­day the seventeenth of October, a competent number of the Members of Parliament being met, they were by a Commission Prorogued, (not to the thirtieth of the same Month, according to the before-mentioned Proclamation, but) to the twenty sixth day of January next.

The Conspirators had now many Irons in the fire; they were come to the fifth Act; and as their Scenes were varions, so they required Expe­dition too. And indeed, they made more hast than good speed; for just when they were ready to discharge all their devices in order upon us, they one after another untimely took fire, and went off like so many Squibs and Crackers (bles­sed be God) without doing any Execution, ex­cept detecting more evidently their villanous cru­elties and Treasons, and warning us the better [Page 326] against them for the future.

1. They had for some time carryed on an In­trigue to corrupt Mr. Stephen Dugdale, (one of the Kings material Witnesses) that he might for large Sums of Money, which they offered him, retract and disown the Testimony he had already given, and desist from appearing against any of them for the future. One Mrs. Price, with whom Mr. Dugdale had been long acquainted, and one Mr. Tasbrough, were the Instruments employed to work him about; who seemed to hearken to their Overtures, that he might fadom the bottom of their drift; which was, That the said Mr. Dug­dale should sign and seal such a Paper of Recanta­tion as they had dictated or drawn, being (as it hath been published) of the tenour or purport fol­lowing, viz.

Being touched with a true remorse of Conscience, and an hearty sorrow for the great evil I have done, in appearing as a Witness against the Catholicks, and there speaking that which in my own Conscience I know to be far from the Truth; I think my self bound in duty to God, to Men, and for the safety of my own Soul, to make true acknowledgment how I was drawn into these wicked actions: but being well satisfied, that I shall create my self ma­ny powerful Enemies upon that account, I have re­tired my self to a place of safety, where I will with my own hand discover the great wrong that has been done the Catholicks, and I hope it may gain belief. I do likewise protest before Almighty God, that I have no motive to induce me to this Confession, but a true Repentance for the mischiefs that I have done, and do hope that God Almighty will forgive me.

[Page 327] But for all this Protestation, they were to give him a great sum of money in hand, and so he was to go beyond the Seas till the noise was over, and then they promised him he should have his Pardon, further reward, &c. And when he questi­oned how he should be sure of the Money upon Sealing, they proposed an Ambassador for Secu­rity. But that being not approved of, but he still delaying them with studied Exceptions and Eva­sions, they began to suspect that he never inten­ded to close with them, but rather, as Mr. Bedloe had served Reading, discover them. Hereupon, they make a complaint first against Mr. Dugdale, and what wrongs Catholicks suffered by the Evi­dence of such Witnesses as for a sum of Money would deny all that they had sworn, and run a­way. But Mr. Dugdale, to prevent this snare, had all along communicated the passages that had been between them, to several worthy persons, Justi­ces and others whom he could confide in, who attested the same, and that he proceeded therein not without their directions, to discover the foul practices and designs of these Popish Tamperers: So that on a fair hearing before the Council, he was not onely acquitted with credit, but the said Price and Tasborough sent to Goal, whom he did endeavour to bring to Tryal the last Michaelmass Term, for the said grand misdemeanour, (if it be no worse) but could not effect the same, so that at last they were Bail'd out; but will, 'tis hoped, the next Term be brought to Justice.

This Discovery, though not a little scandalous to the Popish Faction, was immediately follow­ed with another much more considerable. Such [Page 328] a long Web of Treason, Murder, Perjury, and Cruelty towards many thousands of innocent Protestants, as scarce any History can parallel, for it exceeded both the Parisian and Irish Massacres; for in those, men might make some kind of defence, at least were onely killed, and left to the pity of posterity; but this Plot was to blast the Fame, taint the Blood, and render the Innocent for ever odious, by a charge of black Treasons, and de­signed Rebellion, which they never so much as dreamed of, to be carried on by false accusations and suborn'd Witnesses; no cruelty being so in­tolerable, as that which is acted under pretence of Justice, and accompanyed with the abused Formalities of the Law.

The first accident that brought this Hellish Con­spiracy to light, was one Mr. Tho. Dangerfields being discovered to have planted several forged Treasonable Letters, with Catalogues of Names, &c. in the Lodgings of Colonel Roderigo Mansel, in Ax-yard Westminster; concerning which, and the preparatory circumstances of the whole In­trigue, there being two large and satisfactory Nar­ratives already published, the one by the said Co­lonel, the other written by the said Mr. Danger­field himself; we shall onely extract from thence some of the most material passages, such as will be necessary for compleating this our Compendi­ous History, and giving the Reader a general Scheme of the horrid Contrivance, referring the more curious to those Relations at large.

1. The sum of the Intrigue was, That seeing their former Popish Plot against His Majesties Per­son and Government, and the Protestant Religi­on, [Page 329] was notoriously detected, and all their at­tempts to baffle or stifle the Kings Evidence frustrated, they resolved upon coyning a new pretended Plot, which should be charged on the Presbyterians by name, but in truth involve the most zealous and active Protestant Nobility, Gen­try, &c. throughout the Nation; which being fortified with bold Perjuries, and specious pre­tences, might gain credit; and thereby they being destroyed, as a sacrifice to Justice, it might seem probable that the last years Plot was onely their malicious contrivance against the Catholicks, who would then appear the Kings best Subjects; and having so crusht their Enemies, might with safe­ty, and almost without opposition, proceed in their former Plot to subvert the Government, &c. See Col. Mans. Narrative, fol. 2.

2. Amongst other Instruments for this purpose, they made choice of this Mr. Dangerfield, as one professing the Roman Catholick Religion, and whose extravagant courses, and desperate condi­tion, (being a Prisoner in Newgate) had rendered him fit to serve them therein.

3. To him Mistress Celier, Wife of a French Merchant (a great crony of the Lady Powis, and at whose House the before-mentioned Witnesses from St. Omers had been harboured) repairs, and after some petty Tryals of his parts, procured his Liberty, and paid his Fees. But being clapt up immediately after for Debt, removed him into the Kings-Bench, and there for a considerable time allowed him Twenty shillings a week. Mr. Dang. Narrative, fol. 2 & 3.

[Page 330] 4. There he was employed to Trepan one Stroud, and get something out of him against Mr. Bedloe. And to that purpose, was to drink him hard, and allowed by two Priests to be drunk on the same day he had received the Sa­crament, since it was for the good of the Cause. He also gave Stroud Opium to lay him to sleep, by advice of Mrs. Celier, the Priests, Nevil, &c. but without any great advantage. Idem, fol. 5. And now Mrs. Celier sends for the time of his Nativity, which he sent her.

5. Having compounded his Debts, (which a­mounted to near seven hundred pound) Mrs. Ce­lier furnisht him with money to discharge them; so he left the Kings Bench, is brought acquainted with the Lady Powis, who promises to make him a Fortune, and takes a Lodging for him in Drury-lane, employs him to get Priests out of Prison, sends him to the Lord Castlemain, who likes him well, &c. fol. 7, 8.

6. He is sent with a Pacquet to one Mrs. Jean, at Peterley in Buckinghamshire, whom he finds in­deed to be a Priest, and from him brings up Pa­pers to the Lady Powis, being the ground-work of the New-Plot; That Pamphlets must be writ, and persons employed at Coffee-houses to rail against the Presbyterians, &c. p. 10.

7. He is employed to Tutor the St. Omer-youths under the Lord Castlemain, who was their grand Instructor. He takes Notes at the Five Jesuits Tryals, carries them to the Lords in the Tower, who encourage him to write Pamphlets, and pro­mise to reward him; and thenceforth he was allowed three pound a week, besides Diet, fol. 12.

[Page 331] 8. Castlemain employs him to get Knox and Lane out of the Gate-house, who were to swear against Oates; and having obtained Lane's liber­ty, he was kept privately at Powis-house. Here they contrive to Iudict Mr. Oates, first of Perjury, and then of Buggery.

9. The Lords order him to go to Coffee-houses, particularly Farrs, Mans, Garraways, Jonathans, &c. and disperse Pamphlets, as the Reflections on the Earl of Danby, written by Nevil, &c. [This is that Nevil whom we mentioned before in this History for his Poetical Prayer to the Ghost of St. Coleman.] At Wakemans Tryal, Dangerfield takes Notes, and received from Nevil divers Papers and Letters to transcribe; amongst which were forty Lists of Names, each containing above 800 Names. These were privately to be left by their Agents throughout England in the Houses of Non­formists or other Protestants; and then search be­ing made on other pretences, when these dange­rous Papers were found, the persons mentioned would be seized for Treason. Another time he Transcribed twenty seven such Letters, and sent them to the Tower. And one Mr. Holder, his R. H. Auditor at Brussels, was ordered to get di­vers Coats of Arms cut there on Seals, the Im­pressions having been taken off the Wax of Gen­tlemens Letters; which was to make the Trea­sonable forged Letters more authentick.

10. About the beginning of August, lodging at Mrs. Celiers house, he is sent for to the Tower, where the Lord Arundel, in the presence of the Lord Powis, after other discourses, askt him, if for a good reward he would venture to kill the King, men­tioning [Page 332] 2000 l. But Dangerfield blushing at such a horrid motion, Powis put it off, and then pro­posed 500 l. if he would kill the Lord Shaftesbury; which he promised to undertake: whereupon they told him of one Rigaut a Virginia-Mer­chant, that should advise with him about it, and secure the 500 l. And the next day waiting on the Lord Castlemain, who was then writing the Compendium, he appeared much enraged, saying, Why were you so unwilling to do what you were taken out of Prison for? Whereupon, Dangerfield made hast away; but Celier excused my Lords passion to him. And Sharp a Priest, after Confession and the Sacrament, justified to him, That he might kill his King, if he were first Excommunicated and Condemned by the Church, fol. 23.

