THE HISTORY OF WALES.

Comprehending the Lives and Succession OF THE PRINCES of WALES, FROM CADWALADER the last King, to Lhewelyn the last Prince, of British Blood.

WITH A short Account of the Affairs of WALES, under the Kings of England.

Written originally in British, by Caradoc of Lhancarvan; and formerly published in English by Dr. Powel.

Now newly augmented and improved by W. WYNNE, A. M. and Fellow of Jesus Colledg, Oxon.

LONDON: Printed by M. Clark, for the Author, and are to be sold by R. Clavell, at the Peacock at the West-End of S. Pauls. 1697.

TO THE Right Revd Father in GOD, HUMPHREY Lord BISHOP of BANGOR.

My Lord,

WHEN I had finished the following Book, I was not long to de­termin under whose Patronage I should make it publick; your Lord­ship's Extraordinry Knowledge in all the British Antiquities, especially that Part which relates to the Welch, [Page] justly claiming what I now make bold to offer to your Favour. For it seems to be as Natural a Design of a Dedication, to present one's La­bours to the greatest Judge, as to him who is the greatest Encourager of his Writings; and if so, my Lord, this single Reason would sufficiently ju­stify me from any Presumption, in submitting the following Papers to your Lordship's Protection. But where the Obligation is corroborated by an equal Engagement; and since your Lordship has been pleased to encourage and promote the Design before it came to any Growth, I hope, I may safely present now in its perfect Strength and Vigor, what you were then pleased to receive in its Infancy.

The History of our Country, my Lord, has been so much neglected, that there seems a very great Neces­sity of reviving, what to the gene­rality of the Kingdom, is almost lost; [Page] and there are too many, otherwise very Learned Persons, nay, some of our own Nation, who are so great Strangers to this Subject, that they are almost ignorant, that there is such a History in being. We have hopes indeed, that from your Lordship's Excelling Knowledge in the Welch History, and other British Antiqui­ties, with those Curious Collections, you have with great Labour made towards that Matter, and from others now Travelling the same good Way; we may expect, that the World shall receive such Information relating to our Country, that they who have hitherto despised our History, will be ready to Light that Candle which they now purposely extinguish, and ignorantly undervalue. In the mean time, if by the following History, I can revive the Memories of the seve­ral Princes therein contained, which in the English Histories, are either to­tally omitted, or but partially inter­woven, [Page] and render our History more generally Known, I have my Aim; and especially, since I gain the Op­portunity of Acknowledging my self,

Your Lordship's most humble Servant, W. WYNNE.

THE PREFACE.

THE History of the Britains, may not improperly be distinguished into two Pe­riods; the former comprehending the interval from Brute to Cadwalader, whilst the Britains are thought to have enjoyed a general Possession of the whole Island; the other contain­ing the Memoirs and Transactions of the Bri­tains, under their several Princes, after their re­cession to that part of the Island, since called Wales. The former of these has been generally accounted of late, absolutely false and unhistori­cal; and 'tis undoubtedly concluded that all the Passages in Geoffrey of Monmouth (the only remaining Monument of the Affairs of the an­tient Britains) which are not consonant to, and agreeable with the Roman Historians that speak of Britain, are absolutely fabulous and unsincere. The History of the Princes of Wales, has indeed met with better fortune, and the Author Cara­doc of Lhancarvan is accounted just and au­thentick; so that there need no other Apology for the following Work, than that it is for the best part the genuine History of that Author. But be­cause the History of Wales has no small depen­dance upon, and relation to the History of the an­tient Britains published by Geoffrey, I think it [Page] necessary to make some general reflection, in rela­tion to the Truth and Authority of that Copy.

And here in the first place, I must take no­tice of two sorts of Opinions, most widely repug­nant, and as I may say, diametrically opposite to each other; and both in my opinion, equally de­viating from the right apprehension of the mat­ter in debate. The one, perfectly rejecting the whole foundation and process of Geoffrey's Hi­story, will not believe so much as one passage re­lating to the antient Britains, but what is deli­vered by Roman Writers; as if nothing remark­able could happen in Britain, but what must needs fall under their special Cognizance and Ob­servation. The other, without any allowance to the Age when these British Affairs were trans­acted, (not to mention the utmost Antiquity of some part of this History, cotemporary with which, nothing is certain among the more civilized Greeks and Romans) will believe the whole Frame, and all the Circumstances of Geoffrey's History, be they never so ridiculous and extravagant. But not to insist on so bigotted an Opinion, as to think that the British History is universally true, and altogether authentick; I will confine my self to the examination of the other Extream, to see whe­ther that History published by Geoffrey, be so absolutely fabulous as is frequently represented, and generally believed. Now they who discredit this History, either wholly attribute the Frame and Invention of it to Geoffrey, or else granting him to be a faithful Translator, assure themselves that the Copy he received was fictitious, and perfectly owing to the unwarrantable Forgeries of the fa­bulous Monks. So that the subject of my present enquiries, will naturally fall under those two [Page] Disquisitions; 1. Whether Geoffrey be the real Contriver and Composer of this History? And 2ly, Supposing him to be innocent of this Suspi­cion, whether the History published by him, be perfectly fabulous, and in all respects a Monkish Legend?

1. As to what relates to Geoffrey, though me­thinks there need no greater Argument to evi­dence his Innocency from so suspected an Impo­sture, as his being the Contriver of this History, than that be professedly owns the receipt of the British Manuscript from Walter, Arch Deacon of Oxford; yet because the Prejudice of some Men oftentimes obscures their Understanding, in things otherwise very clear and open, it will be requisite to dwell somewhat more particularly up­on that Subject: or if the World be once per­swaded, that the whole Invention is owing to Geoffrey, and that there was no such Account of the Britains in being, before he published his, History; the whole series of British Affairs not mentioned in the Writings of the Roman Authors, and all that long continued Succession of British Kings for so many Ages, must of necessity be ac­counted fabulous, and a perfect Legend. But be­fore that Geoffrey should be so unreasonably at­tainted of such notorious Forgery, and his Histo­ry be so generally condemned; one might expect that such evident Proofs could be produced to evince so absolute a Position, as to render it past all Dispute and Contradiction. For to charge any one with Insincerity, for no other reason, than because it is the common Vogue and Sentiment of the World, is in my opinion a greater Argument of Partiality and Prejudice, than of solid and ju­dicious Reasoning.

Now the greatest reason that I can think of, why the British History is attributed to the in­vention of Geoffrey, is, that almost upon its first appearance in the World, William of New­borough and Geraldus Cambrensis exclaim a­gainst it, and seem to lay the whole Imposture to the charge of Geoffrey. The words of Newbo­rough are these; At contra quidem (speaking before of Gildas) nostris temporibus pro ex­piandis his Britonum maculis scriptor emersit, ridicula de iisdem figmenta contexens, eosque longè supra virtutem Macedonum & Roma­norum impudenti vanitate attollens. Gau­fridus hic dictus est, Agnomen habens Arturi, pro eo quod fabulas de Arturo ex priscis Bri­tonum figmentis sumptas, & ex proprio au­ctas per superductum Latini sermonis Colo­rem, honesto historiæ nomine palliavit. Qui etiam majori ausu, cujusdam Merlini divina­tiones fallacissimas, quibus utique de proprio plurimum adjecit, dum eas in Latinum trans­funderet, tanquam Authenicas, & immobili veritate subnixas prophetias vulgavit.

From this Passage it is apprehended, that New­borough thought that the British History was solely owing to the Contrivance and Invention of Geoffrey; whereas nothing is more evident, than that the only thing he lays to Geoffrey's charge, is, that he augmented, and of his own head made Additions to the Copy he received. And seeing that Newborough expresly mentions Geoffrey's translating into Latin, some antient Figments of the Britains concerning King Arthur, and unwarrantably adding to the same; it is ma­nifestly apparent, that be never took Geoffrey to be the Contriver of the whole of what he pub­lished, [Page] otherwise it is hardly conceivable, that such an inveterate Enemy of that History, would conceal any thing that might derogate from the Truth and Authority of it. Besides, Newborough throughout his whole Preface, wherein be endea­vours to invallidate, and render the British Hi­story fabulous, chiefly insists upon the Life of King Arthur, and the Prophecies of Merlyn; not a word of Brutus and his Trojans, which, thô [...]ince accounted as notorious a piece of Romance [...]s any at all; it seems he had Faith to swallow. Indeed, the Passages in King Arthur's Life, and [...]he Prophecies of Merlyn tending much to the same purpose, were too great and extravagant [...]o be credited by him, (who by his Character of [...]hem, seems to have bore but very slender Affe­ction towards the Welch) by reason that they [...]erogated much from the Fame and Valour of [...]he Saxons; so that I am afraid, that the [...]dium which Newborough bore to Geoffrey [...]nd his History, depended more upon National Honour and Reputation, than the Truth and Sin­ [...]erity of History. For surely he could never be [...] warmly exasperated against a fabulous History, [...]ad he but the Candor to consult his own, unless here had been some other motive to raise and fo­ [...]ent his Passion. As to the scurrilous Language [...]e casts upon the British History, and his un­ [...]annerly treatment of the Translator; he therein [...]xpresses his Ignorance and Malice, rather than [...]ny Love and Regard to Truth and Ingenuity, [...]or who but an ignorant and an unskilful Pre­ [...]nder, would confidently assert the Britains never [...]d any Metropolitans or Archbishops, and would [...]oduce this as an invincible Argument for the [...]lsity of the British History; whereas it is no­toriously [Page] manifest, that the Britains had their Arch­bishops long before the arrival of Augustine the Monk, whom Newborough pretends to have been the first who underwent that Dignity in this Island. But as his Arguments against Geoffrey's History are weak and invalid, and his whole Preface more an Invective than a Confutation, so his Credit should be rejected and undervalued, for charging another History with falshood, when his own seems wholly interwoven with ridiculous Legends and Monkish Fictions.

But be the occasion of Newborough's dislike of the British History what it will, 'tis evident, that nothing can be concluded from the above quoted Passage, more than that Geoffrey made Additions to the British Copy be received of the Archdeacon of Oxford. And this is no more than what may ea­sily and safely be granted; for the Life of King Arthur, and the Prophecies of Merlyn, the main Subjects of Newborough's Discontent, may proba­bly be inserted into the History by Geoffrey, at least they were augmented, and several Traditions were added by him. Bale, assures us, that he writ the Life of King Arthur in a distinct Treatise and himself owns in the Preface to his fourth Book, which comprehends the Prophecies of Merlyn, that upon the Request of Alexander Bishop of Lincoln, he had translated Merlyn's Prophecies out of Bri­tish into Latin, before the British Copy came to his Hands. Now, when Geoffrey had received the Manuscript from the Archdeacon, and was engaged in translating it into Latin, 'tis no strange matter to imagine, that as occasion required, he might am­plify, and add to it, out of his former Tracts. F [...] it is obvious to suppose, that the several things con­cerning Arthur and Merlyn, might be preserue [...] [Page] in the Island of great Britain, which were long ago obsolete among the Britains of Armorica, from whence the British Copy is said to have been brought over.

But supposing that Newborough had attributed the whole Frame of the British History to Geof­frey, which is evident he does not, his Authority cannot ballance with far more authentic Historians, such as H. Huntington, R. Hovedon, Matthew of Westminster and others, but more particularly Matthew Paris, who in express Terms, calls Geoffrey, Ad Ann. 1151. The Faithful Translator of the British History. And seeing then, that it was in those times ap­prehended to be an antient Manuscript, and none of Geoffrey's Contrivance, when the Cheat might he best discovered, and there wanted not good Incli­nations to detect so notorious a Forgery; how in these latter times, it could be so luckily found out, that Geoffrey was the sole Inventor and Composer of the History, I cannot possibly divine.

The other Reason,Camb. Descript. Cap. 7. why Geoffrey is thought to be the Author of the British History, is grounded upon a Passage in Giraldus Cambrensis, who speaking of the Etymology of Wales, rejects the Denomination of it from either Duke Wallo, or Queen Wendolen, sicut fabulosa Galfredi Arturi mentitur Historia. Now this is thought an invicible Argument against Geoffrey, and a palpable detection of his insincerity, since Giraldus, his own Country-man strikes at him, and accuses him of Forgery; whereas upon nicer examination, we may easily discover how that Gi­raldus quarrels only with the History which Geof­frey published, and which upon that account bore his Name. For had Giraldus though it to be only a Contrivance of Geoffrey's, had he suspected that Geoffrey falsly pretended to have received an [Page] antient British Manuscript, and by that means to have imposed upon the World; Can it be supposed that upon so plain Conviction of falshood, he would believe and give Credit to an History, which he was satisfied was altogether a Fable? But on the con­trary, we find him assenting to the Story of Brutus, and the division of the Island betwixt his three Sons; and in short, excepting in this one place, he expresses himself to be an absolute Votary of the British History, whence 'tis evident, he apprehended Geoffrey to be no more than a faithful Translator of an antient British Copy.

I need not take notice of William of Malmsbury, because that by the best account, he is supposed to have been dead before Geoffrey published his Hi­story, and consequently he could never see it; so that this Expression in him,Lib. I. Hic est Arthurus de quo Britonum Nuge hodicque delirant, must likely refer to the then present Traditions and Accounts of the Welch concerning King Arthur, which proba­bly might be too great and extravagant. For 'tis certain that a traditional Account of any Person or Action, the farther it recedes from the Spring and Original, the more corrupt and imperfect it still pro­ceeds; and like a Ball of Snow, it gathers and aug­ments in its journey; so that it may be reasonably supposed, that the vulgar Account which the Welch in Malmsbury's time delivered of King Arthur, was too far incredible and surprising.

But since the Reasons produced for proving Geof­frey to be the Author of the British History, seem not to be satisfactory and evincing; let us see whether the contrary assertion can be more reason­ably maintained. And first, 'tis manifest that Geof­frey could not be the total Inventor of the British History, by reason that several things, and some of [Page] the most material Passages therein contained, are agreeable with the Histories of Gildas and Nen­nius, the Poetical Fragments of Taliessyn, not to mention the Saxon Manuscript,Notes up­on Bede. quoted by Mr. Whee­lock, and other Authors far more antient than Geof­frey. 'Tis owned indeed Geoffrey might borrow the ground and Plat-form of his Romance from Merlyn or Taliessyn, or rather from Nennius, in whose Writings there is some slight Account of the Britains being descended from the Trojans; but the superstructure is all his own, who living in an ignorant Age, and well knowing he could not well be disproved, took the Liberty to make what Inven­tion he pleased, and then recommended it to the World, for a true, undoubted History. But not­withstanding all this concession, I think there is as little reason to attribute the Frame and Compo­sition of this History to Geoffrey, as there can be, to think him Contriver of the Ground and Plot of it. For it seems to me very unaccountable, that if Geoffrey was to invent and compose this History, why in this account of the Transactions betwixt the Britains and Romans, he should so widely disagree with, and deviate from the Writings of the Roman Historians. For certainly, nothing could add more Authority to a Fable, than exactly to fol­low the steps of creditable Authors, in those things they both had occasion to treat of. This in all pro­bability, would not only render that part of the Hi­story unsuspicious, but likewise Credit and Autho­rize the rest, of which there was no account in Ro­man Authors. And this disagreement betwixt the British History, and the Writings of the Roman Historians, tho' frequently produced to overthrow the Authority of it, induces me to believe, not only that Geoffrey was not the Author, but likewise that the [Page] Manuscript was antient, and much elder than the time, in which it was first made publick.

But besides, Geoffrey dedicates his Translation to Robert Earl of Glocester, Son to King Henry the First, which in all likelihood he would never have ventured to do, had the Original been of his own Contrivance, for fear least that the Cheat being dis­covered, he should be found, to put upon a Person of Eminent Quality, with whom the British History was then in great Esteem. For to him it is that Geoffrey owns the Receipt of this Manuscript from the Archdeacon of Oxford, which he affirms to be very antient, and by his Request was persuaded to translate it into the Latin Tongue. It was a very easie matter for the Earl of Glocester to find out Geoffrey's Integrity, by enquiring of the Archdeacon (who by all Accounts is reckoned his co-temporary) whether he had delivered such an antient British Copy into Geoffrey's hands, and whether the Tran­slation justly answered the Original. These Enquiries were natural, upon the publication of any new Hi­story, which made such considerable noise and cla­mour in the World, and which gave such an Ac­count of the antient Britains, as was never before thought or heard of among the English Nation. And supposing the Earl of Glocester to have omitted these Enquiries, yet it is scarce conceivable, but that in case of so open a Forgery, the Archdeacon would discover the Cheat, unless it can be thought that he was privy to, and had a hand in the Contrivance. But he was so far from detecting Geoffrey's Impo­sture, that he himself owns too, to have translated the British History first into Latin, and then in his latter days, to British again from the Latin, as may he still seen in the Archives of Jesus-College Li­brary. Now if there be any heed to, or dependance upon [Page] this, if it be true, that the Archdeacon did tran­slate, and consequently allow of this History, it ap­pears very evident to me, that Geoffrey can be in no wise the Author or Contriver of it.

But that Robert of Glocester took a fancy to Geoffrey's Translation, more upon the account that his Father had lately subdued the Welch, and therefore seemed to add to his Father's Glory, than that he did credit and believe the History, does not seem to be so true and evincing. For wherein could the publication of this History contribute to the advance­ment of his Father's Name? Was it because he had Conquered a People, whose Ancestors appeared by this History, to be formerly Valiant and War­like? This was performed by others before him, and I can conceive no great addition to any Man's Fame, to Conquer a handful of People with a numerous Army, tho' their Fore-fathers had been Stout and Victorious. This is surely too slight a Pretence for the reception of the British History by the Earl of Glocester, and too weak an Argument to destroy the Truth and Authority of it. 'Tis certain, that it took exceeding well in the World at that time, nor was it opposed till after Robert's Death, when William of Newborough more out of Malice and Discontent, than any Love he bore to Truth, began to charge both the Original and Translator with insincerity. I cannot see, upon the whole, the least Reason, why the Contrivance and Invention of this History should he attributed to Geoffrey, or that the Authority of it depends any way upon him, more than the Fide­lity of his Translation. I shall therefore conclude this Subject with the Character bestowed upon Geof­frey, and the History by him published by Ponticus Virunnius, who flourished in the Year 1 [...]90. a Man of great Reading, and excellent Learning of his time, who did not think it lost Labour to draw an Epitome of the British History: Giraldus (says [Page] he) Historicus egregius & Cardinalis, magnæ vir auctoritatis apud Robertum Claudiocestriæ Ducem, Henrici Regis filium, ac patriæ suae cu­riosissimus Fautor, ex summâ Philosophiâ atque Archivis, Historiam antiquissimam continuâ serie ab ipsis Trojanis collectam transtulit. Verissimas esse Britannorum Historias arguit Regum Occiden­talium consuetudo; quæ erat, secum semper habere eos, qui veritate præcipua eorum gesta notarent.

2. But supposing Geoffrey to be innocent from this suspected Imposture, and that he did no more than faithfully translate a British Manuscript he received of the Archdeacon; it may be farther ob­jected, that seeing it abounds with so many unwar­rantable matters of fact, and so extravagant Fables and Prodigies, it appears extreamly suspicious, and sensibly smells of a Monkish production. For how is it possible, you will say, that any Account, ex­cepting what is found in the Roman Histories, could be had of the Britains, and that not only before, but even after their subjection to the Ro­mans since there is much reason to doubt, whe­ther the Britains, as well as other unlattered Na­tions, had any means to convey any Knowledge to Posterity, for want of the Art of Writing? For if the Affairs and Transactions of the Britains were only handed down by Tradition, and they had no other way or method to preserve their Memories, then certainly all Pretences to antient Records, and con­sequently to this British Manuscript, supposed to have been translated by Geoffrey, must of necessity be vain and groundless.

And thus it is supposed, that the Britains had no Writing among them, neither before nor after the Roman Conquest; whence it follows, that there is no true nor certain account of any matter translated among them, but what is recorded in Roman Hi­stories. But tho' this be frequently insinuated, yet I [Page] think, the contrary can with greater ease and per­spicuity, be made to appear. As to the Britains having no Writing among them, during their sub­jection to the Roman Empire, the contrary is so evident and notorious, that I conceive it lost time to go about to disprove it. 'Tis sufficient to lay down the Words of Tacitus, an Author of un­shaken Reputation;Vita A­gric. Jam verò Principum filios liberalibus Artibus erudire, & ingenia Britanno­rum studiis Gallorum ante [...]erre, & qui modò linguam Romanorum abnuebant, eloquentiam concupiscerent. Inde etiam habitus nostri ho­nor, & frequens tog [...]; paulatimque discessum ad deliniamenta Vitiorum, porticus & balnca, & conviviorum elegantiam. Now, can any one sup­pose, that when the British Youths were instructed in all the Arts and Sciences of the Romans, when they began to ape and imitate them in their Ha­bits, Buildings, and other necessary fooleries, they should neglect so necessary a Qualification, as that of Writing? And can we imagine, that among so many Able and Learned Persons, as the Britains must in reason be, when educated in the Roman way, and owned to be very tractable in their Edu­cation, not one should prove so affectionate to his Country, as to note down the State and Transaction [...] of it? Certainly, if they learne all the Civilities and Sciences of the Romans, History was not so slight and trivial a subject of their Industry, as to be undervalued; and I know not where they could better employ their Skill, than in Writing the Hi­story of their Native Country. It was natural for them being once civilized, to enquire into the Origine and Antiquity of their Nation, the State and Con­dition of their Country before the Roman Conquest, and having made the best search they could, whether by [...]ral or written Tradition into these Enquiries, they [...]ould in all reason, according to the Custom and [Page] manner of the Romans, commit all to Writing.

But allowing the Britains to haue learnt the Art of Writing from the Romans, after their subjection to the Empire, yet 'tis certain they had no such thing among them, before the discovery of this Island by Julius Cæsar, and consequently, that all the former Part of the British History which precides that E­poch, must be false and fictitious. And that this is no precarious Objection, a Passage [...] of Cæsar's Commentaries is produced to strengthen it, which in my Opinion, evidently proves the contrary. The Words of Cæsar are these:De Bell. Gall. Lib. VI. Magnum ibi nume­rum (speaking of the Druids) versuum ediscere dicuntur, itaque annoe nonnulli viceno [...] in disci­plina permanent; neque fas esse existimant ca literis mandare, c [...]m in reliquis ferè rebus, pub­licis-privatisque rationibus, Graecis literis utuntur. Why any one from hence should conclude, that the Superstition of those antient Philosophers the Druids, forbad the Britains to commit to Writing the Trans­actions of their Country, much more that they had no Writing at all among them, does I confess, very far exceed my comprehension. Cæsar, truly does intimate, that the Doctrine and Mysteries of their Religion, the Druids did not think fit to commit to Writing but in all Matters besides, whether pri­vate or publick (among which History, may be rea­sonably accounted) they used the Greek Characters for so I understand those words, Graecis literis u­ [...]tur. For it may not be supposed that all publick and private Affairs of the Britains were [...]nslated in Greek, when they had a different Language of their own, and which in all reason must be th [...] common Tongue of the Country; but only that when the Britains had occasion to put any thing in Wri­ting they used the Grecian Character, which pro­bably was the only Letter, they then were acquainted with. But to confirm this matter the more, Cæsar [Page] makes mention of the like Custom among the Gauls; In castris Helvetiorum tabulae repertee sunt literis Graecis confectae. Now if he concluded from hence,Lib. I. that the Gauls (for the Helvetians were a Gaulish People) made use of the Greek Language, rather than the Grecian Characters; I would fain be in­formed, why Cæsar should write in Greek to Quintus Cicero, Ne interceptâ Epistolâ suâ, Lib. V. à Gallis consilia noscerentur; lest that his Letter being intercepted, all his measures and martial In­trigues, be discovered by the Gauls. Certainly, if he had known (as well he might, in case the Hel­vetians understood, and writ in Greek) that the Gauls were not ignorant of the Greek Language, he would not make use of so mean a stratagem to conceal his Counsels. But suppose it be acknowledged that the Gauls and Britains used, not only the Greek Characters, but the Language too (one of which must be allowed) 'tis evident that they had the Art and use of Writing, before Cæsar made any Inva­sion to either Country, and consequently the Britains might have some written memorials of their Country, which might be afterwards easily handed down to Posterity. For it seems to me very strange, that Men of such reputed Learning and Knowledge, and so well versed in the Mysteries of Philosophy, as the Druids are acknowledged to have been, should be ignorant of so necessary and useful a Qualification, as Writing. And since 'tis affirmed, that their Re­ligions Superstitions were interdicted to be committed to Writing, we may rationally conclude, by the Rule of contrariety, that all other things besides their Re­ligion, were allowed to be written, and consequent­ly, that they had the Art and Ʋse of Writing a­mong them.

But supposing the Britains to have recorded the Transactions of their Country, both before and after be Roman Conquest, yet when the Saxons prevail­ed [Page] in the Island, all the Monuments and Writings of the antient Britains were utterly lo [...] so that this pretended History of the Britains, must be mo­dern and fabulous, built upon vulgar and uncer­tain Traditions. For how was it possible that any one could write a true and a faithful Account of the antient Britains, and be so particular in the Transactions of those times, whenas there was not the least Light to guide him to the Knowledge of those obscure Ages. This is expresly acknowledged by Gildas, who lived long before Geoffrey, and openly declares, that all the Records and Monuments of his Country were lost in his time; and that in writing those small Fragments of the History of Britain, he was forced to abstract his Materials out of the Writings of Foreigners.Excid. Brit. Illa tantum proferre conabor in Medium, quae temporibus Romanorum Imperatorum & passa est, & aliis intulit Civibus, & longè positis male: quan­tum tamen potuero, non tam ex scriptis Patriæ, Scriptorum monimentis; quippe quae [...]el si suc­rint, aut ignibus Hostium exusta, aut Civium exulum classe longius deportata non compa­teant; quam transmarina relatione, quæ crebris interrupta intercapedinibus non satis claret.

I shall here by the by, observe the levity of Aylet Sames's Objection against the History of Brute; Britan. p. 158. namely, because Gildas makes no mention of Brute and his Trojans, he concludes that the British History must be a real Fiction; whereas Gildos in this place manifestly declares his design only of wri­ting the History of the Britains, during their sub­jection to the Roman Empire. But as to this pas­sage in Gildas, if in his time, there were no re­mains of his Ancestors left in writing; I would fain learn upon what Ground and Authority, he could so positively assert that the Britains from their first Plantation in this Island, were proud and irre­ligious, [Page] and their Kings cruel and tyrannical. For a little before the above quoted passage, he says of Britain, Hæc erecta Cervice & mente ex quo inhabitata est, nunc Deo, interdum Civibus, nonnunquam etiam transmarinis Regibus ingra­ta consurgit. And a little after, Tacens vetu­stos immanium Tyrannorum annos, qui in aliis pofitis regionibus vulgati sunt. Here he passes his Judgment very liberally upon the State and Condition of Britain from all Antiquity; and yet by and by, be confesses, that he had no guide to direct him to the Knowledge of those times he so freely censures; so that if he had not the Spirit of Divination, he may falter in his conjectures, or else he was guided by some British Light, of which he was not willing to own the perusal.

But allowing that Gildas, in composing that small Fragment of the British History, received no Light from any British Record, but was constrained to borrow out of the Writings of Foreigners; it con­cludes no farther, than that he had not the good Fortune to meet with British Manuscripts, not that there were none really remaining in Britain. And farther, supposing that in Gildas his time, there were no remains of the antient Britains left in this Island, but were all utterly lost; yet according to Gildas his own acknowledgment, and upon the Saxons prevailing in the Country, they might be carried over by the exuled Britains to Armories, from whence the Archdeacon of Oxford is said to have brought over the British Copy be delivered to Geoffrey. But if there was no written Account of the former State of Britain, in the Age of Gil­das, how comes it to pass, that any such thing should be discovered and brought to light in succeed­ing Ages. And not to insist upon the Authority of the British Manuscript translated by Geoffrey, we have good reason to presume, that the antient Britains [Page] before Gildas had hath Ecclesiastical and Civil Hi­stories of their Country.

As to the former, B [...]de, whose Authority I pre­sume, will not be questioned, expresly affirmed it. For in his Preface to his Ecclesiastical History, he says, A principio itaque Voluminis hujus, usque ad tempus quo Gens Anglorum fidem Christi percepit, ex priorum maxime scriptis hinc inde collectis, ea quæ promemoramus, didiscimus. Here Bede plainly declares, that in Writing a Church History of Britain, he extracted all his matter, before the conversion of the Saxons to Chri­stianity, out of antient Authors. But who can these former Writers be? Surely they were not Saxons, for we read of no Saxon Writer before Bede; besides, that several things contained in this Hi­story, were translated before the Landing of the Saxons, and as to the Ecclesiastical part, betwixt the arrival and the conuersion of the Saxons to Christianity that cannot be extracted out of their Writings. For in the first place they were no Christians, and it is very unreasonable to suppose, that they would [...] the History of a Church, of which they were at that time very fatal and implacable. Euen [...]s; not to question, whether the Saxons before their Conuersion had any Writing or Learning at all among them. For though it be pretended, that the Irish, who use the same manner of Writing, borrowed their Characters from the Saxons; yet 'tis extremely suspitious, that these received them from the Irish, if not ra­ther from the Britains. As to the former, it is well known, that during the Disturbances betwixt the Britains and Saxons here in Britain, the In­cursions of the Goths, Vandals, and other Nor­thern Nations into other Countries; all the Learn­ing of these Western Parts of the World, fled into Ireland, which for a considerable time remained [Page] to be the Nursery of Learning and learned Men.

And that the Saxons, long after their Conver­sion to Christianity, retired to Ireland for this pur­pose, we have the Testimony of their antient and most authentick Historian; so that, I think,Bed. Hist. Eccl. lib. 3. chap. 27. 'tis no Presumption to suspect, that as the Saxons borrowed their Learning from the Irish, they might for the same reason, receive their Characters and form of writing from them. But 'tis again to be doubted, whether both the Saxons and the Irish did not primarily derive their Characters from the Britains: For though the British Language [...]he now writ in a different Character from the Irish and Saxon, yet upon antient British Mo­numents and Inscriptions, most of the Saxon Let­ters, different from the present Roman Alphabet, are plainly to be seen. Nor was this Character originally British, the same being used in the first Age of the Roman Empire,De Re Di­plo. p. 345. if we can lay any stress on Julius Cesar's Will and Testament, re­presented by Mabillon. But farther yet; if the Irish Character be originally Saxon, the Saxons must either bring it along with them from Ger­many, or else they must have invented it after their arrival and settlement in Britain: If the first, it may seem wonderful, how it came to be quite lost and forgotten in all parts of Germany; unlese we can suppose, that it was limited only to the Saxons, and that they to a Man came and settled in this Island: For no body can be ig­norant, that not only the Germans, but the Swedes and Danes too, use the Latine Cha­racter; which, if we suppose them to have but lately borrowed, yet in all probability, their for­mer Letter was Gothick or Runick, to which the Saxon bears no great resemblance. But if [...]t be said, that the Saxons invented this Chara­cter after their coming to Britain; I cannot well [Page] conceive, why they should put themselves to such un­necessary trouble, when with far greater ease and facility they might copy and borrow from the Bri­tains; unless the odium betwixt both Nations made them scorn to ape and imitate an Enemy. But be it so, that the Saxons invented this Character in Britain; it will follow, that they had no Letters nor Learning before they came over; and consequent­ly, that these Authors which Bede mentions to have transcribed out of, could not be Saxons.

As to the civil part of the British History, that the Transactions of State were recorded, and that Copies thereof came to the hands of Posterity, we have the express Testimony of Nennius, who flou­rished about Three Hundred Years after Gildas For in his Preface to his History of the Britains, he openly declares, that he compos'd his History, Partim majorum Traditionibus, partim Scri­ptis, partim etiam Monumentis veterum Bri­tanniae Incolarum. Here Nennius says, that he partly extracted his History out of the Writings of the Antient Britains. And what could these Writings be? Certainly, they were not the Works of Gildas, the only British Author we read of before Nennius; upon the account that the History of Nennius is much larger, and far more com­plete than that of Gildas; this latter, besides the Names of a few British Kings, having left no­thing Historical to Posteritty; the main, it seems of his design being to rail, and to inveigh against his Countrey, to which he had taken some Dis­pleasure. From whence then else could Nennius extract the Materials of his History? Why, 'tis reasonable to suppose, that from some British Re­cords, which possibly might be recovered since the time of Gildas; And if then, why might not more be discovered since Nennius, and that delivered to Geoffrey by the Arch-Deacon of Oxon, be one?

But besides, That the Britains kept Memorials of their Transactions, we may rationally gather from the Constitution and Profession of the Bards. Diodorus Siculus says, [...]; The Bards singing to an Instrument like a Harp, re­peat the Praises and Commendations of some, the Faults and Dispraises of others. And in like manner Marcellinus; Lib. 15. Bardi quidem fortia virocum illustrium facta heroicis composita ver­sibus, cum dulcibus lyræ modulis cantitarunt. And above the rest Lucan; Pharsal. lib. 1.

Vos quoque qui fortes Animas, belloque peremptas
Landious in longum vates emittitis aevum,
Plutima securi fudistis Carmina Bardi.

But that the Bards did not only commit to memory the famous Deeds of their Princes and Heroes, and so recite and repeat them upon oc­casions; but also that they wrote down and re­corded what they repeated, we have the ample Testimony of Giraldus Cambrensis. Cambr. Descrip. cap. 3. Hoc etiam mild notandum videtur, quòd Bardi Cambren­ses, & Cantatores seu Recitatores, genealo­giam habent Prædictorum Principum in libris eorum antiquis & authenticis, sed tamen Cam­brice scriptam, eandémque memoriter tenent à Roderico Magno usque ad Belinum mag­num, & inde usque ad Silvium, Ascanium, & Æneam; & ab Æneâ usque ad Adam, Generationem linealiter producunt.

Now that the Genealogies here mentioned by Giraldus, were not only a bare account of the several Descents and Successions of the British Kings, but also some Memorials of their Lives and Actions, may be easily gathered from the above­said Manners and Customs of the Bards. And seeing these Bards did preserve not only in Memory but in Writing too, the lineal Succession [Page] and most famous Transactions of their Kings; I see no reason why the History of Geoffrey may not, as to a great part of it, pretend to greater Authority than is generally attributed to it. And if it be objected, that the Bards, by a Poetical Liberty out did the Truth of History, in the Praises of those Princes they were to celebrate; yet thus far it may reasonably be acknowledged, that the Names and Succession of the several Kings are real, and consequently that Geoffrey could never be the Inventer of so large a List of Nick-Names, as he is generally thought to be. For it is very pro­bable, that the History of the Britains transla­ted by Geoffrey, was composed partly out of these Genealogies peculiar to the Bards, and partly out of any other Records and Monuments of the Britains; both which I have shewn to have been preserved, and used among them antiently.

But to descend to the particulars of this Histo­ry, the first and most suspicious Relation, is that of the landing of Brute with a Colony of Tro­jans, the several Crosses and Encounters he sustain­ed in his Voyage; and then of this Island receiv­ing its Name from him. Should we indeed re­flect upon the particular Circumstances of this Sto­ry, we might upon good reason be satisfied of the Vanity and falseness of them; but therefore to conclude, that because the Building is suspicious, the Foundation consequently must be fabulous, and a perfect Contrivance; does, I think, deserve some better Examination: For if we do but reflect upon the contemporary Histories of the Greeks and Ro­mans, those more polite and literate Nations, we may with equal pretence of Reason affirm, that there is no foundation for any matter of Fact be­fore the Olympiads; or that the relation of Aeneas's coming to Italy, and all that History, to the Building of Rome, are altogether groundless and [Page] impertinent, because they are intermixt with Fa­bles and impossibilities. Livy assures us, that all the Transactions before the Building of Rome, are rather owing to Poetical Fancy and Extra­vagancies, than to any true and certain Matter of Fact; and therefore be declin'd to give either his Assent or Dissent, to any thing related of those Times:Praefat. Quæ ante conditam condendamve Ur­bem, poeticis magis decora fabulis, quam in­corruptis rerum gestarum monumentis tradun­tur, ea nec affirmare, nec refellere in animo est. And Plutarch goes farther, and tells us, that the Original and Etymology of Rome, that famous City, so well known afterwards over all the World, could not be agreed upon among the di­versity of Authors, and consequently must be very ob­scure and uncertain.Vita Rom. [...].