11. That the Countess of Powis ordered him to acquaint the Lord Peterborough, that Sir Ro­bert Peyton would meet him at Gadburies (the Astrologers) house; which he did, and also Gadbu­ry, who then seemed very angry, and gave the reason, because the said Dangerfield refused to kill the King; adding, that he had Calculated his Na­tivity, and found him a person fit for that Enter­prize, and that he might come off with safety, fol. 25, 26. In pursuance of this Assignation, the the L. P. and Sir R. P. met, and (as the Lady Powis told Dangerfield) agreed well; and Sir R. declared he would come into the Kings Service to all purposes, and afterwards met the Duke once or twice, and engaged to employ all his In­terest for his Highnesses service.

12. That the Countess of Powis dictated to him Remarks of four Clubs in the Town, and [Page 333] the Names of several persons; which Paper was afterwards found in the Meal-tub, (of which we shall by and by give a farther account.) And by the means of the Lord Peterborough, he was in­troduced to the Duke of York, and acquainted him with this Presbyterian Plot; who afterwards giving him Twenty Guineys with his own hand, brought him to the King, having received Instructions what to say from the Lady Powis, as to charging the Lord Gray, Lord Howard of Es­crick, Duke of Monmouth, Duke of Buckingham, Sir Will. Waller, &c. which he did so well, that he thought then His Majesty believed him, being pleased to order him forty pound; which he re­ceived, fol. 35. And the more to possess his Ma­jesty, he sent him a Letter to New-market, sig­nifying he had discovered a great Correspondence between the Presbyterians and the Dutch, fol. 36.

13. That pursuant to his undertaking with the Lords, he went twice to Murder the Earl of Shaftesbury, armed with a short French Dagger gi­ven him by Mrs. Celier, (who said there had been three of them left her by Rigaut) pretending business, as directed by Celier and the Lady Powis; but was both times prevented by peoples coming, and his own guilty fears; for which the Coun­tess called him Coward, and Mrs. Celier said, I will go, and let the world know, that some of our Sex are brave and more daring than the men; whereupon she went, pretending business, but was prevented of an opportunity.

14. Now the Countess put him on enquiring out Col. Mansels Lodgings, delivered him Pa­pers to plant there; which, under pretence of ta­king [Page 334] Lodgings in the same House, and seeing all the Rooms, he pin'd behind the Beds-head; and then having informed two Officers of theCustom-house to come there to search for Prohibited Goods of Two thousand pound value, on Wed­nesday the twenty second of October, in the Co­lonels absence they came; and he and one Bed­ford that lay with him the night before, went in with them, who finding nothing, he directed them to remove the Bed, and at last going him­self behind it, discovered the Papers; and (as the Devil would have it, or rather the providence of Almighty God to detect the villany) before they had well lookt into any of them, cryed out,—Here is Treason. The Officers carryed the Pa­pers to the Custom-house, which were ordered to be returned; but the Colonel in the mean time having notice, and that such a man (who then, and for some time before, had gone some­times by the name of Thomas, and sometimes Willoughby) had been concerned in the matter, strictly enquiring after him, found he lay at Mrs. Celiers House, and there apprehended him; and on the twenty third of October brought him be­fore the Councel, where accidentally he met with and abused one Mr. d'Oiley o [...] the Tower, that had formerly prosecuted him [...] uttering false Guineys; who much helped to give an ac­count of his former ill conversation; yet he per­sisted stifly in charging Mansel, and justifying his own innocency: but on hearing all circumstances, attested by the Searchers and other Witnesses produced by Colonel Mansel, it apppearing that the Papers were laid by Dangerfield in the Colonels [Page 335] Chamber, out of a malitious design, he was committed to a Messenger; whereupon he writ a Note to acquaint the Lady Powis therewith, to be sent by his boy: but the Messenger would needs see it, and thereby the Correspondence between them was discovered.

15. The twenty seventh of October, Dangerfield was committed to Newgate by the Council, on a full hearing, though he had endeavoured all he could to defend himself, by certain notable in­structions received from the Lady Powis in the Stone-gallery in Whitehall, which he particularly sets forth, fol. 49.

16. On the twenty ninth of October, Sir Wil­liam Waller (to whose indefatigable pains and courage this Nation and the Protestant Religion in general, under God, in an high measure, owes its preservation) searching Celiers House, most providentially found hid in a Meal-tub the Paper­book tyed with red ribbons, containing the Mo­del of this designed Plot against the Protestants, the matter whereof was dictated by the Lady Powis, (the grand Solliciness from the Lords in the Tower) as aforesaid, and proved by her maid to be hid there by her order. It purported to be onely Remarks or chief Heads of things and per­sons to be charged. As (amongst the rest there were named) the Lords Hallifax, Shaftsbury, Radnor, (now President of his Majesties Privy-Councel) Essex, Wharton, the Duke of Bucking­ham, and others, to be of Counsel in this preten­ded Conspiracy; the Duke of Monmouth General; the Lord Grey, Lord Gerard and his Son, and Sir Tho. Armstrong, Lieutenant Generals in this Rebelli­ous [Page 336] Army; Sir William Waller and others Ma­jor-Generals, Colonel Mansel Quarter-Master-General. To which was added Lists of particu­lar, persons usually meeting at four principal Clubs about the Town, too tedious here to repeat.

17. In the Papers foisted into Col. Mansels Chamber, there were likewise long Lists of Names that were to be rendred obnoxious, to this present Plot; but no particular Copy or Account can thereof be given; the Original Papers being so lodged, that the same are not easily procurable, till Authority shall think fit to divulge them.—See Col. Mansels Nar. fol. 104.

18. Mr. Dangerfield, by this last Discovery at Mrs. Celiers, finding himself trapt, had not the confidence to stand out longer, but on the last of October made application to the Right Ho­nourable Sir Robert Clayton Lord Mayor; before whom, and other persons of Quality, he made a candid Confession on Oath, transmitted the next day to His Majesty and the Councel. Where­upon, and on farther Examination of the several persons concerned, the Earl of Castlemain was Committed to the Tower, (whence he had not long since been Bayled, as having been charged by Doctor Oates on the former Popish Plot) Mrs. Celier and Mr. Rigaut to Newgate, and Mr. Gad­bury the Almanack-maker, (who though bred a Taylor, hath for some years written himself Phy­sician to the Queens most Excellent Majesty; and for­merly published a Figure, which he called his Ma­jesties Nativity, in Print, and constantly of late in his Calendar hath left out the Gunpowder-Treason-day) to the Gate-house. And on the [Page 321] fourth of November, the Lady Powis being far­ther Examined, and divers notable Circumstan­ces which she had denyed, being proved against her by other persons, (besides Mr. Dangerfield) she was by order of the Board, committed to the Tower for High-Treason in conspiring the death of the King. And the said Dormer, formerly Com­mitted on suspition of being a Priest, and Bail'd, being found discoursing with her in the Lobby, was upon other new matter charged on him by Doctor Oates, taken into custody. The Lord Castlemain twice in Michaelmass-Term brought his Habeas Corpus, to be Bayled in the Kings Bench; but was told by the Judges of that Court, that though formerly when there was but one witness against him, they had afforded it him, yet ha­ving made such ill use of his Liberty, and being now charged directly by two Witnesses for High-Treason, they could not allow it; and so was re-manded to the Tower.

By this whole contrivance, it most evidently ap­pears, that though the Popish out-cries and cla­mours ran onely upon the Presbyterians and Fa­naticks, yet their aim was to ruine all that were true Protestants, or honest Assertors of the Liber­ties and Property of the Subject. As their na­ming his Grace the Duke of Monmouth, the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Essex, the Earl of Radnor, (late Lord Roberts) the Lord Halli­fax, &c. all persons of untainted Loyalty, and far from Presbyterian or Fanatical Principles; and yet these they had designed for destruction, as the Chiefs of this new pretended Conspiracy. Nor indeed can there be assigned above two or [Page 338] three in all their long forged List, that can with any colour of reason, or usual acceptation of the word, be called Presbyterians.

SECT. 2.

But Abyssus Abyssum invocat, one Popish villa­ny treads on the heels of another. There hap­pened now likewise, a yet farther detection of their desperate wickedness, that would violate all rules of Morality and Laws both Humane or Divine, to wreck their implacable malice on Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe, and render them odious, if it were possible, to the people, and thereby depreciate their Evidence. Of this kinde was their horrid Conspiracy to charge them both with a malicious Contrivance against the Earl of Danby the late Treasurer, and particularly Mr. Oates with an attempt of Sodomy. To which purpose Will. Osborne and John Lane, formerly Servants to Dr. Oates, were suborn'd and manag'd by Tho. Knox (late Servant to the Lord Dumblain, Son to the said Earl of Danby) but the Design laid and directed from time to time by wiser heads; concerning which there hath al­ready a perfect Account been emitted into the world by the appointment of Dr. Oates. And also the Tryals of the said Knox and Lane at the Kings-Bench Bar, Novemb. 25. 1679. (where they were Convicted) are published by Authority, where the Curious may receive further satisfacti­on: and therefore we shall only very briefly Epi­tomize some material matters of Fact; which to perform intelligibly, we must look back for some time. For this hopeful Project had been long a [Page 339] brewing, and had been once mortified before' though now crawling towards a Resurrection; it was Doom'd to the second Death, which in the language of Divines is to say, That it was damn'd, as the malicious Contrivers are like to be, without sincere Repentance.

1. About April, 1679. Osborne and Lane being for several Misdemeanours turn'd out of Dr. Oates's Service, Knox (so qualified as you have heard) insinuates into their acquaintance, and working upon their necessities, engages them in the De­sign; which to render more plausible, he dictates four several Letters from them to himself, (as if they first mov'd him to it) wherein pretending great trouble of minde for being privy to certain ill Designes the Dr. and Mr. Bedloe had against the Earl of Danby, &c. they desire him to put them into a way to discharge forsooth their Consciences by a Discovery. These Letters were by one of them wrote from Knox's mouth, and then very formally sent to him. See the Narrative, p. 5, and 6.

2. Knox hereupon, after several meetings with them, prepares an Information, setting forth how he came by this Intelligence, and what they had declared to him. Another Information is likewise drawn in the names of Osborne and Lane, setting forth several horrid expressions that Dr. Oates should use against his Sacred Majesty and other Persons of Quality (thereby to render him odious to the Court) so offensive to Christian ears, and abominably scandalous, as not fit here to be un­necessarily recited. A third Information they had ready, under Osborne's hand, attesting a sup­posed [Page 324] Discourse that he heard between Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe, contriving how to destroy the Earl of Danby; that Mr. Bedloe should say, he had invented a way, viz. To swear that the Earl offer'd him Money to go beyond the Seas, and thereby quash his Evidence; which Dr. Oates should ap­prove of, saying, It was the only or most dexterous course, &c. Other several Informations from Lane and Osborne, That Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe should persuade them to carry on an Intrigue with some of the Lord Treasurers Servants, and get Money of them, by telling them Lies, wherein the said Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe would instruct them, and make such use thereof as should de­stroy the said Lord. And yet another Informa­tion of Lane's, deposing, That about the 24th or 25th of March last, Dr. Oates having sent all the rest of his Servants to the Chappel, did make an at­tempt to commit Sodomy with him: And this Infor­mation was some time after Sworn before Sir James Butler. But though somewhat subtlely contrived, to cast an Odium on the Doctor, and yet save the Informant from the Gallows, he al­ledging that it was only an attempt, and the perpetration thereof prevented by the noise of a Woman sweeping the next Chamber: yet there are in it so many incredible Circumstances, that had the Witness been of some Credit, and the Doctor of none, yet no man of sense could have entertain'd such a villanous nonsensical Story. But not only the Law hath since vindicated that worthy person from this odious Scandal, but the Informer himself hath voluntarily confessed both the utter falsity thereof, and the Instigations that [Page 325] tempted him to alledge it.—The true Copies of all these Informations which they had cut out in readiness, when ever they should think fit to make use of them, see in the before-recited Nar­rative, p. 7, 8, 9, &c.

3. Their Tackling being thus prepared, the Earl of Danby depended so much on the success, that (if we may believe the Oaths of the Con­spirators) it was chiefly on that Confidence, that he surrendred himself to the Usher of the bla-Rod, after he had for a considerable time absconded: And the very same day, Knox made Osborne and Lane swear again to stand to what he had taught them. But Dr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe ha­ving some notice of the contrivance against them, all three of the said Instruments were soon after taken into Custody: And being Examin'd before a Committee of Lords, they at first would ac­knowledge very little; but after some time, Lane voluntarily set forth upon his Oath, how Knox had tamper'd both with him and Osborne; in­structed them what they should Swear against Oates and Bedloe, and for the Lord Treasurer promised them Rewards; dropt a Guinney which Osborne took up, because they should not be able to say, if questioned, he had given them any Money: How he paid Reckonings and provided Lodgings for them, where he paid all charges for Diet, &c. And swore them to secrecy; assuring them, if either of them made a Discovery, they should be killed. And that since he was in Prison, a Gen­tlewoman (who by Mr. Dangerfield's Depositions seems to be Mrs. [...]elier) came to the Prison, and sent him word that he should stick to Mr. Knox; [Page 342] and whatever Money he required, he should have it, though it were a Thousand Pounds.

About the same time, viz. 29 April, 1679. Osborne by Order of the said Committee being Examined, did upon his Oath deny he ever heard any such discourse between Mr. Oates and Bedloe about destroying the Treasurer; nor any undecent words from Mr. Oates touching his Ma­jesty, the Queen, or Mr. Chessinch, &c. but De­poseth, that Knox promised him, If he would swear such things, he should have enough to maintain him with his Footboy: and sets forth the dictating of the said intended Depositions or Informations by Knox, and that they are of the Examinants writing from his mouth; and the dropping of the Guinny, the taking of Lodgings for them, &c. The Copies of these Depositions justifying likewise Dr. Oates's sober pious Life, and modest Christian Behaviour towards his Servants, by giving them good Counsel, &c. See in the Nar­rative, p. 15, & sequentibus.

4. This was in the beginning of May last; and who would have imagined, that after such a plain Discovery and full Confession on Oath of their former Villanies, the same persons should have the face to attempt playing over again the same Game? But what will not Popish Impudence suggest, or desperate Varlets for Money under­take? After these acknowledgments, they conti­nuing in Prison, Mr. Dangerfield (who was now come into the Service, as you have heard) is im­ployed by the Lady Powis, the Lord Castlemain, and the rest, to keep them still in heart, feed them with Money, and endeavour to get them out; [Page 343] and at last he procured Lane's Liberty, and Nevil and his Friend, Knox's. Then Lane was harbour'd for a while at Powis-house, by the name of John­son, and 10 s. per week allowed by that Countess, for Diet; and thither also Knox repaired, to con­sult how to new-charge Dr. Oates; and then the Papers before-mentioned were handed to the Lords in the Tower, the Lord Castlemain, and Nevil in the Kings-bench, to be altered and corrected, so as to make them most serviceable for their devilish purpose.—See Mr Dangerfields Narrative, p. 12, 13, and 14.

5. After much charge and pains in this kinde, having as they imagined brought their Design to some perfection, and seeing some of their In­trigues miscarry, they resolv'd to push forwards This, hoping it might at least slur and scandalize, if not ruine the King's Evidence; and therefore on the 19th of Novemb. last, the said Lane is pre­vailed with (notwithstanding all such his Con­fessions on Oath) to prefer an Indictment against Dr. Oates, for attempting to commit upon him the horrid and detestable sin of Sodomy; but the Grand Jury, by reason of the incoherence and slightness of his Evidence, did not think fit to finde it, but returned an Ignoramus.

6. Hereupon the Dr. to vindicate his Credit, and justly to punish such wicked Insolence, brought an Indictment of Conspiracy and Misdemeanour against the said Lane and Knox, (for Osborne ab­sconded, and could not then be found) which on the 25th of Novemb. 1679. came to be Tryed at the Kingsbench-Bar; where, upon a full hearing, the several matters before-related being evident­ly [Page 328] proved against them and their Abettors, to the entire satisfaction of all the numerous Au­dience, divers Peers of the Realm and Persons of Quality being come thither on purpose to hear the same; The Jury found the said Knox and Lane Guilty, who immediately were secured; but by reason it was so near the end of the Term, Sentence (according to the practice of that Court in such Cases) was deferr'd till the next Term, they in the mean time being kept in Custody. And since, the said Osborne hath been taken in the Countrey, and being brought up and Exa­mined, hath voluntarily confessed all the before-mentioned Ill Practices, and several other noto­rious Circumstances.

CHAP. XXIV.

Some necessary Reflections on several late Popish Libels; as the Address to both Houses of Parliament. The Cloak in its Colours. The new Plot of the Papists to transform Traitors into Martyrs. The Compendium of the Plot, &c.

WE conceive we cannot sufficiently dis­charge this undertaking of giving a satis­factory account of this Popish Plot, branched out into so many various sorts of villanies, with­out taking some particular notice of several of their most effronted Pamphlets, wherewith they endeavour'd to poyson the minds, and dazle the eyes, and divide the affections of his Majesties good Protestant Subjects.

This you have heard was one of their princi­pal projects, contrived by the Tower-cabal, and Consults of their Priests; which most industriously they pursued. We shall not waste time in a tedious confutation of all the lies and slanders therein contain'd, for that most of them have already particular Answers; but shall offer some brief Re­marques, which may sufficiently antidote the peo­ple against their infection.

1. Consider the Authors. They are written ei­ther by desperate Bigots, deeply and principally concern'd in the Plot, or else by debauch'd mer­cenary villains, kept in pension by the great ones, [Page 346] for that purpose. Thus Mr. Dangerfield proves the Compendium to be the work of the venomous Pen of the Lord C. The New-plot, to be writ­ten by Dormer a supposed Priest; several others by Nevil, who haunting the Play-houses too much, and thereby neglecting to scribble so fast as they would have him when he was at liberty, some of their Lordships advised that he should be clapt up again, and thereby be made more indu­strious in doing their drudgery. Now what credit is there to be given to what such people shall write? Can it be imagined that they will make any conscience of venting the most impudent Lies and Scandals, who have already plung'd themselves into the most detestable Treasons; and whose writings are no more but their own Neck-verses, having no way to save their heads, but by that ingenuity of their fingers?