But for all their own Historians do allow that the History of those Times are fabulous and un­certain; yet there are none that question the being of Aeneas, and that the Romans were descen­ded from him. The like may be urged for the History of Brutus, and the landing of the Trojans in this Island; that though many particular Cir­cumstances are fabulous, and entirely poetical, yet it does not thence necessarily follow, that there is no manner of ground or foundation for such a Relation. Neither is it sufficient Conviction, to urge, that the very being of Brute is all a Fi­ction, by reason that the Roman Historians make no mention of such a Person to be the Son of Sil­vius; because, that through the whole Succession from Aeneas to Romulus, the Histories of those Times take notice only of the Son that was to suc­ceed; it being unreasonable to suppose, that all the Kings of Latium during that period, should be­get [Page] each of them, but one Son. And there­fore, what by the obscurity of those Ages, and what by bearing regard only to the Line of Suc­cession, many collateral Princes escaped the Cog­nizance of future Historians. Nor is it enough to affirm, that the History of Brute is but lately known and discovered to the World, whereas the fabulous Roman History has been recorded from Antiquity; because, that though we are not cer­tain that the British History has been handed down to Posterity in Writing; yet we are sure, that it was an antient Tradition, long before Geoffrey's publishing of it; and one should think, that an antient National Tradition, might require a stricter Examination, than hastily to throw it aside, as fabulous and of no Consequence.

But the Question is not, Whether the British History, as related by Geoffrey, be, as to all the Circumstances of it, true and real Matter of Fact; for that, no Man, I presume, can reasona­bly maintain; but whether there be any ground or foundation of Truth couched under these Poe­tical and fabulous Narratives. Now the first thing we meet with in the British History, is, an Account of Brutus his Pedigree, how he was descended from the Trojans, and having acciden­tally slain his Father Silvius, how he was forced to flee into Greece, whence, after several Scuf­fles with Pendrasus, a petty Prince of that Coun­try, he thought fit to retire, and to seek his For­tune by Sea. But he had not wandered long, when he met with Corinaeus, with another Par­ty of desolate Trojans, with whom having joyn­ed his Forces, he followed the Counsel of the Oracle, and at last arrives in this Island, from him afterwards called Britain. Now as to the particular Circumstances related in the Life of Brutus, they may properly be placed in the same [Page] Class with Homer's account of the Travels of Ulysses, or Virgil's Description of Aeneas his Ad­venture to Italy; that is to say, that they are Poe­ [...]ical Fictions, and perfectly consonant to the humour [...]f that fabulous Age. But the Question in hand will be, whether there be any probability for the [...]round of this Story, that Brute should bring over a Colony of Trojans, and seat himself in this Island. Now what is most materially urged against it, is the Novelty of this Discourse, that none of the Roman Historians make the least mention of such a Person as Brutus; and that Cesar and Tacitus, who seem to have enquired more narrowly into the Original of [...]he Britains, found no such Tradition in their time; otherwise in giving their opinion whence the Bri­ [...]ains were derived, they would never have omit­ [...]ed such an antient National Tradition, of their being descended from the Trojans. Besides, that Gildas, who was a Britain, takes no notice of such a Tradition, which in all probability be would ne­ver have omitted, had there been such an account of their Origine in his time.

As to what is objected against the Antiquity of this Tradition, is certainly very erroneous; for 'tis so far from being first known to the World, at the publication of Geoffrey's History, that Nennius, long before that time, and Merlyn, much antienter then he, speak of the Britains being descended from Troy. Nay the Saxons themselves before Geoffrey, were not unacquainted with this Tradition, as plain­ly appears, from the antient Saxon Poet, mention'd by Mr. Wheelock, whom he thus translates;Notes on Bede.

— Hæc unica Foemina prima
Ante omnes saevit Trojani semina belli,
Hanc Britones dixere Helenam, sed Dardanus ille
Excelsus Bruti pater exutit, unde Britanni
Heroum sumpsere genus; fortissimis idem
Hunc orbem primus regere, & dominatier ausus.

[Page] And again; ‘Insula dicta fuit Britannia nomine Bruti.’

That Gildas should make no mention of this Bri­tish Tradition, is no great wonder, and as little to the purpose, to invallidate the Antiquity of it; for we must not regard the Intent and Purport of Gil­das's Writing, which was not to give an account of the History and Antiquity of the Britains, a [...] much as to inveigh against the Prophaneness and licentiousness of the Age; wherein his Zeal and Passion carried him so far, that he did not spare ei­ther Princes or the greatest Persons; and therefore he might well omit to give an account of the Ori­gine of the Britains, seeing it was remote from, and exclusive of his purpose. Cesar indeed seems to have been somewhat more inquisitive about the antient State and Descent of those People he invaded; b [...] his stay in Britain was so short, and his knowledg of the Country so defective, being he had no Com­munication with the Ireland Britains, whom he own himself to be the antient Inhabitants, that it can b [...] no great wonder he should be ignorant of this Tra­dition: for if this curious Person had had the oppor­tunity of a free Conversation with the Britains, he would in all likelyhood have left a large Discovery of their Manners and Customs, and given a more perfect Description of Britain; which at that time would have been a very acceptable Performance, to all the Persons of Learning and Curiosity in Rome, who as yet had but very shallow knowledg of the Island. Or if we suppose that he made the strictest enquiry about the state of the Britains, which he might probably have learnt from Mandubratius the Son of Imanuentius, King of the Trinobantes, who for fear of Cassibelan, had come over to him to Gaul, and sided with him during the British Wars 'tis very possible he might be ignorant that the Bri­tains were descended from the Trojans, and that to [Page] be an antient and a current Tradition among them.

Tacitus was never in Britain, but from the rela­tion of his Father in Law, Julius Agricola, and others, he made a Guest, that from the different Shapes and Colour, they were descended from different Nations; some from Germany, some from Gaul, and others from Spain; but yet, as to the Primitive Britains, those who seemed to be the antient Inhabitants of the Island, he concludes after the usual Pagan manner,In vita Agric. Britanniam qui mortales initio coluerint, Indigenae an Adve­cti, ut inter Barbaros parum compertum. The Bri­tains, indeed, in Tacitus his time, were well known to the Romans, and consequently these latter might have been easily instructed, as to what knowledg the Britains had of their Antiquity; but it does not there­fore necessarily follow, that because this Historian does not mention any such Tradition, there was none really among them; because possibly he might never have heard of it; or if he did, he might have omitted insert­ing of it in his History: For what he has delivered re­lating to the Antiquity of the Britains, was but contin­gent to his purpose, the whole scope of his design being to describe the Actions of his Father in Law, during his Lieutenancy in this Island; and therefore was not at all wonderful, that he has given but a slight and an imperfect account of what he never design'd to make a narrow inspection into. Besides, if we suppose him to have made a diligent enquiry into the matter, and to have mind to know the antient State and Origine of the Britains; yet since he wanted the opportunity of con­versing with them, having been never in Britain; and none of the Britains that we know of, [...]ing at Rome, o [...]ept those who from their youth were educated there, and cons [...]quently were in all probability ignorant of the Traditions of their own Country; he might very well at such a distinct have been never made acquainted with such a National Tradition, which for all that might have been current and prevailing among the Britain [...] [Page] themselves. As to other Roman Historians, who have writ of the Antiquity and Primitive State of Rome, that they have made no mention of any such Person as Brutus the Son of Sylvius; I have already observed, is not of that force as to overthrow this Tra­dition, by reason that, from Aeneas down to Romu­lus, there is regard only had to the Line of Succession, and those only recorded who succeeded in the Throne.

Let us consider now, in the next place, what proba­ble Reasons may be assigned to vindicate this supposed Trojan Origin from an utter Fiction; and whether the History of Brutus have any probable dependance up­on some real Foundation. And not to insist on the An­tiquity of this Tradition, nor the Authority of the Bri­tish History published by Geoffrey, nothing gives grea­ter Confirmation to assert some real Foundation for this supposed Fable, than the near Alliance and Affinity betwixt the Britains and the Grecians. All Learned Men allow that the Greek was the antient Language of the Trojans, and that their Customs were not much different; and whoever will compare the Manners, Religion and Customs of the Britiains with those of the Grecians, will easily discover a palpable Conformity betwixt both Nations, but more especially in the Lan­guage; in which, as Mr. Camden says, Maximum est disputationis firmamentum & certissimum ori­ginis gentium argumentum. Qui enim ( [...] he goes on) linguae societate conjuncti sunt, originis etiam Communione fuisse conjunctos, homo opinor ne­mo inficiabitur.

I shall not, at present, trouble the Reader with a par­ticular annumeration of that Affinity; but will refer him to Sir John Price's Defen [...]io Historiae Britanni­cae, and Mr. Sheringham's Treatise De G [...]ntis An­glorum Origine. Now, since there is such demonstra­ble Affinity betwixt the Britains and the Grecians in all these respects; we must either suppose, with Mr. Camden, that they are of the same Origin, at least [Page] that a Colony of either Greeks or Trojans came over to this Island; or else, that the Britains had Corre­spondence, Traffick and Communication with the Gre­cians. Now, that the Grecians had no knowledge of the Britains till very late, may be gather'd from hence, that even the Name of Britain is not so much as men­tioned by any Greek Author before Polybius, who liv'd less than two hundred years before the Roman Invasion, and by him but just named, as betokening a very remote and distant Country, wherein indeed it was reported that there was plenty of Tin. Nay, Bri­tain was so far unknown to the Eastern parts of the World, long after this, that even Cæsar himself, when he intended an Invasion, was perfectly ignorant of the State of the Island; and tho he made what Enquiry he could of the British Merchants in Gaul, yet for all that, as he says himself,Bell. Gall. Lib. 4. Ne (que) quanta esset Infulæ magni­tudo, ne (que) quæ aut quantæ Nationes incolerent, ne (que) quem usum belli haberent, aut quibus institu­tis uterentur, ne (que) qui essent ad majorum navium idonei portus, reperire poterat: and therefore he was forced to send Cajus Volusenus before him, to search into the State and Condition of the Island. Such Stran­gers were the Romans at this time to the Isle of Bri­tain. And can it be supposed, that the Grecians had a better knowledg of it, since, in all probability, if they had had a Commerce with the Britains, the Romans, who were Masters of the Sea long before this, would have quickly discovered their Merchandizing; which if as profitable as is imagined, they were no such Enemies to Gain but they would share in the Booty. At least, had the Grecians had any Correspondence with the Britains, the Romans would in all probability have known it, and consequently they must needs have received better Intelligence of the Island than what they seem to have had at Cæsar's Landing. But Dion Cassius seems to put this matter out of dispute, and gives as a very plain account of what knowledge the Greeks and Romans [Page] had of this Island, which I will set down in the Latin Translation,Lib. 39. Primis Græcorum Romanorúm (que) ne esse quidem Britanniam compertum fuit, posterio­res in controversiam adduxerunt, continens ea ter­ra, an verò insula esset; multá (que) de utra (que) opinio­ne conscripta sunt ab iis, qui certi quidem nil no­verant (quippe qui nec vidissent, nec ab [...]ndigenis qualis esset accepissent) sed conjecturis tantum, quantum vel otii vel studii singulis aderat uteren­tur. And the antient Poet, in Eustathius upon Diony­sius, reckoning up the greatest Islands of the World in his time, makes no mention of Britain, which shews it was not then known. And that Britain was the antient Cassiterides of the Grecians, from whence they re­ceived their Tin, is altogether uncertain; for Herodo­tus, making mention of those Islands of Cassiterides, fairly declares he knew not where they were; which cannot well be supposed, if the Grecian Merchants traded thither in his time; it being rational to imagin that, in treating of any Country, such a Learned Hi­storian would endeavour to get the best intelligence he possibly could; and Learning being at the highest pitch in Greece at this time, 'tis very strange we had not a better account of this Island, which is supposed to be so well known to those who had a constant Trafick here. But indeed, all Authors who have mentioned these Cas­siterides do not seem to have known where they were si­tuated, only Dionysius, in his [...], makes them plainly to be the same with the Hesperides, those Islands lying in the Atlantick Ocean, far enough from Bri­tain, concerning which the Poets have invented so many Fables.

— [...],
[...],
[...],
[...].

But admitting the Grecians to have been ignorant of any such Place as Britain, and that there never [Page] was, any Traffic or Communication betwixt these two Nations; yet since the Gauls spoke Greek, it is not very improbable but that the Britains might borrow from them. That the Gauls used the Greek Tongue, we have the Testimony of Cæsar; and it is very certain, that all the Grecian Learning flourished at Marseils, which was an antient and famous Ʋniversity, and is very much celebrated by all almost, both Greek and Latin Writers. And by this means, it may be reason­ably concluded, how the British and Gaulish Druids became acquainted with the Grecian Philosophy, which being as to all the different Sects and Opinions of it, taught at Marseils, the Druids more particularly ad­hered to the Pythagorean, to which the Druid Philo­sophy hears a very near resemblance, both as to the Do­ctrine of the [...], or the Transmigration of the Soul, and the rest of their Mystical Cabala, which they so superstitiously kept secret and close from the People.

But in opposition to this, it may be with greater cer­tainty urged, that neither the Gaulish nor British Druids had any Correspondence with the Grecians, and consequently could not borrow their Philosophical Mysteries from them. For if Cæsar may be believed, The Art and Learning of the Druids was first found out in Britain,Lib. VI. and from thence is thought to be brought into Gaul; and at this time, as he goes on, such as will attain to the perfect knowledge of that Discipline, do for the most part tra [...]el thi­ther to learn it. Now if this be true, that th [...] [...] Druids were the Inventors of this kind of Learn [...]g, and that the Gauls came over hither to be instructed in the Way and Method of it; I can see no reason, why they should have any communication with the Grecian Academy at Marseils, much less that they borrowed it from the Disciples of Pythagoras, especially since they accounted their Mysteries so Sacred, that they would communicate them to none, besides those of their own Order. Nay, it may be better questioned, whe­ther [Page] Diuidism be not much [...]ntienter than Pythagoras, and antecedent to that Aera, when the Grecians began to Philosophize. And for the same reason, that the Druids of Britain did not derive their Philosophy from Marseils, it will follow, that they could not borrow their Language; for if we suppose, which is the most we can, that the Gauls had some communication with those Grecians, and upon that account that their Lan­guage was in some measure mingled with the Greek; yet in their travel to Britain, they came not to commu­nicate, but to borrow; and 'tis not likely that the Bri­tains should be affected with the Language of those who came to learn of them. Besides, of all the number of Gaulish Words collected by Cambden, which agree with the British, few or none seem to be of Greek De­rivation; so it is highly improbable, as for as we can see into this Matter, that the Gauls should ever com­municate the Greek Tongue to the Britains. And therefore, since this difficulty cannot be removed by any other way, it is not unreasonable to suspect, that there is some real Foundation lodged in the Ruins of the Story of Brutus, and that the Truth is disfigured by the boundless accession of Poetical Invention.

I should tire the Reader, and exceed the just bounds of what I at first proposed, if I should take a particular view of the British History published by Geoffrey, and therefore I shall now only take notice of the Life of King Cadwalader, where the History of Wales begins, and where a palpable Mistake, I may call it Forgery, has been committed by one side or another. For the very same things, which the British History relate of Cadwalader, the Saxon Writers attribute to Ceadwalla King of the West Saxons, how he was driven by a Famine out of his Do­minions, came afterwards to Rome, and was received by Pope Sergius, with other particulars too tedious here to relate. But that which seems to charge the Fault upon Geoffrey, or whoever else was the Author of the British History, is, that Bede an Author of established Credit, [Page] and one who lived near those times, says that it was the West Saxon King Ceadwalla that went to Rome in Pope Sergius's time. But then on the other side, it is hardly conceivable, supposing the British History a perfect Contrivance, that Geoffrey or any other should be so grosly over seen, as to borrow the Transaction of a real King, and one so well known, to make up the Life of a fictitious one cotemporary with him. Bede's Reputation was too firm, to be shaken by an upstart History, and there­fore it cannot well be supposed that the Author of the British History was so unwary, in case he designed a Cheat, as to let himself open to so easy a detection of Forgery. All then that can be said, is, that the agree­ableness of the Names and time that these two Princes lived in, and possibly their both going to Rome, which was not unusual in those days, might without any design of putting upon the World, make a confusion in their Histo­ries. But whether the Life of Cadwalader be a Fable, the Reader is at his own liberty to judge; it being pre­fixed to the History of Wales, not as it is more Authen­tick, or any way of greater certainty than the rest of Geof­frey's History, but only because the Author Caradoc of Lhangarfan, began his continuace of the British History with it.

This Caradoo of Lhangaifan, an Author of un­doubted Integrity, was cotemporary with Geoffrey, who taking his rise from the place where the British History concluded, made a continuation of it thro' the Reigns of several of the Princes of Wales, till the Year 1157. a­bout which time he flourished. After him, all things of moment that happened in Wales, were kept and recorded in the Abbies of Conwey in North-Wales, and Ystrat­flur in South-Wales, where the Princes and Noblemen of Wales were buried, as appears by the Testimony of Gutryn Owen, who lived in the time of Edward IV. and writ the most exact and perfect Copy of the same. All the most notable Occurrences being thus Registred in these Abbies, were most generally compared together every third [Page] Year, when the Beirdh or Bards belonging to these two Houses went their ordinary Visitations, which was called Clera. And this continued until the Year 1270. a little before the Death of the last Prince Lhewelyn, who was slain at Buelht. Humphrey Lloyd Gent. who flourished in the Reign of Henry VIII. and one greatly skill'd in the British Antiqui­ties, continued this History to the Death of Prince Lhewelyn; and afterwards having translated the whole into English Lan­guage, had designed to commit it to the Press. But his Death prevented what he purposed, and stopped the publica­tion of this History for a long time after, until David Powel D. D. in the time of Queen Elizabeth, having met with Humphrey Lloyd's Transtation, collected what he could out of English Historians, which he added by way of Annotati­ons, and so published it in the Year 1584. This being the sole History of the Princes of Wales, and the only Edition of this History, I was moved to prepare it for another Im­pression by a new modelling the Language, making the Body of the History intire, without troubling the Reader to see the same thing by way of Annotation, Dr. Powel's Notes being for the greatest part but a repetition of the same matter of Fact out of the English Historians, with what other Improve­ments could be made. The Additions which I made to the former History, I chiefly, took out of the Notes of that late great Antiquarian Mr. Robert Vaughan of Hengwrt; by whose help also I have corrected, supplyed and continued the Chronology. Sir John Price's Description of Wales will pretty well answer the Geographical part of this History, til we shall be able to recover and fix several of those places whose Names are only left to us at present, which we have great hopes, will be successfully perfected, by the unwearied Labours of my ingenious Friend Mr. Edward Lhwyd, in his intended Etymological Dictionary. I have added by way of Appendix, the several Records belonging to this History, and chose rather to insert the Articles of Peace betwixt Prince Lhewelyn, and John Peckam Archbishop of Can­terbury, in the Original, with reference thereunto, than to insert all the Grievances which the Welch then made in the English Languge, which do not so bandsomly bear a Translation.

A DESCRIPTION OF CAMBRIA, Now Called WALES: Drawn first by Sir John Price Knight, and afterward augmented and made perfect by Humphrey Lloyd Gen­tleman.

THE Three Sons of Brutus having divided the whole Isle of Britain into Three Parts; that part contained within the French Seas, with the Rivers of Severn (called in British Hafren) Dea and Humber, fell to the eldest Son Lo­rinus, which was after his Name called Lhoyger, which Name it hath in the British Tongue to this Day, and in English now it is called England, and [...] augmented Northward to the River Tweed. The [...]econd Son Albanactus had all the Land Northward [Page ii] from Humber to the Sea Orkney, called in the British Tongue Mor Werydh, and in the Latin Mare Calodo­nioum. The third Son Camber had to his part, all that which remained undivided, lying within the Spanish and Irish Seas,Cambria. and separated from England, with the Rivers Severn and Dee; and this part was after his Name called Cambria, and the Inhabitants thereof Cambry, and their Language Cambera [...]c, and so are at this Day. So that they have kept the same Country and Language this 2700 and odd years, without commixtion with any other Nation, especi­ally in North-Wales, as it shall hereafter appear.

And because the Name of this Country is changed, or rather mistaken by the Inhabitants of England, and not by them called Cambry, but Wales: I think it ne­cessary to declare the occasion thereof, which is, that where the Saxons a People of Germany were the first that after the Britains inhabited and ruled the greatest part of this Isle, and drove the Britains to that Cor­ner, which according to the manner of their Country they called Wales, and the People Welch-men, and the Tongue Welch, that is to say, Strange, or not of them understood. For at this Day the Inhabitants of the Low Countries call their next Neighbours Lan­guage of Henegaw, or other that speak French, Walsh, as a Language to them unknown. Likewise the dwellers of Tyroll and other the higher Countries of Germany do Name the Italian their next Neighbour a Welch-man, and his Language Walsh. And this is an evident Proof, that they which harped upon a Queen Gwalaes, and of a Prince Wala (of whom nei­ther British, Latin, nor English History maketh men­tion) were foully deceived; and so likewise was a great Historiographer of late Days, which saith, that it was called Wallia, quasi Italia, because the rest of the Romans which remained in the Isle were driven thither. Neither is this any new invention, although Polydore Virgil with an Italian brag doth glorify him­self to be the first that espied it out, for divers an­tient Writers do alledge the same cause of the Name of Wales, of whom Sylvester Gyraldus is one, who [Page iii] wrote in the time of Henry the Second, after the Conquest, before 380 years passed; which is an [...]vident Token, that the said Polydore did either ne­ [...]er see nor read the antient Histories of this Realm, [...]r dissembleth the same to the Advancement and Praise of himself and his Country; which to the [...]earned and indifferent Reader shall appear to be the [...]nly occasion he took that work in hand, for all his [...]ook redoundeth only to the Praise and Honour of [...]he Romans as well Spiritual as Temporal, and to [...]lase forth their Acts and Deeds within this Realm: [...]nd upon the other part doth either openly slander, [...]r else privily extenuate, or shamefully deny the mar­ [...]ial prowess and noble Acts, as well of Saxons, Danes, [...]nd Normans, as of the Britains, all Inhabiters of this [...]sle. Which thing he that lift to prove, let him read [...]nd confer Cæsar's Commentaries, Cornelius Tacitus, Herodianus, and other antient Writers, as well in Latin as in Greek, with his Work. As for the anti­ [...]ent Writers of the British History, as the British Chronicle, the History of Gildas, Ponticus Vorunnius, [...]ea the Golden Work of Matthew Paris Monk of St. Alban, which wrote from William Bastard, to the [...]ast years of Henry the Third; I dare well say he [...]ever saw them, they be in divers places to be had, [...]o that the truth may be easily proved. To make [...]n end I say, that he being first a Stranger born, and [...]lso ignorant as well in the Histories of this Realm, as [...]f those Tongues and Languages wherein the same were written, could never set forth the true and per­fect Chronicle of the same. But he having a good Grace, and a pleasant Stile in the Latin Tongue, and finding himself in a Country where every Man either [...]acked Knowledge or Spirit to set forth the History of their own Country, took this Enterprise in hand, to [...]heir great shame, and no less dispraise, because he a blind Leader shall draw a great Number of undiscreet and rash Followers, as well Geographers and Cosmo­graphers, as Chroniclers and Historiographers, to the Hark Pit of Ignorance, where I leave them at this time, remitting the Reader to the Apology of Sir John [Page iv] Price Knight and his British History, written by him of purpose, against the envious Reports, and slande­rous Taints of the said Polydore, where he shall see a great number of his Errors confuted at large. And to return to my former matter of the Name of Wales, Wales. which Name to be given of late by a strange Nation may be otherwise proved: for the Welch-men them­selves do not understand what these words Wales and Welch do signify, nor know any other Name of thee Country or themselves but Cambry, nor of their Lan­guage but Cambraec, which is as much to say as Camber's Language or Speech, So likewise they know not what England or English meaneth, but commonly they, call the Country Lhoyger, the English Men Saison, A Lo [...]rino. A Saxon. and the English Tongue Saisonace. Which is an evident token that this is the same Language which the Britains spake at the beginning; for the Works of Merdhyn and of Taliessin, who wrote above 1000 years past, are almost the same words which they use at this day, or at the least easy to be understood o [...] every one which knoweth perfectly the Welch Tongue especially in North Wales.

Beside this, where at this day, there do remain three remnants of the Britains, divided every one from other with the Seas, which are in Wales, Corn­wall (called in British Cerniw) and little Britain yet almost all the particular words of these three People are all one, although in pronunciation and Writing of the Sentences they differ somewhat, which is no marvel, seeing that the pronunciation in one Realm is often so diverse, that the one can scarce understand the other. But it is rather a wonder, tha [...] the Welch-men being separated from the Cornish, wel nigh these 900 years, and the Britains from either of them 290 years before that, and having smal Traffick or Concourse together since that time, have still kept their own British Tongue. They are not therefore to be credited, which deny the Welch to be the old British Tongue. And here I cannot pass over what one of these fine Chroniclers wrote of late, of the Name of Britain, affirming that it should be so [Page v] called of Britanie in France, as the Elder of that Name. But surely he had either never seen Ptolomy nor Cæsar, nor any other antient Writer, or read them with small Judgment and Memory. For there he might have learned, that when this Land was called Britain, the other was called Armorica, Rob. Cae­nal. lib. 2. Per. 2. and how in Maximus's time, Conan Meriadoc was the first that gave it that Name, and inhabited it with Britains out of this Isle. Other derivations of these words Britannia and Albion, out of Greek and Latin, I am ashamed to rehearse; for unto such Errors do they commonly fall, that either puffed up with vain-glory of their own Wits, or pinched with despite and envy at other Men's Works, or blinded with Igorance, do go about to write and set forth any History or Chro­nicle. But passing over this matter until another time, I will return to the Description of Wales, The mears & bounds of Wales. which (as I said) was of old time compassed almost about with the Irish Seas, and the Rivers Dee and Severn, although afterwards the Saxons wan by force from the Britains all the plain and champion Country o­ver the Rivers, and specially Offa King of Mercia, who made a Ditch of great breadth and depth, to be [...] Mear betwixt his Kingdom and Wales, which Ditch began at the River Dee, by Bassingwerk, be­tween Chester and Ruthlan, and ran along the Hills sides to the South Sea, a little below Bristol, reaching above a hundred Miles in length, and is in many places to be seen at this day, bearing the Name of Clawdh Offa, that is to say, Offa's Ditch, and the Country between it and England is commonly called in Welch, Y Mars, although the great part of it be now inhabited by Welch-men, namely in North-Wales, which yet keepeth the antient limits to the River Dee, and in some places over it. Other (as Sylvester Giraldus) make the River Wy, called in Welch Gwy, to be the Mear between England and Wales, on the South part, called South-Wales, who measureth the breadth of Wales, from Salow or Willoweford, called Rhyd yr helig upon Wy, to St. Davids in Menevia 100 Miles, and the length from Caerlheon [Page vi] upon Ysc in Gwentland, to Holybead, called Caergybi in Anglesey, in Welch, called Môn, above 100. Miles and these be the common Mears at this day, altho' the Welch Tongue is commonly used and spoken in England, beyond these old Mears a great way, as in Hereford-shire, Glocester-shire, and a part of Shrop­shire. And thus for the general Description of Wales, which afterward about the Year of Christ 870. Ro­dericus Magnus, King of Wales, divided into three Territories which they called Kingdoms, which re­mained until of late days.

These three were Gwynedh, in English North-Wales, Deheubarth, in English South-Wales, and Powys-Land; in every of the which he ordained a Princely Seat or Court for the Prince to remain at, most commonly, as in Gwynedh (which some old Writers call Venedo [...] for Gwynethia) Aberffraw in the Islle of Môn or An­glesey. Aberf­fraw. In Deheubarth, called in Latin Demetia, Ca [...] mardyn, from whence it was afterward removed to Dynefowr, Dyne­fowr. Mathra­fal. eight Miles thence. In Powys, Pengwern call'd Y Mwythic, and in English Shrewsbury from whence it was removed to Mathrafal in Powys-Land And because this History doth as well intreat of Wars betwixt these three Provinces, as betwixt them and the Saxons, Normans and Flemings, I think it good to set forth the particular Description of every part by it self. And first of North-Wales as the chiefest part, which he gave his Eldest Son, ordaining that either of the other two should pay him yearly 200 l. of Tribute,North-Wales. as it appeareth in the Laws of Howel Dha, which are to be had in Welch, and also in Latin. Therefore Gwynedh (called North-Wales) had upon the North-side the Sea, from the River Dee at Basing-werke to Aberdyfi, and upon the West and South-West the River Dyfi, which divideth it from South-Wales, and in some places from Powys-Land. And on the South and East, it is divided from Powys, sometimes with Mountains, and sometimes with Rivers, till is come to the River Dee, again. This Land was of old time divided to four parts, of which the chiefest was Môn, Môn. in English called Anglesey, where the Prince's [Page vii] chief House was at Aberffraw, which is an Island se­parated from the main Land, with an Arm of the Sea called Maenai, and had in it self three Cantreds or Hundreds, which were subdivided to six Comots, as Cantref Aberffraw to Comot Lhion, and Comot Malhera [...]th, Cantref Cemais, to the Comots Talibo­ [...]ion and Twr Celyn; Cantref Rossyr to the Comots Tyndaethwy and Maenai. And at this day there is a [...]ine Town in that Isle called Bewmoris, and a com­mon Passage to Ireland at Caergybi, called in English, Holyhead. But here I cannot wink at that notable Error of Polydor, which (after his accustomed fa­shion) denieth this Isle to be called Môna, but An­glesia, or Anglorum Insula, because it is called in English Anglesey, and giveth this Name Môna to Man, and so hath lost the Names of both Isles: which igno­rance and forgetfulness might be forgiven him, if he had not drawn a great number to this Error with him, which in their Charters do daily wrong Name these Isles, which may be easily proved. First, be­cause the Inhabitants of the Isle do know none other Name but Môn; and it is called through all Wales, Tir Môn, that is to say, the Land of Môn, unto this day. So that neither by memory of Man, neither by any Monument in Writing in the British Tongue can it appear, that ever it had any other Name but Môn, yet there be manifest Monuments for these [...]000 years. It is also grown to a Proverb through Wales, for the fertility of the ground, Môn mam Gymry, [...]hat is to say, Môn Mother of Wales.

The antient History of Cornelius Tacitus (which be like Age had beaten out of Polydor's Head) saith, that the Souldiers of Paulinus Suetonius, and afterward of Julius Agricola, after they had passed thro' North-Wales, then came over against Môna, where they did swim over an Arm of the Sea of 200 paces, and so by force won the Isle. Now whether it is more reasonable thus to swim over 200 paces, or 20 miles? I know there is no Man that believeth Polydor in this point; I see all Men therefore judge the rest. As for that which he saith of the great Woods, it is nothing; [Page viii] for both the Romans, and after when the Christian Faith took place in this Realm, the Christians did fall and root them out, for the Idolatry and absur [...] Religion which was used there; that the King [...] Man sent for Timber to Môn; read the Life of Hug [...] Earl of Chester, which also is evident by the grea [...] Beeches and other Trees found in the Earth at these days. His other reason is, because it is called Angle­sey in the English Tongue: so is Lhoyger England and Cambry Wales; Are those therefore the old Names? No surely. And what if the Inhabitan [...] called it so? (as they did not) had it not a Nam [...] before the Angles won it? Yes, I warrant you, b [...] he had forgotten that. Now to the Name of Man, [...] was ever, or at the least these 1000 years named i [...] British Manaw, of which cometh the English Name Man. The Inhabitants thereof call it so, and [...] Nation about it did ever call it Môn, no nor any Writer but Polydor, which was too young a God father to name so old a Child. For Gildas who wrote above 900 years passed, whose Writings Polydor never saw, but untruly Fathers upon him his own de­vise; Giraldus in his Description of Ireland to Henr [...] the Second, and Henry Huntington, do plainly ca [...] Man in Latin Eub [...]nia, adding thereto either Man [...] or Man, for the better understanding of the Name. Will you believe them or Polydor? Other Argument [...] there are which I will pass over, till I have more lea­sure and occasion to write of this Matter.

Arfon.The second part of North-Wales was called Arfo [...] which is as much as to say, over against Môn; an [...] had in it four Cantreds, and ten Comots.

Cantref Aber had in it three Comots, Y Lhechwedh-uchaf, Y Lhechwedh-isaf, and Nant-Conway.

Cantref Arfon had two Comots, Ywch Gwyrfai, and Isgwyrfai.

Cantref Dunodic had two Comots, Ardudwy and Efionyth.

Cantref Lhyn containeth three Comots, Cy [...]nytmay [...], Tinlhayn, and Canologion. This is now called Caer­narvon-shire, as Môn is called Anglesey-shire, and have [Page ix] the same division at this day. In this Shire are [...]nowden-Hills, called Eryri, neither in height, ferti­ [...]ity of the Ground, Wood, Cattel, Fish and Fowl, [...]iving place to the Famous Alps, and without Con­ [...]roversy the strongest Country within Britain.

Here is the Town of Caernar [...]on, called in the old [...]ime Caersegonce; and there is also Conwey called Caer­ [...]yffyn. And the See of Bang [...]r, with divers other [...]ntient Castles and Places of Memory, and was the [...]ast part of Wales that came under the Dominion of [...]he Kings of England. It hath on the North the Sea [...]d Maenai, upon the East and South East, the River [...]onwey, which divideth it from Denbigh shire, altho' [...]t now pass the River in one place by the Sea-shore. And on the South-West and West, it is separated from Merionyth by high Mountains and Rivers, and other Mears.

The third part of Gwynedh was Merionyth con­ [...]aining three Cantreds,Merio­nyth. and every Cantred three Co­ [...]ots.

As Cantref Meyreon hath three Comots, Talyhont, Pennal, and Ystumaner.

Cantref, A [...]ustly had these, Ʋwcho [...]ed, Iscoed, and [...]warthrenion.

Cantref Pa [...]lhyn had these, Ʋwchmeloch, Ismeloch, [...]nd Micu [...]ins, and this keepeth the said Name till this [...]ay, but not within the same Mears, and is full of Hills [...]nd Rocks, and hath upon the North the Sea, notable [...]t this day for the great resort and number of People [...]hat repair thither to take Herrings. It hath upon [...]he East, Arfon and Denbigh-Land, upon the South, Powys, and upon the West, Dyfi and Cardigan-shire.

In this Country standeth the Town of Harlech, Tegyd. and [...] great Lake called Lhyn-Tegyd through which the River Dee runneth, and mingleth not with the Water of the Lake, which is three Miles long, and also the [...]almons, which are commonly taken in the River [...]ard by the Lake, are never seen to enter the Lake. Likewise a kind of Fish called Gwyniaid, which are like [...]o Whitings, and are full in the Lake, are never taken [...]n the River. Not far from this Lake is a place called [Page x] Caergay, which was the House of Gay, Arthur's Foster-Brother. This Shire as well as Arfon, is full of Cat­tel, Fowl and Fish, with great number of Red Deer and Roes; but there is great scarcity of Corn.

y Berfedh­wlad.The fourth part of Gwynedh, was called y Berfedh­wlad, which may be Englished, the in-land or middle Country, which contained five Cantrede and thirteen Comots, as Cantref Rhyfonioc had in it these Comots, Ʋwchalet and Isales.

Cantref Ystrad had Hiraetho [...] and Cynineiroh.