2. The main scope of all these Libels, is to per­swade the world, that there neither is, nor was any such thing as a Popish Plot. Now 'tis left to all considerate men, in forraign parts, which they will chuse to believe, the King, and the two seve­ral Parliaments, and all the Judges of the Land, who upon notorious evidence of matter of fact, have solemnly declared that there is such a dam­nable Hellish Popish Plot, both against his Ma­jesties Life and Government, as well as against the Protestant Religion; or these wretched Traitors, who by fantastick flourishes, impudent denials, shameful falshoods and surmises, would suggest there is none.

3. The Mediums they proceed upon, which are loading the Kings Evidence with opprobrious [Page 347] language and calumnies, (and in this Billingsgate-rhetorick, the Author of the Compendium hath not his Peer) yet have they not at any time been able to prove any of the Crimes with which they charge them; but on the contrary, their slanders have most fully and satisfactorily been refuted by the several answers and proofs that have been made in justification of the Witnesses integrity and innocency.

4. The sly manner and subtle titles whereby they publish these mischievous Libels, to insinuate as if they were written by loyal Protestants. In many of them pretending a great veneration for the Church of England, railing at Presbyterians, and suggesting fears and jealousies of ill designs hatcht by them against the Government; on purpose to amuse people, and cause rancour and divisions amongst Protestants. But blessed be God, pro­vidence hath now laid that part of their villanous malice so bare and naked to the eyes of all the world, that we hope no well-meaning men will hereafter be inveigled with such pretences.

5. To take off all credit or respect for these odious Pamphlets, 'tis enough to consider the apparent notorious Lies they are stuft with; as for example, their Address to the Parliament blushes not most scandalously to affirm, that his Majesty does not believe there is any such Plot, and does but laugh at it. Now what good subject can with any patience read such an horrid affront and calum­ny cast upon his Soveraign, who by so many rei­terated Royal Proclamations, Declarations, &c. has declared the contrary, and express'd his zeal and diligence to prevent and punish the same? [Page 332] So the Compendium (as if the Author had been infatuated, to shew us in the Porch what we must expect in the rest of the edifice) begins in the ve­ry first line with a most notorious Lie, asserting that Coleman was tryed at the Old-Bailey, whereas all the world knows he received his Tryal at the Kings-bench-bar in Westminster-hall. What shall we say of his impudence, p. 69. where he avers, that the worthy Sir Edm. Godfrey, whom they so barbarously butcher'd, was an extraordinary and particular friend to the Papists? Or of that other, p. 85. That there are not fifty thousand men, women, and children, of the Roman Catholick Religion in England? Is not that a most pleasant Certificate from St. Omers, at the tail of his Libel, that vouches for those pests of all society, the Jesuites, That they have given a rare example of obedience in general, to all civil Magistrates and Governours; a thing which makes their whole Society highly re­spected and esteemed by most of the Christian Princes of the world? What will not they certifie, after such an extravagant falshood? Or what may not those believe, who can suffer themselves to be gull'd with such gross Lies and Impostures?

But what need we rake further into this com­mon shore of Popish filth and venom? The whole Nation, we trust, is by this time throughly awake, and have their eyes so well open'd, as not to suf­fer themselves to be cheated of their Religion, their Lives and Liberties, by the wheadles of a little Popish Rhetorick. The Serpents now may hiss, but have lost their stings; so that they cannot en­danger any, but such as are willing to be deceived, and court their own ruine; and therefore we [Page 333] shall put a period to this Chapter, onely remarq­ing, that many or most of these Traiterous and Seditious Pamphlets were either Printed for, or sold and dispers'd by one Turner a Popish Book­seller in Holborn, as appears as well by Mr. Dan­gerfields Narrative, as by matters of fact, great numbers of such trash having been seized there; for which he hath more than once been in Jail, but still findes friends to get him out; and we know not how it happens, whether by any bodies connivance, or his own peculiar good luck, but so it is, that we cannot understand that there is that effectual prosecution as might be expected, for such insolent offences.

CHAP. XXV.

The Conclusion, in an Address resulting from the premises, to both Protestants and Papists respectively.

THus have we, with what convenient Brevity we could, given you a true, and (we hope) satisfa­ctory Account of the Original and Progress of this Hellish Plot; its horrid Nature, miraculous Disco­very, and what Proceedings have hitherto been made for the Punishment of some of the Conspirators, to preserve our Government and Religion from their mischievous Fury. As for whatever false Reports and calumniating Stories this ungodly Brood may either whisper at home, or proclaim abroad beyond the Seas, of their being cruelly or unjustly persecuted; all sober unbyuss'd men must on the contrary admire the Clemency of our King, and the Moderation of English Protestants in ge­neral, that have so generously bridled their Pas­sions, that notwithstanding so many barbarous Provocations, there yet hath not been heard of one Roman Catholick that hath received prejudice in his Person or Estate in a tumultuous manner; but the whole Prosecution carried on with the most equal Hearing, and full Proofs, according to Law and Justice; or if any partiality hath been shewn, it hath been in favour of the Criminals.

We shall now draw to Conclusion, with a short Address to several sorts of people, in some use­ful [Page 351] Considerations, naturally resulting from the Premises.

1. And first we Appeal to all Christians in General, whether they be not obliged, for the Ho­nour and reputation of our holy Profession, to de­clare against this Romish faction, and their un­christian, or rather Antichristian and abominable scandalous Principles and Practices? When this Blood-thirsty Tribe goes about with force and fraud, with false and blasphemous Doctrines, and Traiterous attempts, to subvert all true Christia­nity, and sacrifice the peace of humane Society to their own pride and covetousness, can it be less than the duty of all National Churches and Universities publickly by solemn Decrees and Pro­testations, if not by Excommunication, to condemn, renounce and detest them; and of all private Christians, by abstaining from their Communion, and coming out of that Babylon, to take care that they be not partakers of her sins, and consequent­ly receive of her deserved Plagues?—Quid fa­cit (saith St. Cyprian) in pectore Christiano Luporum feritas, & Canum rabies? & venenum Serpentum, & cruenta saevitia Bestiarum? Gratulandum est tum tales deEcclesia separantur, ne Columbas ne oves Chri­sti saeva sua & venenata contagione praedentur. What hath the fierceness of Wolves, the rage of Dogs, the venom of Dragons, and the bloody cruelty of wild beasts to do in a Christian Breast? There's joy and gladness amongst all good men, when such are separa­ted from the Church, lest the gentle and innocent Doves and Sheep of Christ be made a prey to their cruel jaws, and infected with their poysonous contagion.

[Page 336] 2. To those who are not of that Communion, but have hitherto escaped those delusions: How highly will it concern them, that they suffer not themselves to be therewith intangled! for better had it been for them never to have known the way of Righteousness, than afterwards to aposta­tize therefrom, and defile themselves with such gross idolatries and impieties. And therefore it behoves them, that they be careful not to hold the truth in unrighteousness, but walk worthy of their vocation, even worthy of God, who hath called them out of darkness, into his marvellous Light: for Atrocius sub sancti nominis professione peccatur: 'Tis a sad agravation of sin, when 'tis committed against plentiful measures of Grace, and under the profession of so Holy a Name: let us therefore beware, above all things, that whilst we separate from the scandals of others, we do not our selves administer occasion of scandal to others.

3. To all who are in Authority, whether in Church or State, that they be vigilant, both by their example and authority, to discourage and sup­press all manner of vice and debauchery, and to en­courage and promote all kind of Virtue, and par­ticularly solid piety and devotion in Religion. The lamentable increase of Atheism and prophaness which of late years, more than ever, hath like a deluge overwhelm'd so many thousands, especially of the young Gentry in these Kingdomes, must be lookt upon as one of the preparatives to this Plot, and a fore-runner of Popery: for as Vice and De­bauchery, nay even coldness and indifferency in matters of Religon, in any man, makes him the more obnoxious to the Delusions of the Papists, [Page 353] whose Mock-religion is accommodated to the sen­sual desires and Lusts of mankind. So they well knowing this by experience, do endeavour first the debauching of the Nation, that the people being thereby the more disposed to receive their impressions, they may by that means the more ea­sily compass their design; as Physitians, who can­not immediately master the present distemper of their Patient, are forc'd many times to divert it by art into some other disease, which they hope more easily to cure; sink people into voluptuous­ness, and then tell them of Indulgences, Pardons, &c. whereby they may both keep their Dalilahs, re­tain their sins, and yet gain Heaven; and the news shall be exceeding welcome to their corrup­ted Nature. And then the down-right Atheist, he is at least taken off from being an Enemy, if he be not a Friend; for why should he trouble himself to preserve any Religion, that laughs at all? But the strict adherence to the Gospel-precepts of Holiness, as it is a means naturally efficacious to obviate and obstruct the endeavours of the Papists, so 'tis of all others most likely to be ef­fectual, by the blessing of God, which we may groundedly hope will attend it: nor need Gover­nours to fear that their people will prove less obe­dient and ruleable, by their being more devoted to Religion; but may well hope the contrary, provided they will require nothing of them con­trary to Religion; which certainly they need not, the Statutes of the blessed Jesus containing no­thing inconsistent with any solid principle of Policy; the best Christian is always the best Sub­ject, and for that very reason, the Papist is the [Page 354] worst. And since a main part of these Romish Traitors hopes is built on the division of the Pro­testants, how much does it concern all the reform­ed Princes and States to fortifie their Interest by most strict Alliances, and a Cordial espousing of the common Cause, wherein all their safeties and very subsistance is so nearly concern'd; but espe­cially in their respective Dominions, if they will regard either the Adviso's of Christanity, or true Reason of State, those that are of Authority in the Church, may finde cause to be very cautious of administring unnecessary occasions of Separation, to the weakness of their brethren; which may be, and frequently is done by these two means especially.