Cantref Rhos these, Ʋwchdulas, Isdulas and Crouthyn, all which are in the Lordship of Denbigh, saving the Creuthyn which is in Caernarvon shire, wherein the Castle of Dyganwy did stand, which was the Earls of Chester, and is commonly called in the Latin and En­glish Chronicle, Gannoe.

Dyffryn Clwyd.The fourth Cantref was Dyffryn Clwyd, which may be Englished the Valley of Clwyd, and now is called the Lordship of Rhuthyn, and hath these Comots, Coleigion, Lhannerch and Dogueilyn.

The fifth Cantref is Tegengl, and now is a part of Flint-shire, having these Comots, C [...]n [...]syshe, Prestatyn, and Ruthlan. And in this part is one of the fairest Val­lies within this Isle, containing 18 miles in length, and 4, 5, 6, or 7 in breadth, as the Hills either draw in­ward together, or backward asunder, which high Hills do inclose it on the East, West, and South parts, and Northward the Sea. It is plentiful of Cattel, Fish and Fowl, Corn, Hey, Grass, and Wood, and di­vided along in the midst with the River Clwyd, to whom runneth Clywedoe, Ystrat, Whilar, Elwy, and a great number of other Rivers from the Hills. In this Valley two miles from the Sea, is the Town and Castle of Ruthlan, Ann. 12. Edw. 1. where sometimes a Parliament hath been kept. And two miles above it is the Se [...] of Sr. Asaph, between the Rivers Clwyd and Elwy, cal­led in the old time the Bishop's See of Dhan-Elwy. Four miles thence, and two miles from the River, is situate upon a Rock the Town and Castle of Denbigh, where is one of the greatest Markets in the Marches of Wales, and one of the fairest and strongest Castles [Page xi] within this Realm, which being the House of David Brother to Lhewelyn, the last Prince of the Welch-Blood, was enlarged and strengthned by Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln, to whom King Edward gave the same Lordship; it is also the Shire-Town of that Shire. Five miles above this, is the Town of Ruthyn with a fair Castle, which sometimes belonged to the Lords Gray Earls of Kent. This part of North-Wales, hath upon the North the River Dee, and the Sea. Upon the West, Arfon, and the River Conwey. South and East, Merionyth, and the Country then called Powys. And these be the Mears and Bounds of Gwynedh or Venedotia, for the Name of North Wales containeth besides this all Powys at these days. So there was und r the Territory of Aberffraw fifteen Cantreds, and in them thirty eight Comots.

The second Kingdom was Mathrafal, Mathra­fal or Powys. which in right order was the third, as that which came to the third Brother, yet for the better understanding of the History following, I have placed it here. To this Kingdom belonged the Country of Powys, and the Land betwixt Wy and Severn. Which part had upon the South and West, South-Wales, with the Rivers Wy and Tywy, and other Mears. Upon the North, Gwynedh, and upon the East the Marches of England, from Chester to Wy, a little above Hereford; and therefore it was most troubled with Wars, as well of the Saxons, as afterwards of the Normans, Lords Marchers, who daily wan some part thereof, and by [...]hat means it was the first part that served the Kings of England, and therefore less esteemed of all the [...]est. This part called Powys, was divided again into Powys Fadoc, and Powys Wenwynwyn. Powys Fadoc [...]ontained in it self five Cantreds and fifteen Co­ [...]ots.

Cantref Y Barwn, which had three Comots, Dyn­ [...]ael, Edeyrneon, and Glyndourdwy, which are now in Merionyth shire (saving Dinmael which is in Denbigh- [...]ire.)

Cantref Y Rhiw, whose Comots were these, Yal [...]ow in Denbigh-shire; Ystratalyn and Hop now in Flint- [...]ire.

Cantref Ʋwchnant hath these Comots, Merfforth in Flint-shire, Maelor Gymraeg, in English Bromfield, now in Denbigh-shire, and Maelor Saesneg in Flint-shire.

Cantref Trefred containeth these Comots, Croes­fain, Tref y Wayn, in English Chirke, and in Denbigh-shire. Croesoswallt, in English Oswestrey, and in Shrop-shire.

Cantref Rhaiyder with his Comots Mochnant Israiyder, Cynlhaeth and Nanheudwy all in Chirke-Land, and in Denbigh-shire. Also the Lordship of Whytington now in Shrop-shire, was in this part of Powys, which part at this day hath lost the Name of Powys, and is situated in divers Shires, as it appeareth by the Discourse be­fore passed. In this part is the Castle of Holt in Bromfield, and the Castle of Chirke in Chirke-Land. Likewise the Lordship and Castle of Whytington, which came by marriage to Foulk Fitzwarren. There is beside these, the Lordship of Oswestry, of the which the Fitzalans have been Lords these 300 and odd years, and of divers other Lordships in those Mar­ches, as Shrarden, the eleven Towns, Clun and many others, which are all now in Shrop-shire.

The second part called Powys Wenwynwyn, had like­wise five Cantreds, and twelve Comots.

Cantref Y Fyrnwy had these Comots, Mochnant [...]wch Rayader, Mechain Iscoed and Lbannerch Hudol.

Cantref Ystlyc had these, Deuthwr, Gorthwr Isaf, and Ystrat Marchelh.

Cantref Lhyswynaf had these, Caerneon, and Mechain Ʋwchcoed.

Cantref Cydewen had Comot Conan and Comot Hauren.

Cantref Conan had Cyfeilioc and Mouthwy, which is now in Merionyth-shire. Of all these, the three first Cantreds do only at this day bear the Name of Powys, which are upon the North-side of Severn, and are all five (saving the Comot of Mowthwy) in Mongomery-shire.

This is a Country full of Woods, Hills, and Rivers, and hath in it these Towns, the Poole, New-Town, and [Page xiii] Machynlhaeth. Arustly was in old time in this part, but afterwards it came to the Princes of Gwynedh. These Lordships came by just descent from the Princes thereof, to a Woman named Hawys, the Daughter of Owen ap Gruffydh. Arustly and Cyfeilioc came to the Baron of Dudley, and afterwards it was sold to the King.

The third part belonging to Mathrafal, was the Land between Wy and Severn, containing four Can­treds, and thirteen Comots.

Cantref Melienyth hath these Comots, Ceri, Swydh­ygre, Rhiwalalht, and Glyn Ieithon.

Cantref Elfel hath these, Ʋwchmynydh, Ismynydh, and Lhechdhyfnog.

Cantref y Clawdh these, Dyffryn Teyfediat, Swydhyno­gen, and Pennwelht.

Cantref Buelht hath these, Swydh y Fam, Dreulys, and Isyrwon. Of this part there is at this day some in Montgomery-shire, some in Radnor-shire, and some in Brecknock-shire. In this part, and in the Lordships marching to it, which altho' at the time of this divi­sion, which was in the time of the last Prince, were not in his subjection, yet to this day speak Welch, and are called Wales, and in these Comots are these Towns and Castles. Montgomery called in Welch Trefaldwyn, a pretty Town and a fair Castle. The Castle of Clun, called Colunwy, which is the Earls of Arundel. The Town of Knighton, in Welch Tref­yclawd. The Castle of Cymaron. Presteyn in Welch Lhanandras. The Town and Castle of Radnor in Welch Maesyfed, at this day the Shire Town. The Town of Kington and the Castle of Huntingdon, called in Welch Y Castelh Mayn, which were the Bohuns Earls of Hereford, and after the Dukes of Buckingham. Castle Payne, Haye, Lhanfair in Buelht. These Lordships with Brecknock and Abergefenny, were belonging to the Bruces Lords of Brecknock, and after came divers times, and by sundry means to the Bohuns, Nevils, and Mortimers. And so (as I have rehearsed) in this Territory or Kingdom were found fourteen Cantreds, and forty Comots. Two of these [Page xiv] parts, which are Powys and Gwynedh, are at this day called North-Wales, and divided into six Shi [...]es. Mòn called Anglesey, Caernarvon, Merionyth, Denbigh, Flint, and Montgomery-shire, and are all on the North-side Severn, saving a piece of Montgomery-shire.

And here I think it good to let the Reader under­stand what the British Chronicle saith of North-Wales, which affirmeth that three times it came by Inheritance to Women. First to Stradwen, Daughter to Cadfan ap Conan ap Endaf, and Wife to Coel Godeb [...]e, Mother to Genaw, Dyfyr and Gwawl. The second time to the same Gwawl Wife to Edeyrn ap Padarn, and Mother to Cunetha Wledic; wh [...]ch Cunetha in­habiting in the North parts of England, about the year 540. after the Incarnation of Christ, and hearing how the mingled Nations of Irish-Scots, and Picts, had over-run the Sea-shore of Cardigan, which was part of his Inheritance, sent his Sons thither to enjoy their Inheritance, of whom Tibiaon his eldest Son died in Man, which Land the said Irish-Scots had won. For Gildas saith, that the Children of Glam Hector, which peopled a great part of Ireland, Yscroeth with his People inhabited Dalrieuda, which is a part of Scot­land: Builke with his People came to Man. But I think it good to put in Gildas words, which saith; Builke cum filiis suis inhabitavit Euboniam insulam v [...]lgò Manaw, quae est in meditullio maris inter Hy­berniam & Britanniam; that is to say, Bui [...]ke with his Children inhabited the Isle Eubonia, commonly Manaw (for so it was and is named in British) which lieth in the middle of the Sea, between Ireland and Britain. This was not called Môna, as Polydor fain­eth. The Children of Bethoun inhabited Demetia, which is South-Wales, with Gwyr and Cydweli, till they were chased thence by the Children of Cunetha. Thus far Gildas. Therefore the Sons of Cunetha, being arrived in North Wales (as well I think being driven by the Saxons, as for their Inheritance) divi­ded the Country betwixt them. And first Meireaon the Son of Tibiaon, the Son of Cunetha, had Cantref Meireaon to his part. Arustel ap Cunetha had [Page xv] Cantref Arostly. Caredic ap Cunetha, had Caer­digion, now called Cardigan-shire. Maelor the Son of Gwran. Son to Cu­nedha had Maeloron, that is the two Mae­lo [...], Mae­lor Gym­braeg, cal­led Br. and Maelor S [...]esneg. Dunod had Can­tref Dimodic. Edeyrn had Edeyrnion. Mael had Dynmael. Coel had Col [...]yon. Doguael had Dogueilyn. Rhyfaon had Rhyfonioc now Denbigh-land. Eineon Yrch had Caereneon in Powys. Ʋssa had Maesuswalht now Oswestry. For surely that they say commonly of Oswald King of Northumberland, to be slain there, and of the Well that sprung where his Arm was carried, is nothing so. For Beda and all other Wri­ters testify that Peanda slew Oswald at Maserfelt, in the Kingdom of Northumberland, and his Body was buried in the Abby of Bradney, in the Province of Lhyndesey. But to my former matter. These Names given by the Sons of Cunetha, remain to this day. After this the Irish-Picts or Scots, which the Britains called Y Gwydhyl Phictiaid, which is to say, the Irish-Picts, did over-run the Isle of Môn, and were driven thence by Caswalhon Lhawhir, that is Caswalhon with the long hand, the Son of Eineon Y [...]ch ap Cunedha, who slew Serigi their King with his own hands, at Lhan y Gwydhyl, which is the Irish Church at Holyhead. This Caswalhon was Father to Maelgon Gwynedh, whom the Latins call Maglocunus, Prince and King of Britain.

In his time was the Famous Clerk and great Wise­man Taliessyn Ben Bei [...]d [...], that is to say, the chiefest of the Beirdh or Wisemen; for this word Bardh in Cæsar's time, signified (as Lucan beareth Witness) such as had knowledge of things to come, and so it signifieth at this day. This Maelgon had a Son called Run in whose time the Saxons invited Gurmond into Britain from Ireland, who had come thither from Affric, who with the Saxons was the utter destruction of the Britains, and flew all that professed Christ, and was the first that drove them over Severn. This Run was Father to Beli, who was Father to Iago (for so the Britains call James) who was Father to Cadfa [...], and not Brochwel called Brecyfal (as the English Chro­nicle saith) for this Brochwel called Ysgi [...]hroc, that is, long toothed, was chosen Leader of such as met with Adelred alias Ethelbertus Rex Cantia [...], and other Angles [Page xvi] and Saxons, whom Augustine had moved to make War against the Christian Britains, and these put Brochwel twice to flight, not far from Chester, and cruelly slew a 1000 Priests and Monks of Bangor, with a great number of lay-Brethren of the same House, which lived by the Labour of their Hands, and were come bare-footed and woolward to crave Mercy and Peace at the Saxons Hands. And here you shall understand that this was not Augustine Bi­shop of Hippona the great Clerk, but Augustine the Monk, called the Apostle of England.

Then this Brochwel retired over Dee, hard by Bangor, and defended the Saxons the Passage, till Cadfan King of North Wales, Meredyth King of South-Wales, and Bled [...]us or Bletius Prince of Cornwal, came to suc­cour him, and gave the Saxons a sore Battel, and slew of them the number of a 1066, and put the rest to flight. After the which Battel, Cadfan was chosen King of Britain, and was chief Ruler within the Isle; after whom his Son Cadwalhon, who was Fa­ther to Cadwalader, the last of the British Blood, that bare the Name of King of Britain, was King.

The third time that North-Wales came to a Wo­man, was to Esylht the Daughter of Conan Tindaythwy, the Son of Edwal Ywrch, the Son of Cadwal [...]d [...]r. She was Wife to Merfyn Frych, and Mother to Rhod [...]ric the Great, as shall be hereafter declared By this you may understand, that North-W [...]les hath been a great while the chiefest Seat of the last Kings of Britain, because it was, and is the strongest Coun­try within this Isle, full of high Mountains, Craggy Rocks, great Woods, and deep Vallies, strait and dangerous Places, deep and swift Rivers, as Dyfi, which springeth in the Hills of Mer [...]onyth, and run­neth North-West through Mowthwy, and by Machyn­laeth, and so to the Sea at Aberdyfi, dividing N [...]r [...]h and South-Wales asunder. Dee, called in Welch Dourdwy, springing also on the other side of the same Hills, runneth East through Penlhyn, and the Lake Tegyd, [...] and Lhangolhen, between Chirke-Land [Page xvii] and Bromfield, where it boweth Northward toward [...]angor, to the Holt, and to Chester, and thence North-West to Flint-Castle, and so to the Sea.

There is also Conwey, rising likewise in Merionyth- [...]ire, and dividing Caernarvon from Denbigh-shire, [...]nneth under Snowden North-East, by the Town of [...]berconwey to the Sea.

Also Clwyd, which rising in Denbigh Land, run­ [...]eth down to Ruthyn, and plain North, not far from [...]enbigh to St. Asaph, and so by Ruthlan and to the Sea. There be many other fair Rivers, of which some run [...]o the Sea, as Mawr at Traethmawr, and Afon y Saint at [...]aernarvon, and other that run to Severn, as Murnwy [...] Powys, and to Murnwy, Tanat; some other to Dee, [...]s Ceirioc betwixt the Lordships of Chirke and Whit­ [...]ington; Alyn through Yal and Molds dale, and Hope [...]ale, and so to Dee, a little above Chester. And this [...]all suffice for the perfect Description of that which [...] old time was called Gwynedh and Powys, and at [...]hese days the six Shires of North-Wales.

Now remaineth the last Kingdom of Wales, Dyne­fawr. called Dynefawr, which although it was the greatest, yet was [...] not the best, as Giraldus witnesseth, chiefly be­ [...]ause it was much molested with Flemings and Nor­mans, and also that in divers parts thereof, the Lords would not obey their Prince, as in Gwent and in Morganwe, which was their own confusion, as shall [...]ereafter appear. This was divided into six Parts, of the which Caredigion was the first,Caredi­gion. and contained [...]our Cantreds and ten Comots, as Cantref Penwedic had [...]n it these Comots, Geneurglyn, Perfedh and Creuthyn.

Cantref Canawl had these, Mefenyth, Anhunoc, and Pennarth.

Cantref Castelh had these Comots, Mabwynion and Caerwedros.

Cantref Syrwen had these, Gwenionyth and Iscoed; and this part is at this day called in English Cardigan-shi e, and in Welch Swydh-Aberteifi. This is a Champion Country without much Wood, and hath been divers times overcome with Flemings and Normans, which builded many Castles in it, and at the last were beaten [Page xviii] out of them all. It hath on the East North-Wales with the River Dyfi and part of Powys, upon the South Caermardhyn shire, upon the West Pembroke shire, with the River Teifi, and upon the North the Irish Sea. In this part is the Town of Cardigan upon Teifi, no [...] far from the Sea. The Town of Aberystwyth upo [...] the River Ystwyth, by the Sea, and Lhanbadarn Fa [...] which was a great Sanctuary, and a place of Reli­gious and Learned Men in times past. And in th [...] Shire were a great number of Castles, as the Castl [...] of Ystratmeyric, of Walter, of Lhanrysted, of Dynert [...] of the Sons of Wyneaon, of Aber-Reidol, and a gre [...] number more, with the Town of Tregaron, and Lh [...] ­dhewibrefi.

Dyfet.The second part was called Dyfed, and at this da [...] Pembroke-shire, and had in it eight Cantreds, an [...] twenty three Comots, which were these. Cantre [...] Emlyn had these Comots, Ʋwchcuch, Iscuch an [...] Lefethyr.

Cantref Arberth had these, Penrhyn ar Elays, Ester [...] lef and Talacharn.

Cantref Daugledheu had these, Amgoed, Penna [...] and Efelfre.

Cantref Y Coed had these, Lhanhayaden and Caste [...] Gwys.

Cantref Penfro hath these, Coed yr haf, Maenor by [...] and Penfro.

Cantref Rhos hath these, Hulfforth Castelh Gwalch mai and Ygarn.

Cantref Pubidioc hath these, Mynyw, Pencaer an [...] Pebidioc.

Cantref Cemais hath these, Ʋwchnefer, Isnefer an [...] Trefdraeth.

In this part are divers Towns and Havens at thi [...] day, as Pembroke, Tenby, in Welch Dynbegh-y-pysc [...] Hereford-West, in Welch Hulfforth, with the fair Ha­ven of Milford, called in Welch Aberdaugledhe [...] St. Davids or Menevia, called in Welch Mynyw, the chiefest See in all Wales. Then Fiscard called Aber­gwayn; and Newport, named Trefdraeth; these be a­long the Sea-coast, or not very far off. Besides these [Page xix] [...]ere be divers Castles, as Cilgerran, Arberth, Gwys, [...]anhayaden, Walwyn, and divers others. This part was [...]on first by the Montgomery's Earls of Shrewsbury, and [...]ter given to the Marshalls, and so to Valence, and from [...]ence were the Princes of Wales most troubled with [...]e Normans and Flemings, who do remain and in­ [...]bit about Tenby, Pembroke and Rhos to this day, [...]hich can neither Welch nor good English as yet. [...]fed (for so will I call it hereafter) hath on the [...]e West and North the Irish Sea, upon the South the [...]anish Sea, and upon the East Caermardhyn-shire, [...]d on the North-East Cardigan-shire. The third [...]rt was Caermardhyn-shire, having four Cantreds,Caermar­dhyn. [...]d fifteen Comots, as Cantref Fin [...]oc with the Co­ [...]ots of Harf [...]yn, Derfedh, and Isgeneny.

Cantref Eginoc with these Gwyr, now in Glamorgan­ [...]re, Cydweli, and Carnwilheon.

Cantref Bachan with these, Malhaen, Caeo, and [...]aenor Deilo.

Cantref Mawr with these, Cethineoc Comot mabElfyw, [...]omot mabƲchdryd and Wydigada. In this Shire are the [...]owns and Castles of Caermardhyn, Dynefowr, which was [...]e Prince's Seat of the Country, Newtown, Lhandeilo, [...]anymdhyfri, Emlyn, Swansey, now in Glamorgan­ [...]re, called in Welch Abertawy upon the Sea, the [...]stle of the Sons of Ʋchtryd, of Lhanstephan, and [...]ers. It hath upon the West Dyfed or Pembroke-shire, [...] the North Cardigan-shire, upon the South-West [...] Sea, and upon the South-East Glamorgan, and on the East Brecknock-shire. This is counted the [...]ongest part of all South-Wales, as that which is [...]l of high Mountains, great Woods, and fair Rivers, [...]ecially Tywy. In this, and in the other two parts [...] South-Wales, were the notablest Acts that this Hi­ [...]ry treateth of, atchieved and done.

The fourth called Morganwe, now Glamorgan-shire, Morga­nwc. [...]ntaining four Cantreds, with fifteen Comots. As [...]ntref Croneth, with these Comots Rwngneth ac Afan, [...] yr Hwndrwd, and Maenor Glynogwr.

Cantref Pennythen with these, Meyscyn, Glynrhodny, [...]aenor Talafan, and Maenor Ruthyn.

Cantref Brenhinol with these, Cibowr, Senghennyth, Ʋwchcaeth, and Iscaeth.

Cantref Gwentlhwg, which is now in Monmouth­shire, with these Comots, y Rhardh Ganol, and Eithaf­dylygion. In this part are these Towns and Castles, Lhandaf the Bishop's See, Caerdyffe, called Caerdhyf, Cowbridge, called in Welch Y bont faen, which is as much as to say, Stone-bridge, Lantwyd, Caerffyli, and others, and hath divers Rivers which run to the South-Sea, as Lay, Taf, Tawy, Neth, Afan, Ogwr, and Lhy­chwr; it hath on the South, the Sea of Severn, which divideth it from Devon-shire and Cornwall; upon the West and North-West, Caermardhyn-shire; upon the North East, Brecknock-shire; and upon the East. Mon­mouth-shire. Of this you shall read very little, for one Iestyn being Chief of the Country, and having War with his Neighbours, called one Robert Fitzham [...] with a great number of Strangers to his succours which after they had atchieved the Enterprise, liked so well the Country, that they found occasion to fal [...] out with Iestyn, and inhabited the Country themselves and their Heirs to this day.

The fifth part was called Gwent and now in Mon­mouth shire, which had three Cantreds, and ten Co­mots, as Cantref Gwent, which hath these Comots, Y mynyth, Iscoed Lhefnydh, and Tref y grug.

Cantref Iscoed these, Brynbuga, Ʋwchcoed, y Teirtref, and Erging ac ewyas, now in Hereford-shire.

Cantref Côch was the seventh Cantred of Morga­nwc, which is now in Glocester-shire, and is called the Forest of Dean.

In this part was the antient City of Caerlheon upo [...] Ʋsk, where was the Archbishop's See of Wales; here are also divers Towns and Castles, as Chepstow, Gly [...] Strigul, Rhos, Tyntern upon the River Wy; there is also Newport, called y Castelh Newydh. Ʋysc called Brynbuga Grosmont, Raglan, White-Castle, Abergefenny, and many others. This is a fair and a fertile Country, o [...] which likewise the Gentlemen were never obedient to their Prince, which was the cause of their own destruction. It hath on the West Glamorgan and [Page xxi] Brecknock-shires, upon the North Hereford-shire, upon [...]e East Glocester-shire, with the River Wy, and upon [...]e South and South-East Severn.

Last of all cometh Brecheinoc, now Brecknock-shire, Brechei­noc. [...]hich hath three Cantreds, and eight Comots. As [...]antref Selef which hath these Comots, Selef and [...]rahayern.

Cantref Canol these, Talgarth Ystradyw and Brwyn­ [...]ys or Eglwys Yail.

Cantref Mawr these, Tir Raulff, Lhywel and Cerrig­ [...]owel. In this part is the Town of Brecknock upon [...]e meeting of Ʋsk and Honddi, and is called Aber­ [...]onddi, and Hay called y Gelhy, with Talgarth, Buelht, [...]hangors; it hath West Caermardhyn-shire, with the River Tywy, upon the North Radnor-shire with Wy, [...]pon the East Herefordshire and Monmouth, upon the [...]outh Glamorgan. This for the most part is full of Mountains, Woods and Rivers, especially Buelht. And [...]he Lords of this Country called Bruces with the Mor­ [...]mers, most of all others Lords Marchers, sometimes by Might, but oftner by Treason, have molested and grie­ [...]ed the Princes of Wales. This Land came after the Bruces to the Bohuns Earls of Hereford, and so to the [...]taffords Dukes of Buckingham.

These six Shires being subject to the Territory of Dynefawr with Radnor-shire, which was belonging to Mathrafal, are now commonly called South-Wales, which Country is both great and large, with many [...]air Plains and Vallies for Corn, high Mountains and Rocks full of Pasture for Cattel; great and thick Woods, with Forrests and Parks for Red Deer and Fallow; clear and deep Rivers full of Fish, of which Severn is the Chiefest, which with Wy and Rheidol [...]pring out of a high Mountain called Pymlhymon, in the edge of Cardigan-shire, and are called commonly the three Sisters. Severn runneth full East through Cydewen by the Pool, and under the Castle of Shraden to Shrewsbury, from whence it turneth Southward and runs to Bridgenorth, Bewdley, Worcester, Glocester, and [...]o to the Sea by Bristol. The second Sister is Gwy, in English Wy, which took her Journey South-East, by [Page xxii] Rayader Gwy to Buelht, where Irwon meeteth her, thence to Glasbury, and so to Hereford and Mon­mouth, and to the Sea of Severn at Chepstow; for so they call Môr Hafren the Sea which severeth Wales from Somerset-shire, Devon shire and Cornwal. The third Sister named Rheidol, ran Northward to the Sea being not far off, at Aberystwyth. There be other fair Rivers as Ʋsk, which rising in a high Mountain called y Mynydh dy in the South part of Brecknock­shire runneth to Brecknock, and so through Monmouth­shire to the Town of Ʋsk, Caerlheon and Newport, and so to the said South Sea. Tywy also rising, not far from Wy, runneth South to Lhanymdhyfri, and thence South-West by Lhandcilo and Dynefawr to Abergwily and Caermardhyn, and so by Lhanstephan to the Sea.

Teifi likewise which riseth in the edge of Caermar­dhyn shire, and runneth North-West by Emlyn, Ci ger­ran, Cardigan, and so to the North Sea. In Teifi a­bove all the Rivers in Wales, [...] Greek, Fi­ber, Lat. Beaver English, Afanc British, Giraldus in Itiner. were in Giraldus's time a great number of Castors, which may be Englished Bevers, and are called in Welch Afanc, which name only remaineth in Wales at this day, but what it is very few can tell. It is a Beast not much unlike an Otter, but that it is bigger, all hairy saving the Tail, which is like a Fish Tail, as broad as a Man's Hand. This Beast useth as well the Water as the Land, and hath very sharp Teeth, and biteth cruelly, till he perceives the Bones crack, his Stones be of great efficacy in Physick. He that will learn what strong Nests they make, which Giraldus calleth Castels, which they build upon the face of the Water with great Boughs which they cut with their Teeth, and how some lye upon their Backs, holding the Wood with the fore-Feet, which the other draweth with a cross stick, the which he holdeth in his Mouth to the water-side, and other particularities of their Natures, let him read Giraldus in his Topography of Wales. There be be­sides these a great number of Rivers, of which some run to the South, and some to the West and North Sea, as Tywy in Glamorgan-shire, Taf also in Caermar­dhyn [Page xxiii] shire, which runnenh to Cledheu, two Rivers either called Cledheu, which do give Milford the name of Aberdaugledheu in Pembroke-shire, Arth, Aeron, and Ystwyth, in Cardigan. There be also divers Lordships which be added to other Shires, and were taken here­ [...]ofore for parts of Wales, and in most part of them at this day the Welch Language is spoken, as Oswestry, Knocking, Whittington, Elsmer, Masbroke, Chirbury, Caurs, Clun, which are now in Shrop-shire, Ewyas-Lacy, Ewyas-Haroald, Clifford, Winsorton, Yardley, Hun­ [...]ingdon, Whitney, Loghardneys in Hereford-shire. Also this Country of South Wales as all the rest of Britain, was first inhabited by the Britains, which remain there to this day, saving that in divers places, especially a­long the Sea-shore, they have been mingled with Saxons, Normans (which the Welch History calleth French-men) and Flemings; so that the Princes of Wales, since the Conquest of the Normans, could ne­ver keep quiet possession thereof, but what for Stran­gers, and what for disloyalty of their own People, vexation and War, were for the most part compelled to keep themselves in Caermardhyn-shire.

THE HISTORY OF WALES.

WHEN the Roman Empire, under Valen­tinian the Younger, began to decline, and became sensibly unable to repress the perpetual Incursions of the Goths, Huns, Vandals, and other barbarous Invaders; it was found necessary to abandon the remotest Parts of that unwieldy Body, and to recal the Roman Forces that defended them, the better to secure the Inward, and the Provinces most exposed to the Depredations of the Barbarians. And in this Exigency of the Roman Af­fairs, Britain, as lying far remote from the Heart of the Empire, was deprived of the Roman Garrisons; which, being transported into Gaul upon more urgent Occasions, left it naked and exposed to the inveterate Cruelty of the Scots and Picts: for no sooner had they understood of the Romans Departure out of Britain, and that the Britains were to expect no further Help from the Empire; but they descend in greater Num­ber than formerly, and with greater Courage and Ex­pectation, being how rid of the Fear they entertained of the Roman Legions, who always used to hinder their [Page 2] Progress, and to prevent their Incursions into the Ro­man Province. The Britains perceiving their antient and implacable Enemies to fall upon them, and finding themselves far too weak to repel their Endless Deva­stations; with a lamentable Narrative of their own Miseries, and the cruel Oppressions of their Enemies, they sent over to Gaul, imploring Aid of Aetius Praefect of that Province; who, being moved with the de­plorable Condition of the Britains, dispatch'd over a Legion under the Command of Gallio, which unexpe­ctedly surprising the Picts and Scots, forced them, with great Loss and Destruction, to retire over the Seas or Friths to their own Habitations. Then helping then to build a Wall of Stone cross the Land, for a Bul­wark against any future Irruptions; the Romans, at their Departure, told them, they could not any more undertake such dangerous Expeditions for their De­fence, and therefore admonished them to take Arms and like Men vindicate their Country, their Wives Children and Liberties from the Injuries of their bar­barous Enemies.

But as soon as the Roman Legion was transporte [...] into Gaul, back return the Picts and Scots; and, ha­ving by a desperate Assault passed the Wall, pursue the Britains with a more dreadful and bloody Slaugh­ter than formerly. The Britains, perceiving their Condition most desperate, once more send their miserab [...] Complaints to Æti [...]s in these Tragical Words; [...] Aetius thrice Consul, the Groans of the Britains: the Ba [...] barians drive us to the Sea, and the Sea drives us b [...] to them; and so, distracted betwixt two Deaths, we [...] either drowned, or perish by the Sword. But they so [...] cite to no purpose, the Romans having already bid a [...] solute farewel to Britain, and the Empire being cru [...] ly oppressed by the Goths, and other Barbarous Na [...] ons, was not in a Condition possible to assist the [...] The Britains therefore finding themselves absolute forsaken by the Romans, and conceiving it utterly i [...] practicable to drive away the Barbarians by their ow [...] Strength; saw it urgently necessary to call in the [...] of some Foreign Nation, whose Labour in repelli [...] [Page 3] their Enemies should be gratefully and satisfactorily Rewarded.

The Reason that the British Nation was at this time so weak and impotent, and so manifestly unable to withstand these barbarous Enemies, who were far inferiour as to extent of Countrey, and probably in number of People, may in great measure be attri­buted to the Ease and Quietness the Britains enjoy'd under the Roman Government. For whilst the Roman Legions continued in Britain, they ever undertook the Security and Preservation of it; so that the Britains heretofore were little concerned at the Incursions of the Scots and Picts, depending wholly upon the Strength and Valour of the Romans, insomuch, that within a while, they fell into a fit of Luxury and Ef­feminacy, and quickly forgot that Martial Prowness, and Military Conduct which their Ancestors so Fa­mously excelled in. For after their intire Subjection to the Roman Empire, they had little or no Opportu­nity to Experience their Valour, excepting in some home-bred Commotions, excited by the aspiring Am­bition of some male-contented General, which were quickly compos'd and reduced to nothing. And after the Scots and Picts grew Formidable, and durst ven­ture to make Incursions into the Roman Province, the Britains were the least concerned in Opposing them, leaving that to the Care and Vigilancy of the Roman Garrisons. And this Easiness and Supinity of the Bri­tains, may not be untruly attributed to the Policy of the Roman Constitution: For when the Britains were brought subject to the Empire, the first thing the Ro­mans effected towards the Confirmation of their Obe­dience, was to take the Sword out of their Hands. They were sensible how Bold and Valorous the Bri­tains naturally were, how unlike to submit their Necks to a Foreign Yoke, and therefore they found it im­practicable to obtain a quiet Possession of this Pro­vince, as long as the Britains had Power and Oppor­tunity to Oppose them. This Course they found very effectual, and when they had once lulled them asleep, they were not over solicitous to rouse and awaken them.

The Britains also might possibly be too much taken with this sedentary and unactive Life; and as long as they lived Secure under the Protection of the Roman Empire, they little feared their Countrey would be­come a Prey to any barbarous Nation. No one would have imagined that that Glorious Empire would be so soon crushed to pieces, which could not otherwise be effected, than by the insupportable pres­sure of its own Weight. This apprehension of the Greatness and Strength of the Romans, made the Bri­tains probably less solicitous of enabling themselves to Defend their Countrey, not thinking they would ever forsake and relinquish the Province of Britain. But to their Sorrow they experienc'd the contrary, the Affairs of the Empire elsewhere requiring the Help of the British Legions, so that they were left exposed to the Cruelties of the Northern Invaders, having not as yet recovered any Power or Conduct to oppose them. For had not the Scots and Picts come on so forcibly at first, but had given time to the Britains to shake off that Lethargy they had for many Years been bu­ried in, and to renew their Antient Discipline and Vi­gour, there had been no need of calling in the Saxons, seeing they would in all probability been able to Main­tain their Ground against any Opposition, and likely had been in Possession of their whole Countrey to this time. But next to the Decree of Heaven, the Ruin of the British Nation must be attributed to its too much Luxury and Effeminacy, and to the universal Lapse of the Nobility and People into an aversion of an Mili­tary Action and Martial Discipline. For tho' a con­tinued Peace be in it self desirable, yet oftentimes no­thing tends more to the future Ruin and Downfal of a Nation. For Peace begets in Men generally a habit of Looseness and Debauchery, is the occasion of many notorious Extravagancies and vitious Practises, which weakens their Hands, and cools their Courage and Greatness of Mind, so that in case of any open Dan­ger, they are uncapable to Defend their Countrey, and unfit to Oppose the Common Enemy. Scarce any Kingdom or Nation was subverted, but the Ruin of [Page 5] it was usher'd in by these means; witness the As­syrian under Sardanapalus, the Persian under Darius, and the Egyptian under Cleopatra; so that it was most prudently urged by a Roman Senator, that Carthage might not be demolished, lest that for want of an Enemy abroad, the Valour of the Romans might de­generate, and their Conduct be forgotten. Had the Britains had the Fortune to be continually in action, and not exchanged their Courage and Discipline for Ease and Laziness, they had had no reason to dread the Incursions of the Scots and Picts, nor any need of the Aid and Assistance of a foreign Nation; but the condition of their Affairs then required it, and Help must be had, or else their Countrey must una­voidably become a Prey to those Northern Invaders.

To prevent therefore and repel their Violence, King V [...]rtigern held a Council of his Great Men and Nobles, where it was concluded to be most advanta­geous to the Britains, to invite the Saxons out of Germany to their aid, who in all probability would gladly embrace the opportunity, by reason that their own Countrey was grown too scanty for their super­fluous Numbers. This Message of the Britains, how­ever originally delivered, is by an antient Saxon Wri­ter repeated in this manner; Most noble Saxons, the miserable Britains, shatter'd and quite worn out by the frequent Incursions of their Enemies, upon the news of your many signal Victories, have sent us to you, humbly requesting that you would assist them at this juncture. A Land large and spacious, abounding with all manner of Necessaries, they give up entirely to your disposal. Hitherto we have lived happily under the Government and Protection of the Romans; next to the Romans we know none of greater Valour than your selves, and therefore in your Arms do now seek refuge. Let but that Courage and those Arms make us Conquerors, and we shall refuse no Service you shall please to impose. To this Message the Saxons returned this short An­swer: Assure your selves, the Saxons will be true Friends to the Britains, and as such, shall be always ready both to relieve their Necessities, and to advance their Interest.

The Saxons being thus happily courted to what themselves had a thousand times wish'd for, arriv'd soon after in Britain, in three Gallies, called in their own Language Kiules, under the Conduct of two Brethren Hengist and Horsa. Being honourably received by the King, and affectionately treated by the People, their Faith was given of both sides; the Saxons sti­pulating to defend the Britains Countrey, and the Britains to give the Saxons a satisfactory Reward for all the Pains and Dangers they should undergo upon their account. At first the Saxons shewed themselves very diligent in their Employment, and successfully repell'd the Scots and Picts; who being probably igno­rant of the landing of the Saxons, and fearing no oppo­sition, boldly advanc'd to the Heart of the Countrey. But when the Saxons became better acquainted with the Island, and happily discovered the Weakness and Inability of the Britains; under pretence that their Pay was not answerable to their Service and Deserts, they quarrelled with the Britains, and instead of sup­porting them according to Oath, entered into a League with their Enemies the Scots. Moreover, Hengist per­ceiving with whom he had to do, sent over to acquaint his Countreymen with the Beauty and Fertility of the Island, the Infirmity and Effeminacy of the Inhabi­tants; inviting them to be Sharers of his future Suc­cess and Expectations. To his Invitation they readily comply, and sailing over in great Numbers, they thought to take possession of that Countrey, which Fortune promised should be their own: But they must fight for it first; the Britains being resolved to the last to defend themselves and their Country against these treacherous Practices of the Saxons; and if possible, to drive them to their primitive Habitations. For when the Britains became sensible of the undermining aim of the Saxons, how they secretly endeavoured the total extirpation of the British Nation, they pre­sently betook themselves to their Swords, and in a short time became signally famous for their Valour and Conduct. This the Saxons afterwards grievously felt, though the total recovery of Britain proved im­practicable [Page 7] for want of Power; the Saxons having by Massacres and other treacherous means, most un­mercifully lessened the Force and Number of the Bri­tains. King Vortigern loved his Ease too well to ob­serve their Practices; and besides, became so foolishly enamour'd with the Daughter of Hengist, which pur­posely was laid to intrap him, that the Saxon upon the strength of their Marriage began to carve for him­self, and during Vortigern's Reign, laid so firm a Foun­dation for the Saxon Conquest, that the succeeding British Kings; tho' famously valiant, could never un­dermine it. This Sottishness of his Father, young Vortimer could not at length endure; to see himself and his Country so openly and shamefully imposed up­on by Strangers; and therefore he resolved to take the British Government upon himself, and to endeavour the universal Expulsion of the Saxons. With him the British Nobility willingly joyn, and after several fa­mous Victories over the Saxons, he was unhappily poy­soned by a Saxon Lady. After him the Britains brave­ly defended themselves against the prevailing Greatness of the Saxons, under these valiant Princes, Aurelius Ambrosius, Ʋter Pendragon, Arthur, Constantine II. Aurelius Conanus, Vortiper, and Maelgon. To him suc­ceeded Careticus; in whose time the Saxons aspiring to a total Conquest of Britain, invited over one Gur­mundus, a Norwegian Pyrate, who had lately signali­zed himself in Ireland, and obtain'd a Conquest over that Kingdom. Him they employ to march against Careticus, who being overcome and vanquished by him, the Britains were forced, some to retire beyond the Rivers Severn and Dee, some to Cornwal, and the rest to Little Britain in France. The British Affairs were now brought very low, and their Government reduced within a very narrow compass; so that the Title of the Kings of Britain, can be but superficially attributed to the succeeding Princes, Cadwan, Cad­wallan, and Cadwalader.

Cadwalader.

Cadwalader, surnamed Bbendiged, or the Blessed, was the last of British Race, that enjoyed the Title of King of Britain; after him, the Welch, who were the most numerous remains of the Britains, dis­daining to own any Subjection to the oppressing Sa­xons, set up a new Government among themselves, and alter'd the Stile of British Kings, to that of Prin­ces of Wales. But whilst Cadwalader ruled in Bri­tain, a very severe Famine, attended with a raging Pestilence, which assuredly sprung from the continued War, which was so eagerly carryed on betwixt the Britains and Saxons, happen'd in the Island, which occasioned a most lamentable Mortality among his Subjects; insomuch that he was compell'd, together with a great Number of his Nobility and others, to retire for Refuge to his Cousin Alan, King of Lhydaw, or Little Britain in France. There he was sure, to meet with all Civility suitable to his Quality and Condition, as well, because of his own near Rela­tion and Consanguinity to Alan; as upon the ac­count that their Subjects were originally one and the same People: For the Britains of France, about the year of Christ 384. went over out of this Island under the Command of Conan, Lord of Meriadoc, to the aid of Maximus the Tyrant, against the Empe­rour Gratianus. For this Service Maximus granted to Conan and his Followers the Country of Armorica, where the Britains having driven out the former In­habitants, seated themselves, and erected a Kingdom, which lasted for many Years under several Kings, whose Names and Succession are as follows:

The Catalogue of the Armorican Kings.
  • [Page 9]1. Conan Meriadoc.
  • 2. Gradlonus.
  • 3. Salomon I.
  • 4. Auldranus.
  • 5. B [...]ous I.
  • 6. Ho [...]lus Magnus.
  • 7. How [...]lus. II.
  • 8. Al [...]m [...] I.
  • 9. Ho [...]lus III.
  • [...]0. Cil [...]u [...]llus.
  • [...]1. Salomon II.
  • [...]2. Alan [...] II.
  • 13. Conobertus.
  • 14. Budicus II.
  • 15. Theodoricus.
  • 16. Rubalhonus.
  • 17. Daniel Dremrost, i. e. rubicunda facie.
  • 18. Aregstanus.
  • 19. Maconus.
  • 20. Neomenius.
  • 21. Haruspogius.
  • 22. Salomon III.

Alan II. then reigned in Little Britain, when Cad­ [...]alader was forced to forsake his own Dominions, [...]nd to retire beyond the Seas. He was descended [...]om Ru [...] the Son of Mailgon Gwyneth, King of Great Britain, by a Daughter married to Howel the Second King of Little Britain. This Kingdom remained [...]rm, till Salomon III. who was treacherously slain [...]y his own Subjects; upon which unlucky Accident, [...]he Kingdom was converted to an Earldom, whereof [...]ne Alan was the first, a valiant and warlike Prince, who stoutly resisted the Normans, and frequently van­ [...]uished and overcame them.

But after that Cadwalader had continued some time with Alan, the Plague being abated in Britain he [...]urposed to return, and if possible, to recover that [...]art of his Kingdom which the Saxons were now in [...]ossession of. He received frequent Intelligence of [...]heir Number and Increase, how they fairly bid for [...]he Conquest of that Country, which had been go­ [...]erned by British Kings for the space of 1827. Years. This troubled him exceedingly, and tho he had lit­ [...]le hopes of prevailing by the Strength and Num­ [...]er of his Forces, yet he made the best preparation that the Opportunity would permit, and dispatched his Fleet for the transportation of his Army, which [Page 10] consisted partly of his own Subjects, and partly of such Succours as he received from Alan. Whilst he vigorously prosecuted this Design, and was ready to strike sail for Britain; his Voyage was prevented by a Message from Heaven; which counselled him to lay aside the thoughts of recovering his Kingdom, because it was already decreed above, that the Bri­tains should no longer enjoy the Government of Bri­tain, till the Prophesie of Merlyn Ambrose was fulfil­led. And instead of a Voyage to Britain, he is or­dered to take his Journey to Rome, where he should receive Holy Orders at the hands of Pope Sergius, and instead of recovering the British Crown, have his own Crown shaved off, and be initiated into the Order of the Monks. Whether this Vision was sig­nified to him in a Dream, or by the impositious Illu­sion of some wicked Spirit; or whether it may be a phantastical Conceit of his own, being a Man of a mild and easie temper, wearied with Troubles and Miseries, is very dubious: Only this is certain, tha [...] he never returned again to Britain, after he had gone over to Alan. But Cadwaladar had no sooner receiv­ed this Vision, but immediately he relates the whole to his Friend Alan, who presently consults all his pro­phetical Books, chiefly the famous Works of the two Merlins, Ambrose and Silvester: The first is said to be begotten on a Spirit, and born in the Town of Car­marthen, whence he received the Name of Merli [...] and to flourish in the Reign of King Vortigern. The latter called Caledonius, from the Forest Caledon in Scotland, and Silvester or Merlyn Wylbt, by reason he fell mad, and lived desolately after that he had seen a monstrous shape in the Air, prophesied in the time of King Arthur, and far more full and intelligible than the former. Both these were in great Reverence and Reputation among the Britains, and their Works very religiously preserved, and upon any considerable occasion most venerably consulted. They were of o­pinion, that nothing could escape their Knowledg; and that no Accident of moment or revolution could happen, which they did not foretel, and was to be [Page 11] [...]covered in their Writings. In the consultation [...]erefore of their Prophesies, and the Words which [...] Eagle is said to have spoken at the building of [...]er Septon, now Shaftsbury; namely, that the Bri­ [...]ns must lose the Government of Britain till the [...]nes of King Cadwalader were brought back from [...]me. Alan found out that the time was now come, [...]hen these Prophesies were to be accomplished, and [...]e Britains forced to quit their native Inheritance to [...]angers and Invaders. Upon this he advised Cad­ [...]lader to obey the Commands, and follow the Coun­ [...] of the Vision, and to hasten his Journey for Rome. [...]is he was willing to submit to, being desirous to [...]end the remainder of his Days in Peace and Quiet­ [...]ss, which before he had no opportunity to enjoy. [...]o Rome therefore he hastens, where he was kindly [...]ceived by Pope Sergius; and after eight Years spent [...]ere in Piety and Devotion, he died in the Year [...]8. and with him the Kingdom and total Govern­ [...]ent of the Britains over this Island.

King Cadwalader is said to have been a considera­ [...]e Benefactor to the Abby of Clynnoc Vawr in Arvon, [...]on which he bestowed the Lordship of Grayanoc. [...]his place was primarily founded by S. Beuno, to [...]hom it is dedicated, who was the Son of Hywgi ap [...]wynlliw ap Glywis ap Tegid ap Cadell, a Prince or [...]ord of Glewilig. Brothers Son to S. Cadoc ap Gwyn­ [...]w, sometime Bishop of Beneventum in Italy. He [...] by the Mothers side Cosin German to Laudatus [...]e first Abbot of Enlli, or the Island of Bardsey; [...]d to Kentigern Bishop of Glascow in Scotland, and [...] Lhanolwey, or S. Asaph in Wales; which last was [...]on to Owen Regent of Scotland, and Grandson to [...]rien King of Cumbria. The building of a Mona­ [...]ry at Glynnoc happened upon this occasion: Baeuno [...]aving raised to life, as the Tradition goes, S. Weni­ [...]yd, who was beheaded by one Caradoc, a Lord in North Wales, upon the account that she would not [...]ield to his unchast Desires, became in very great [...]steem with King Cadvan, who bestowed upon him [...]ertain Lands whereon to build a Monastery. Cad­wallon [Page 12] also, Cadrans Son, gave him the Lands o [...] Gwareddoc, where beginning to build a Church, [...] certain Woman with a Child in her Arms prevente [...] his further progress, assuring him, that those Land [...] were the proper inheritance of that Child. Be [...] was so exceedingly troubled at this, and withou [...] any more consideration on the matter, taking th [...] Woman along with him, he went in all haste to Ca [...] Sevant (called by the Romans Segontium, now C [...] narvon) where King Cadwallon then kept his Court when he was come before the King, he told him wit [...] a great deal of Zeal and Concern, that he had n [...] done well to devote to God's Service what was a [...] other Man's Inheritance, and therefore demand [...] back of him the Golden Scepter he had given him [...] lieu and consideration of the said Land, which th [...] King refusing to do, was presently excommunicated b [...] Beuno, who thereupon departed and went away. B [...] a certain person called Gwyddeiant, the King's Cosin-German, hearing what had happened, immediatel [...] pursued after Beuno; whom when he had overtake [...] he bestowed upon him (for the good of his own So [...] and the Kings) the Township of Clynncovawr, being his undoubted Inheritance; where Beuno built a Church, about the Year 616. about which time King Cadvan dyed, leaving his Son Cadwallon to succeed him. And not long before this time, Eneon Ehre [...], or Anianus King of the Scots, a considerable Prince in the North of Britain, leaving all his Royalty i [...] those Parts, came to Lhyn in Gwyneth, where he built a Church, which is still called from him, Lha [...] Eingan Bhrenin; where he is said to have spent the remainder of his Days in the Fear and Service of God. He was Son to Owen Danwyn, the Son of Eneon Yrth, Son to Cunedha Wledig King of Cambria, and a great Prince in the North, and Cosin-German to the great Maelgwn Gwyneth King of Britain, whose Father was Caswallon law-hîr, the Brother of Owen Danwyn; and his Mother Medif the Daughter of Voylda ap Tal [...] Traws of Nanconw [...]y. This Maclywn died about the Year 586.

Ivor and Edwal Ywrch.

WHen Cadwalader was departed for Rome, Alan began to reflect upon the state and condition Great Britain; he imagin'd with himself that the [...]ecovery of it was not impracticable, but that a con­ [...]erable Army might regain what the Saxons now [...]ietly possessed. Therefore he was resolved to try [...]e utmost, and to send over all the Forces he was [...]le to draw together; not doubting the Conquest of [...]me part of Britain, in case the whole should prove [...]ecoverable. He was the more encouraged to this [...]xpedition, by reason that the Advantage was like to [...] his own, and no one could challenge the Govern­ [...]ent of Britain, in case Fortune should deliver it to [...]s Hands. Cadwalader was gone to Rome, and in all [...]obability never to return; his Son Edwal Ywrch, or [...]e Roe, was young and under the Tuition of Alan; [...] that the event of this Expedition must of necessity [...]ll to himself, or by his Concession to his Son Ivor, [...]ho was to be chief in the Undertaking. Having [...]ised a considerable Army, consisting chiefly of his [...]wn Subjects, with what remain'd of the Britains [...]at came over with King Cadwaladar, he dispatch'd [...] for Britain, under the Command of his Son Ivor, [...]d his Nephew Ynyr: They safely landed in the Western Parts of Britain, which put the Saxons in­ [...] so great a Fright, that immediately they drew up [...]l their Power to oppose them, and to hinder their [...]rogress into the Country. The Britains, tho some­ [...]hat fatigued with their Voyage, however gave [...]hem Battel, and after a very great slaughter of the [...]axons, possessed themselves of the Countries of [...]ornwal, Devon, and Somersetshires. This proved a [...]ortunate beginning for the Britains, and gave them [...]reat hopes of farther Success in the recovery of their [Page 14] Country; but that could not be expected witho [...] great Opposition, and several hot Engagements w [...] the Saxons. This they were immediately made se [...] sible of; for they had scarce time to breath, and to [...] cover their Spirits after the last Battel, but Kentwi [...] King of the West-Saxons marched against them wi [...] a powerful Army, consisting of Saxons and Angl [...] The Britains resolved to fight them; but whilst bo [...] Armies were in view of each other, they though [...] more adviseable, to cease from any Hostility, and [...] enter into Articles of Composition. Ivor seem already satisfied with his Conquest, and willin [...] agreed to marry Ethelberga, Kentwyn's Cousin, a [...] peaceably to enjoy for his life so much as he was a [...] ready in possession of. This he faithfully observed [...] ring the Reign of Kentwyn, and his Nephew Cad [...] who, after two Years, resign'd the Kingdom of [...] West-Saxons to his Cousin Ivor. And now Ivor w [...] become unexpectedly powerful, being King as w [...] of the Saxons, as Britains that inhabited the W [...] stern parts of the Island. He was now able to [...] dertake somewhat considerable, and therefore beg [...] to fall foul upon his Neighbours the Kings of K [...] the West-Saxons, and Mercia, whom he vanquish [...] in several Battels. But being at length tir'd with t [...] Weight of Government, he went to Rome, after t [...] Example of Cadwalader, and resign'd the Rule of [...] Saxons to his Cosin Adelred, leaving the Britains [...] the care of Roderick Molwynoc, the Son of Edwal Yw [...]

This Ivor founded the Abby of Glastenbury, call [...] in the British Tongue Ynys Avalon; where there [...] been a Christian Church for several Years before, a [...] the first that was ever erected in Britain, For Jos [...] of Arimathea being sent by Philip the Apostle in t [...] days of Arviragus, An. Chr. 53. to preach the Gos [...] in Britain, seated himself here, and built a Chu [...] for the British Christians. This Church afterwa [...] Ivor converted into an Abby, which he endow [...] with very large Possessions; being famous for t [...] Burying-place of Joseph of Arimathea, and Ki [...] Arthur. He bestowed also some Lands upon t [...] Church of Winchester.

But there happen'd several Casualties in his time. Bryth [...], a Subject to Egfride King of Northumberland, [...]assed over to Ireland, and wasted and destroyed a great part of that Kingdom. In the Fourth Year of [...]is Reign their happen'd a remarkable Earthquake [...]n the Isle of Man, which much disturbed and an­ [...]oyed the Inhabitants; and the year following it rain'd Blood both in Britain and in Ireland. This occasion'd the Butter and Milk to resemble the colour of Blood; [...]nd two Years after the Moon also appear'd all bloody. These Accidents of Nature might probably presage [...]ome Tumults and Disturbances in the Kingdom; which were very great in his time. For he was al­most in perpetual Hostility with the Kings of Kent, West-Sex, and Mercia; which occasion'd great Blood­ [...]hed and Slaughter in Britain. His Journey to Rome [...]ut an end to all these Commotions, from whence he [...]ever did return, but ended his Days there in the pra­ctice of Piety and Religion.

Roderick Molwynoc.

THE Government of the Britains Ivor resign'd A.D. 720 to Roderick Molwinoc the Son of Edwal Ywrch, who began his Reign An. 720. But Adelred, King of the West-Saxons, was displeased that Ivor had not bestowed upon him his whole Kingdom; and upon that account he is resolved to trouble and plague Ro­derick and his Britains. He rais'd immediately a power­full Army, and with all his Forces marched to Devon­shire, which he destroyed with Fire and Sword. From whence he proceeds to Cornwal, intending to make that Country sensible of the same Misery; but he came far short of his Expectation; for upon his entrance into the Country, the Britains opposed him, and gave him Battel, where he was vanquished, and forced to retire with all speed to his own Dominions. This [Page 16] Victory the Britains called Gwaeth Heilyn, from th [...] A.D. 721 place where this Battel was fought. The Year following, the Britains again obtained two notable Victories over the Saxons, the one at a place called Ga [...] Maclawch in North-Wales, the other at Pencoct in South-Wales. But the Joy and Satisfaction which the Br [...] tains entertained of these Successes, was somewh [...] abated by the Death of Belin the Son of Elphin, [...] Man of noble Birth, and great Worth among the [...]

About the same time Celredus King of Mercia die [...] and was succeeded by Ethelbaldus, who being ve [...] desirous to annex that fertile and pleasant Countr [...] lying between the Rivers Severn and Wye to h [...] Kingdom of Mercia, entred Wales with a puissa [...] Army. He destroyed and ravaged the Country b [...] fore him, to Carno, a Mountain lying not far fro [...] Abergavenny, where he was met with by the Britain [...] between whom a bloody and sore Battel was foug [...] in the Year 728. but the Victory proved very dub [...] table.

A.D. 733 Not long after dyed Venerable Bede, who was [...] ducated and brought up in the Abby of Wyrnetham [...] Iarewe; a Man of great Learning and extensi [...] Knowledg; who wrote several Books, one of whic [...] entitled, The Ecclesiastical History of the English N [...] tion; he dedicated to Cleolwolfe King of Northumbe [...] land. The same time Adeired King of the West-S [...] xons, and Ethelbald King of Mercia, united their Fo [...] ces, and joyntly marched to fight against the Brita [...] The Welch were now put to very hard Streights, an [...] forced to oppose the numerous Armies of two powe [...] ful Kings. However, fight they must, or suffer th [...] Country to be miserably over-run by their inveter [...] Enemies. Both Armies being engaged, a very di [...] mal Battel ensued thereupon, and a very great slaughter happen'd on both sides; but the Saxons prevailing by the number of their Forces, obtained a very bloody Victory over the powerless Britains. B [...] Adelred, who was shortly follow'd by Edwyn King [...] the Picts, did not long survive this Battel; and Cud [...] took upon him the Government of the West-Saxons [Page 17] The Welch found themselves unable to cope with the Saxons, and too weak to repress their endless Incur­sions 3. therefore they apply themselves to Cudred and joyned in league with him, who upon some occasion or other, was actually fallen out with Ethelbald King of Mercia. But Ethelbald was so proud with the suc­cess A.D. 746 of the last Engagement, that notwithstanding the League with Cudred, he must needs again fall upon the Welch. He advanced as far as Hereford, where the Britains, by the help of Cudred, gave him a signal Overthrow, and caused him to repent of his rash and precipitous Expedition. But shortly after, Cudred and Ethelbald were unluckily reconciled, and made Friends together, and Cudred relinquishing the Welch, joyned his Forces to Ethelbalds. Hereupon ensued another Bat­tel, in which the Welch being greatly overpower'd, were vanquish'd by the Saxons; after which Victory, Cudred shortly dyed. To him succeeded Sigebert, a A.D. 743 Man of a loose and vicious inclination; who for his ill Behaviour in the Management of his Kingdom, was in a short time expell'd and depriv'd by his Nobility, [...]nd at last miserably slain by a rascally Swineherd. After him Kenulph was chosen King of the West Saxons, Ann. 750. in whose time dyed Theodore the Son of A.D. 750 B [...]lin, a Man of great Esteem and Reputation among the Britains. And about the same time, a remarkable Bar [...]el was fought between the Britains and the Picts, [...]t a place call'd Magedawc; in which the Picts were [...]ut to a total rout, and Dalargan their King casually [...]lain. But the Britains did not succeed so well against the Saxons; for Roderic Molwynoc was at length for­ced to forsake the Western Countries of Britain, and [...]o claim his own Inheritance in North Wales. The Sons of Bletius or Bledericus Prince of Cornwal and Devonshire, who was one of them that vanquished Adelred and Ethelbert at Bangor on the River Dee; had enjoyed the Government of North Wales ever since Cadfan was chose King of Britain. Roderic therefore demanded the Government of this Country as his [...]ight, which he was now willing to accept of, seeing [...]he was forced to quit what he had hitherto possessed. [Page 18] But he did long enjoy it, but dyed in a short time, leaving behind him two Sons Conan Tindaythwy and Howel; after that he had in all reigned over the Bri­tains Thirty Years.

Conan Tindaythwy.

A.D. 755 ROderic Molwynoc being dead, his Son Conan Tin­daythwy took upon him the Government and Principality of Wales, in the Year 755. He was scarce settled in his Throne, but the Saxons began to make in-Roads into his Country, to spoil and destroy what they conveniently could meet with. They were animated hereto by the bad Success of Roderic; and having forced the Britains out of Cornwal and Devon­shire, they thought it practicable to drive them out of Wales too, and so to reduce the Possession of the whole Island to themselves. This was their Aim, and this they endeavour'd to put in execution; but they were met with at Hereford, where a severe Battel was fought between them and the Welch, in which Dyfnwal the Son of Theodor a stout and valiant Soldier was slain. And shortly afterwards dyed Athelbe [...] King of Northumberland, and was succeeded by O [...] wald.

About the same time happened a religious Quarre [...] between the Britains and Saxons, concerning the ob­servation of the Feast of Easter, which Elbodius [...] learned and a pious Man, endeavoured to rectifie [...] Wales, and to reduce it to the Roman Calculation which the Saxons always observed. The Britains di [...] differ from the Church of Rome in the celebration o [...] this Feast; and the difference was this. The Church of Rome according to the order of the Council of Nic [...] always observed Easter-day the next Sunday after th [...] 14th. day of the Moon; so that it never happen' [...] upon the 14th. day it self, nor passed the 21th. Th [...] [Page 19] Britains on the other hand, celebrated their Easter up­on the 14th. and so forward to the 20th. which oc­casioned this Difference, that the Sunday observed as Easter-day by the Britains, was but Palm-Sunday with the Saxons. Upon this account the Saxons did most uncharitably traduce the Britains, and would scarcely allow them the Name and Title of Christians. Here­upon, about the Year 660. a great Contest happen'd, managed on the one part by Colman and Hylda, who de­fended the Rites and Celebration of the Britains; and Gilbert and Wilfride on the part of the Saxons. Hylda was the Neece of Edwine King of Northumberland, educated by Pauline and Aedan. She publickly op­posed Wilfride and other superstitious Monks, as to such Trifles and Bigotry in Religion, alledging out of Polycrates, the Fact of Irenaeus, who withstood Victor Bishop of Rome upon the same account; and the custom of the Churches of Asia observed by S. John the Evangelist, Philip the Apostle, Polycarpus and Melito; and likewise observed in Britain by Jo­seph of Arimathea, who first preached the Gospel here.

Offa was made King of Mercia, and Brichtrich of A.D. 763 the West-Saxons; about which time dyed Fermael the Son of Edwal and Cemoyd King of the Picts. The Saxons did daily encroach upon the Lands and Terri­tories of the Welch beyond the River Severn, but more especially towards the South part of the Coun­try. These Enchroachments the Welch could not en­dure, and therefore were resolved to recover their own, and to drive the Saxons out of their Country. The Britains of South-Wales, as receiving the greatest A.D. 776 Injury and Disadvantage from the Saxons, presently took up Arms and entered into the Country of Mer­cia; which they ravag'd and destroyed with Fire and Sword. And shortly after, all the Welch joyned their Forces together, fell upon the Saxons, and forced them to retire beyond the Severn, and then returned home, with a very considerable Spoil of English Cattel. The Welch finding the Advantage of this last Incur­sion, and how that by these means they gauled and [Page 20] vexed the Saxons, frequently practised the same; and entering their Countrey by stealth, they killed and destroyed all before them; and driving their Cattel beyond the River, ravaged and laid waste the whole Countrey. Offa King of Mercia not being able to endure these daily Incursions and Depredations of the Welch, entered into a League with the rest of the Sa­xon Kings, to bend their whole Force against the Welch; who having raised a very strong and numerous Army, passed the Severn into Wales. The Welch be­ing far too weak to oppose and encounter so great an Army, quitted the even and plain Countrey, lying upon the Banks of Severn and Wye, and retired to the Mountains and Rocks, where they knew they could be most safe from the inveterate and revenge­ful Arms of the Saxons. But as soon as the Saxons decamped, being not able to effect any thing against them in these strong and natural Fortifications, the Welch still made In-roads into their Territories, and seldom returned without some considerable Booty and Advantage. The Saxons were heartily nettled at these bo-peeping Ravagers, and would compliment them still to their Holes, but durst not pursue them further, for fear they should be entrapp'd by such as defended the Streights and Passages into the Rocks. King Offa perceiving that he could effect nothing by these Measures, annexed the Country about Severn and Wye to his Kingdom of Mercia, and planted the same with Saxons. And for a farther security against the endless Invasions of the Welch, he made a deep Ditch, extending from one Sea to the other, called Clawd [...] Offa, or Offa's Dike; upon which account, the Royal Seat of the Princes of Powys was translated from Pengwern, now Shrewsbury, to Mathraval in Montg [...] ­meryshire.

A.D. 795 While these things are transacted in the West, the Danes began to grow powerful at Sea, and durst ven­ture to land in the North of England; but without doing any great hurt, being forced to betake them­selves to their Ships again. Within Six Years after, they landed again in greater numbers and proved much [Page 21] more terrible; they ravaged and destroyed a great part of Linsey and Northumberland, over-ran the best part of Ireland, and miserably wasted Rechreyn. At the same time a considerable Battel was fought at Ruth­lan, between the Saxons and the Welch, wherein Ca­radoc King of North Wales was killed. The Govern­ment of Wales was as yet green, and not firmly root­ed, by reason of the perpetual Quarrels and Distur­bances between the Welch and the Saxons; so that the chief Person or Lord of any Country assumed to himself the Title of King. Caradoc was a Per­son of great Esteem and Reputation in North Wales, and one that did very much contribute towards the Se­curity of the Countrey, against the Incursions of the Saxons. He was Son to Gwyn, the Son of Colhoyn, the Son of Ednowen, Son to Blethyn, the Son of Ble­cius or Bledericus Prince of Cornwal and Devonshire. Offa King of Mercia did not long survive him, and was succeeded by his Son Egfert, who in a short time left his Kingdom also to Kenulphus, a year after that Egbertus was created King of the West Saxons. About the same time dyed Arthen Son to Sitsylht, the Son of Clydawc King of Cardigan; and sometime after, Run King of Dyfed, and Cadelh King of Powys: who were followed by Elbodius Archbishop of North Wales, be­fore whose Death happen'd a very severe Eclipse of the Sun. The Year following, the Moon was like­wise A.D. 808 eclipsed upon Christmas-day. These Fatalities and Eclipses did portend no Success to the Welch Af­fairs; the laying of S. Davids in Ashes by the West Saxons being followed by a general and a very grie­vous Murrain of Cattel, which was like to impoverish the whole Country. The following Year Owen the Son of Meredith, the Son of Terudos, dyed; and the Castle of Deganwy was ruined and destroyed by Thunder.

But these several Losses which the Welch sustain­ed could not reconcile Prince Conan and his Brother Howel; but they must needs quarrel and contend with one another, when they had the greatest occasion to embrace and unite their endeavours against the com­mon [Page 20] [...] [Page 21] [...] [Page 22] Enemy. Howel claimed the Isle of Anglesey, as part of his Father's Inheritance, which Conan would by no means hearken to, nor consent that his Brother should take possession of it. It was the custom of Wales, that a Fathers Estate should be equally distri­buted between all his Sons; and Howel by virtue of this Custom, commonly called Gavelkind, from the word Gafel to hold; claimed that Island, as his Fa­thers Estate. This Custom of Gavelkind has been the occasion of the Ruin and Diminution of the Estates of all the antient Nobility in Wales; which being endlesly divided between the several Sons of the same Family, were at length reduced to nothing. From hence also proceeded several unnatural Wars and Di­sturbances between Brothers; who being either not satisfied with their Portions, or displeased with the Country they were to possess; disputed their Right by Dint of the Sword. This proved very true in this present instance; for Howel would not suffer him­self to be cheated out of his paternal Inheritance, and therefore he would endeavour to recover it by Force of Arms. Both Armies being engaged, the Victory fell to Howel, who immediately thereupon possessed himself of the Island, and valiantly main­tained it against the Power and Strength of his Bro­ther Conan.

The Welch being thus at variance and enmity among themselves, and striving how to destroy one another; had yet another Disaster added to their Misfortune. For the following Year they received a very consi­derable Loss by Thunder, which very much spoiled and annoyed the Country, and laid several Houses and Towns in Ashes. About the same time, Gruffith the Son of Run a Person of considerable Quality in Wales, dyed; and Griffri the Son of Ky [...]gen, was treacher­ously murthered by the Practices of his Brother Elis.

But Conan could not rest satisfied with his Brother Howels forcible possession of the Island of Anglesey; and therefore he was resolved to give him another Battel, and to force him to restore and yield up the Possession [Page 23] of that Country, which he had now violently kept in his hands. Howel on the other hand, being as reso­lutely bent to maintain his Ground, and not to deli­ver up a foot of what he was now upon a double re­spect, viz. his Fathers Legacy, and his late Conquest, Owner of; willingly met his Brother, put him to flight, and killed a great number of his Forces. Co­nan was cruelly enraged at this shameful Overthrow, and therefore made a firm resolution, either to reco­ver the Island from his Brother, or to sacrifice his Life and his Crown in the Quarrel. Having drawn up all A.D. 817 the Forces he could raise together, he marched to An­glesey to seek his Brother Howel; who being too weak to encounter and oppose so considerable a Number, was compell'd to make his Escape to the Isle of Man, and to leave the Island of Anglesey to the mercy of his Brother. But Conan did not live long to reap the satisfaction of this Victory, but dyed in a short time, leaving Issue behind him, one onely Daughter called Esylht, married to a Nobleman of Wales named Mer­fyn Frych. He was Son to Gwyriad or Ʋriet, the Son of Elidure, who lineally descended from Belinus the Brother of Brennus King of the Britains. His Mo­ther was Nest, the Daughter of Cadelh King of Powys, the Son of Brochwel Yscithroc; who together with Cad­fan King of Britain, Morgan King of Demetia, and Bledericus King of Cornwal, gave that memorable Overthrow to Ethelred King of Northumberland, up­on the River Dee, in the Year 617. This Brochwel by the Latin Writers named Brecivallus and Brochmaelus, was a very considerable Prince in that part of Britain, called Powys-land; as also Earl of Chester, and lived in the Town then called Pengwern Powys, now Salop; in the House where since the College of S. Chad stands. He was a great Friend and a Favourer to the Monks of Bangor, whose part he took against the Saxons that were set on by Augustine the Monk, to prosecute them with Fire and Sword, because they would not forsake the Customs of their own Church, and conform to those of Rome.

Merfyn Frych and Esylht.

COnan being dead, Merfyn Frych and his Wife Esylht, who was sole Heir to Conan, took upon them the Government or Principality of Wales. This Merfyn was King of Man, and Son to Gwyriat and Nest the Daughter of Cadelh ap Brochwel ap Elis King of Powys. Howel being forcibly ejected out of Anglesey by his Brother Conan Tindaethwy, and esca­ping to the Island of Man, was honourably and kindly received by Merfyn; in return of whose Civi­lities Howel used such means afterwards that Merfyn married Esylht, the Daughter and Heir of his Brother Conan, (tho others say, that he died presently after his Escape to Merfyn.) Howel after that he had for a­bout five years enjoyed the Isle of Man, and other Lands in the North, given him by Merfyn to hold under him, dyed about the year 825; after whose Death, they again returned to Merfyn, whose An­cestors had always held the same, under the Kings of the Britains; and so, upon his Marriage with E­sylht, the Isle of Man was annexed to the Crown of Wales.

In the first year of their Reign, Egbert, the power­ful King of the West Saxons, entred with a mighty Army into Wales, destroyed and wasted the Coun­trey as far as Snowden Hills, and seized upon the Lordship of Rhyvoniec in Denbighland. About the same time a very sore Battel was fought in Anglesey, between the Saxons and the Welch, called, from the place where this Fight happened, the Battel of Lhan­vaes. A.D. 819 Fortune seemed all this while to frown upon the Welch, and their Affairs succeeded very ill; for shortly after that Egbert had advanced his Colours as far as Snowden, Kenulph King of Mercia wasted the Country of West Wales, over-ran and destroyed [Page 25] [...]owis-land, and greatly disturbed and incommoded [...]he Welch Nation. Soon after this, Kenulph died, [...]nd was succeeded by Kenelm; and he in a short [...]me by Ceolwulph, who, after two years Reign, left [...]he Kingdom of Mercia to Bernulph.

Egbert King of the West Saxons was grown very [...]trong and powerful, able to reduce all the petty King­ [...]oms in Britain, under one single Monarchy; upon [...]he thoughts of which, he set upon Bernulph King of Mercia, and vanquished him at Elledowne; and after­wards brought under Subjection the Countries of Kent and of the West Angles. But the Britains could [...]ot be so easily subdued; for after a long and a cruel [...]ight at Gavelford, between them and the West Sa­xons of Devonshire, in which several thousands were [...]ain on both sides, the Victory remained uncertain. He had better Success against Wyhtlafe King of Mer­cia, A.D. 829 whose Dominions he easily added to his now in­ [...]reasing Monarchy; and passing Humber, he quickly [...]educed that Country to his Subjection. The Saxon Heptarchy was now become one Kingdom, and Eg­ [...]ert sole Monarch of all the Countries that the Saxons [...]ossessed in Britain; which Name he ordered should [...]e changed to England, his People to be called En­ [...]lishmen, and the Language English.