1. By too strict an imposition of things in their own Nature indifferent. For though these things be left to the prudent ordering of each particular National Church, yet when through the weakness of many, they are become matter of Offence and Scandal, and so occasions of Sepa­ration, it seems that they then cease to be indiffe­rent; and it would be no less contrary to Prudence than to Charity, to impose, or longer strictly to require them; And repugnant to the Apostolical Doctrine, Rom. 8. 8. & 9. But meat (and so of indifferent Ceremonies) commendeth us not to God: for neither if we eat, are we the better, neither if we eat not, are we the worse. Whose practice was suitable, Cap. 9. 19. &c. Though I be free from all men, yet have I made my self servant unto all, that I might gain the more: to the weak became I as weak, that I might gain the weak; I am made all things to all men, (that is, I yeild to them in all Iawful and [Page 355] indifferent things) that by all means I might save some. Therefore in so dangerous a circumstance as we are under, when it gives so great an ad­vantage to such an Adversary, who so studiously and industriously endeavours our divisions, as a peevish and obstinate Supercilious or Pharisaical Separation for trifles is no way warrantable, so neither can it be approved as consistent with Christian Prudence, and that care of the Flock which all faithful Over-seers and Pastors ought to have, not to allow at least such liberty and con­descention in such things, as is necessary to the preservation of Ʋnity in the Church.

2. By Scandalous coldness in Religion, and worldly-mindedness, especially in the Clergy. There is scarce any more general or powerful (though not always just) occasion of Separation and Faction than this, especially with devout peo­ple, and best inclin'd: for men seldome judge by any other rule in this case, than that of our Sa­viour,—By their fruits ye shall know them, Mat. 9. 16. and are therefore most apt to judge of the truth of a Ministers Doctrine, by the virtue or im­piety of his actions. There is a certain authority of Reputation or Reverence, which ought always to accompany authority of Jurisdiction, and is in truth the more charming and powerful of the two, to retain people in a sweet, voluntary, and conse­quently more durable and perfect obedience. And this being lost, the other, which alone holds them onely in a kind of violent and forced, not natural and genuine obedience, is very difficult to be managed, liable to be cast off, and seldome of long duration. Now the former, which is the [Page 356] proper authority of the Church and Clergy, (for what is Coercive, more than bare Excommunica­tion, is in truth a branch of Civil authority) can never be acquired or retained by onely abstaining from those we call Scandalous sins, but by the constant, sincere, and vigorous exercise of those great Evangelical Virtues,—Humility, Meekness, Heavenly-mindedness, Contempt of the World, De­votion in Religion, ardent Love of God, and Zealous endeavours for the salvation of Souls; for without these, the observance of the rules onely of ordi­nary moral vertues, may well be counted Heathen Civility, rather than Christianity, and attributed as much to humane prudence as to Religion. To see men fiery zealous for the accidents and formalities of Religion, and cold in the practice of these great essentials and substantial parts, the very business of Christianity; to hear them make lofty Harangues, and cry up Morality, as if there were nothing more in Religion than that, and yet in the Practice even of that to come short of the very Heathen Moralists, To see men prophanely turn the sacred Profession into a kind of Trade, to design it, and apply themselves to it, no other­wise than others do to common Secular Imploys, as a means onely to get a Lively-hood, Honour and Preferment in the world; and when they have (perhaps by indirect means too) heaped Li­ving upon Living, and one Preferment on another, they accordingly use, indeed abuse the Charity of our Ancestors, and the Revenues of the Church, in such indulgence to Pride, Ostentation, volup­tuous or delicious Living, as would not be excu­sable in any religious Laiety; without any regard [Page 357] to works of Charity, and the promotion of Holi­ness; as all good Christians according to their abi­lity, and those under their Character more especially are obliged unto. These things (if any such things are, or should happen to be in practise) would more effectually weaken the proper authority, and impair the reverence that should attend the Clergy, much more dangerously than any Eccle­siastical Canons or Civil Laws can establish it. The truth whereof is apparent from the success of those, who take a contrary course, for thanks be to God we are not without some, (I hope many) who by their good Imployment not onely of their Ecclesiastical Revenues, but also of their pri­vate Fortunes, their virtuous pious Lives, Aposto­lical Gravity, and fervent sound profitable Preach­ing, prevail with many that were turning aside into corners, to become their auditors, and find­ing true Manna constantly at home, leave off the unnecessary desires of stragling for it abroad: and were there but some effectual course taken, for more such Lights to be set up in the more conspicuous Candlesticks of the Church, we should probably find it the best expedient, both to dis­pel the Ignes fatui of Fanaticism, and keep out the Roman Foggs from over-whelming us.

3. We should all be excited by these restless Attempts of the Papists, to be no less studious and industrious by just and proper means to promote and propagate the true Religion in its genuine Purity and Simplicity, than they are by indirect and evil means to advance their Errours, Abuses and Corruptions of it; and particularly, to be as vigilant and active for the preservation of our [Page 358] Religion, and with it of our Lives, Liberties, Fortunes, and all that is dear unto us, as these Sons of Perdition are to destroy them. To pre­vent which, all those who have any love to their Countrey, or regard to the Interest and Safety of themselves, their Relations, or Posterity (though the consideration of Religion should not move them) are concern'd to use their utmost endea­vours. Let us therefore no longer be wilfully blinde, and shut our eyes against that clear Light, wherewith God, hath been pleased to display un­to us the horrid prospect of their dark and Hel­lish Contrivances. Do they not still go on in their wicked Designes? And shall the effronted Denials of these lying, dying Traytors, and their impious obstinacy in confessing nothing at the Gollows, stagger you in your opinion of their Guilt, against such full Proofs, such clear multi­plied Evidence, such a cloud of Witnesses, as God hath almost miraculously raised up from time to time? Or will you have your Throats cut ere you will believe? Sic notus Ʋlysses? Are the Arts of Rome no better known? Will you still carelessly Dance on the brink of ruine, and give fresh heart and new encouragement to your mortal Ene­mies, by a most absurd conceit, that they are still your Friends? For shame, dear Protestant Coun­trymen! exert your Reasons, let not your Off­spring be bound to curse you, for betraying them to Popish Slavery, by your foolish Credulity: But prevent effectually their future attempts, and by a vigorous and impartial Prosecution, bring the grand Conspirators to Justice, as well as the petty Incendiaries.

4. There are a sort of lukewarm Laodiceans [Page 359] amongst us, indifferent Protestants, of Gallio's temper, who cared for none of these things, that regard not though the Ship they sail in perish, provided they may but save their private Fortunes, and escape in the Long-boat of an early compli­ance; who would not only quit the Common-Prayer for the Mass-book, but exchange their Bible for the Alchoran, if required by the frowns of Power. These esteem true Religion a matter not worth their pains to preserve it, though we are commanded to contend earnestly for the Faith; but cry out, Let the grand superiour Orbs roul which way they list, if we can but jog on in our Epicycles of Ease and Profit, and enjoy our Estates and Trades: Are not the Papists Chri­stians? And why may we not be saved in that Church as well as our Forefathers? And what need all this bussle then to oppose them? Why should we venture our Lives or Estates and incur the Displeasure of a Popish Successor, if so (which God avert) it should happen, &c. To these people it were vain to urge any Conside­rations from Divinity; for indeed they are a sort of quiet Atheists, and profess Religion, this or that, any, or none, according as 'tis the Mode or Custome of the Countrey or Times they live in; yet even these, as politick as they would be counted, will finde themselves exceedingly mi­staken in their measures, if Popery prevail. For though it pretend to be a Religion, and to de­sign the Salvation of Souls, yet indeed, as 'tis now managed, 'tis nothing but a Plot upon the Purse, and Trick to cheat its Votaries, and enslave people to the Pride and Avarice of the Clergy; wherein these crouching Sons of Issachar, these [Page 360] truckling Renegado's must bear as heavy Bur­thens as any. And therefore we shall only re­commend to them one Story, which perhaps they will like the better, because we have it from Platina, a Popish Authour, who tells us, That when the Citizens of Papia in Italy were at Dis­sention, by reason of the implacable Faction and Feud between the Guelphs and the Gibellines, two powerful and numerous Families or Tribes always at mortal Enmity with each other, the Gibellines procured a Favourer of theirs, called Facinus Cajus, to assist them; Covenanting that he should have the Goods of the Guelphs for his labour: But he being once come into the City, and pre­vailing, spared the Goods of neither of them. Whereupon the Guelphs complain'd, saying, That their Goods also were spoiled. But all the Re­dress they could get, was this smart answer from him, That true it was they themselves were Gibel­lines, but their Goods were Guelphs. Mutato nomine, de te. Give us leave, in like manner, be­fore-hand to tell all such pretended Protestants, as shall by active stickling, or passive Cowardice con­tribute to the betraying of their Religion and Country, and joyn though with never so great hypocrisie, with the Romanists, hoping thereby to save their own stakes, and that all the Fury shall fall upon others, this will be their very case. They themselves may perhaps be good Catholicks, but their estates shall certainly be Hereticks still, and liable to make good the old Arrears now behinde-hand for above One Hundred years to Holy Church.