They who came over out of Germany into this [...]sland to aid the Britains against their Enemies the Picts and Scots, were partly Saxons, Angles, and [...]uthes; from the first of which came the People of Essex, Suffex, Middlesex, and the West-Saxons; from [...]he Angles, the East Angles, the Mercians, and they [...]hat inhabited the North side of Humber; from the Juthes, the Kentishmen, and they that settled in the Isle of Wight. These Germans, after that they had drove [...]he Britains beyond Severn and Dee; erected seven Kingdoms called the Heptarchy in the other part of [...]he Island; whereof, 1. Kent. 2. Of the South-Saxons containing Sussex and Surrey. 3. The East-Angles, in Norfolk Suffolk, and Cambridgshire. 4. The Kingdom of the West-Saxons, comprehending Berkshire, Devonshire, Somersetshire and Cornwal. [Page 26] 5. Mercia, containing Glocester, Hereford, Worcester, Shropshire, Stafford, Cheshire, Warwick, Leicester, Darby, Nottingham, Lincoln, Northampton, Oxford, Buckingham, Bedford, and half Hartfordshire. 6 The East-Saxons, containing Essex. Middlesex, and the other part of Hartford. 7. Of the Northum­brians, taking in all the Country beyond Hamber, which was divided into two parts, Deyra and Berni­cia; the first from Humber to Tyne, the other from Tyne to the Scottish Sea.

Egbert King of the West-Saxons having severally conquer'd these Kingdoms, annexed them together and comprehended them under one Monarchy which was called the Kingdom of England, 96 [...] years after the coming of Brute to this Island 383 Years after the landing of Hengist; and 149 after the Departure of Cadwalader to Rome.

Egbert having thus united under one Governme [...] these several Kingdoms, which used continually molest, and to incroach upon each others Territories might reasonably have expected to enjoy his ne [...] A.D. 883 Kingdom quietly, and not fear any disturbance o [...] trouble in his Dominions. But no sooner was h [...] established King of England, but the Danes began [...] threaten new Commotions, and landed in great num­bers, and in divers places of the Kingdom. Egber [...] fought several Battels with them, and with vario [...] Success: at length the Danes landed in West-Wales marched forward for England, being joined by a grea [...] number of Welch and met Egbert upon Hengist do [...] where a severe Battel was fought, and the Danes p [...] to a total Rout, The Welch suffered severely f [...] this; Egbert, being highly incens'd that the Dan [...] were supported by them, laid siege to Caer Lheon [...] Dhyfrdwy, or Chester, the chief City of Venedoti [...] which hitherto had remained in the hands of the Welch; took the Town, and, among other Toke [...] of his Indignation, he caused the Brazen Effigies o [...] Cadwalhon King of Britain to be pulled down and defaced, and upon pain of Death forbad the erecting [...] such again. He issued out also a Proclamation, by th [...] [Page 27] [...]nstigation of his Wife Redburga, who always bore an [...]veterate Malice to the Welch; commanding all that [...]ere any ways extracted from British Blood, to de­ [...]art, with all their Effects, out of his Kingdom, within [...]x Months, upon pain of death. These were very [...]vere and insupportable Terms; but he did not live [...]ong to see them put in execution; for dying shortly [...]fter the Battel of Hengestdown, he was succeeded by [...]on Ethelwulph. This King Ethelwulph married his Daughter to Berthred, who was his tributary King of Mercia, by whose help he successfully opposed the [...]ruel Incursions of the Danes, who miserably de­stroyed the Sea-coasts of England, with Fire and [...]. These Danish Commotions being indiffe­ [...]ently well appeased, Berthred King of Mercia set [...]pon the Welch, between whom a remarkable Battel [...]as sought at a place called Kettell; where Merfyn [...]rych King of the Britains was killed, leaving, to [...]cceed him in the Government of Wales, his Son Ro­ [...]eric Mawr, or the Great.

Roderic the Great.

MErfyn Frych having lost his Life, and with it his A.D. 843 Kingdom, in the Battel of Kettell; his Son Roderic, surnamed the Great, without any Opposi­ [...]ion or Contest, succeeded in the Principality of Wales. The first thing he effected after his Advancement to [...]he Crown, was the dividing of Wales into several Provinces, which he distinguished into these three; Aberffraw, Dinevowr, and Mathraval. Berthred King [...]f Mercia, being animated by his late Success against Merfyn Frych, purposed to perform the like Exploits [...]gainst his Son Roderic. And having gained the Aid [...]nd Assistance, of King Ethelwulph, he entred North Wales, with a strong Army, and advanced as far as Anglesey, which he cruelly and miserably destroyed. [Page 28] Roderic met him several times, and the Welch did at length so gaul and torment him, that, in fine, he had little or nothing to boast of; only Meyric, one of the chiefest Princes among the Britains, was slain.

But he was soon forced to quit his Expedition against the Welch, and to convert his Forces another way; his own Dominions requiring their constant Residence, being severely threatned by a foreign In­vasion. A.D. 846 For the Danes were by this time grown so very powerful, that they over-ran a great part of England, fought with Athelstan King of Kent, Bro­ther to Ethelwulph; and obtained so much Conquest that whereas before they returned to their own Coun­try when the Weather grew too cold for Action they now took up their Winter-quarters in Eng­land.

The Welch, in the mean time, being secure from any Violence, which might otherwise be expected from the English; began to quarrel and fall out a­mongst themselves. Ithel King of Gwent or W [...]ntland for what occasion not known, fell foul upon the Me [...] of Brecknock, who were so resolute as to fight him; and the Event proved very unfortunate to Ithel, wh [...] was slain upon the spot. It is the Unhappiness of a Nation that is governed by several Petty States, when it is apprehensive of no Danger from an outward Ene­my that it will fall at variance, and create Disturban­ces among it self.

Had the Britains, instead of falling upon one ano­ther, taken the Advantage of this opportunity, whe [...] the Saxons were altogether imployed in opposing and repelling the Danes, to increase and strengthen their Number, and to fortify their Towns; they might a [...] least securely have possessed their own Dominions, [...] not extended their Government to a great part of Eng­land. But a sort of an Equality in Power, begat a [...] Emulation between the several Princes, and this Emulation for the most part ended in Blows and Con­tention; so that instead of strengthning themselves whilst they had respite from the English, they rather weakened their Power by inward Differences.

Kongen King of Powys was gone to Rome, there to A.D. 854 [...]end his Days peaceably and religiously, but his Death did not prove so natural as he expected, being bar­barously slain, or (as some say) choaked by his own Servants. Shortly after died Cemoyth King of the Picts, and Jonathan Lord of Abergeley. It was now become Customary for Princes wearied with Government to go to Rome, and the Pope willingly dispensed with the Resignation of their Crowns, by reason that his Holiness seldom lost by it. King Ethelwulph paid very dear for his Entertainment there, made his Kingdom tributary to the Pope, and paid the Peter-Pence to the Church of Rome. The Saxon Genealogists bring the Pedegree of Ethelwulph for se­veral Successions and Generations, up to Adam, as may be seen in Matthew of Westminster, who in like manner derives the Pedigree of Offa King of Mercia. This has been the Custom of most Nations, both an­tient and modern; and is always practised by them whose Families are any thing Antient and Ho­nourable; so that it is a very great mistake to scoff at, and deride the Welch because they keep up this antient and laudable Custom.

Berthred King of Mercia became at length far [...]oo weak to repel the daily increasing Power of the Danes, who so numerously poured upon him, that at last he was forced to relinquish his Kingdom and fly to Rome, where in a short time he sorowfully ended his days. Ethelwulph shortly followed, and left his Sons Athelbald King of the West-Saxons, and Athel­bright King of Kent and the East-Saxons. Ethelwulph is reported to be so Learned and Devout, that the Church of Winchester elected him in his youth Bishop of that See, which Function he took upon him about seven years before he was made King. He is said also to have Conquered the Kingdom of Demetia or South-Wales, which together with the Kingdom of the South-Saxons he bestowed upon his Son Alfred, upon Condition he would bring a Thousand Men out of Wales to Winchester, to the Aid of his Brother Ethelbert against the Danes. Athelbald succeeding [Page 30] his Father in the Kingdom of the West-Saxons, kept his Mother-in-Law the Wife of Ethelwulph for hi [...] Concubine, and afterwards married her in the City of Chester. But he did not live long to enjoy the unnatural Conjunction, but dying without Iss [...] after that he had reigned Eight Years, left his King­dom to his Brother Athelbright.

About the same time the Danes began again to be stir themselves and fell upon the City of Winchester and destroyed it, which Athelbright perceiving, after a long Fight forced them to quit the Land, and t [...] betake themselves to Sea again. But the Danes quick­ly returned to the Isle of Thanet, where they remain­ed for that Winter, doing much Mischief upon the Sea-Coast, and destroying all places near the shoa [...] of England. The English were very glad that they durst venture no further, and the more, because the Welch began again to be troublesome, against who [...] an Army must be speedily dispatched, otherwise they would certainly advance to the English Countrey. Both Armies met at Greythen, where a fierce Battel was fought, and a great Number slain on either side but the Victory was not plainly discoverable. B [...] the Welch not long after, received a considerable Lo [...] by the Death of Conan N [...]rit Nifer, a Stout and Skilful Commander, who oftentimes had Valiantly repulsed the English Forces, and obtained many sign [...] Victories over them.

The Danes had been for some time quiet, being [...] ­able to venture upon any considerable Action, an [...] therefore they thought it advisable to secure only wh [...] they had already won, and to expect a re-inforce­ment from their own Countrey. This was quickly sent them, under the Command of Hungare and Hub [...] who landed in England with a very considerable Arm [...] of Danes. King Athelbright, whether terrified with a dismal apprehension of these Invaders, or otherwis [...] being indisposed, quickly afterwards gave up the Ghost, leaving the management of his Kingdom, to­gether with that of his Army against the Danes, to his Brother Ethelred. The Danes in the mean time [Page 31] [...]ot sure footing, and advanced as far as York, which [...]hey miserably destroyed, killing Osbright and Elba [...]wo Kings of Northumberland that opposed them. [...]rom hence they proceeded, and over-run all the Countrey as far as Nottingham, destroying and spoil­ [...]g all before them, and then returned back to York. [...]ut having once tasted how sweet the Spoil of a Countrey, much more fertile than their own was, [...]hey could not rest satisfied with what they had al­ [...]eady obtained, but must needs make a farther Pro­ [...]ress into the Countrey, and fall upon the Kingdom [...]f the East-Angles. Edmund King of that Countrey [...]eing not able to endure their Insolencies, endea­ [...]oured to oppose them, but in the Undertaking was [...]nfortunately slain. And now after the same man­ [...]er that the Saxons had formerly attained to the Conquest of Britain, the Danes proceeded to the Con­ [...]uest of England. For the Saxons having found out [...]he Sweetness of this Island, and withal, discovered [...]he weakness and inability of the Britains to oppose [...]hem, brought over their Numbers by degrees, and [...]n several Companies, by which they wearied and [...]ired out the British Armies. For it is certain that [...]othing can conduce more to the Conquest of an [...]sland, than the landing an Army at several Places [...]nd at several Times, which distracts the Counsels [...]nd Proceedings of the Inhabitants, and which at [...]his time for want of sufficient Power at Sea, could [...]ot be prevented. And so the Danes being informed of the good Success of Hungare and Hubba in England, sent over another Army under the Command of Basreck and Alding, who landed in West-Sax, and [...]ought five Battels with King Ethelred and his Bro­ther Alfred, namely at Henglefield, Estondown, Redding, Basing and Mereton, in which two first the English overcame, and the three last the Danes got the Vi­ctory.

Soon after this Ethelred died, leaving his Kingdom to his Brother Alfred, who no sooner had taken the Government upon him but considered with himself what a heavy Burthen he was to sustain, and there­fore [Page 32] he began to enquire after the Wisest and Learned est Men that he could hear of to be directed by them whom he worthily Entertained, making use of their Advice as well in the Publick Government of the Kingdom, as in his Private Studies and Conference of Learning. He sent for two Men famously Learned out of Wales, the one called John de Erigena, Surnamed Scotus; the other Asserius, Surnamed Menevensis. D [...] Erigena was born at Menevia or St. Davids, and was brought up in that College; who for the sake o [...] Learning having travelled to Athens, and bestowed there many Years in the Study of the Greek, Hebre [...] and Caldaick Tongues, and the secret Mysteries o [...] Philosophy, came to France; where he was well ac­cepted of by Carolus Calvus, or Charles the Bald, an [...] Ludovicus Balbus, or Lewis the Stammerer; and ther [...] translated the Works of Dionysius Areopagita, D [...] Coelesti Hierarchia out of the Greek into the La [...] Tongue. Being returned home to Wales, he w [...] sent for by this King Alfred, who was then foundin [...] and erecting the University of Oxford, of whic [...] Erigena became the first Professor and publick Rea­der. But King Alfred bore so great a respect t [...] Learning, that he would suffer none to bear any con­siderable Office in his Court but such as were Learn­ed; and withal, exhorted all Persons to embrac [...] Learning, and to Honour Learned Men. But tho' [...] Love to Learning be seldom reconcilable with a War­like and a Military Life, King Alfred was also force [...] to regard the Discipline of War to defend his King­dom against the increasing Power of the Danes. Fo [...] he was scarce settled in his Throne, but this restles [...] and ever troublesom People began to molest and de­stroy his Countrey, insomuch that he was of necessity forced to oppose them, which he did twice upon th [...] South-side of the River Thames, in which Engagements he slew of the Danes one King, nine Earls, to­gether with an innumerable multitude of inferior Soul­diers. About the same time Gwgan ap Meyric [...] Dunwal ap Arthen ab Sitsylht Prince of Cardigan died being as some say, unfortunately drowned. But the [Page 33] [...]ate Victories which Alfred had obtained over the Danes, did not so much weaken and dishearten them, [...]ut that in a short time they recovered their Spirits [...]nd began again to look terrible and threatning. For [...] soon as they could reunite their scattered Forces, [...]hey set upon and destroyed the Town of Alclyde, wan [...]he City of London and Redding, over-ran all the in­ [...]nd Countrey, and the whole Kingdom of Mercia. [...]nother Army of Danes at the same time proved [...]ery successful in the North, and possessed themselves of [...]he Countrey of Northumberland, which Action did [...]ot so much grieve the English, as trouble and vex [...]he Picts and Scots, who were incessantly gauled, and [...]equently beat off by these Danish Troops. The [...]ext Year three of the Danish Captains marched [...]om Cambridge towards Warham in Dorset-shire, of [...]hich Expedition King Alfred being informed, pre­ [...]ntly detached his Forces to oppose them, and to [...]ffer them Battle. The Danes were so startled at [...]is, that they immediately desired Peace, and wil­ [...]ngly consented forthwith to depart out of the Coun­ [...]y, and to forswear the sight of English Ground. [...]ccording to which Capitulation, the Horse that [...]ght marched for Exeter, and the Foot being shipped [...]ff, were all of them drowned at Sandwich. The Danes having thus abjured England, were not willing [...]o return home empty, but thought it Prudent to [...]end their Course against Wales. They fancied that [...]ey were like to meet with no great opposition from [...]e Welch, and therefore could carve for themselves [...]ccording as their Fancy directed them. But having [...]nded their Army in Anglesey, they quickly experi­ [...]nced the contrary; Prince Roderic opposing them, [...]ave them two Battels, one at a place called Bengole, A.D. 873 [...]nd the other at Menegid in Anglesey. At the same time [...]nother Army of Danes under the Command of [...]alden and Hungare landed in South-Wales, over-ran [...]e whole Country, destroying all before them, nei­ [...]er sparing Churches nor Religious Houses. But [...]ey received their due Reward at the hands of the [...]est-Saxons, who meeting with them on the Coasts [Page 34] of Devonshire, slew both Halden and Hungare, with 1200 of their Men. The same Year Einion Bishop of St. Davids died, and was the following Year suc­ceeded by Hubert, who was installed in his place.

A.D. 876 The English being rid of their powerful and ever restless Enemies the Danes, began now to quarrel with the Welch, entring into Anglesey with a nume­rous Army, fought a fore Battel with Roderic, who together with his Brother (or as others say his Son) Gwyriad, was unhappily slain in the Field, which Battel is called by the Welch, Gwaith Duw Sul y Mon. This Roderic had Issue by his Wife Anghârad, Anarawd, Cadelh and Merfyn, the last of which, Giraldus Cam­brensis, contrary to the vulgar and received Opi­nion, will have to be the eldest Son of Roderic, up­on whom was bestowed the Principality of North-Wales. For it is unanimously granted that Rode [...] was undoubted Proprietor of all the Dominions o [...] Wales, North-Wales descending unto him by his Mother Esylht the Daughter and sole Heir of Conan Ty [...] daethwy; South-Wales by his Wife Anghârad the Daug [...] ter of Meyric ap Dyfnwal ap Arthen ap Sitsylht K [...] of Cardigan; Powis by Nest the Sister and Heir o [...] Congen ap Cadelh King of Powis his Father's Mother These three Dominions Roderic divided between h [...] three Sons, appointing North-Wales for his eldest So [...] Anarawd, South-Wales to Cadelh, who shortly after [...] Father's Death, forcibly seised upon his Brother M [...] fyn's Portion, upon whom Roderic had bestowe [...] Powis-Land. Wales being thus divided between the three Princes, they were called Y Tri Tywysoc Ta [...] thioc, or the three crowned Princes, by reason th [...] each of them did wear on his Helmet a Coronet [...] Gold, being a broad Head-band indented upwar [...] set and wrought with Precious Stones, which in [...] British Tongue is called Talaeth. To each of the Princes Roderic built a Royal Seat, for the Prin [...] of Gwyneth or North-Wales, at Aberffraw; of Sou [...] Wales, at Dinefawr; for the Prince of Powis, at M [...] thrafel. Roderic had Issue also, besides these thre [...] Roderic, Meyric, Edwal or Tadwal, Gwyriad a [...] Gathelic.

But Roderic having divided his Principality be­twixt his eldest Sons, namely, Aberffraw with the fifteen Cantreds thereunto belonging to Anarawd; Dinefawr with its fifteen Cantreds extending from the mouth of the River Dofi, to the mouth of Severn to Cadelh; and Powis with fifteen Cantreds from the mouth of the River Dee to the Bridge over Severn at Glocester to Merfyn; ordained that his eldest Son Anarawd and his Successors should continue the pay­ment of the antient Tribute to the Crown of Eng­land; and the other two, their Heirs and Successors should acknowledge his Sovereignty, and that upon any Foreign Invasion, they should mutually Aid and Protect one another. And he farther appointed, that when any Difference should arise betwixt the Princes of Aberffraw and Cardigan or Dynefawr, the three Princes should meet at Bwlch y Pawl, and the Prince of Powys should be Umpire. But if the Prince of Aberffraw and Powys fell at Variance, they should meet at Dôl Rhianedd, probably Morva Rhianedd, on the Bank of the River Dee, where the King of Cardi­gan was to adjust the Controversy; and if the Quar­rel happened betwixt the Princes of Powys and Car­digan, the meeting was appointed at Llys Wen upon the River Wye, and to be decided by the Prince of Aberffraw. And the better to frustrate any attempt of the English, he ordained moreover, that all Strong­holds, Castles and Citradels should be fortified and kept in repair; that all Churches and Religious Houses should be re-edified and adorned, and that in all ages the History of Britain, being faithfully registred and transcribed, should be kept therein.

Anarawd.

THE Welch had often sorrowfully felt the unna­tural Effects of inward Seditions, and of being governed by several Princes, which were now una­voidably to be renewed by reason of Roderic's impru­dent Division of his Dominions between his three Sons. For the several Principalities being united in him, it was certainly the most politick means for the preser­vation of the Countrey from the inveterate Fury of the English, to compose the inward Differences which would otherwise happen, by perpetuating the whole Government of Wales in one Prince. For it was impossible effectually to oppose the Common Enemy by separate Armies, and where a different Interest interfered, as if the Safety of the same Countrey, and the Honor of the same Prince were unanimously regarded. This was the unhappiness of the antient Britains when the Romans invaded their Countrey; domestick Broils and inward Dissentions being sown [...] among themselves, they could not agree to unite their Powers, and jointly to oppose the Common E­nemy; so that Tacitus wisely concludes, dum singu [...] pugnant universi vincuntur. There are few Nation [...] but have experienced the folly of being rent into several Portions, and the downfal of that grea [...] Body the Roman Empire, may not be absurdly at­tributed to Constantine's dividing of it between hi [...] Sons. But the Welch at this time presently felt the unhappiness of it; Cadelh Prince of South-Wales be­ing dissatisfied with his Portion, and desirous to feed his Ambition with larger Territories, could not spare his Brother Merfyn's Countrey, but must needs forci­bly dispossess him of his lawful Inheritance, and so involve the Welch in a Civil War.

But the Succession of the Princes of Wales pro­ceeds in Anarawd the eldest Son of Roderic, who began his Reign over North-Wales, in the Year 877.A.D. 877 At that time Rollo with a numerous Army of Normans descended into France, and possessed themselves of the Countrey of Neustria, which from them has since re­ceived the Name of Normandy. But the treache­rous Danes in England, who had retired to the City of Exeter, quickly violated the Capitulation which they had lately sworn to observe, and upon that ac­count were so warmly pursued by King Alfred, that they gladly delivered up Hostages for the perfor­mance of the Articles formerly agreed upon be­tween them. But it was not their Intention to keep them long, for the next Year they again broke lose, possessed themselves of all the Countrey upon the North-side of Thames, and passing the River, put the English to flight, and made themselves Masters of Chippenham in West-Sax. But their whole Army did not succeed so well, for Alfred meeting with a Party of them, slew their Captain and took their Standard, which the Danes called Raven. After this he vanquished them again at Edendown, where after that the Danes had given Hostages for their peaceable beha­viour; Godrun their Commander received the Chri­stian Faith, and so reigned in East-Angle. But this opportunity seemed to threaten a great Storm upon Wales; for besides the Death of Aedan the Son of A.D. 878 Melht, a Noble-man of the Countrey, the Articles of Composition between the English and the Danes, occasioned these last to join their Power with the People of Mercia to Fight against the Welch, between whom a severe Battel was fought at Conwey, where­in the Welch obtained a very signal Victory, which was called Dial Rodri, or the Revenge of the Death of Prince Roderic. The Reason why the Mercians were so irreconcilably enraged against the Welch at this time, was this. After the Death of Roderic the Great, the Northern Britains of Stratelwyd and Cum­berland were mightily infested and weakened thro' the daily Incursions of the Danes, Saxons and Scots, [Page 38] insomuch that as many of them as would not submit their Necks to the Yoke were forced to quit their Countrey, and to seek for more quiet Habitations. Therefore towards the beginning of Anarawd's Reign, several of them came to Gwyneth under the Conduct of one Hoberet, whose distressed Condition the Prince commiserating, granted them all the Countrey be­twixt Chester and Conwey to seat themselves in, in case they could drive out the Saxons who had lately pos­sessed themselves of it. The Britains having returned their thanks to Anarawd presently fell to work, and Necessity giving edge to their Valour, they easily dispossessed the Saxons who were not as yet warm in their Seats. For some time they continued peaceably in this part of Wales; but Eadred Duke of Mercia, called by the Welch Edryd Wallthîr, not being able any longer to bear such an ignominious ejection, made great Preparations for the re-gaining of the said Countrey. But the Northern Britains, who had set­tled themselves there, having intelligence of his De­sign, for the better security of their Cattel and other Effects, removed them beyond the River Conwey, Prince Anarawd in the mean time was not idle, but drawing together all the Strength he could raise, en­camped his Army near the Town of Conwey at a place called Cymryt, where himself and his Men having made gallant Resistance against the pressing Efforts of the Saxons; obtained a very compleat Victory. This Battel was by some called Gwaeth Cymryt Conwey, by reason that it was fought in the Township of Cym­ryt near Conwey. But Prince Anarawd would have it called Dial Rodri, because he had there revenged the Death of his Father Rodri. In this Battel Tadwal Rodri's Son received a wound in the Knee, which made him be denominated Tudwal Glôff ever after; but for his signal Service in this Action his Brethren bestowed up­on him Ʋchelogoed Gwynedd. But the Britains pursuing their Victory, chased the Saxons quite out of Wales into Mercia, where having burnt and destroyed the Borders, they returned home laden with rich Spoils, and so took possession of the Country betwixt Chester [Page 39] and Conwey, which for a long time after they peace­ably enjoyed. But Anarawd to express his thankfulness to God for this great Victory, gave very considerable Lands and Possessions to the Collegiate Churches of Bangor and Clynnoc Vawr in Arfon. After this, those Danes that lay at Fulhenham near London, crossed the Sea to France, and passing to Paris along the River Seyn, spoiled the Country thereabouts, and vanquish­ed the French that came against them; but in their return towards the Sea-Coast, they were met with by the Britains of Armorica, who slew the greatest part of them, and the rest confusedly endeavouring to escape to their Ships, were all drowned. One should think that the several Misfortunes the Danes sustained, first at Sandwich, then by King Alfred, and now in France, would have quite drained their Num­ber, and utterly have rid Britain from so trouble­some an Enemy. But like ill Weeds, the more you root them, the faster they will grow; the Danes were still supplied from abroad, and if an Army was vanquished here, another was sure to come in their room. This the Welch found too true, for not long after this famous Defeat by the Armorican Britains, the Danes not able to venture upon these, were re­solved to revenge themselves upon their Friends of Wales, and therefore landing in North-Wales, they cruelly harassed and destroyed the Country. Nor is it strange to consider from whence such a wonder­ful Number of Danes and Normans could come. For the Kingdom of Denmark had under it, not only Denmark, which is a small Country divided by the Sea into Insulas and Peninsulas, as that which joins up­on Saxony and Holsatia, called Cymbrica Chersonesus, with the Islands of Zealand and Finnen, but also Nor­may and the large Country of Sweden, reaching to Muscovy, and almost to the North-Pole This Coun­try being then scarce known to the World, did of a sudden pour out such a multitude of People, which like a sudden Storm unexpectedly over-ran all Europe, with a great part of the Country of Africa. From hence proceeded these Danes who annoyed England; [Page 40] And the Normans, who conquer'd France; both Na­tions being originally derived from the same Stock.

A.D. 890 The Danes had not appeared in England for some time, and therefore are now resolved to take so sure a footing, as they cannot easily be repulsed. Two Hundred and Fifty Sail being landed at Lymene in Kent, hard by the great Forest of Andreslege, they built the Castle of Auldre or Apledore. The same time Hasting with a Fleet of Eighty Sail ventured to the Thames mouth, and built the Castle of Mydlton; ha­ving first made an Oath to King Alfred, not to molest him or any of his Subjects: But having built the Ca­stle of Beamfleet, he thought himself to have obtain'd so great a Strength, that there was no necessity of ob­serving the Oath lately sworn to King Alfred, and therefore invaded the Country round about him. But he soon found his Mistake, and was forced to betake himself back to his Castle, which was quickly pulled down upon his Head, and his Wife and two Sons ta­ken Prisoners; who being christened, were again re­stored to their Father. Upon this Hasting and his Danes departed from England, and made their way for France; where laying siege to the City of Limo­gis, and despairing of a speedy surrender of it, betook himself to his usual way of dealing sinistrously, and devised this Trick to win the Town. He feigned himself to be dangerously sick, and sent to the Bishop, and the Consul of the City, desiring of them most ear­nestly, that he might be admitted to the Christian Faith, and be baptized before his departure out of this World. The Bishop and Consul suspecting no De­ceit, were very glad, not only to be delivered from the present danger of being besieged, but also to win so great a Person to the Congregation of Christ. Whereupon a firm Peace being concluded betwixt both Nations, Hasting is baptized, the Bishop and Consul being his Godfathers; which being ended, he was carried back by his Soldiers to his Ships, in a very infirm condition, as he outwardly pretended. About midnight he caused himself with his Arms about him to be laid on a Bier, and commanded his [Page 41] [...]oldiers to carry their Weapons with them under [...]eir Coats, and so to be ready when he should give [...]em the word. The next day, all things being in readiness, he was solemnly brought by his Soldiers [...]ith great Clamour and counterfeit Mourning, to be [...]terr'd in the chief Church of the City; where the shop and Consul, accompanied with all the most [...]nourable Members of the Town, came to honour [...]e Funeral. But when the Bishop had made himself [...]ady to bury the Body, and all the Citizens being [...] the Church, up starts Hasting with his Sword [...]awn, and killing first the Bishop and the Consul, af­ [...]rwards fell in with his armed Soldiers upon the na­ [...]ed People, putting all to the Sword, and sparing [...]either Age, Sex, nor Infirmity. Having ransack'd [...]e Town, he sent Messengers to Charles the French [...]ing, to mediate for Peace, which he easily obtain'd, [...]gether with the Town of Chartres towards the de­ [...]aying of his Charges.

At this time Hennith ap Bledric, a Baron of Wales, A.D. 891 [...]ed; and Two Years after, Anarawd Prince of North A.D. 893 Wales, with a considerable number of English, mar­ [...]ed against his Brother Cadelh, and spoiled the [...]ountries of Cardigan and Ystradgwy. At the same [...]me the Danes laid siege to the City of Excester; [...]nd when Alfred had marched to oppose them, they [...]at continued in the Castle of Auldre passed over to [...]ssex, and built another Castle at Scobrith, and from [...]ence marched to Budington, seated upon the Severn. When Alfred came near to Excester, the Danes pre­ [...]ently rais'd the Siege, and betaking themselves to [...]heir Ships, sailed towards Wales, and spoiled the [...]ea-Coast thereof, and advanced as far as Buellt.

But the Danes at Budington being informed that King Alfred marched against them, fled back to their Castle in Essex: So that the King was fain to al­ [...]er his march, and to convert his Forces against Ley­ [...]ester; where a Party of Danes was so warmly be­ [...]eged, that at length they were reduced to that Ex­ [...]remity, as to feed upon their Horses. But the Season [...]f the Year for Action being ended, and the Extre­mity [Page 42] of the Weather being advanced, Alfred [...] forced to raise the Siege, and to wait the next Oppo [...] tunity A.D. 895 for the recovery of the Town. But before [...] could appear before it again, the Danes fairly quitt [...] it, and together with those in Northumberland, pass [...] by the North-Sea to Meresige, an Isle in Essex. Th [...] A.D. 896 next Year they entred the Thames, and built a Ca [...] twenty Miles distant from London; upon the streng [...] of which, they ventur'd to spoil and wast the Co [...] trey thereabouts; but paid very dear for their Co [...] rage, being accidentally met with, they received [...] bloody Overthrow, having four of their Princes sl [...] upon the Spot, and the rest very glad to make their [...] scape to the Castle. Upon this Alfred divided the Ri [...] into three Streams, by which Stratagem the Wa [...] became so diminished in the Thames, that the Dan [...] Ships could not return back into the Sea. When t [...] Danes perceived this, and found it impracticable [...] them to escape in their Ships, they left their Wi [...] and Children and all their Effects in Essex; and [...] passed by Land to Enadbryge upon the Severn, a [...] then passing the River, spoiled the Countries [...] Brecknock, Gwentland, and Gwentlhwg. Some of the at the same time passed over to France; and anoth [...] Company coasting about Devonshire, destroyed t [...] maritime Countries; but being met with by the E [...] glish, A.D. 897 lost Six of their Ships in the Dispute. T [...] following Summer the Kingdom of Ireland suffered e [...] tremely by Locusts, who consumed all the Corn a [...] the Grass through the whole Country; but were [...] length by continued Prayers and Fasting quite destro [...] ed. These are common in Africke, and other hot R [...] gions, but seldom seen in colder Climates; and wh [...] they happen to travel so far, they are always ve [...] pestilentious and destructive to that Country th [...] come to.

A.D. 900 This Year Igmond, with a great number of Dan [...] landed in Anglesey, and was met with by the Wel [...] at a place call'd Molerain, where Merfyn was slai [...] Though others call it Meilon, and from the Bat [...] fought there, Maes Rhôs Meilon. The same Ye [...] [Page 43] Ki [...]g Alfred dyed, who translated the antient Laws [...] [...]yfnwall Moelmut King of Britain, and the Laws [...] Queen Marsia, out of Brittish into English, and [...]d it Marsian Law, which was afterwards called [...]st Saxon Law, and observed in part of Mercia, [...]h all the Countries on the South of Thames: The [...]er part of the Country having another Law call'd [...]e Lex, both which remained to the time of [...]ard the Confessor, who of these two made one [...]. It is very observable, what is related of King [...]ed, concerning his division of the Natural Day in­ [...] [...]hree parts; the one he set apart for Devotion and [...]dy, the next for the Affairs of the Common­ [...]alth, and the third for his own Rest and Refresh­ [...]t.

[...]lfred being dead, Edward his eldest Son took up­ [...] [...]im the Crown, which so displeased the ambitious [...]it of his Brother Adelwulph, that presently he rais­ [...] a cruel War against him, and flying to Northum­ [...]and, stirred up the Danes against his Brother [...]ard. The Danes were glad of the opportunity, [...]ing now a fair pretence to render themselves [...]sters of the whole Island; and therefore Adel­ [...]ph is made King, as well of the Angles as of the [...]es, who by this time were grown to be one Peo­ [...] Marching then proudly with a very considerable [...]y at his heels, he subdued the East Saxons, spoil­ [...] the Country of Mercia; and passing over the Thames [...]rickland, destroyed Brythend, and returned home [...]h very great Booty. At the same time Euneth [...] slain in Arwystly. But Edward being informed of Brothers retreat, pursued him very eagerly; but [...]sing of him, over-ran and destroyed all the Coun­ [...] betwixt Ouse and the Dike of S. Edmund, and a returned home with his whole Army; saving the [...]tish Men, who being too greedy of Plunder, rash­ [...] [...]arried behind. For the Danes perceiving the Bo­ [...] of the Army to be returned, and that a small [...]y still continued to ravage the Country, present­ [...] [...]t upon them, slue a great Number of them, and [...] the rest to a shameful Flight. Nor were the [Page 44] Danes only powerful in England, but molested an [...] A.D. 905 grew prevalent in Ireland: For this Year they ent [...] that Kingdom, slew Carmot King and Bishop of [...] Ireland, a religious and a vertuous Person, the Son [...] Cukeman; and Kyrnalt Son of Murgan King of L [...] gines. A.D. 906 The Year after dyed Asser Archbishop of S. D [...] vids, Uncle to the famous and learned Asser surna [...] ed Menevensis; who being Chancellour to his Unc [...] the Archbishop, was sent for by King Alfred to i [...] struct his Children; whose Life he afterwards wro [...] and was made Bishop of Shireburn.

Edward, to force his Brother from his Countr [...] and to revenge the death of the Kentishmen, d [...] patch'd an Army to Northumberland; which havin [...] spoiled the Country, returned home: Upon whi [...] the Danes, to return their Kindness, destroyed a gre [...] part of Mercia. But within a while after, Edw [...] having raised a very considerable Army, gave t [...] Danes battel, overthrew them, and slue their Kin [...] Alden and Edelwulph, with a great number of the Nobles. This added very much to his Dominion [...] which were the more increased and strengthned [...] the Addition of the Cities of London and Oxford which upon the death of Edelred Duke of Mer [...] Edward seized into his own hands, permitting [...] Wife Elfleda to enjoy the rest of his Dukedo [...] A.D. 907 Shortly after, Cadelh Prince of South Wales di [...] leaving behind him three Sons; Howel Dha, or t [...] Good, who succeeded his Father in the Kingdom [...] South Wales; Meyric and Clydawe. King Edward [...] ving obtained so signal a Victory over the Danes, a [...] rendered his Kingdom for some time quiet, began [...] build places of strength, which might be serviceab [...] against a future Storm: He built a Castle at Hartfor [...] betwixt the Rivers Benefic, Minier, and Lige; an [...] also erected the Burrough of Wytham in Essex; an [...] continued sometime in Wealdyne, to keep those Cou [...] tries in awe. But in spite of all this precaution, th [...] Danes of Leycester and Hampton, began the followin [...] Year to be very troublesom, slew a great number [...] English at Hotchnorton; and in their return hom [...] [Page 45] [...]ard, destroyed the Country of Oxford. About the [...]me time a considerable Fleet from Tydwike, under [...]e command of Ʋther and Rahald, sailed by the We­ [...]ern Sea to Wales, and destroyed S. Davids; where [...]as fought the Battel of Dinarth, and Mayloc the [...]on of Peredur Gam was slain. After this they en­ [...]ed A.D. 911 into Herefordshire, where they were fought with­ [...], and Rahald was slain, and the rest compell'd to [...]swear the King's Land, and never to return any [...]ore to England. King Edward, to prevent any fu­ [...]re Disturbance from such open Invaders, caused a [...]rong Army to be quartered upon the South side of [...]vern; but the Danes, for all he could do, enter'd [...]vice into his Country, once at Werd, and then at [...]ortogan; but were both times overthrown by the [...]nglish. From thence they departed to the Isle of [...]epen, whence they were forced by Hunger to sail to [...]outh Wales, intending to make a considerable Prey of [...]hat Country; but failing of their aim, they were [...]onstrained to make the best of their way for Ireland. But the next Year, a Party of Danes fought a very [...]evere Battel with the Kentish-men at Holm; but which of them obtain'd the Victory, is not certainly [...]eported. About the same time Anarawd, Prince of A.D. 913 North Wales, died, leaving behind him two Sons, Edwal Foel, and Elis; and some say a third named Meyric.

Edwal Foel.

AFter the death of Anarawd, his eldest Son Ed­wal Foel took upon him the Government of Northwales; Howel Dha holding the Principality of Southwales and Powis: At what time, a terrible Co­met appeared in the Heavens. The same Year the Ci­ty of Chester, which had been destroyed by the Danes, was, by the procurement of Elfleda, new built and [Page 46] repaired, as the antient Records of that City do [...] stifie. This in the antient Copy is called Leycest [...] by an easie mistake for Legecestria or Chester, call [...] by the Romans, Legionum Cestria. The next Su [...] mer the Men of Dublin cruelly destroyed the Isle [...] Anglesey; and soon after, Clydawe the Son of Ca [...] was unnaturally slain by his Brother Meyric, about t [...] same time that the Danes received a cruel overthro [...] by the English, at Tottenhale. But Elfleda did [...] long survive the rebuilding of the City of Chester a Woman of singular Virtues, and one that grea [...] strengthned the Kingdom of Mercia, by buildin [...] of Towns and Castles against the Incursions of t [...] Danes; as Strengat and Bruge, by the Forrest [...] Morph, Tamworth, Stafford, Edelburgh, Cherenburg [...] Wadeburgh, and Runcofe. After this, she entered w [...] her whole Army into Wales, wan Brecknock, [...] took the Queen, with 33 of her Men Prisoner [...] which in Welch is called Gwaith y Ddinas Newydh, [...] the Battel of the new City. From hence she marched for Derby, which she took from the Danes, los [...] only four of her chief Commanders in the Actio [...] The occasion of these two Expeditions, according [...] some, was this: Huganus, Lord of West Wales, pe [...] ceiving King Edward to be unavoidably busie in th [...] Danish War, gathered an Army of Britains, and [...] tring into England, destroyed the Kings Count [...] Upon the News of this, Elfleda came to Wales wit [...] a great Army, fought with the Welch at Breek [...] and putting Huganus to flight, took his Wife an [...] some of his Men Prisoners; whom she carried wi [...] her to Mercia. Huganus being thus defeated, fled [...] Derby, and being there kindly received, joined hi [...] self with the Kings Enemies, the Danes. Elfleda being certified of that, followed him with her Army but in storming the Gates of the Town, had Four [...] her best Officers kill'd by Huganus. But Gwyane Lo [...] of the Isle of Ely, her Steward, setting fire to th [...] Gates, furiously ran upon the Britains, and entere [...] the Town; upon which Haganus perceiving himse [...] to be over-match'd, chose rather to fall by the Sword [Page 47] [...]an cowardly to yield himself to a Woman. The [...]ext Year Elfleda laid siege to the City of Leicester, which was quickly surrender'd, and the Danes there­ [...] perfectly subdued. The Fame of these several A­ [...]tions being noised abroad, her Neighbours became somewhat fearful and timorous; and the Yorkshire­ [...]n voluntarily did her Homage, and proffer'd their Service. She died at Tamworth, after Eight Years [...]ule over Mercia; and lies buried at Glocester by S. Peters.

After the death of Elfleda, King Edward most un­gratefully disinherited her Daughter Alfwyen; and [...]ntering into Mercia, seized all the Land into his own hands; upon pretence that she, without his knowledg, (whom her Mother had appointed her Guardian) had privily promised and contracted Mar­ [...]iage with Reynald King of the Danes. But this un­ [...]ust and unnatural Action of King Edwards, might possibly bring upon him those vehement Troubles, which presently ensued upon it. For Leofred a Dane, [...]nd Gruffydh ap Madoc Brother in Law to the Prince of West Wales, came from Ireland with a great Army to Snowdon, and minding to bring all Wales and the Marches thereof to their subjection, over-ran and subdued all the Country to Chester, before King Ed­ward was certified of their arrival. Whereat being sore offended, and loth to trouble his Subjects for help, vowed that himself and his Sons, with their sin­gle Forces, would be revenged upon Leofred and Gru­ffydh; and thereupon marching to Chester, forced the City from them. Then he divided his Army into [...]wo Battels, whereof he and his Son Ethelstan lead the first, Edmund and Edred the second; and fol­lowed them so close, that he overtook them at the Forest of Walewode (now Sherwode) where Leofred and Gruffydh set upon them so fiercely, that the King at first was in some danger; until Athelstane step­ped in and wounded the Dane in the Arm in that manner, that being no longer able to hold his Spear, the was taken Prisoner, and committed to the custody of Atholst [...]ne. In the mean time Edmund and Edred [Page 48] encountring with Gruffydh, slew him, and brought his Head to their Father; and Leofreds Head being like­wise cut off, they were both set up upon the Town of Chester; and then Edward, together with his Sons, victoriously returned home. But King Edward, ha­ving A.D. 924 built Glademutham, soon after this dyed at Fa­randon, and his Son Alfred the same time at Oxford, and were both buried at Winchester.

Edward being dead, his base Son Athelstane, for many excellent Virtues appearing in him, was pre­ferred to the Crown; the worthiest Prince of the Sa­xon Blood that ever reigned. He overcame Cudfryd the Father of Raynald King of the Danes at York; and being invaded by Hawlaf King of Ireland, who with all the Power of the Scots and Danes marched against him, gave him battel at Brimestbury, and ob­tained a very notorious Victory; King Hawlaf, toge­ther with the King of the Scots, five Kings of the Danes and Normans being slain upon the spot: so that the whole Country of England and Scotland be­came subject to him, which none of his Predecesso [...] A.D. 933 ever attempted. Sometime after Owen the Son of Gruffydh was slain by the Men of Cardigan: And then Athelstane entring with his Army into Wales, forced the Princes thereof to pay a yearly Tribute of 20l. in Gold, 300l. in Silver, and 200 Head of Cattel, which notwithstanding was not observed, as appears by the Laws of Howel Dha, wherein it is appointed, that the Prince of Aberffraw should pay no more to the King of London, than 66 l. Tribute; and that the Princes of Dinefawr and Powis should pay the like Sum to the Prince of Aberffraw. But King Ethel­stane was not less terrible abroad, than he was awed and feared at home; the Kings of France and Norw [...] sending him very great and costly Presents, to obtain his Favour, and to gain his good Will.

A.D. 936 This Year Euneth the Son of Clydawe, and Meyri [...] the Son of Cadelh died. The same time King Athel­stane removed the Britains who lived at Excester and the neighbouring Country to Cornwal; bounding the [...] with the River Cambria (now Tamar); as the Bri­tains [Page 49] of W [...]les, with the Wey. Not long after, the A.D. 939 noble Prince Athelstane dyed, to the great and inexpressible sorrow of all his Subjects, and was bu­ried at Malmesbury; and succeeded by his Brother Edmund, not inferiour to him in Courage; but pre­ferable by right of Nativity, being born in Wedlock. In the first Year of his reign, he gave a very consi­derable blow to the Danes; took from them the Ci­ties of Leycester, Darby, Scafford, Lincoln, and Not­tinham. Then Aulafe King of the Danes, finding it impracticable to withstand the force of King Ed­mund, desired peace, and withal to be initiated in the Christian Faith; which being granted him, he and all his Danes received Baptism, King Edmund standing Godfather at the Font: after which both Parties concluding a firm and a lasting Peace, Ed­mund honourably returned to West-Sex. The same Year dyed Abloic chief King of Ireland: And the Year following, Cadelh the Son of Arthuael a Noble­man of Wales, was, for what reason not discovered, imprisoned by the English. To revenge which Indig­nity, Edwal Foel and his Brother Elis gathered their Forces together, and fought against the English and Danes, but were both unhappily slain. This Edwal [...]oel had six Sons, Meyric, Ievaf, Iago, Conan, Edwal Fychan, and Roderic: And his Brother Elis had Issue Conan, and a Daughter named Trawst, the Mother of Conan ap Sitsylht, Gruffydh ap Sitsylht, and Blethyn ap Confyn, which two last were afterwards Princes of Wales.

Howel Dha.

HOwel Dha had been for a considerable time Prince of South-Wales and Powis; in which Govern­ment A.D. 940 he had so justly and discreetly behaved himself, that upon the death of Edwal Foel, he was worthily [Page 50] preferred to the Principality of Wales: Notwithstan­ding that Edwal had left behind him several Sons, who at first seem'd to murmure at and resent the Ele­ction of Howel Dha. The first thing he took care of, was to enact good and wholsom Laws for the benefit of his Country; which held in force in Wales, till the time of Edward the First, when the Welch received the Laws of England, yet not so generally, but that in some places they continued long after, and are still to be seen in the Welch and Latin Tongue: For Howel Dha perceiving the Laws and Customs of his Country to have grown to great abuse, sent for the Archbishop of Menevia, with the rest of the Bishops and chief Clergy, to the number of 140. and all the Barons and Nobles of Wales, and ordered that Six of the wisest and best esteemed Persons in every Commote should be cited before him, at his Palace called y Ty Gwyn ar Taf, or the white House upon the River Taf. Thither coming himself, he remained with his Nobles, Prelates, and Subjects for all the Lent, in Prayers and Fasting, imploring the assistance and direction of Gods Holy Spirit, that he might reform the Laws and Cu­stoms of the Country of Wales, to the Honour of God, and the peaceable Government of his Subjects. To­wards the end of Lent, he chose out of that Assem­bly Twelve of the wisest and gravest, and Persons of the greatest Experience, to whom he added Blegored, a Man of singular Learning, and one exquisitely ver­sed in the Laws. To these he gave commission to examine the antient Laws and Customs of Wales, and to collect out of them what was requisite towards the Government of the Country; according to which Charge they retained those that were wholsom and profitable, expounded those that were doubtful and ambiguous, and abrogated them that were super­fluous and hurtful: And so these Laws were distin­guished into three sorts; The first concerned the Or­der and Regulation of the King's Houshold and Court; The second the Affairs of the Country and Common­wealth; and the last had regard to special Customs belonging to particular Persons and Places. All [Page 51] which being publickly proclaimed and generally al­low'd of, Prince Howel ordered three Copies to be written; one for his own use, another to be laid up at his Palace of Aberffraw, and the third at Dinefawr; so that the three Provinces of Wales might have easie recourse to either of them, when need required. And for the better observation of these Laws, he caused the Archbishop of S. Davids to denounce Sentence of Excommunication against all such of his Subjects as would not obey the same. Within a while after, Howel, to omit nothing that might procure any Coun­tenance or Authority to these his Laws, accompanied with Lambert Archbishop of S. Davids, Mordaf Bi­shop of Bangor, and Chebur of S. Asaph, and Thir­teen of the most prudent and learnedst Persons in Wales, took a Journey to Rome, where the said Laws being recited before the Pope, were by his Holiness ratified and confirmed: After which, Howel, with all [...]his Retinue, returned home to his Country. The particulars of these Laws are too numerous to be here [...]nserted; only it is observable, that all matters of In­heritance of Land were determined and adjudged by the Prince in Person; or if sick, by his special De­puty: And that upon view of the same Land, citing together the Freeholders of that place, two Elders of his Council, the chief Justice always attending in the Court, the ordinary Judge of the Country where the Land lay, and the Priest. The Method of their proceeding was in this manner; the Prince sate in his [...]udicial-Seat above the rest of the Court, with an [...]lder on each hand, next to whom the Freeholders on both sides, who upon that account were probably called Ʋchelwyr. Below the Prince at a certain di­stance, sate the chief Justice, having the Priest on his [...]ight hand, and the ordinary Judg of the Country concerned upon the left. The Court being thus sate, [...]he Plaintiff with his Advocate, Champion and Rhingylh or Sergeant, stood on the left side of the Court, as did the Defendant in like manner on the [...]ight. And lastly the Witnesses on both sides appear­ [...]d, and stood at the lower end of the Hall, directly [Page 52] opposite to the chief Justice, to testifie the best of their knowledg in the matter in debate. After the taking the Depositions of the Witnesses, and a full pleading of the Cause in open Court, upon notice given by the Sergeant, the chief Justice, the Priest, and the ordinary Judg, withdrew themselves for a while, to consult of the matter; and then secundum allegata & probata, brought in their Verdict. Where­upon the Prince, after Consultation had with the El­ders that sate next him, gave definitive Sentence; ex­cepting the Cause was so obscure and intricate, that the Justice of it could not appear; and then the two Champions put an end to the Controversie by Com­bate.

Whilst Howel Dha is thus regulating the Cu­stoms, and meliorating the Laws and Constitutions of Wales; Aulafe and Regnald Kings of the Danes forci­bly entered the Country of King Edmund, who be­ing vexed with their incessant Hostility, gathered his Forces together, and (as some say) by the help of Lhewelyn ap Sitsylht, who was afterwards Prince of Wales, followed them to Northumberland; and ha­ving overcome them in a pitch'd Battel, utterly cha­sed them out of his Kingdom, and remained a whole Year in those Parts, to regulate and bring that Coun­try to some quiet order. But finding it impractica­ble to reduce the Inhabitants of Cumberland to any peaceable Constitution, having spoiled and wasted the Country, he gave it up to Malcolme King of Scotland, upon condition that he should send him Succours in A.D. 942 his Wars, whenever demanded of him. In the mean time the Welch had but little occasion to rejoyce; Hu­bert Bishop of S. Davids, Marclois Bishop of Bangor, A.D. 944 and Ʋssa the Son of Lhafyr being dead: And shortly after the English entering into Wales with a very strong Army, put the Country into a great consternation; but being satisfied with the Destruction and Spoil of Strat Clwyd, they returned home without doing any more Mischief. The same time Conan the Son of Elis was like to be treacherously put to death by Poyson; and Everus Bishop of S. Davids dyed. The [Page 53] next Year Edmund King of England was unluckily slain upon S. Augustines day; but the manner of his Death is variously delivered; some say, that disco­vering a noted Thief who was out-law'd, sitting among his Guests, being transported with Indigna­tion against so confident a Villain, ran upon him ve­ry furiously, who expecting nothing less than Death, thought to dye not unrevenged, and therefore with a short Dagger gave the King a mortal Wound in the Breast. Others report, that as the King would have rescued a Servant of his from an Officer who had ar­rested him, he was unwittingly and unhappily slain by the same. But however his Death happened, he lies buried at Glastenbury; in whose place his Brother Edred was crowned King of England, who no sooner had entered upon his Government, but he made an Expedition against Scotland and Northumberland, which being subdued, he received Fealty and Homage by Oath of the Scots and Northumbrians, which they did not long observe. Shortly after Howel Dha, after a A.D. 948 long and peaceable Reign over Wales, dyed, much la­mented and bewailed of all his Subjects, being a Prince of a religious and a virtuous inclination, and one that ever regarded the Welfare and Prosperity of his Peo­ple. He left Issue behind him, Owen, Run, Roderic, and Edwyn, betwixt whom and the Sons of Edwal Foel, late Prince of North Wales, great Wars and Commotions arose afterwards about the chief Rule and Government of Wales.

But the Sons of Howel Dha, as some Writers record, were these, viz. Owen, who did not long survive his Father, Eineon, Meredyth, Dyfnwal, and Rodri, the two last whereof, as is conceived, were slain in the Bat­tel fought near Lhanrwst, in the Year 952. by the Sons of Edwal Foel; Run Lord of Cardigan, who was slain before the death of his Father; Conan y Cwn, who possessed Anglesey; Edwin, who was also slain, as is supposed, in the forementioned Battel. There was also another Battel fought betwixt Howel and Conan ap Edwal Foel for the Isle of Anglesey, wherein Conan fell; and Gruffydh his Son renewing the War, was likewise [Page 54] overcome; and so Cyngar, a powerful Person, being driven out of the Island, Howel enjoyed quiet posses­sion thereof, and of the rest of Gwynedh. It is sup­posed that this Howel Dha was chosen Governour of Wales, during the minority of his Uncle Anarawd's Sons, who, at the death of their Father, were too young to manage the Principality; which he kept till his return from Rome, at which time Edwal Foel being come of age, he resigned to him the Kingdom of Gwynedh or North-Wales, together with the So­vereignty of all Wales: Before which time Howel is styled Brenhin Cymry oll, that is, King of all Wales, as is seen in the Preface to that Body of Laws com­piled by him.

Ievaf and Iago, the Sons of Edwal Foel.

AFter the death of Howel Dha, his Sons divided betwixt them the Principalities of South-Wales and Powis; laying no claim to North-Wales, though their Father had been a general Prince of all Wales. But Ievaf and Iago the Sons of Edwal Foel, having put by their elder Brother Meyric, as a Person un­capable of Government, and being dissatisfied with the Rule of North Wales only, imagined that the Principality of all Wales was their Right, as descen­ding from the elder House; which the Sons of Howel Dha denyed them. Indeed, they had been wrong­fully kept out of the Government of North Wales during the Reign of Howel; in whose time the reco­very of their own was impracticable, by reason that for his Moderation and other good Qualities, he had attracted to himself the universal Love of all the Welch. But now, he being gone, they are resolved to revenge the Injury received by him upon his Sons; and upon a [Page 55] small pretence, endeavour to reduce the whole Coun­try of Wales to their own subjection. Ievaf and Ia­go were indeed descended from the elder branch; but since Roderic the great conferred the Principality of South Wales upon his yonger Son Cadelh, the Father of Howel Dha, it was but just his Sons should enjoy what was legally descended to them by their Father: But Ambition seldom gives place to Equity; and there­fore, right or wrong, Ievaf and Iago must have a touch for South-Wales, which they enter with a great Army; and being opposed, they obtained a very op­portune Victory over Owen and his Brethren the Sons of Howel, at the Hills of Carno. The next Year the A.D. 950 two Brothers entred twice into South-Wales, destroyed and wasted Dyfet, and slew Dwnwalhon Lord of the Countrey. Shortly after which, Roderic the third A.D. 951 Son of Howel Dha dyed. But his Brethren perceiving the Folly of standing only upon the defensive, mu­ster'd A.D. 952 all their Forces together, and entering North-Wales, marched as far as Lhanrwst upon the River Conwy; where Ievaf and Iago met them. A very cruel Battel ensued upon this, and a very great number were slain on both sides, among whom were Anarawd the Son of Gwyriad, the Son of Roderic the Great; and Edwyn the Son of Howel Dha. But the Victory plainly favoured the Brothers Ievaf and Iago; so that the Princes of South-Wales were obliged to re­tire to Cardiganshire, whither they were warmly pur­sued, and that Country cruelly harrass'd with Fire and Sword. The next Year Merfyn was unhappily A.D. 953 drowned; and shortly after Congelach King of Ireland was slain.

The Scots and Northumbrians having lately sworn Allegiance to King Edred, he was scarce returned to his own Country, but Aulafe, with a great Army, landed in Northumberland, and was with much rejoy­cing received by the Inhabitants. But before he could secure himself in the Government, he was shamefully banished the Country; and so the Northumbrians ele­cted one Hircius, the Son of Harold for their King. But to shew the Inconstancy of an unsettled Multitude, [Page 56] they soon grew weary of Hircius, and after Three Years space expelled him, and voluntarily submitted themselves to Edred, who after he had reigned eight Years, dyed, and was buried at Winchester. To him succeeded Edwin the Son of Edmund, a Man so im­moderately given to Venety, that he forcibly married another Man's Wife; for which, and other Irregulari­ties, his Subjects, after four Years reign, set up his Brother Edgar, who was crowned in his stead; with A.D. 958 grief of which, he soon ended his days. The Sum­mer, that same Year, proved so immoderately hot, that it caused a very dismal Plague in the following Spring, which swept away a great number of People; before which, Gwgan the Son of Gwyriad the Son of Roderie dyed. At this time, Ievaf and Iago forcibly managed the Government of all Wales, and acted ac­cording to their own good Pleasures, no one daring to confront or resist them. But for all their Power, the Sons of Abloio King of Ireland, ventured to land in Anglesey; and having burnt Holyhead, wasted the Country of Lhyn. Also the Son of Edwyn the Son of Colhoyn, destroyed and ravaged all the Country to A.D. 961 Towyn, where they were intercepted and slain. About the same time dyed Meyric the Son of Cadfan, Rytherch Bishop of S. Davids, and Cadwalhon ap Owen. Not long after, the Country of North-Wales was cruelly A.D. 965 wasted by the Army of Edgar King of England; the occasion of which Invasion was the non-payment of the Tribute that the King of Aberffraw, by the Laws of Howel Dha, was obliged to pay to the King of London. But at length a Peace was concluded upon these Conditions, that the Prince of North-Wales, in­stead of Money, should pay to the King of England the Tribute of 300 Wolves yearly; which Creature was then very pernicious and destructive to England and Wales. This Tribure being duly performed for two Years, the third Year there were none to be found in any part of the Island; so that afterwards the Prince of North-Wales became exempt from pay­ing any Acknowledgment to the King of England. A.D. 966 The Terror apprehended from the English, being by [Page 57] these means vanished; there threatned another Cloud from Ireland; for the Irish being animated by their late Expedition, landed again in Anglesey; and having slain Roderic the Son of Edwal Foel, they destroyed Aboffraw. And this danger being over, Ievaf and A.D. 967 [...]ago who had jointly and agreeably, till now, mana­ged the Government of Wales from the death of Howel [...]ha, began to quarrel and disagree among themselves; and Iago having forcibly laid hands upon his Brother [...], confined him to perpetual Imprisonment. These Heats and Animosities between the two Bro­thers,A.D. 968 gave occasion and opportunity to Owen Prince of South-Wales to carve for himself, who presently [...]eized to his hands the Country of Gwyr. And to A.D. 969 [...]ugment the Miseries of the Welch at this time, Mactus the Son of Harold, with an Army of Danes, [...]ntered the Isle of Anglescy, and spoiled Penmon. King Edgar was so indulgent to these Danes, that he permitted them to inhabit through all England; inso­ [...]uch that at length they became to be as numerous [...]nd as strong as the English themselves; and fell into [...]uch lewd courses of Debauchery, and such horrid Drinking, that very great Mischief ensued thereupon. The King to reform this immoderate Sottishness, ena­cted a Law, that very one should drink by measure, and so stamped a Mark upon every Vessel, how [...]at it should be filled. But Harold having taken Pen­non, A.D. 970 made subject to himself the whole Isle of Angle­sey, which however he did not keep long, being for­ced to quit the same, and to return home; as did the Fleet of King Alfred, which he had sent to sub­ [...]ue Ca [...]rlheon upon Ʋsc. And now being rid of the A.D. 971 English and Danes, the Welch begin to raise Commo­tions among themselves. Ievaf continued still in Pri­son,A.D. 972 to rescue whom, his Son Howel raised his Power, and marched against his Uncle Iago, who being van­quished in sight, was forced to quit the Country, to [...]ave himself. Howel having won the day, took his eldest Uncle, Meyric the Son of Edwal Prisoner, and pulled out both his Eyes, clapt him in Prison, where in a woful condition he shortly dyed, leaving behind [Page 56] [...] [Page 57] [...] [Page 58] him two Sons, Edwal and Ionafal; the first of which lived to be afterwards Prince of Wales, and to re­venge upon the Posterity of Howel, that unnatural Barbarity shewed to his Father. But though Howel delivered his Father from his long and tedious Impri­sonment, yet he did not think fit to restore him to his Principality; for whether by Age or Infirmity he was incapable, Howel took upon him the sole Government of Wales, which he kept and maintained for his life­time, but afterwards it descended to his Brethren. For Ievaf had Issue besides this Howel; Meyric, I [...] vaf, and Cadwalhan; all three Men of great Repu [...] and Esteem.

About this time dyed Morgan Hên, in his younger days called Morgan Mawr, being an Hundred Year [...] old, having lived Fifty Years after the death of h [...] Wife Elen, Daughter of Roderic the Great, by who [...] he had one Son called Owen. Morgan was a valiant an [...] a victorious Prince, and well beloved of his Subjects [...] but sometime before his death, Owen, the Son o [...] Prince Howel Dha, laid claim to Ystradwy and E [...]y (called the two Sleeves of Gwent Ʋwchcoed) being th [...] Right of Morgan, and seized upon them to his ow [...] use. But the matter, through the mediation of the Clergy and Nobility, being by both Parties referred to the decision of Edgar King of England, it was by him adjudged, that the said Lands did of right belong to Morgan, and to the Diocess of Lhandaff; and that Owen ap Howel Dha had wrongfully possessed him­self of them. The Charter of the said Award wa [...] made before the Archbishops, Bishops, Earls and Ba­rons of England and Wales; at may be seen at Lhan­daff, in an old Manuscript called y Cwtta Cyfarwydd [...] Forgannwg. And there is somewhat to the same pur­pose in the old Book of Lhandaff; only the mistake in both is, that they make Howel Dha the Intruder into the said Lands, who had been dead at least Twenty Years before King Edgar began his Reign.

Howel ap Ievaf.

HOwel, after that he had expelled his Uncle Iago, and forced him to quit his own Dominions, [...]ok upon himself the Government of Wales, in [...]ght of his Father, who tho alive, yet by reason of [...]s Years, was willing to decline it. About the same [...] Dwnwalhon Prince of Stradclwyd, took his Jour­ [...]y for Rome; and Edwalhon Son of Owen Prince [...]f South-Wales died. But the English received a [...]eater Blow by the Death of King Edgar, who was Prince of excellent Qualities, both warlike and re­ [...]gious, and one that founded several Monasteries and [...]ligious Houses, and particularly at Bangor.

For Iago ap Edwal having fled to King Edgar, pre­ [...]iled so far with him, that he brought an Army in­ [...] North-Wales to restore him to his Right. Being [...]vanced as far as Bangor, he was honourably receiv'd [...] Howel, who, at his request, was contented his Un­ [...] Iago should have a share in the Government, as he [...]d in his Father Ievaf's time. Then Edgar founded [...] new Church at Bangor, on the South-side of the Ca­ [...]edral, which he dedicated to the Blessed Virgin [...]ary; and confirmed the antient Liberties of that [...]e, and bestowed Lands and Gifts upon it: And [...]en with Howel and Iago in his company, he march­ [...] towards Chester, where met him, by appointment, [...]x Kings more, viz. Keneth King of the Scots, Mal­ [...] King of Cumberland, Macon King of Man, and [...]fnwal, Sifrethus, and Ithel, three British Kings. [...]hese Eight Princes having done Homage, and sworn [...]ealty to him, entred with him into his Barge, and [...]wed him, four of each side, from his Palace to the [...]hurch or Monastery of S. John Baptist, and Divine [...]ervice being ended, in like state rowed him back [...]gain. To King Edgar succeeded his Son Edward, sur­named [Page 60] the Younger; who after four Years reign, w [...] treacherously slain through the Treason of his Stepmother Elfrida, to make room for her own Son Edelred upon pretence of whose minority, being a Child o [...] ly of Seven Years, she might have the manageme [...] of the Kingdom in her own hands. But whilst th [...] A.D. 976 English were in this waving and unsettled conditio [...] Eineon, the Son of Owen King of South-Wales, t [...] second time entered the Country of Gwyr, and hav [...] spoiled and wasted it, returned home again. Th [...] though an unsufferable Affront to Howel Prince [...] North-Wales, yet he thought it most convenient [...] pass by and wink at it; being then warmly engag [...] against the Aiders and Abettors of his Uncle Iag [...] and marching against them with a numerous A [...] consisting of Welch and English, pursued them to L [...] and Kelynnoc Fawr, the very extremity of Wal [...] where after cruel ravaging and miserable harassing [...] the Country about, Iago was at last taken Prisone [...] but so generously received by Howel, that he gran [...] his Uncle to enjoy his portion of the Country pe [...] ably for his Life. But he did not deal so kindly w [...] his Uncle Edwal Fychan the Son of Edwal Foel; w [...] A.D. 979 for what pretence, not discover'd, was slain by h [...] It may be, that being in a manner secure of his U [...] cle Iago, he was apprehensive that Edwal Fychan wo [...] put in his Pretence for the Principality; and theref [...] he judged it convenient to remove this Obstacle [...] time, and to send him to seek for it in another Wo [...] For nothing can be the cause of greater Injustice a [...] Inhumanity in Princes, than the jealousie and app [...] hension of Rivals and Pretenders to their Governme [...] to prevent which, they will sacrifice any thing t [...] is just and legal, so that the Person offending be [...] moved out of the way. But though Howel had [...] thered his Uncle Edwal Fychan, yet he could not [...] move all Disputes and Pretences to North Wale [...] For at the same time that he was employed in t [...] unnatural Action, Cystenyn Dhu, or Constantine [...] Black, Son to Iago then Prisoner to Howel, having [...] red an Army of Danes, under the command of Godf [...] [Page 61] [...]e Son of Harold, marched against his Cousin Howel, [...]d entring North-Wales, destroyed Anglesey and Lhyn. [...]hereupon Howel having drawn his Forces together, [...] upon them at a place called Gwayth Hirbarth, [...]here the Danes received a very shameful overthrow, [...]nd Constantine the Son of Iago was slain. But ano­ [...]er Army of Danes fared better in England, who ha­ [...]ng landed at, and spoiled Southampton, over-ran the [...]ountries of Devon and Cornwal, burnt the Town of [...]odman, whereby the Cathedral Church of St. Pe­ [...]kes, with the Bishop's Palace, were laid in Ashes; [...]y reason of which Disaster, that Bishop's See was [...]anslated to St. Germains, where it continued till the [...]iting thereof to Crediton. Within a while after, [...] Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury died, a Pious [...]nd Religious Person, who fore-told of very great and [...]supportable Calamities, the English should endure [...]y the cruel Outrages of the Danes.

But Godfryd the Son of Harold being highly disgu­ [...]ed A.D. 981 at the shameful rout he received of Howel in the Quarrel of Constantine, was resolved to recover his Credit, and to revenge himself of the Welch. And [...]ccordingly he landed with a powerful Army in West-Wales, where after that he had spoiled the Land of [...]yfed, with the Church of St. Davids, he fought the [...]mous Battle of Lhanwanoc. But Harold being forced [...]pon this to retire and forsake the Country, the fol­ [...]owing A.D. 982 Year Duke Alfred with a considerable number of English came to supply his room, and to conquer [...]he Welch. But he received as little Advantage or Honor as Harold in this Expedition; for after that [...]e had laid waste and destroyed the Town of Brec­ [...]ck, with some part of South-Wales, he was shame­ [...]ully vanquished, and his Army almost totally cut off by the Troops of Eineon the Son of Owen Prince of South-Wales, and Howel Prince of North Wales, who had joined their Forces against him. And now A.D. 983 the Welch having quite disabled the Danes and the English, began to fall to their old Courses, to make [...]fe of their Prosperity and Quietness from abroad, for quarrelling and creating Disturbances at home. [Page 62] The Inhabitants of Gwentland imagined themselve [...] very Strong and Powerful, and therefore must need endeavour to shake off their Allegiance to their Prince and to set up one of their own making. Owen Princ [...] of South-Wales to pacify the rebellious Humor o [...] these seditious and turbulent People, sent his So [...] Eineon to persuade them to Obedience. But a di [...] ­stracted multitude got loose, is not to be worked up­on by Arguments, which Eineon fatally experience [...] who was so far from persuading them in their Allegiance by fair means, that they presently set upo [...] him, and thinking that they had the Bird in the fist, who was next to succeed, put him to prese [...] Death. And thus most ignobly fell this worthy Prince, who in his Father's time was the only Sup­port of his Country, being a stout and a valia [...] Commander, and one famously experienced in th [...] Art and Discipline of War. He had Issue two Son [...] Edwyn and Tewdor Mawr, or Theodor the Great, o [...] of whose Loins several Princes of South-Wales we [...] A.D. 984 since descended. But Howel Prince of North Wal [...] did not regard this Dissention and Rebellion in South Wales, and therefore took opportunity to strengthe [...] and multiply his Army, with which he marched th [...] next Year for England, intending to revenge the [...] ­cursions and Invasions of the English upon Wales, and to destroy and waste their Country. But ha­ving entred into England, he was presently fough [...] with, upon which, being resolved either to retur [...] Victoriously, or to die Couragiously, he fell in among them, but in the Action was slain, leaving no Issu [...] behind him to succeed in his Principality, tho' [...] some antient Genealogies he is reputed to have a So [...] called Conan y Cwn.

Cadwalhon ap Ievaf.

HOwel the Son of Ievaf had for a long time en­joyed the Principality of North-Wales, more by [...]ain Force and Usurpation, than any right of Suc­ [...]ssion he could pretend to it. For Ionafal and Edwal [...]e Sons of Meyric, the eldest Son of Edwal Foel, [...]ere living, and tho' their Father had been rejected [...] unfit for Government, yet that was no reason to [...]eprive them of their Right. Indeed, Howel could [...]etend to no other Right or Title, than that his Fa­ [...]er Ievaf had been Prince of North-Wales before [...], and this he thought sufficient to maintain his [...]ossession against the rightful Heir, who was far un­ [...]le to oppose or molest his wrongful Usurpation. [...]t he being slain in this rash Expedition against the English, and leaving no Issue to succeed him in the [...]rown, his Brother Cadwalhon thought he might right­ [...]lly take upon him the Government of North-Wales, [...]eing his Father and his Brother had without any [...]olestation enjoyed the same. However to make his [...]itle secure, he thought fit to remove all manner of [...]bs which might create any Dispute concerning his [...]ght of Succession, and to that end, concluded it [...]ecessary to make away his Cosins Ionafal and [...]dwal the lawful Heirs; the first of which he [...]xecuted accordingly, but Edwal being aware of his [...]ntention privately made his escape, and so prevented [...]is wicked Design. This unnatural Dealing with his Cousins Ionafal and Edwal cost Cadwalhon not only [...]is Life, but the loss of his Principality and the utter [...]uin of his Father's House. For he had scarce enjoy­ [...]d A.D. 985 his Government one Year, but Meredith the Son [...]f Owen Prince of South-Wales entred into North-Wales, slew Cadwalhon and his Brother Meyric the [...]nly remains of the House of Ievaf, and under the [Page 64] pretence of Conquest, possessed himself of the whole Country. Here we may observe and admire the Wisdom of Providence, in permitting Wrong and Oppression for some time to flourish and wax great and afterwards by secret and hidden Methods, in re­storing the Posterity of the right and lawful Heir [...] the just and pristine Estate of his Ancestors. Fo [...] after the Death of Edwal Foel, Meyric who by righ [...] of Birth was legally to succeed, was not only deprived of his just and righful Inheritance, but had [...] Eyes most inhumanly put out, and being condemne [...] to perpetual Imprisonment, for grief of being so bar­barously treated, quickly ended his Days. But th [...] his Brothers Ievaf and Iago, and Howel and Ca [...] walhon the Sons of the former successively enjoy [...] the Principality of North-Wales; yet not one di [...] naturally or free from the Revenge of Meyric's ej [...] ction. For Ievaf was imprison'd by his Brother Iag [...] and he with his Son Constantine, by Howel the S [...] of Ievaf, and afterwards Howel fell by the hands o [...] the English, and his Brethren Cadwalhon and Mey [...] were both slain by Meredith ap Owen. On the othe [...] side, Edwal ab Meyric who was right Heir of North Wales after the Death of his Brother Ionafal, escap [...] the snare intended by Cadwalhon; and Meredith [...] Owen after some time leaving North Wales expose [...] to the Enemies, by reason he had enough to do to pre­serve South-Wales, Edwal was received of the North-Wales Men as their true Prince.