Lastly, To those who have been bred and still continue of the Roman Cammunion, and are in [Page 361] danger to be drawn in to engage in such Under­takings, for the promotion of their Religion by Fraud and Force, by Treasons and Massacres, by Disturbance or Subversion of Government, raising and fomenting Wars between Christian Princes and States; these men we would intreat calmly and without prepossession to consider, Are not such Means agreed on all hands to be contrary to those used by our Saviour and his Apostles for the Original Propagation of the Gospel? Are they not most injurious and scandalous to that most holy and innocent Profession of Christianity, which hath been always most propagated and glorified by the magnanimous, sedate, and con­stant Sufferings of its genuine Professors; but al­ways most dishonoured by the furious, violent, and perfidious practices of those spurious Zealots that abuse it? Nay, are they not evidently and daily condemned by the Judgments of God, dis­appointing, blasting and confounding all attempts of that nature in these Kingdomes, for above One Hundred years together? What Madness as well as Impiety is it then for you, those of the Nobi­lity and Gentry especially, to engage in such Un­dertakings? Have you not had sufficient Expe­rience of the Ill-success and unhappy Consequence of such Attempts to your felves and your Party, whereby you have only made rods for your own backs, provoking and exasperating the Seve­rities of the Laws, and the Detestation of all good men against you? What got your Ance­stors by Caballing with the Spaniard to destroy good Queen Elizabeth, their lawful Sovereign? Nothing but Danger and Trouble, Loss and Infamy. What got your Digby, your Piercy, your Rook­wood, [Page 362] and the rest that joyn'd in the Jesuits Powder-Plot? Nothing but a just, ignominious Death, and an odious Memory to all Generations. What got your Irish Cut-throats; your Macguires, your Oneals, and the rest of your Monsters of Re­bellion and Cruelty? Nothing but Destruction, and an almost utter Extirpation of their Nation, had they not, like other Vermine of late, reviv'd again by the too indulgent Sunshine of Favour: perhaps like ungrateful Snakes, to sting those hands that so bountifully cherish'd them. And when your Romish Agents had lately dissolv'd the Government, and brought all things into Confu­sion, what did they advance their Cause by it, but only involved themselves in the same publick Calamity, wherein they had embroil'd the Na­tion? The Emissaries that wheadle you in, designe not in the least your Advantage Spiritual or Temporal, but only the Pomp and Grandeur of the Court of Rome, whose Creatures they are: They are men who have neither Estates nor For­tunes discoverable to lose or hazard, nor Wives nor Children to suffer; but if their Attempts prove unsuccessful, can easily retire into their safe Dens beyond the Seas; and their Motions and Actions are steer'd by Forreigners, who sit far enough out of danger, and in security expect to make their Profit and a Prey of us all; so that both these have hopes of vast Advantages, without any great hazard; only you their hood-winkt Zealots, charm'd with their Delusions, run the extremest hazards of Souls, Lives, Fortunes and Reputation, without any probability, if things be rightly calculated, of any way mending your Condition.

[Page 363] For what shall the Lay-Roman Catholicks and their Posterity get by exchanging their natural English-Birthright for Slavery? How must they truckle to the then domineering Clergy, and be squeez'd and suckt, rackt and spung'd upon, to sup­ply the insatiate Avarice of the grand Idol at Rome, and the smaller Fry of Sharks, Friars, Monks, &c. at home? Those that have Estates or fortunes here, let them promise themselves what they can, or be their Religion what it will, must infallibly have their shares of whatever pub­lique calamity or mischief is brought upon the Nation. And if none of these considerations of the Wickedness, Danger and Imprudence of these courses, can have the influence on our stubborn Romanists, to make them weary of, and honestly to Confess their late Guilt, and forsake and abo­minate, as well in their hearts and Actions, as in words, these odious Attempts, and that villanous Order that promotes them; we hope Iustice ere long will make them such remarkable examples of Punishment, as may deter their wiser Poste­rity, and ever preserve our Church and State from the same.

In the mean time, Blessed be He, and for ever Glorified, that from his high Watch-Tower in the Heavens, discerning the crooked ways of perverse and cruel men, hath hitherto maim'd, and (we firmly trust) will still infatuate all such damnable Projects. Thou therefore [Page 364] that sittest in Light and Glory unap­proachable, Parent of Angels and Men! we implore; And next, Thee, O thou Omnipotent King! Redeemer of that otherwise-lost Remnant, whose Nature thou didst assume! Ineffable and ever­lasting Love! And thou the Third Sub­sistence of Divine Infinitude, Illumi­ning Spirit! The Joy and Solace of created things! One Tripersonal God­head! Be pleased still to take thine Earthly Image and Vicegerent into the Protection of thine everlasting Arm, preserve him from the bloody Malice and the destructive Flatteries of these Sons of Belial. Leave us not a Prey to these importunate Wolves, but build up this Britannick Empire in a Prote­stant Suceession, to a glorious and envi­able Height, with all her Daughter-Islands and Plantations about her. Guard us from the Forreign Wild-Boar, and the Domestick Foxes that would spoil thy Vine and its tender Grapes. Unite us entirely to each other, and withal appropriate us to thy self, tying us everlastingly in willing Homage to the Prerogative of thine eternal Throne. May our King live long and happily in [Page 365] thy Faith and Fear, and all his Enemies be scattered; let Treason vanish like smoak, and Idolatry and Superstition be rooted out; let Tyranny be blasted, and Iustice flow like a mighty Stream; let Ʋnity and Love increase amongst Protestants; let our Magistrates rule in Righteousness, fearing God, and hating Evil. Let our Ministers be burning and shining Lamps of Piety; let our Iudges be above the Charms of Bribery, or Frowns of Greatness; Let our Nobility and Gentry count Religion their greatest Honour, and our Citizens esteem Truth their best Treasure; and all our Com­monalty increase in Virtue, Zeal, and Piety: That there may be an High-way of Holiness throughout these Kingdoms, that Wayfaring-men, though Fools, may not erre therein: But all with thankful hearts, and new Songs of Praise in our Mouths, defying the Malice of Hell and Rome, triumphantly sing, Surely there is no Enchantment against Jacob, neither is there any Divination against the Israel of the Most High,

Amen.

AN APPENDIX: SHEWING Several Politick Artifices of the Je­suits and Papists for restoring of Po­pery, Discovered in Print, in the Year 1663, and ever since punctually pursued by them and their Abettors.

SECT. 1.

HAving just concluded the fore-going History, we met with a small Trea­tise intituled Fair warning, Printed for Henry Marsh in Chancery Lane, 1663. and Licensed by Dr. George Stradling, Chap­lain to the Reverend Gilbert then Bishop of Lon­don, March 31. 1663. which being Published so long since, and under such legal Authority, and finding therein several most remarkable Disco­veries, relating to the Policies whereby the Romanists were to carry on their Design of reestablishing Popery in these Kingdomes; We could not but for the Readers information and satisfaction, transcribe and annex some [Page 367] of the most material Passages thereof, as fol­lows.

1. In page 47, this Licensed Author names the Priest whom we herein before, page the 75. mentioned to have triumphed at the Murder of King Charles the first; telling us, that it was one Sarabrass the then Queens Confessor, who being present at the Kings death, tossed up his Cap in the air, and brandished his sword; and being with admiration askt what he did there, answered, that there were twenty more Priests there besides himself, and that the greatest Enemy to their Religion fell that day.

SECT. 2.

In page the 30. he recites the methods to be used for restoring Popery in England, from Fa­ther Contzen's printed directions for that purpose in his Politicks, l. 2. p. 16, 17; and 18. in these words.

1. That things be carried on by slow, but sure Proceedings, as a Musician tunes his Instru­ment by degrees: lose no opportunity; but yet do not precipitate the work.

2. Let no Prince that is willing, despair; for it is an easie thing to change Religion. For when the common people are a while taken with Novelties and diversities of Religion, they will sit down and be aweary, and give up to their Rulers wills.

3. The Doctors and leading Pastors must be put out: if it may be, all at once: [sure he means some Bartholomew-business] but if this cannot be, [Page 368] let it be by some and some. When the Leaders are down, all will submit.

4. The purpose of changing Religion, and extirpating Lutheranism, must be concealed: not but that some of the wiser sort [Coleman and a few more] may know, but the people must not, lest it should move them.

5. Some must be suborn'd to beg importunate­ly of the Prince for liberty to exercise their Re­ligion, and that with many and gentle words, that so the people may think the Prince is not enclined to novelty, but onely to lenity, and to a tenderness for tender consciences, and that he doth it not as from himself. For the vulgar use to com­mend a Prince that cannot deny the Subjects their desires, though they are such as were fit to be denied.

6. One or two Churches onely must be desired at first, [for the exercise of Popery, he means] as being so small a matter, that the people will not much regard.

7. When the zeal of Professors begins to rise against the Change, they are to be pacified by admitting both Parties to a Conference before the Governours.

8. Let there be a Decree for Pacification, that one Party do not rail at the other, nor calumniate them. And so the Doctrines that are to be brought in, will have great advantage, when they are covered, and may not be contradicted, or so much as named: And so the Rulers will be thought to be onely lovers of Peace, and not to intend a change of Religion.

9. Next that, let there be some publick Dis­putation [Page 369] between the Parties, but with some dis­advantage to them that are to be outed.

10. Let all this be done but on pretence that the several Parties may be joyned lovingly toge­ther in Peace: And when the Ministers refuse this, let them be accused of Unpeaceableness, and Pride, and Obstinacy, and Disobedience against the Magistrate, and not for their Religion.

When it comes to the putting out of some Ministers, and the People begin to Petition for them, let the matter be carried silently; and in the mean time, let the People be told, that it is because those Ministers are heady, obstinate men; that the people may be perswaded that the Mi­nisters are faulty, and have deserved it, and may be put only to desire Liberty for the more peace­able men.