Meredith ap Owen.

A.D. 986 MEredith having won the Field and slain Cadwalh [...] and his Brother Meyric, the only seeming Pre­tenders to the Principality of North-Wales, took upo [...] himself the Rule and Government of it. But before [...]e could be well confirmed in his Dominions, Godfry [...] [Page 65] [...]he Son of Harold, the third time entred into the [...]sle of Anglesey, and having taken Lhyarch the Son of Owen with 2000 Men Prisoners, most cruelly put out [...]is Eyes; which so startled and struck such a Terror [...]nto Prince Meredith, that with the rest of his Army [...]e forthwith made his escape and fled to Cardigan. This loss to the Welch was the same Year seconded [...]y another, but of another sort; for there happened [...]uch a dismal and unusual Murren, that the best part [...]f the Cattle of Wales perished. Neither were the [...]nglish at this time free from Adversities and Trou­ [...]les, for the Danes landed again in England with se­ [...]eral Armies, and at Westport and W [...]test, gave two [...]nglish Lords, Godan and Britchwould such a blow, [...]hat the King was forced to buy his Peace, with the [...]ayment of 10000 Pound, which was termed. Dane [...]elt. But within a while after, King Edelred violated [...]nd brake the Peace himself, and prepared a great [...]eet, thinking to vanquish the Danes at Sea: But [...] proved far otherwise, and much contrary to his ex­ [...]ctation, all his Ships being either destroyed or [...]aken, together with the Admiral, Alfric Earl of Mercin. The Danes being animated with this Victo­ [...]y, failed up to the Mouth of the H [...]mber, and land­ [...]g in York shire, spoiled and destroyed the City of [...]rk and Lindsey; but in their march through Nor­ [...]humberland, were routed and put to flight by Godwyn [...]nd Fridgist, two English Generals who were sent to [...]ppose them. The same time An [...]f King of Norway, [...]nd Swane of Denmark with 94 Gallies sailed up the Thames and besieged London, which the Citizens to [...]ravely defended, that at length the Danes thought [...]est to raise and quit the Siege. But though they [...]ould effect nothing upon the City, yet the Country [...]as at their mercy, and therefore leaving their Ships, [...]hey landed and wasted with Fire and Sword all Kent, Essex, Sussex, Surry and Hampshire. Wherefore King Edelred instead of manly opposition in the Field, [...]ends Ambassadors to treat about another payment, [...]nd so the Danes being satisfied with a great Sum of Money and Victuals, lay quiet that Winter at Sou­thampton. [Page 66] Upon this Composition, Anlaf was in­vited by Adelred, and Royally entertained, and be­ing dismissed with very many rich Presents, he pro­mised upon Oath to depart the Kingdom and never to molest it any more, which he faithfully per­formed.

A.D. 987 Whilst the English and the Danes were thus for a [...] time agreed, Ievaf the Son of Edwal having spe [...] for several Years a retired and a private Life, died: And was quickly followed by Owen the Son of Ho [...] Dha Prince of South-Wales. This Owen had thr [...] Sons, Eineon who in his Father's time was slain by th [...] Rebels of Gwentland, and Lhywarch who had [...] Eyes put out by Godfryd the Son of Harold the D [...] and Prince Meredith, who had already Conquere [...] North Wales, and now upon his Father's Death take [...] possession also of South-Wales, without any regard had to Edwyn and Theodore the Sons of Eineon his elde [...] Brother. But upon his advancement to his new Prin­cipality, he was like to meet with no very small trou­bles; for the Danes at Hampton quickly broke t [...] League with King Adelred, and sailing towards th [...] West mightily annoyed the Coasts of Cornwal and D [...] vonshire, and at last landed in South-Wales. Havi [...] destroyed St Davids, Lhanbadarn, Lhanrhystyd, Lha [...] dydoch, and several other Religious places; the Cou [...] try was so cruelly harassed and weakened, that Princ [...] Meredith was forced to compound with them, and [...] A.D. 988 pay a Tribute of one Peny for every Person with [...] his Dominions, which in Welch was called Glwma [...] otherwise, the Tribute of the Black Army. An [...] Ireland too at this time received no inconsiderabl [...] blow from the Danes, who slew Elwmaen the Son [...] Abloic King of the Country, and so spoiled and r [...] vaged that Kingdom, that a great Number of the Na [...] tives perished by Famine.

A.D. 989 The year following Owen the Son of Dyfnwal a Ma [...] of a considerable Note and Reputation among the Welc [...] was slain; besides which nothing remarkable happe [...] ed this year. But the next year Edwyn ap Eineon, wh [...] was right Heir to the Principality of South-Wale [...] [Page 67] having drawn to his help a great Army of English A.D. 990 [...]nd Danes hostibly entered into Meredith's Country, [...]poiled all the Land of Cardigan, Dyfed, Gwyr, Kyd­ [...]ely and St. Davids, and received Hostages of the Chief Persons of those Countries to own him as their rightful Prince. To return these Outrages upon Edwyn, Meredith destroyed the Town of Radnor, spoil­ [...]d A.D. 991 Glamorgan, and carried the Chiefest Men therein Prisoners, who paying, their Ransom, were set at Li­berty. But whil [...] Wales was in this tottering Con­ [...]ition, and scarce any place free from Hostility; it happily fell out, that Meredith and Edwyn were made Friends, and the Differences composed between them, [...]o that the English and Danes who came in with Edwyn, [...]nd who expected to fare best by these Civil Distur­bances of the Welch were unexpectedly cashiered and sent home. And soon after this agreement, Cad­walhon the only Son of Meredith died, which ren­dered the Composition between Meredith and Edwyn more firm, by reason that this latter thought now, without any Dispute to succeed Meredith in his Prin­cipality. But this fell short of his aim, for Me­redith being very much disturbed in South-Wales, had [...]o much work upon his hands to defend that Coun­ [...]ry, that he left North-Wales open and exposed to the Common Enemy, which the Danes were quickly acquainted with, and so landing in Angles [...]y, they ra­vaged and laid waste the whole Island. The North-Wales Men finding themselves thus forsaken by Me­redith, and their Country like to be over-run by the Danes, if not timely prevented, set up Edwal the Son A.D. 992 of Meyric, the indisputable Heir of North-Wales, though long kept from it, and owned him for their Prince. But those incessant Wars and Commotions in South-Wales, occasioned a very dismal Famine and Scarcity in the Country, of which a very considerable number of People perished. And thus Meredith who had once conquered North-Wales, and for a long time had got possession of South-Wales, without any Right or Title to either, was now obliged to relinquish the one, and was scarce able to maintain the other.

Edwal ap Meyric.

A.D. 993 EDwal after a long and tedious expectation, being now joyfully received by the North-Wales Men for their Prince, endeavoured the first thing to de­fend his Subjects from the Injuries and Depredations they received from the Danes. And having in a mea­sure effected that, he was accosted by another Ene­my; for Meredith being resolved to Revenge the Indignity and Disgrace put upon him by the North-Wales Men, in depriving him of the Government of their Country, gathered and mustered together all his Power, intending to recover again that Principa­lity. Being advanced as far as Lhangwm, Edwal met him, and in plain Battel routed his Army; in which Action, Theodor or Tewdor Mawr, Meredith's Nephew was slain, leaving behind him two Sons, Rhys and Rytherch, and a Daughter named Elen. But 'tis probable that it was not Tewdor Mawr, but his Bro­ther Edwyn that was slain in this Battel, which also seems rather to have been fought at Hengwm in Ar­dudwy in Merioneth shire, than at Lhangwm, for in that place there are to this Day certain Monuments of Victory to be seen, as heaps of Stones, Tomb-Stones and Columns, which they call Carneddi Hengwm. Edwal returning home triumphantly after this Victo­ry, thought he had now secured himself in his Go­vernment, and expected to enjoy his Dominions quietly, and without any molestation. But he had scarce recovered the Fatigue of the last Engagement, when Swane the Son of Harold having lately pillaged and wasted the Isle of Man, landed in North-Wales, whom Edwal endeavouring to oppose, was slain in the Encounter, leaving one Son behind him, called Iago. [Page 69] Within a while after, the Danes returned again against St. Davids, and destroying all before them with Fire and Swords, slew Morgency or Ʋrgeney, Bishop of that Diocese. Prince Meredith being highly concerned at the Mis­chiefs these Barbarous People continually did to his Country, and the more, because he was not able to [...]epel their Insolencies, out of Grief and Vexation died; having Issue one Only Daughter, named An­gharad, who was twice Married; first to Lhewelyn ap Sitsylhe, and after his Death to Confyn Hirdref, or [...]as others think, to Confyn ap Gwerystan. She had Children by both Husbands, which occasioned after­wards great Disturbances and Civil Commotions in Wales, the Issue of both Adventures pretending a Right of Succession to the Principality of South-Wales.

Aedan ap Blegorad.

EDwal Prince of North-Wales being killed in the Battel against Swane, and having no other Issue [...]han Iago, who was a Minor, and too young to take upon him the Government; and Meredith Prince of South-Wales dying without any other Issue than a Daughter, caused very heavy Quarrels and Conten­tions among the Welch, several without any colour of Right, putting in their Claims and Pretensions to the Government. In North-Wales, Conan the Son A.D. 1003 of Howel, and Aedan the Son of Blegorad were the chief Aspirers to that Principality; and because they could not agree who should be the Man, they fairly consented to try the matter in open Field, where Conan had the misfortune to be slain; and so Aedan was Victoriously proclaimed Prince of No [...]th Wales. But who this Aedan was descended from, or what [Page 70] Colour or Pretence he could lay to this Principality, cannot be as much as guessed at, there being none of that Name to be met with in any Welch Records, ex­cepting that Blegorad who is mentioned in the Lire of Howel Dha, whose Estate and Quality was too mean, that his Posterity should lay any Claim to the Principality of Wales. But be that how it will, Aed [...] after his Victory over Conan ap Howel, was owned Prince by the North-Wales Men, over whom he bore Rule for the space of twelve Years; tho' besides his Conquest of Conan ap Howel, there be nothing record­ed of him, excepting his being slain, together with his four Sons by Lhewelyn ap Sitsylhe.

But whilst the Welch are in this inconstant and unsettled Condition, the Scots in Ireland began to grow powerful, and having destroyed the Town and Country of Develyn they took Gulfath and Ʋbiad, two Irish Lord prisoners, whose Eyes they most inhumanly put out. The Danes also, who had lately made their Incursio [...] into South-Wales, began now to molest the English and having landed in the West, passed through th [...] Counties of Somerset, Dorset, Hamp-shire and Sussex, destroying and burning all before them. Having ad­vanced without any Opposition, as far as the River Medway, they laid Siege to Rochester, which the Kentish-men endeavouring to preserve, assembled themselves together, and gave the Danes Battel, b [...] were vanquished in the Undertaking. King Edel [...] was then in Cumberland, where the Danes were more numerously planted, which Country he kept quie [...] and in subjection. But in the mean time another Army of Danes, landed in the West, against who [...] the Country People of Somerset-shire assembling them­selves, shewed their readiness to attack them, bu [...] wanting a Head to direct them, were easily put [...] their Heels, and the Danes ruled and commanded the Country at their pleasure. The King being sorely vexed at the Insolencies and restless Depredations of the Danes, thought convenient to strengthen himself by some powerful Affinity, and to that end, send [...] Ambassadors to Richard Duke of Normandy, desiring [Page 71] his Daughter Emma in Marriage, and Succours to [...]epel the Danish Incursions. Here it is observable, [...]hat as the Saxons being formerly called over as Friends and Allies to the well-meaning Britains, violently and wrongfully possessed themselves of the greatest part of the Island; so now the Normans being invited to Aid the English against the Danes, [...]ook so good a liking to the Country, that they never gave over their Design of gaining it, till at [...]ast they became Conquerors of the whole Island. The Mischief of calling in the Normans, tho' fore­told to King Adelred, he was so far concerned a­bout the present Calamities received by the Danes, that he was deaf to all futurities, how dangerous and mischievous soever they might prove. And therefore being puff'd up with hopes of Increase of Strength by this new Affinity, he sent private Letters to all Cities and Towns throughout his Dominions where the Danes were quartered, re­quiring them all upon St. Brice's Night to Mas­sacre the Danes, which was accordingly performed with much Unanimity and Secrecy. This cruel Disaster was so far from discouraging the Danes, that they now began to Vow the Eradication of the English Nation, and to Revenge that unman­ly Massacre of their Country-men; to which end they landed in Devon-shire, and over-running the Country with Fire and Sword, spared nothing that had the least spark of Life in it. The City of Exeter they razed to the ground, and slew Hugh the Norman, whom the Queen had recommended to the Government of it. To prevent their fur­ther Incursions. Almarus Earl of Devon gathered a great Army out of Hamp-shire and Wilt-shire, and the Country thereabouts, and marched with a Re­solution stoutly to oppose the Danes, who put Al­marus to Flight and pursued him to Wilton and Salisbury, which being ransacked and plundered, they carried the Pillage thereof triumphantly to their Ships.

A.D. 1004 The next Year, Swane, a Prince of great repute in Denmark, landed upon the Coast of Norfolk and laid siege to Norwich, and wasted the Country there­abouts. But Wolfkettel Duke of that Country, being too weak to oppose him, thought it most convenient to make a Peace, with the Dane; which was quickly broke; and then Swane marched privately to Therford, which after he had spoiled and ransack'd, he return'd with his Prey to his Ships. Wolfkettel hearing this, privately drew up his Forces, and stoutly marched against the Enemy; but being far inferiour in number, the Danes got the day, and afterwards sailed to their own Country. Within Two Years after, the Danes returned again, bringing with them their usual Com­panions, the Fire, the Sword, and the Spoil and landed at Sandwich; which after they had burnt and pillaged, they sailed to the Isle of Wight, where they took up their Winter-Quarters till Christmas: And then coming forth thence, they over-ran, by several Parties the Countries of Hamshire and Barkshire, as far as Reading, Wallingford and Colsey; devouring up, for want of other Plunder, all the Provisions and Victuals they found in the Houses, and retributed the same with Fire and Sword at their departure. In their return they met with the Army of the West-Saxons near Essington, but this consisting only of a raw and unexperienced Rabble, they easily broke through, and passing triumphantly by the Gates of Winchester, they got safe with great Booty to Wight. King Adelred all this while lay at his Mannor-House in Shropshire, much troubled and concerned at these un­interrupted Devastations of the Danes. But the No­bility of England, rather to save some than lose all they possessed, bought their Peace of the Danes for the Sum of 30000 l. during which interval, King Adelred rousing his drooping Spirits, ordained, that every three Hundred Hides of Land, one Hide being as much as one Plough can sufficiently till, through his Dominions, should man out a Ship, and every Eight Hides a Corslet and a Helmet; beside which the King had no inconsiderable Navy sent him from Normandy. [Page 73] [...]his Fleet when rendezvous'd at Sandwich seemed ter­ [...]le in those days, and was the greatest that ever [...]ore then rode upon the British Sea. And now, one [...]ght have thought, that all things would go well [...]th the English, when of a sudden another Cloud [...]pears; for one Wilnot, a Noble Man of Sussex, be­ [...]g banished by King Adelred, got to Sea with a small [...]mber of Ships, and practised Pyracy along the [...]asts of Britain, and mightily annoyed all Mer­ [...]ants and Passengers. Brightrych, Brother to the A.D. 1008 [...]iterous Edric Earl of Mercia, thinking to advance [...] Reputation by some signal Exploit, promised to [...]ng Wilnot dead or alive before him: To which [...]d, he sets forth with a considerable Fleet; which [...]eeting with a terrible Storm, was by the Tempest [...]iven back, and wreck'd upon the shoars; so that great number of the Ships were drowned, and the [...] burnt by Wilnot and his Company. Brightrych be­ [...]g abashed with this unfortunate beginning, return­ [...] ingloriously by the Thames back to London; so [...]at this great Preparation against the Danes, was [...]sh'd to pieces, and came to nothing.

The Danes were not ignorant of the Misfortune the A.D. 1009 [...]glish received by this Storm, and without any fur­ [...]er enquiry, landed at Sandwich, and so passed on Canterbury, which they intending to destroy, was [...] the Citizens bought off for 3000 l. Passing from [...]ence, through Kent, Sussex and Hampshire, they came [...] Burkshire, where King Edelred at length met with [...]em, and purposing resolutely to set upon them, was the cunning Insinuations and subtile Arguments of [...]ytor Edric dissuaded from fighting. The Danes be­ [...]g thus deliver'd from the danger which they certain­ [...] expected, passed on joyfully by the City of London, [...]d with great Booty returned to their Ships. The [...] Year they landed again at Ipswich, upon Ascension­ [...] where Wolfkettel entertained them with a sharp [...]counter; but being over-power'd by Number, he [...]as forced to give back, and yield the day to the [...]anes. Passing from thence to Cambridge, they met [...]ith Ethelstan, King Edelred's Nephew by his Sister, [Page 74] who with an Army was come to oppose them; but the Danes proving too powerful, he with many other Noblemen were slain; among whom were Duke Os­wyn and the Earls Edwyn and Wolfrike. From hence they passed through Essex, leaving no manner of Cruelty and Barbarity unpractised, and returned la­den with Booty to their Ships, which lay in the A.D. 1010 Thames. But they could not contain themselves long in their Vessels; and therefore sallying out, they pas­sed by the River side to Oxford, which they ransack'd over again; adding to their Prey Buckingham, Bed­ford, Hartford, and Northamptonshire; and having accomplished that Years Cruelties, at Christmas they returned to their Ships. Yet the Prey of the Coun­trey from the Trent Southward, would not satisfie these unmerciful Barbarians; but as soon as the Sea­son A.D. 1011 gave them leave to peep out of their Dens, they laid siege to the City of Canterbury, which being de­liver'd up by the Treachery of Almarez the Archdea­con, was condemned to Blood and Ashes, and Alfego [...] the Archbishop carried Prisoner to the Danish Fleet, where he was at length most cruelly put to death A.D. 1012 The next Year Swane, King of Denmark, came up the Humber, and landed at Gainesborow; whithe [...] repaired to him Ʋthr [...]d Earl of Northumberland, with his People, the Inhabitants of Lindsey, with all th [...] Countries Northward of Watling-street, being a highway crossing from the East to the West Sea, and gave their Oath and Hostages to obey him. Whereupon King Swane perceiving his Undertaking to prove [...] fortunate beyond expectation, committed the care o [...] his Fleet to his Son Cnute, and marched himself [...] to Oxford, and then to Winchester; which Citie [...] whether for fear of further Calamities, readily ac­knowledged him for their King. From thence h [...] marched for London, where King Edelred then lay [...] and which was so stoutly defended by the Citizens, that he was like to effect nothing against that Town and therefore he directed his course to Wallingfor [...] and Bath, where the principal Men of West-Saxo [...] yielded him Subjection. The Londoners too, at last, [Page 75] [...]earing his Fury and Displeasure, made their peace, [...]nd sent him Hostages; which City being received to [...]ercy, Swane, from that time was accounted King of [...]ll England. King Edelred perceiving all his Astairs [...]n England to go against him, and his Authority and Government reduced to so narrow a compass, having sent his Queen, with his two Sons Edward and Alfred, [...]o Normandy, he thought convenient within a while [...]fter to follow himself. Being honourably received by his Brother in Law Richard, he had not been there [...]ong but News arrived of the death of Swane, and that he was desired by the English to return to his Kingdom. Being animated and comforted with this surprising News, he set forward with a great Army [...]or England, and landing at Lyndsey, he cruelly har­ [...]ssed that Province, by reason that it had owned Sub­jection to Cnute the Son of Swane, whom the Danes [...]ad elected King in his Fathers stead. King Cnute being at Ipswich, and certified of the arrival of King Edelred, and the Devastation of Lyndsey; fearing that [...]is Authority was going down the wind, barbarously cut off the Hands and Noses of all the Hostages he received from the English, and presently struck sail for Denmark. And whilst England was in this ge­neral Confusion, there fell out no less a storm in Ire­land; for Brian King of that Island, and his Son Mur­ [...]th, with other Kings of the Countrey subject to [...]rian, joyned their Forces against Sutric the Son of A [...]loic King of Dublin, and Mailmorda King of Lago­ [...]es. Sutric being of himself too weak to encounter so numerous a Multitude, hired all the Pyrates and Rovers who cruised upon the Seas, and then gave Brian battel, who, with his Son Murcath, was slain; and on the other side, Maihnorda, and Broderic Ge­neral of the Auxiliaries.

But Cnute, though he was in a manner forced to A.D. 1013 forsake England upon the recalling of King Edelred, yet he did not abandon all his pretence to the King­dom; and therefore the next year he came to renew his Claim, and landed with a strong Fleet in West- [...]ex, where he exercised very great Hostility. To [Page 76] prevent his Incursions, Edric and Edmund Bastard-Son to Edelred, raised their Forces separately; b [...] when both Armies were united, they durst not, wh [...] ther for fear, or the Dissention of the two Generals fight with the Danes. Edmund therefore passed to the North, and joyned with Ʋthred Duke of Northumberland, and both together descended and spoil­ed Stafford, Leicester, and Shropshire. On the othe [...] side, Cnute marched forcibly through Buckingham, Bedford, Huntingtonshire, and so by Stafford passed to­ward York whither Ʋthred hastened, and finding [...] other remedy, submitted himself, with all the Nor­thumbrians, to Cnute, giving Hostages for the perfor­mance of what they then agreed upon. But never­theless this Submission, Ʋthred was treacherously slain, not without the permission of Cnute, and hi [...] Dukedom bestowed upon one Egrick a Dane; whereupon Edmund left them, and went to his Father, wh [...] lay sick at London. Cnute returning to his Ships pre­sently followed, and sailed up the Thames toward [...] London; but before he could draw nigh the City King Edelred was dead; having prolonged a long and troublesom Reign for Thirty Seven Years. After his decease, the English Nobility chose his base Son Edmund, for his eminent strength and hardiness in War, surnamed Ironside, for their King. Upon this Cnu [...] brought his whole Fleet up the River to London, and having cut a deep Trench round about the Town, in­vested it on all sides; but being valourously repulsed by the Defendants, he detached the best part of his Army to fight with Edmund, who was marching to raise the Siege; and both Armies coming to battel at Proman by Gillingham, Cnute with his Danes were put to flight. But as soon as time and opportunity would give him leave to increase his Forces, Cnute gave Edmund a second Battel at Caerstane; but Edric, Almar, and Algar under-hand siding with the Danes, Edmund was hard put to it, to maintain the fight ob­stinately, till Night and Weariness parted them. Both Armies having sufficiently suffered in this action, Ed­mund went to West-Sex to reinforce himself, and the [Page 77] Danes returned to the siege of London, where Edmund [...]ickly followed, raised the siege, and forced Cnute [...]d his Danes confusedly to betake themselves to their [...]ips, and then entered triumphantly into the City. [...]wo days after, passing the Thames at Brentford, he [...]ll upon the Enemies backs; by which lucky oppor­ [...]nity obtaining a considerable Victory, he returned [...]gain to raise Recruits among the West-Saxons. Cnute, [...]on Edmund's removal, appeared again before Lon­ [...]n, and invested it by Land and Water; but all in [...]in; the besieged so manfully and resolutely defen­ [...]ng themselves, that it was impracticable to master [...]e Town before Edmund could come to the relief of [...] And this they presently experienced; for Edmund, [...]ter having augmented his Forces, crossed again the [...]hames at Brentford, and came to Kent in pursuit of [...]nute, who upon engaging, was so shamefully defeat­ [...]d at first, and his Men put to that terrible flight, that [...]ere wanted nothing of a full and absolute Victory, [...]t the true Loyalty of the Traytor Edric, who per­ [...]iving the Victory to incline to Edmund, and the [...]anes like to receive their mortal and final Blow, [...]yed aloud, Fled Engle, Fled Engle, Edmund is dead, [...]nd thereupon fled with that part of the Army under [...]s command, leaving the King over-power'd with [...]umber. By this Desertion the English were at the [...]st overthrown, and a great number slain; among [...]hom were Duke Edmund, Duke Alfric, Duke God­ [...]yn, and Ʋlfkettel, the valiant Duke of the East-An­ [...]es, together with all the English Cavalry, and a [...]eat part of the Nobility. After this Victory, Cnute [...]arched triumphantly to London, and was crowned King; but Edmund preparing to try his Fortune in an­ [...]ther Field, muster'd together all the Forces he could, [...]nd meeting with Cnute in Gloucestershire, intended [...]o give him battel; But considering what cruel and [...]nnatural Bloodshed had already happen'd, both ge­ [...]erally agreed to put an end to this tedious Quarrel by [...]ngle Combat; and the place being appointed, Edmund [...]nd Cnute fell to it very vigourously, till at last Cnute [...]erceiving it impracticable to vanquish a Man of Iron [Page 78] Sides, laid down his Weapon, moving this Composi­tion, to divide the Kingdom fairly betwixt them▪ Edmund was not displeased at the Offer, and there­fore both Parties submitted to this Decision, that Ed­mund should rule the West-Saxons and the South; Cnute in Mercia and all the North; and so they parted Friends, Cnute moving to London, and Edmund to Oxford. But Edric was not pleased, that Edmund should have any share at all of the Government, and therefore he is resolved to conspire against his Life▪ and to deliver the whole Kingdom of England into the hands of Cnute; of whom he might reasonably expect for this, and other traiterous Services, a very ample and an answerable return. This he committed to one of his own Sons to put in execution, an [...] of the old stock, and one early versed in wicked and traiterous Designs; who perceiving the King to go [...] stool, thrust up a sharp Knife up his Fundament, [...] which Wound he presently dyed. Edric being quickly certified of the Fact, posted it up to London, and with great Joy and loud Acclamations came to Cnut [...] greeting him as sole King of England, and withal telling him in what manner, and by whose means h [...] old Enemy King Edmund was assassinated and killed at Oxford. Cnute, though pleased at the death of Edmund, was a Person of greater Honour than to com­mend so horrible a Deed, though done to an Enemy and therefore told Edric, that he would without fa [...] take care to reward him, as his Deserts required, an [...] would advance him above all the Nobility of England which was quickly performed, his Head being place [...] upon the highest Tower in London, for a Terrour [...] such villainous Traytors to their King. Edric being thus deservedly disappointed of the mighty Though [...] he entertained of Greatness, upon the Advancemen [...] of King Cnute; this generous Dane scorned his Bas [...] ness, and so having paid him a Traytors Reward, caused Execution to be done upon all Edric's Compl [...] ­ces, and those that consented to the base Murther o [...] that brave Prince King Edmund.

About the same time there happen'd no small Di­sturbance A.D. 1015 and Commotions in Wales; Lhewelyn ap Sytsylht having for some Years sate still and quiet, began now to bestir himself; and having drawn all his Forces together, marched against Aedan, who [...]orcibly and without any legal Pretence, had entred upon, and for all this time had kept himself in the Go­vernment of North-Wales. Aedan would not easily [...]eject himself from what had been so long in his pos­session; to maintain which, he gave Lhewelyn Battel: But the day going against him, himself, with his four Sons, were slain upon the spot; upon which, Lhewe­ [...]yn, without any regard had to Iago the Son of Edwal the right Heir, took upon himself the Title and Autho­rity of Prince of all Wales. His pretence to North-Wales was, as being descended from Trawst Daugh­ [...]er to Elis, second Son to Anarawd, who was the el­dest Son of Roderic the Great; and to South Wales, as having married Angharad the onely Daughter of Meredith Prince of South-Wales; by virtue of which Pretensions he assumed to himself the Government of all Wales.

Lhewelyn ap Sitsylht.

LHewelyn having, as is said, taken upon him the general Government of Wales, managed his Charge with such Prudence and Moderation, that the Countrey in a short time became very flourishing and prosperous; Peace and Tranquility being established produced plenty and increase of all things necessary to humane Subsistence: For there was none that could [...]ay any Claim or Pretence to either of the Principa­lities, excepting Iago the Son of Edwal, who was in­deed lawful Heir of North-Wales; but either too weak to withstand, or unwilling to disturb Lhewelyn's Title, he lay quiet for a time, expecting a better op­portunity [Page 80] to recover his Right. In the mean time, Cnute being crowned King of all England, marrie [...] Emma the Widow of King Edelred; and for the better securing the English Crown to himself and his Heirs, he thought it expedient to dispatch Edmund and Edward the Sons of Ironside out of the way. But lef [...] such an execrable Fact should seem too black to be done in England, he sent the two Youths to Solom [...]n King of Hungary, willing him to use some conve­nient opportunity to take away their Lives; which seemed to Solomon so very unnatural, that instead of complying with Cnute's Request, he educated and brought them up as his own Children. But Cnute imagined now that his Fear was over, and his bus [...] ness effectually finished; so that he could the more boldly demand of his Subjects, what either his Neces­sity or Curiosity would prompt him to. And refle­cting with himself, what excessive Expence he had been at in the Conquest of England, was resolved that the English should repay him; and therefore required a Subsidy of Seventy Two Thousand Pounds, beside Eleven Thousand, which the City of London contri­buted. The same time Meyric the Son of Arthfael, a Person of Quality in Wales, rebelled, and raised a [...] Army against Prince Lhewelyn, who no sooner appear­ed in the Field to quell this male-contented General, but manfully slew him with his own hand, and easily discomfited his Followers. The same time Cnute sail­ed over into Denmark, and made War upon the Va [...] ­dals, who, for all that they had a greater Army [...] the Field, were overcome by the imcomparable Va­lour of Earl Godwyn; for which famous Action Cnut [...] had the English in great esteem ever after.

A.D. 1020 But Lhewelyn Prince of Wales, though he had lately quell'd the Rebels headed by Meyric, was now to en­counter with another Difficulty, which seemed to threa­ten greater Disturbance and trouble to him: For a certain Person of a mean Quality in Scotland, coming to South-Wales, assumed the Name of Run, and pu [...] out that he was the Son of Meredith Prince of South-Wales; to whom joyned a great Number of the No­bility, [Page 81] who had no great Affection to Lhewelyn, and proclaimed Run Prince of South-Wales. Lhewelyn be­ing then in North Wales, and certified of this famous Impostor, drawing his Army together, marched to meet him; who with the whole strength of South-Wales then lay at Abe gwili, where he abode the ar­rival of Lhewelyn. When both Armies were ready to joyn battel, Run makes a vaunting Speech to his Soldiers, assuring them of Victory; and so persuading them couragiously to fall on, privately himself retired out of harms way; there one might have observed on the one side a valiant Army under a cowardly Gene­ral, and on the other part a valiant and a noble Com­mander engaging with a slow and a faint-hearted Ar­my; for Lhewelyn, like a bold and couragious Prince, ventur'd into the midst of his Enemies, whilst Run pri­ [...]tely sneaked off out all danger; and the South-Wales Men were more fierce and eager in the Cause of a Pre­ [...]ender than the North Wales Men, to maintain the Q [...]rrel of a Prince of their own Blood. But after great slaughter on both sides, the North Wales Men calling to mind the several Victories they had obtained, and withal being in a very great measure animated by the incomparable Valour of their Prince, fell on so warm­ly, that they put their Enemies to flight, and pursu'd R [...] so close, that notwithstanding his several shifts, he was at last overtaken and slain. Lhewelyn, after this Victory, returned laden with Spoil into North-Wales, and for some time lived peaceably and without Disturbance▪ But the next Year Howel and Meredith, the Sons of Ed [...]yn, conspired against him and slew him, [...]aving beh [...]nd him a Son called Gruffydh ap Lhe­welyn, who afterwards, though not immediately, a­scended to the Principality of North-Wales.

Iago ap Edwal.

AFter the death of Lhewelyn, Iago the Son of Ed­wal, the true Heir to the Principality of North-Wales, who had been all his time wrongfully kept from it; thought this the best opportunity to enter upon his Right, by reason of the minority of Gruffydh the Son of Lhewelyn; upon which pretence likewise Rytherch the Son of Iestyn forcibly assumed the Princi­pality of South-Wales. About the same time Cnute King of England sailed over to Denmark and Sweden, against Ʋlf and Alaf, who had moved the Finlanders against him; whom he subdued with the loss of a great part of his Army, as well English as Danes. With­in a while after his return to England, he made [...] very pompous and magnificent Journey to Rome; more to satisfie his ambitious Temper, and to signi­fie to the World his Greatness and Might, which he express'd by his costly Presents and princely Beha­viour, than any way to make atonement for the Op­pression and Bloodshed by which he had established himself in his Kingdom: For what Holiness and Mor­tification he had learnt at Rome, presently appeared upon his return to England; for upon no provocation he marched with an Army into Scotland, and forced Malcolm the King thereof, together with Molbea [...] and Jermare, the Kings of the Orkners and Ewist, to do him Homage.

A.D. 1031 But the Affairs of Wales were at this time very tur­bulent and uneasie; for Howel and Meredith, after the Murther of Prince Lhewelyn, expected to enjoy some part of his Principality themselves; but finding Iago to have seized upon North-Wales, and Rytherch upon South-Wales, and withal perceiving their own Power too weak to oppose their Designs, they invited over the Irish-Scots to their aid against Rytherch ap Iest [...], [Page 83] Prince of South-Wales. By the help of these, Howel and Meredith prevailed over Rytherch, who being at length slain, they joyntly took upon them the Rule and Government of South Wales. But this was not a sufficient title to establish them so firmly in it, that their Usurpation would not be called in question; for A.D. 1032 the Sons of R [...]therch presently after their Fathers death, gathered their Forces together to fight with the Bro­thers Howel and Meredith, who met at Irathwy, where a cruel Battel was fought, called Gwaith Irathwy; and at last the Sons of Rytherch were put to flight. But though these Victories, the one over Rytherch, and the second over his Sons, seemed in a great measure to favour Howel and Meredith's pretence to, and esta­blishment in the Principality, yet, so unpardonable a Crime, as the murther of [...]hewelyn, a Prince of so A.D. 1033 extraordinary Qualities, could not remain long unre­venged; for the Sons of Conan the Son of Sitsylht, Prince Lhewelyn's Brother, were resolved to return their Uncles Murther upon the two Usurpers, which in a short time they effected against Meredith, who met with the same end from the Sons of Conan, that he had formerly inflicted upon Lhewelyn. But these civil A.D. 1034 Discords in Wales were quickly discovered by the English, who taking advantage of so fair an opportuni­ty, entered with a great Army into the Land or Gwent, where after they had committed considerable Wasts for some time, Caradoc the Son of Rytherch ap Iestyn, gave them battel, but was in that Engagement unhap­pily slain. And shortly afterwards dyed King Cnute, A.D. 1035 the most famous and mightiest Prince then in the We­stern Parts of the World; whose Dominions ex­tended over all Sweden, from Germany almost to the North-Pole; together with the Kingdoms of Norway and Denmark, and the noble Island of Britain. To him succeeded his Son Harold, for his Swiftness sur­named Harefoot, begotten upon Alwyn the Daughter of Duke Alselyn; though several stickled firmly for Har­ [...]enute, his other Son by Emma, who was then in Denmark. But Harold being once advanced into the Throne, took care to establish himself as firmly as he [Page 84] could in it; and to that end, thought it expedient to banish out of his Dominions his Mother in Law Em­ma, who was restless to promote the Interest of her own Son Hardycnute, and to bring him to the Crown of England.