11. When thus the People are deluded, and there is no danger of a Resistance, then turn the Ministers out of the Churches, and put in those that you would set up in their stead.

12. Then change the Ʋniversities, and tell all the Fellows and Scholars, that they shall hold their Places if they will turn, else not: many will change Religion with the Rulers.

Next, he instanceth in Asia, where a Prince pretended that all the Professors and Ministers places were void at the Death of his Predecessor, and he had the disposal of them by Law. And the Change was there made (as he saith) by slow degrees: one or two Opinions of Religion quarrel'd at first; and so the people will think it but a small matter to yeild in one or two Opi­nions, and be easily brought to obey. At last, let [Page 370] them fall to writing against each other; but be sure let those that have the Court-favour be cry­ed up as Victors, and that the others are ignorant, and shamefully baffled.

13. To put out of Honours, Dignities, and publick Offices, all those that are most adverse to Popery: it is just that those that hinder the safe­ty of the Common-wealth, should be deprived of the Honours and Riches of the Common-wealth. If men are deposed for heynous Crimes, why not for Blasphemy and contempt of Truth? [you must believe the Jesuite that this is the Protestant case.] If those of a contrary Religion be left in Ho­nour and Power, they will be able to cross the Prince in many things, and encourage the people of their own Religion.

14. That when a Heresie [that is, the Prote­stant Religion] is wholly to be rooted out, and that this must be done by degrees, and in a way of reason, and cannot be done by meer Command and Power, [by a Massacre, he means, or so forth] then you must first fall on those Opinions that the common people are most against, and which you can quickly make them think absurd. So he in­stanceth in some that would work out Luthe­ranism, that speak honorably of Luther, but fall on his followers, only under the name of Flaccians. So the Arminians at Ʋtrecht, when they would extirpate Calvinism, made a Decree that no man should Preach any thing that seemed to make God the Author of sin. Thus a Magistrate that would bring in Popeny, must impute to the opposers, & fall upon such heinous Opinions, which the impudent themselves are half ashamed of; & bring these into [Page 371] he light that they may be odious; and so the Teachers will lose all their Authority, when the people imagine that they are taken in a manifest fault.

15. To make use of the Protestants Contenti­ons. How easie is it (saith he) in England, to bring the Puritans into order, if they be forced to approve of Bishops? or to reduce the Puri­tans in the Low-countries, if the Prince adhere to the Arminians? For the variety of Opinions makes them doubtful, that before seemed certain; so that when the Magistrate joyneth with one side, he easily overturns the other, and leaves the whole obnoxious: As Paul did by the dissention be­tween the Pharisees and Sadduces, joyning to one side, he escaped. This (saith he) I would prin­cipally perswade an Orthodox Magistrate to; [that is, a Papist] for he may to as much advantage make use of the Protestants Disagreements, as of the Papists Concord, to extirpate Protestants. As in Wars, it is not onely the skill and strength of the General, but often also the carelesness of the Enemy, or his mistake, that gives very great ad­vantages for success. To forbid the Protestants privately or publickly to Assemble together.

To proceed to severity of Laws and punish­ments. [Here he endeavours to prove this violence lawful; Fire and Faggot is reserved to the last.] But this violence, though it must be for the change of all, need not be exercised on all. Cut off the Leaders, and the Multitude will follow the authority of the Rulers. Shame will retain some, and fear others; but a vain security will prevail with most, when they know not how to help it.

[Page 372] Within these few years, [if he say true,] above an hundred thousand have been turned to Po­pery in France, and more in Germany; nor did ever any of the Princes of Germany, that did en­deavour to draw over his people to the Catholicks, find any Force or Resistance contrary to his Laws. [Note this, all you slanderous Papists! that accuse Protestants so much of Rebellion, to bide your own: Here's a Jesuites testimony on Record for our vindi­cation.]

He commendeth many smaller helps: As 1. Mu­sick, to entice people by delight. 2. To cause all at their Mariage to profess the Popish Religion, and so rather than go without a Wife or Husband they will do it. 3. So also to deny Protestants Church-priviledges, as Baptism, Burial, &c.

Lastly, he concludes, that where the work must be securely done by degrees, the Magistrate may keep the Institution, Presentation, Confirma­tion and Examination of Ministers in his own hand; and so (if he cannot cast them out at once) he must cast out the most dangerous, [that is, ablest Protestant Pastours] and put over the Churches the disagreeing, and those that do not minde matters of Controversie much, and those that are addicted to their own domestick businesses, [worldly men] and such as are addicted to the Rulers: let him cool the heat of Heresie, [he means still true Religion] and let him not put out the unlearned: and so their Religion will grow into contempt.

And therefore let the Magistrates cherish the Dissentions of the erring (he means the Protestant) Teachers: And let him procure them often to [Page 373] debate together, and reprove one another. For so, when all men see that there is nothing certain among them, they will easily yield to the truth (he means Popery.) And this Discord is profi­table to shew the manners of those wicked men: For from these things the Ruler may take occa­sion for a Change. Let him enquire into the Original of these Accusations; and if he finde them true, he may punish the Guilty: if false, he may punish (that is, cast out) the Accusers. [By either way he weakens the Party, and makes room for his Popish Priests to succeed them.]

SECT. 3.

The same Priviledged Author of the said Fair Warning, in page 62. and those fol­lowing, sets forth a Copy of a Letter from Seignior Ballariny, to one Father Young, found (as he testifies) in his Study upon his Decease, Dated April 16. 1662. Translated out of Italian; in English as follows.

Holy Father;

WE do here congratulate your endeavours for the Propagation of the Catholick Faith, and cease not our Prayers for you: Yet we know that in vain we expect a Blessing from above, if we do not prudently apply all means here below. And now upon that wonderful Revolution in England, there must be great alterations in your Councils and Methods; although you must aim at one great De­signe, The obstruction of Settlement; especially upon the Fundamental Constitutions of the King­dome; [Page 374] whereunto if things should fall, they would be more firm than ever, (as some things when shaken take deepest root.) To this purpose you would do well,

1. To remove this jealousie raised by Pryn, Baxter, and other discontented persons, of our own having had any design upon the late Factions; and set up that prosperous way of fears and jealousies of the King and Bishops. You know an enemy is then with success established in his main hold, when he is with prudence alarmed elsewhere. We may easily break in upon the English Nation through Liberty and Anarchy, while they think we are coming in through Government and Order.

2. You would do well to make it appear under-hand, how near the Doctrine, Worship and Discipline of the Church of England comes to us: how willing­ly their Articles would be interpreted in a Catholick sence: at how little distance their Common-prayer is from our Mass: whereby you may perswade the world that the Protestant Religion is weary of it self, and that the wisest and ablest men of that way are so moderate, that they would willingly come over to us, or at least meet us halfway.

3. Let there be that odium by writing and secret Practices raised upon the Factious, that the Law may be so intent upon them, that you may escape; and troublesome persons may be disabled from speaking a­gainst you as they used to do, being odious in the eye of the Law and the people.

4. Let the Power of the King in matter of Religi­on be decryed; or at least let there be an Indulgence promoted by the Factious, and seconded by you.

5. You may have such insight into the Trade and [Page 375] Treasure of the Nation, that you may have the one engrossed between your selves and other discontented Parties, and the other stopped: so that the inhabi­tants will for want, either endeavour an alteration at home, or transplant themselves among us abroad; so that we may either joyn with them, or they with us, in order to the main design.

6. It were well, if you took all just occasion to make it plain to the people, that there is no true Ordination or Succession of Bishops, Pastors and Ministers in En­gland; and that they who are pretended Bishops and Ministers, are either worldly and careless on the one hand, or so factious on the other hand, that it were well they were removed: however, it were well the people should be taken off from them, by a clear disco­very of their unworthyness.

7. Father R. would usually say, that the best way to work upon the English, was to make use of their natural Affections; and urge them with this; What is become of your Fore-fathers, who died in our Religion? where was your Religion before Lu­ther?

8. We suppose that in England, after twenty years Confusion, they are at a loss for the Revenue; and therefore it were seasonable such a way were proposed, that on the one hand might seem very plau­sible to the King, the Nobility and Commons, but is indeed very grievous to the People; as any altera­tions in the antient Customes have their advantages for us, so especially an alteration in the Revenue: which will have that influence upon the people, which your suggestions and insinuations cannot have. You know what counsel Father P. gave Father E. of Brus­sels, to put the King upon the new way of Imposi­tion [Page 376] by Excise, which must be settled by a merce­nary Army of Horse and Foot, which shall harass the Country.

Lastly, Your method for winning particular per­sons, you know, given by our Forefathers, is this.

1. Be sure to keep the Respondents part, and not the Opponents. It's not so easie to prove, as to wrangle against proofs.

2. Follow them with certain Questions which the vulgar are not verst in. As, 1. Where was your Church before Luther? or where hath it been visible in all Ages? 2. How prove you that you have a true Scripture that is the Word of God among you?

3. What express Word of God do the Catholicks contradict?

4. How prove you that you have a truely called Ministry, that is to be heard and believed by the people?

5. By what Warrant did you separate from the Catholick Church, and condemn all your Forefa­thers, and all the Christian World?

6. If you will separate from the Catholick Church, what reason have you to follow this. Sect, rather than any one of all the rest?

7. What one man can you name from the begin­ning, that was in all things of Luthers or Calvins opinions?

8. Do you not see, that God doth not bless the labours of your Ministers, but the people are as bad as they were before? what the better are you for hearing them?

Our hearty Prayers are for your Success.

And, Sir,
I am yours to command, F. B.

[Page 377] These were part of the subtle and more innocent Platforms laid by the Jesuites to undermine the Protestant Religion, and introduce Popery, which were discovered and set forth in Print, now al­most twenty years ago; yet have they still ever since vigorously traced the same methods with mischievous success, and without any great oppo­sition, till finding all these not enough to accom­plish their main work, they applied themselves to more bloody and violent Counsels, and the hatching of that Master-piece of villany, the hor­rid Plot whereof we have in the precedent sheets given you a summary account; which being so far detected, nothing but Gods Judgments on these sinful Nations in suffering the spirit of infatuation to possess us, can hinder its being prevented.

The following Transactions happening after the Print­ing this History, be pleased to take a summary account thereof, as follows.

THe 10th of December, 1679. was published a Proclamation signifying the Kings pleasure that the Parliament formerly Prorogued to the 26th of January, should at that time be Prorogued again to the 11th of November 1680. About this time, several persons Endeavouring to promote Petitions, and Nine Lords in the names of several other Peers of the Realm, actually presenting a Petition to his Majesty, for the Parliament to continue to sit on the said 26th of January, his Majesty thought fit to publish his Proclamation for the preventing of tumultuous Petitions; yet many conceiving such humble Petitioning not to [Page 378] be forbidden by any Law of this Kingdome, did proceed therein; and on the 20th of December, three persons of the Parish of St. Martins in the Fields, sending for some others that were pro­moting such a Petition, and having it produced, did tear the same; for which being carried before a Justice of the Peace (since discharged of the Commission) they were bound over, and the next Sessions a Bill being preferred against them, reciting, That whereas the subjects and liege people of England, by the Laws and Customes thereof have used to represent their grievances by Petition, or by any other way: And whereas such a Petition (re­citing the words) was prepared and subscribed by many of the Kings Subjects and liege People; the Persons indicted, being ill-affected, and contriving, devising, and intending, as much as in them lay, to hinder the sitting of the said Parliament as was prayed in the Petition, and also to hinder the Tryal of the Offenders, and redress the Grievances therein mentioned, did as Rioters and disturbers of the Peace, &c. with Force and Arms, &c. unlawfully, rio­tously, and injuriously, the said Petition (being deli­vered to them at their request, and for the subscribing of their Names thereto, if they should think fit) did tear in pieces, in Contempt of our Soveraign Lord the King, and of his Laws, to the evil Example, &c. and against the Peace, &c. Which Bill was found by the Grand Jury.

And on the 13th of January, a Petition was presented to his Majesty, by Sir Gilbert Gerrard Baronet, Son in the Law to the late Bishop of Durham, Thomas Smith, Bencher of the Inner-Tem­pel, and eight other Gentleman and Citizens, of [Page 379] considerable Estates and Qualities; the words whereof were as follows.

To the King's most Excellent Majesty, the humble Petition of your Majesties most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects, In­habitants in and about the City of London, whose Names are hereunder subscribed,

Sheweth;

THat whereas there has been, and still is a most Damnable and Hellish Plot, branched forth into the most horrid Villanies against Your Majesties most Sa­cred Person, the Protestant Religion, and the well-established Government of this your Realm; for which several of the principal Conspirators stand now Im­peach'd by Parliament:

Therefore in such a time, when Your Majesties Royal Person, as also the Pro­testant Religion, and the Government of this Nation, are thus in most eminent danger; Your Majesties most Dutiful and Obedient Subjects, in the deepest sense of our Duty and Allegiance to your Majesty, do most humbly and earnestly pray, That the Parliament, which is Prorogued un­til [Page 380] the 26th day of January, may then Sit to try the Offenders, and to Redress all our Grievances, no otherwise to be re­dressed.

And your Petitioners shall ever pray for Your Majesties long and prosperous Reign.

To this Petition was annexed a Roll of above 100 Yards long, containing many thousand Names of many of the most eminent Citizens and Inhabitants in and about London, that had subscribed the same. His Majesties Answer was to this effect: I know the substance of it already; and as I am Head of the Government, I shall take care of it.

The Papists, though so often bastled, resolve still to play a new Game; and therefore on the 7th of January, John Gadbury, Prisoner for the Popish High-Treason, as we have before related, sent to acquaint the Lords (appointed a Com­mittee for Examination) that he had something to communicate to them: whereupon he was immediately sent for; but (being perhaps not sufficiently tutor'd) he then excused himself that he did not expect to be so suddenly called, and therefore desired further time; whereupon he was ordered to put what he had to say into writing. And on the 9th of January being again examined before His Majesty, did declare, That about September last, Sir Robert Peyton desiring to be reconciled to the Interests of his Majesty and the [Page 381] Duke of York, Gadbury acquainted Mrs. Celier the Midwife therewith, between whom and Sir Ro­bert there grew an intimate Correspondence; and that Sir R. Peyton did then say, he should hereby lose a considerable Interest, which could put him in the Head of 20000 men in two days time, and that could raise 60000 men in little more than a Week: And that these people, in case the King had died the last Summer at Windsor, would have seized the Tower, Dover-Castle, &c. secured the Mayor of London, and opposed all that should have proclaimed the Duke of York.—Mrs. Celier (though both pretended to be kept close Prisoners, he in the Gatehouse, and she in Newgate, yet being now brought up) confirmed in substance the same Sto­ry; only adding, that they were to murder the Lord Mayor, destroy all Episcopists, set up a Commonwealth; and to that purpose allowed Pensions to several old Officers of the late Rebel­lious Army. All these things and words Sir R. Peyton absolutely denied; yet was by Warrant from the Council committed to the Tower for High-Treason, for Conspiring to raise Arms a­gainst the King, a close Prisoner; (though the Five Popish Lords, directly charged upon Oath, and Impeach'd by Parliament for a Designe to Murder the King and Subvert the Government, were admitted mutual Converse, and free access of Visitants, yet) no body without special War­rant being admitted to visit him.

In the mean time, both Gadbury & Celier were flusht with hopes of procuring their respective Pardons; but that being stopt upon divers weighty Considerations by a most judicious and [Page 382] Honorable Peer, Gadbury began to relent, and on the 14th discovered the whole contrivance of this Sham-Plot; that he knew no harm by Sir Robert, but was drawn in by Mrs. Celier, &c. to testifie such things against him, &c. whereupon there was an Order that Celier should be kept close Prisoner, and 'tis supposed Gadbury will at last make a full honest Discovery.

On Saturday the 17th of January, at the Sessi­ons in the Old-Bayly, were Arraigned eight per­sons, as Popish Priests, viz.

  • David Joseph Kemish.
  • Lionel Anderson, alias Mounson.
  • William Russel, alias Napper.
  • James Corker, and William Marshal, Two Benedictine Monks, for­merly tryed for the Plot with Wakeman.
  • George Parris, alias Parry.
  • Henry Starkey, and
  • Alexander Lumsdel.

Of whom the first, that is, Mr. Kemish, being very antient and sickly, was upon his humble request after Arraignment, referred to another time for Tryal, when he might be better able to make his defence.

The other seven being severally tryed, the chief Witnesses that gave Evidence against them, were Dr. Oates, Mr. Bedloe, Mr. Prance, Mr. Dugdale, and Mr. Dangerfield.

The particulars of their respective Charge and Defence, are too tedious here to be set forth: the [Page 383] sum was, that they were severally proved by the Witnesses (some speaking as to some of the Pri­soners, others to others) to have said Mass, conse­crated and administred the Eucharist, and frequently performed such Functions as no Lay-man in their Church is allowed to meddle with. Particularly, it was proved by Mr. Dan­gerfield, that Anderson, alias Mounson, having scowr'd his Kettle, that is, took his Confession, and given him Absolution, and ordered him to re­ceive the Sacrament, which he did accordingly, did yet the same day perswade him to endeavour to get some secrets out of Stroud, then a Prisoner with them in the Kings-bench, against Mr. Bedloe, and to do it by drinking hard with Stroud: and the Witness seeming to be a little scrupulous of being drunk the same day he had Received, this holy Father said he might venture without dan­ger; it was no harm if he were drunk, since he did it for the good of the Cause. The Defences made by them, were either silly, or else rather subtle than solid, alleadging that there was no way to convict them of being Priests, unless the Wit­nesses saw them actually take Orders. Which if true, the Statute would be vain, and its whole force eluded. None of them had either so much zeal, as now to own himself a Priest (though one of them had confest it before to the Court, which he now denied) but rather all seeming to deny it, lying at catch with the Witnesses words, and urging them to name the very days they heard them say Mass, that they might by their Gang, prepared to affirm any thing, contradict them: Which ap­pear'd evidently, in that Marshal was not ashamed [Page 384] openly to declare, That let Mr. Oates name any time or place whatsoever, he would bring Witnesses to disprove him. This Marshal was their great Orator, who made long Speeches, but to very little purpose; there being nothing of weight or matter in what he urged. Starkey was an Old man, that said he had been a Major in the late King's Army; and 'twas proved that he had boasted, that he had said Mass twenty and twenty times in that Army; and of late the Witnesses had divers times and at several places heard him say Mass, &c. After a full and fair Tryal, the Jury brought in Six Guilty; who thereupon re­ceived Sentence of Death. But Lumsdel, being a Scotchman, was left upon a special Verdict, it being doubted whether he were within the Sta­tute of the 27 Eliz. cap. 2. on which they were Indicted: So that he must lye, till the Judges have determined that Point.

FINIS.

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