A.D. 1037 And whilst Harold was by these measures settled in his Throne, Iago ap Edwal was just upon the point of losing his Principality of North Wales: For Gruffydh the Son of Lhewelyn ap Sitsylht, sometime Prince of North-Wales, having once hinted a Rebellion against Iago, was so generally encouraged, and universally follow'd by all People, for the love they bore to his Father; that in a short time his Army mounted to an invin­cible number. However, Iago was not so through­ly affrighted, that he would deliver up his Principality without drawing Sword for it; but providing for himself as well as he could, and drawing together what Forces he was able, he gave Gruffydh battel: But his number being far too weak to oppose so great an Army as sided with Gruffydh, was presently over­power'd and put to the rout, and himself slain, leav­ing after him a Son called Conan, by his Wife Afan­dred, Daughter to Gweir the Son of Pylh.

Gruffydh ap Lhewelyn.

IAgo ap Edwal being killed, Gruffydh ap Lhewelyn was received with loud Acclamations, and joy­fully saluted Prince of North-Wales; who treading in his Father's steps, behaved himself in his Government with that Prudence and Conduct, that he manfully defended his Country from the frequent Invasions of the English and Danes: For he was scarce settled in his Throne, when these inveterate Enemies of the Welch entered in an hostile manner into Wales, and advanced as far as Crosford upon the Severn, where Gruffydh met them, and forced them shamefully to fly, [Page 85] and retire back to their own Country. From thence Gruffydh passed to Lhanbadarn Vawr in Cardiganshire, which he laid in Ashes; and afterwards marched through all the Country of South Wales, receiving of the People Oaths of Fidelity and Subjection to him. In the mean time, Howel ap Edwyn Prince of South-Wales fled to Edwyn Brother to Leofric Earl of Chester, and prevailed with him to come with an Army con­sisting of English and Danes, to his aid against Gruf­fydh, who meeting his Enemies in the Field, easily overcame them, Edwyn being slain upon the spot, and Howel forced to preserve his Life by flight. After which Victory, Gruffydh having reduced all the Country of Wales to subjection, returned again to North Wales. But Howel as soon as he could recover himself, and A.D. 1039 recruit his Army, entred again into South-Wales, in­tending the recovery of that Principality, which he was now so well assur'd of, that he brought his Wife with him to the Field, to let her see how easily he could conquer and overcome Prince Gruffydh. [...] too great an assurance of Victory seldom proves pros­perous, which Howel presently experienced; for Gruf­fydh meeting with him at Pencadair, gave him so warm an Entertainment, that he was forced presently to take his Heels, which however could not so well secure him, but that he was narrowly pursued, and his Wife who was to be entertained with the Conquest of Gruf­fydh, on the contrary, saw her self taken Prisoner by him, and forced to comply so far to his humour, as to be his Concubine.

The same time Harold King of England died, and was succeeded by his Brother Hardycnute, a Prince very famous for Hospitality, and a great lover of good Chear, having his Table covered four times a day, with great plenty and variety of Dishes, with other Superfluities for all Comers. But he likewise dying at Lambeth after two Years reign, the English agreed to send for Alfred the eldest Son of Edelred from Nor­mandy, and to make him King. This Message by no means pleased Earl Godwyn, a Man of great sway now in England; who knowing Alfred to be a person of [Page 86] greater spirit than to permit him to domineer as he pleased, endeavoured all he could to dissuade the En­glish from sending for Alfred. He shewed them how dangerous it was to permit a warlike Nation to take root in their Country, and how well Alfred was ac­companied with Normans, to whom he had promised the chief Places and Rule of the Kingdom; by which and other like Insinuations he so disgusted the English Nobility against the Normans, that to diminish their number, they put every tenth Man to death. But seeing this was not sufficient, they acted the same part over again, and tythed them the second time; and being highly enraged against the Normans, they lead Alfred, who had brought them over, from Gilford, where this Execution was committed, to Gillingham, where ha­ving put out his Eyes, they removed him to Ely, and there at length pitifully murthered him. Then they sent for Edward out of Normandy, and made him King, who according to his promise to Earl Godwyn, married [...]is Daughter Edith, a Lady much commended not only for Beauty, Modesty, and other feminine Quali­fications, but also beyond what is requisite for a Wo­man, Learning. But King Edward did not deal so fa­vourably with her Brother Swane, Son to Earl Godwyn, who upon some Distaste was banished England, and thereupon forced to betake himself to Baldwyn Earl of Flanders, by whom he was very honourably received.

A.D. 1041 These Troubles and Revolutions in England were succeeded by others of no less consequence in Wales. For Howel, not brooking to be kept so shamefully out of his Kingdom, returns again the third time into South-Wales, where he had not continued long, but a great number of Strangers landed in the West of Wales, and advancing farther into the Country, pil­laged and destroyed all places they came to Howel, tho desirous to reserve his Army to fight with Prince Gruffydh, yet could not behold his Country so misera­bly wasted and over-run by Strangers; and thinking moreover, that by so charitable an Action he should win the universal Love of the South-Wales Men, drew up his Forces against them, and overtaking them at [Page 87] Pwll Fynach, forced them with much loss, to retire to their Ships; which Action was call'd in Welch, Gwaith Pwll Fynach. At the same time Conan the Son of Iago ap Edwal, who was forced for fear of Prince Gruffydh to flee to Ireland, with the Forces of Alfred King of Dublin, whose Daugher named Ra­nulph he had married, landed in North-Wales; and having by some treacherous Stratagem taken Gruffydh, triumphantly carried him Prisoner towards his Ships. This unhappy accident being discovered, and publick­ly known, the North Wales Men did rise on a sudden, and so unexpectedly overtook the Irish, that they ea­sily recover'd their Prince, and drove his Enemies with great slaughter to their Ships; who, without any far­ther consultation, were glad to strike sail with Conan for Ireland. And now Wales, both North and South, is free from all foreign Invasion, and Howel, as yet too weak to dispute his Title with Gruffydh; so that A.D. 1042 the next Year could be subject to no great Action, in which nothing happen'd remarkable, saving the death of Howel the Son of Owen Lord of Glamorgan, a Man of great Quality and Esteem in Wales. But as A.D. 1043 soon as Howel could call in his Danes, to whom he added all the Forces he could raise in South-Wales; he intended presently to march against Prince Gruffydh. But he being aware aforehand to what end those Le­vies were designed, prepared against the ensuing storm; and to avert the War from his own Country, marched courageously to South Wales, not fearing to face an Enemy whom he had shamefully vanquished twice already. Both Armies being joyned, Gruffydh easily overcame, and pursued Howel as far as the Spring-Head of the River Towy, where after a long and a bloody Fight, Howel was at last slain, and his Army so universally routed, that few escaped with their Lives. But though Howel was dead, yet there re­mained still more Pretenders to the Principality of South-Wales; so that Gruffydh was in no great pro­spect to enjoy the same peaceably: For as soon as it was published that Howel's Army was defeated, and himself slain; Rytherch and Rhys the Sons of Rytherch [Page 88] ap Iestyn put in their claim to South-Wales in right of their Father, who had once enjoyed the Sovereignty of that Country. And in order to the recovery of the same, they drew together a great Army, consist­ing partly of Strangers and partly of such as they could raise in Gwentland and Glamorgan, and marched to fight with Gruffydh. The Prince according to his usual manner detracted no time, but animating and solacing his Soldiers with the remembrance of their former Victories and Conquests, bid the Enemies bat­tel, which proved so very bloody and terrible, that nothing could part them beside the darkness of the Night. This Battel so tired and tamed both Armies, that neither was very desirous of another Engagement, and so one being unwilling to set upon the other, they both agreed to return to their own Habitations. The same time Joseph Bishop of Teilo or Llandaf died at Rome. But both Armies being separated, Prince Gruffydh enjoyed a quiet and unmolested Possession of all Wales for about Two Years; after which, the Gentry of Ystrad Towy treacherously slew 140 of the choice of his Army, which he took in so high an in­dignation, that to revenge their death he destroyed all Dyfed and Ystrad Towy.

About the same time, Lothen and Hyrling two Da­nish Pyrats, with a great number of Danes, landed at Sandwich, and having plundered the Town, return­ed again to their Ships, and sailed for Holland, where they sold the Booty they had taken, and then return­ed to their own Country. Shortly afterwards Earl Swayn came out of Denmark with Eight Ships, and returned to England, and coming to his Fathers House at Pevenese, humbly requested of him, and his Brothers Harold and Tostie, to endeavour his reconciliation with the King. Earl Beorned too promised to intercede for him, and going to Swayn's Fleet to sail to Sandwich, where the King then lay, he was by the way most treacherously and ungratefully murthered, and his Bo­dy cast upon the shoar, which lay there exposed, till his Friends heating of the Fact, came and carried it to Winchester, and buried it by the Body of King Cnute, [Page 89] [...]eorned's Uncle. Swayn having committed this most testable Murder, put himself again under the Pro­ [...]ction of the Earl of Flanders, not daring to shew [...] Face in England, till his Father by earnest Medi­ [...]on wrought his Peace with the King.

This Year Conan the Son of Iago raised again an [...]my of his Friends in Ireland, and sailed towards [...]ales, purposing to recover his Inheritance in [...] Country. But when he was come near the [...]lch Coast, there suddenly arose such a violent [...]rm, that his Fleet was presently scattered, and [...]st of his Ships drowned, which rendered this Expe­ [...]ion ineffectual. About the same time, Robert Arch­ [...]hop of Canterbury impeached Earl Godwyn and his [...] Swayn and Harold of Treason, and the Queen [...] Adultery, and upon the account of their non- [...]earance when cited before the Peers at Glocester, [...] Queen was divorced, and Godwyn and his Sons [...]nished, who with his Son Swayn fled to Flanders, [...] Harold to Ireland. But these unlucky Clashings, [...]d the many Troubles that ensued thereupon, hap­ [...]ed upon this occasion. Eustace Earl of Bologne be­ [...] Married to Goda the King's Sister, came over this [...]a [...] to England to pay King Edward a Visit, and in [...] return to Canterbury, one of his Retinue forcibly [...]manding a Lodging, provoked the Master of the [...]use so far, as by Chance or Anger to kill him. Eu­ [...]e upon this Affront returns back to the King, and [...] the insinu [...]tions of the Archbishop, makes a loud [...]mplaint against the Kentish-men; to repress whose [...]olencies, Earl Godwyn is commanded to raise For­ [...], which he refusing to do, for the Kindness he bore [...] his Country-men of Kent, the King summons a [...]rliament at Glocester, and commands Godwyn to [...]pear there. But he mistrusting either his own [...]use, or the Malice of his Adversaries, gathered a [...]werful Army out of his own and his Sons Earl­ [...]ms, and marched towards Glocester, giving out [...]t their Forces were to go against the Welch, who [...]ended to invade the Marshes. But King Edward [...]ng satisfied by the Welch that they had no such [Page 90] Design in hand, commanded Godwyn to dismiss his A [...] my, and to appear himself to answer to the Articles exhibited against him. Godwyn refusing to obey, the Ki [...] by the Advice of Earl Leofrick, summoned an Asse [...] bly at London, whither a great Number of Forces a [...] rived from Mercia, which Godwyn perceiving, and wi [...] al, finding himself unable to withstand the King▪ [...] proceedings, privately retired with his Sons out [...] the Kingdom, and fled into Flanders. Whereupon the King issued out an Edict, proclaiming Godw [...] and his Sons Out-Laws, and then confiscating th [...] Estates, bestowed them upon others of his Nobili [...] And to pursue his Displeasure the farther, he Div [...] ced his Queen Edith, Earl Godwyn's Daughter, a [...] committed her to a Cloyster, where in a mean Co [...] dition she spent some part of her Life. In the dist [...] bution of the forfeited Estates, Adonan obtained [...] Earldoms of Devon and Dorset, and Algar the S [...] of Leofrick, that of Harold. But Godwyn could [...] patiently behold his Estate bestowed upon anothe [...] and therefore having hired some Men and Ships [...] Flanders, he sailed to the Isle of Wight, where a [...] that he had made a sufficient havock, he put in [...] Portland, which he treated after the same man [...] The same time Harold having sailed from Ireland [...] length met with his Father, and then with their un [...] Navy, they burnt Preveneseny, Romney, Heath F [...] ston, Dover and Sandwich, and entering the Th [...] they destroyed Cheppey, and burnt the King's Ho [...] at Middletown. Then they sailed up the River [...] wards London, where the King's Army being rea [...] to oppose them, a Treaty of Peace was by the me [...] of Bishop Stigand agreed upon, which proved so [...] fectual of Godwyn's side, that the King received [...] again to his Favour, restored him and Sons to all th [...] Estates, re-called the Queen, and banished the Ar [...] bishop, with all the French-men who had been p [...] moters of that unhappy Suspicion the King had en [...] tained of them.

About this time, Rhys Brother to Gruffydh Pr [...] of Wales, who by several Irruptions upon the Borde [...] [Page 91] [...] considerably gauled and damaged the English, [...]s taken and put to Death at Bulendun, whose [...]d being cut off, was presented to the King, then Glocester. But he received better News some time [...] from the North, for Siward Earl of Northumber­ [...]d having sent his Son against Macbeth King of [...]gland vanquished the Scots, tho not without the [...] of his Son, and many others both English and [...]nes. But Siward was not cast down at his Son's [...]th, but enquiring whether he received his Death's [...]nd before or behind, and being assured that it [...] before, replied, He was very glad of it, for he [...]d not wish his Son to die otherwise. After this [...]tory, King Edward marched in Person to Scot­land, and having again overcome Macbeth in Battel, made the whole Kingdom of Scotland Tributary the Crown of England. The next year, Earl [...]yn sitting with the King at Table, sunk down [...]d of a sudden, being choak'd, as 'tis thought, in [...]llowing a morsel of Bread; whose Earldom the [...]ng bestowed upon his Son Harold, and his upon [...]gar Earl of Chester.

To this time is referred the Original of the Ste­ [...]rds in Scotland, which being a remarkable passage, [...] in a great measure dependant upon the Affairs [...] the Welch, is requisite to be here recorded. Mac­ [...]h King of Scotland having caused Bancho a Noble­ [...]n of that Kingdom to be inhumanly murdered; [...]ence Bancho's Son, to avoid the like Cruelty to [...]self, fled to Gruffydh ap Lhewelyn Prince of Wales. [...]o taking a very great liking to his Person, and [...]thal commiserating his Condition, shewed him all [...]e Respect and Kindness possible. But Fleance had [...] continued long with Gruffydh when he fell ena­ [...]red upon the Prince's Daughter, and having ob­ [...]ed: her Good-Will, without any regard had to [...]r Father's Civility towards him, abused her so far [...] to beget her with Child. Gruffydh being ac­ [...]ainted with the Matter of Fact, so hainously re­ [...]ted the Affront, that he occasioned Fleance to be [...]in, and treated his Daughter most servilely for [Page 92] prostrating her Chastity, especially to a Strang [...] However, she was in a short time delivered of a S [...] whose Name was Christened Walter; a Child, w [...] in his Youth expressed very great hopes, and in [...] probability like to make a very considerable M [...] which happened according to expectation. But [...] first Original of his future Greatness happened up [...] a very accidental occasion; being reproached of [...] stardism by one of his Fellow Companions, he [...] it in so unpardonable a dudgeon, that nothing [...] satisfy his Revenge, but the Life of the Aggre [...] Being upon this Mischance affraid to undergo the [...] nishment of the Law, he thought it safe to fly [...] Scotland, where falling in Company with ce [...] English Men who were come thither with Qu [...] Margaret Sister to Edgar Edeling, he behaved him [...] so soberly and discreetly, that he won the Favour [...] good Character of all that knew him. But his [...] daily increasing, he grew at length to that height [...] Reputation, as to be employed in the most inw [...] Affairs of the Commonwealth, and at last was ma [...] Lord Steward of Scotland, from which Office [...] Posterity retained the Surname of Steward, the Ki [...] of Scotland of that Name, with several other F [...] lies of Quality in that Kingdom being descended [...] him.

But to return to England, Siward the worthy [...] of Northumberland died about this time of the Bloo [...] Flux, a Man of a rough Demeanour, and a m [...] Soldierly Temper, as he plainly manifested at [...] point of Death. For bewailing his Misfortune [...] had escaped so many dangerous Engagements [...] withal disdaining to die so effeminately in Bed, [...] caused himself to be compleatly Armed, and a [...] [...] were in Defiance of Death, presently expired in Martial Bravery. But his Son being too young, [...] King bestowed his Earldom upon Tosty the Son [...] Earl Godwyn.

A.D. 1054 Wales had been now a long time quiet, and [...] of all troubles both abroad and at home, but it co [...] not be expected that such a Life should prove du [...] b [...] [Page 93] [...], but something or other would create New Com­ [...]tions and Disturbances. Gruffydh Son to Rytherch ap [...]yn having recruited and recovered himself after the [...] Blow he received from Prince Gruffydh, must needs [...]ture another trial for the Principality of South-Wales. [...] Prince protracting no time, speedily marched a­ [...] him, and both Armies being joined, Gruffydh [...] Ry [...]herch was easily vanquished, and in fine, slain. [...] the troubles of the Welch did not end with him, [...] Alg [...] Earl of Chester being convicted of Treason▪ [...] thereupon banished the Kingdom, fled to Gruffydh [...] of Wales, requesting his Aid against King [...]ard who repeating the frequent Wrongs he had [...] at the hands of the English, by upholding [...] Enemies, against him, gladly embraced the Op­ [...]tunity, and promised him all imaginable Support, [...]d thereupon assembling his Forces, he entred with [...] into Hereford shire, and advancing into the [...]try, within two Miles of the City of Hereford, [...] were opposed by Randulph Earl of that Coun­ [...] [...] boldly gave them Battel. The Fight con­ [...] very dreadful and dubious for some hours, till [...] Gruffydh so encouraged his Soldiers with the [...]mbrance of their former Victories over the [...], that they fell on a main, and easily dis­ [...]red Randulph, and slew the best part of his Army. [...]terwards they pursued their Chase to the Town, [...] having made all the waste and havock they were [...]e, they laid the Town it self in ashes, and so re­ [...]ned home triumphantly, laden with rich Booty [...] Plunder. King Edward receiving notice of this [...] presently gathered a great Army at Glocester [...]der the Conduct of Harold Earl Godwyn's Son, [...]o couragiously pursuing the Enemies, entred into [...]ales, and encamped beyond Stradelwyd. But Gru­ [...]dh and Algar dreading to oppose him, retired fur­ [...]r into South Wales, of which Harold being certified, [...] one part of his Army behind with Orders to [...]ght, if occasion offered, and with the other passed [...] Hereford, which he fortified with a strong Wall [...]nd the Town. Gruffydh perceiving his undaunted [Page 94] Industry, after many Messages concluded a Pe [...] with Harold at a place called Biligelhag, by w [...] Articles Algar was pardoned by the King, and [...] stored to his Earldom of Chester. But he did [...] continue long in the King's Favour, for about [...] years after, upon Conviction of Treason he was [...] gain banished the Land, so that he was forced to [...] take himself to his old Friend Gruffydh Prince [...] Wales, by whose Aid, and a Fleet from Norway, [...] spight of the King he was restored to his Earld [...] But King Edward was sore offended with the Pri [...] of Wales for harbouring Traytors, and therefore [...] be Revenged upon him, he dispatched Harold [...] with an Army to North-Wales, who coming [...] Ruthlan, burnt the Prince's Palace there, and his [...] that lay in the Harbor, and then returned to [...] King at Glocester.

This year Edward the Son of Edmund Ironside, [...] was sent for out of Hungary, being designed Succession the Crown came to England, but in a short time [...] his coming died at London, leaving behind him [...] Son called Edgar Edeling, and a Daughter na [...] Margaret, who was afterwards Queen of the [...] and Mother to Maud the Wife of Henry the f [...] A.D. 1056 About two Years after, Roderic Son to Harold King of Denmark came with a considerable Army [...] Wales, and being kindly received by Prince Gruff [...] united his Power with the Welch, and so entred [...] England, which they cruelly harassed and destroy [...] But before they could advance any considerable [...] stance, Roderic was compelled to Sail for Denmark and so Gruffydh returned laden with Spoils [...] Wales. The same time Harold Earl Godwyn's [...] sailing to Flanders, was driven by force of Wea [...] to Land at Poytiers, where being seized upon, [...] was brought before William Bastard Duke of N [...] mandy, to whom he declared the reason of his V [...] age, that it was purposely to tender him his Ser [...] in the Affairs of England; and so taking an Oath, [...] to Marry the Duke's Daughter, and after the Death [...] Edward to secure the Kingdom of England for h [...] [Page 95] [...] was honourably dismissed. Upon his return to England, by the persuasions of Caradoc the Son of [...]ruffydh ap Rytherch, himself with his Brother Tosty, [...]iled a great Army and entred into South-Wales, [...]hich they destroyed after that manner, that the Welch were glad to deliver up Hostages for the [...]ayment of the antient Tribute, which afore-time [...]hey were used to pay. Gruffydh hearing of the In­ [...]lencies of the English in South Wales, made all pos­ [...]ble haste and preparation to oppose them, but all [...] no purpose; Harold having already treacherously [...]ed some of Gruffydh's nearest Friends to Murder [...], who watching their opportunity, executed their [...]icked Design and brought his Head to Harold. Gruffydh being dead, Harold by King Edward's Orders, [...]pointed Meredith Son of Owen ap Edwyn Prince [...] South Wales, and the Government of North-Wales [...] Blethyn and Rywa [...]hon the Sons of Co [...]fyn, Brothers [...] the Mother side to Prince Gruffydh, and who pro­ [...]ably for the desire of Rule, were accessary to the Murder of that Noble Prince. This Gruffydh ap Lhe­ [...]yn enjoyed the Principality of Wales for the space of thirty four years; a Prince of incomparable Ver­ [...] both Wise and Valiant, Beloved of his Subjects [...]nd Formidable to his Enemies, in all his Actions he [...]ehaved himself Great and Princely; and having De­manded his Country so bravely against all Foreign Op­position; he was far unworthy of that treacherous [...]nd cruel Death, which his unkind Subjects and un­ [...]atural Friends bestowed upon him. He left Issue [...]ut [...]e Daughter called Nest, abused first by Flea [...]ce [...]on of B [...]ncho, and afterwards married to Trahaern [...]p Caradoc Prince of North-Wales.

Blethyn and Rywalhon.

AFter the deplorable Murder of Prince Gruffy [...] Meredith the Son of Owen ap Edwyn, who a [...] cording to some, was Son to Howel Dha, did take [...] on him, as 'tis said, the Government of South-Wa [...] and Blethyn and Rywalhon the Sons of Confyn, h [...] Brothers to Gruffydh, as descended from Augbo [...] Daughter to Meredith sometime Prince of Wal [...] entered upon the Principality of North-Wales; C [...] the Son Iago ap Edwal the right Heir to that Cro [...] being then with his Father-in-Law in Ireland. T [...] partition of Wales fell much short of the expectation of Caradoc ap Gruffydh ap Rytherch, who b [...] ing the chief promoter of Harold's making an [...] pedition against Gruffydh ap Lhewolyn, made no q [...] stion to attain to the Government of South-Wales, [...] case Gruffydh got the worse. But it happened othe [...] wise; Harold being sensible of Caradoc's Subtilty a [...] Knavery, and doubting whether if he was ma [...] Prince of South-Wales, he could obtain a certain Lo [...] ship nigh Hereford, which he had a longing mind [...] made a Composition with Meredith ap Owen for [...] said Lordship, and created him Prince of South-Wal [...] and on the contrary banished Caradoc out of [...] Country. Harold having obtained his Request, bu [...] a very magnificent House at a place called Portas [...] in Monmouth-shire, and storing it with great qua [...] tity of Provision, splendidly entertained the King who honoured him with a Visit. This was by a means pleasing to Tofty, to see his younger Brother in greater Esteem and Favour with the King th [...] himself, and having concealed his displeasure for [...] time, could not forbear at length but discover [...] grievance. For one day at Windsor, while Har [...] reached the Cup to King Edward, Tosty ready to bur [...] [Page 97] for Envy that his Brother was so much respected be­yond himself, could not refrain to run furiously up­on him, and pulling him by the Hair, dragged him to the Ground, for which unmannerly Action, the King forbad him the Court. But he, with continued Rancour and Malice rides to Hereford, where Harold had many Servants preparing an Entertainment for the King, and setting upon them with his Followers, [...]opped off the Hands and Legs of some, the Arms and Heads of others, and threw them into the Buts of Wine and other Liquors, which were put in for the King's drinking, and at his departure charged the Servants to acquaint him, That of other fresh Meats he might carry with him what he pleased, but for [...]ince he should find plenty provided ready for him; for which barbarous Offence, the King pronounced a Sentence of perpetual Banishment upon him. But Saradoc ap Gruffydh gave a finishing stroak to Harold's House, and the King's Entertainment at Portascyth; for coming thither shortly after Tosty's departure, to be revenged upon Harold, he killed all the Work-men and Labourers, with all the Servants he could find, and utterly defacing the Building, carried away all the Costly Materials which with great Charges and Ex­ [...]ence had been brought thither to beautify and adorn the Structure. Soon after which, the Northumbrians who could not endure the Insolencies of the two Bro­thers Harold and Tosty, who bearing an uncontroul­ [...]ble sway in the Kingdom, were used to practise most hellish Villanies to encompass any Man's Estate that displeased them,) in a Tumult at York, beset the Palace of Tosty, and having pillaged his Treasure, [...]ew all his Family, as well English-men as Danes. Then adjoining to themselves the People of Lincoln, Nottingham and Derby shire, they elected Marcher the Son of Earl Algar their General, to whom came his Brother Edwyn with a considerable number of Forces, [...]nd a great, party of Welch men. Then they marched in an hostile manner to Northampton, where Harold met them, being sent by the King to know their De­mands; to whom they laid open their Grievances, [Page 98] and the Cruelty of Tosty's Government, and at last, with an absolute refusal of admitting him again, de­sired that Marcher should be appointed Earl over them, which the King upon the reasonable Com­plaints of Injuries done by Tosty, easily granted, and willingly confirmed Marcher's Title. Whereupon they peaceably returned back to the North, and the Welch with several Prisoners and other Booties got in this Expedition, returned to Wales.

A.D. 1066 The year following, King Edward died, and was buried at Westminster, being the last King of the Saxon Blood before the Conquest that Governed the Kingdom of England, which from Cerdic King of the West-Saxons had continued 544, and from Egbert the first Monarch, 171 Years. Edward being dead, the next debate was about an Election of a Successor, Edgar Edeling being set up by some, as lawful Heir to the Crown, which Harold as being a Person of greater Power and Authority in the Kingdom, much wealthier and better befriended, presently thwarted, and brought Matters so cunningly about, that him­self was chosen King, without any regard observed to the Oath and Promise he had formerly made to William Duke of Normandy. Duke William upon notice of Harold's advancement, how that he had ac­cepted of the Crown of England contrary to the Articles between them, convened together his No­bles, and laid before them the several Wrongs and Affronts be had received at the Hands of Harold, as the Death of his Cosin Alfred, the Banishment of Archbishop Robert, Earl Odan and all the Normans, and lastly the Breach of his Oath and Promise. Then he declared to them the Pretence he had to Claim the Crown of England, that Edward had given him formerly an absolute Promise in Normandy, that if ever he enjoyed the English Crown, William should be his Heir; which Title, tho' in it self weak and insig­nificant served William's purpose well enough to make an Expedition against an Intruder. Duke William's Pretence seemed plausible enough to the Norman Nobility, but the Difficulty of the Under­taking [Page 99] and the Danger of this Expedition was some­thing perplexive, and made them less inclinable to encourage so precipitous an Undertaking; which they the more disliked upon the persuasion of William Fitzosbert the Duke's Sewer, whom they pitched upon to deliver their thoughts as to the Expedition, unto the Duke. But he instead of disswading him from this Voyage, politickly declared that himself with all his Power were ready to live and die with him in this Expedition, which the rest hearing, could not but offer the Duke their Service in the same manner; and so all things were prepared for an Invasion of England. In the mean while Tosty full of Indigna­tion at his Brother's advancement to the Crown, en­tered the River Humber with forty Sail, but meeting with Earl Edwyn who came to oppose him, he was forced after a considerable Encounter to bear off, and secure himself by flight. But meeting with Harold King of Norway upon the Coast of Scotland, com­ing for England with 300 Sail, he joined his Forces with Harold, and so both together entring the Humber, they landed their Army and marched to York, where the Earls Edwyn and Marcher unsuccessfully gave them Battel. Having pillaged and destroyed that City, they passed on to Stamford-Bridge, and there met with King Harold, who with a well disciplined Army was come to stop their farther carreer. After a long and a terrible Fight, and much blood-shed on both sides, the Norwegians began at last to give back, which the English perceiving, sell on so manfully, that few or none escaped with their Lives, Harold and Tosty being also slain upon the spot. One of the Norwegians is deservedly recorded for his incompa­rable Exploits performed in this Battel, who with in­credible Valour maintaining the Bridge against the whole Strength of the English Army for above an hour with his single Resistance delayed their Victo­ry, and having slain a great number of his Enemies, he seemed invincible, till in the end, no one daring to grapple with him fairly, he was run through with a Spear from under the Bridge, and so by his fall, a [Page 100] Passage was opened for pursuit to compleat the Vi­ctory. King Harold over-joyed with this Success, tri­umphantly entered into York, and whilst he was ma­king merry with his Nobles at a sumptuous Feast, News came that Duke William of Normandy was safely landed at, and began to Fortify himself in Ha­stings, with which Tidings being no way dashed, as fearing nothing after his late Victory, he forthwith marched towards him, and as soon as he was arrived in Sussex, without any consideration of the Fatigue his Army had underwent in their March, bid William Battel. The Duke dividing his Army into five Batta­lions, made a long harangue to his Soldiers, wherein he repeated and commended the Noble Acts of their Ancestors the Danes and Norwegians, who had perpe­tually vanquished the English and French, and other Nations, as many as they had to do with; how that themselves being well Horsed and Armed, were now to engage with a People void of both, who had no other Defence to trust to than the nimbleness and swiftness of their Heels. Both Armies being joyn­ed upon the 14th. of October, Duke William after some hours Engaging, ordered his Army so to retire, as if they seemed to fly, which the English perceiving, broke their Ranks in haste of pursuing the supposed Chase, which falling out according to the Duke's ex­pectation, he sent in a fresh supply of Normans, who falling upon the confused Battalions of the English, easily overcame them, and Harold receiving first a Wound by an Arrow, was at length slain, and then both the Field and the Victory was left to the Nor­mans. The day being thus won, William from this time called the Conqueror, went strait to London, where he was received with all possible Formality, and upon Christmas-Day solemnly Crowned King of Eng­land. This change and Alteration in England, was afore prognosticated by a Comet which appeared in the Spring of this Year, upon which a certain Poet made the following Verses;

Anno milleno, sexageno quoque seno,
Anglorum metae stammas censere Cometae.

King William having established himself in the A.D. 1067 Crown of England, passed over the next Year to Nor­mandy, so to settle Affairs there, as afterwards they might have no need of his presence. In the mean while Edgar Edeling taking Avantage of his absence, returned from Scotland to York, being declared King by the Inhabitants of that Country, who had already slain Robert, upon whom William had bestowed that Earldom with 900 of his Men. But the King upon his return from Normandy, presently marched to the North, and having sufficiently revenged himself upon the Inhabitants, by wasting and destroying their Country, chased Edgar to Scotland again. The like Advantage Edric Sylvaticus the Son of Alfric Earl of Mercia embraced, who refusing to own any Sub­mission to the Conqueror, took the opportunity of his departure to Normandy to fall foul upon such as were appointed Vicegerents and Governours of the Kingdom in his absence. Whereupon Richard Fitzscrope Governor of the Castle of Here­ford, with the Forces under his Command so bitterly gauled him, by wasting and consuming his Lands, and carrying off the Goods of his Tenants, that he was compelled to desire Aid of Blethyn and Rywalhon Princes of Wales, by whose help, to recompence the Loss he had received, he passed into Hereford, and after that he had over-run and pillaged the Country to Wyebridge, returned back with exceeding great Booty. But no sooner were Blethyn and Rywalhon arrived in North-Wales, but they received News of a Rebellion raised against them by Meredith and Ithel the Sons of Gruffydh ap Lhewelyn, who had drawn together a considerable number of Men, upon pre­tence of recovering the Principality of North-Wales, which they said was fraudulently detained from them. Blethyn and Rywalhon did not delay to march to find the Enemies, and meeting with them at a place called Mechain, without any farther Ceremonies, set upon the Rebels, who behaved themselves so gallantly, that after a Fight of several hours, they wanted nothing but Number to compleat the Victory. There fell [Page 102] in this Battel on the one side Prince Rywalhon, and on the other Ithel, who being slain, Meredith was forced to give Ground, and endeavour to save himself by flight, which could not secure him, he being narrowly pursued by Blethyn, that in fine, he was glad to escape to the Mountains, where for want of Victuals and other Necessaries, he quickly perished, leaving Ble­thyn ap Confyn sole Prince of North-Wales and Powis. During these Welch Disturbances, Swane King of Denmark and Osburn his Brother with 300 Sail came up the Humber, and being joyned by Edgar Edeling and Earl Waltelfe, marched to York, and taking the Castle, disposed of their Forces to Winter Quarters, betwixt the Rivers of Ouse and Trent. The King understanding the Matter, posted to the North; whose coming, so dashed the Confederates, that they quick­ly dispersed their Power, and the Danes escaped to their Ships, and the King having taken Vengeance upon the rebellious Inhabitants of the Country, and upon his submission, having pardoned Earl Waltelfe, returned back to London.

Blethyn ap Confyn.

A.D. 1070 ABout the same time Caradoc Son to Gruffydh ap Rytherch ap Iestyn all this while being sorely dissatisfied that he could not attain to the Principality of South Wales, invited over a great Number of Nor­mans to whom he joined all the Forces he could raise out of Gwentland and other Parts of Wales. Then setting upon Prince Meredith who was far too weak to Encounter so considerable an Army, gave him an easy over-throw near the River Rymhy, where Me­redith was slain, and so Caradoc obtained the Go­vernment of South-Wales, which for a long time he had endeavoured sinistrously to encompass. He had sometime afore procured Harold to make an Invasion [Page 103] upon Gruffydh ap Lhewelyn, purposely that himself might arrive at the Principality of South-Wales; and failing then of his expectation, he now invites over the Normans, not being willing to trust the English any more, by reason that he had so ungratefully been balked by Harold: So that it seems he cared not by what course, or by whose means he should gain his point; though it were by the Ruin and Destruction of his Country, which hitherto he had earnestly promoted. Being at length advanced to his long expected Government of South-Wales, (which though not recorded, seems yet very pro­bable, by reason that his Son Rytherch ap Caradoc enjoyed the same very soon after) he did not enjoy this Honour long, but dying in a short time after his Advancement, left to succeed him, his Son Ry­tberch ap Caradoc. At the same time that Caradoc carried on this Rebellion in Wales, the Earls Edwyn, Marcher, and Hereward revolted from the King of England; but Edwyn suspecting the success of their Affairs, and determining to retire to Malcolm King of Scotland, in his Journey thither was be­trayed, and slain by his own Followers. Then Mar­cher and Hereward betook themselves to the Isle of Ely, which though sufficiently fortified, was so warm­ly besieged by the King, that Marcher and his Ac­complices were in a short time forced to surrender themselves up Prisoners; only Hereward made his e­scape to Scotland: But the King followed him close; and after he had received Homage of Malcolm King of Scotland, returned back to England; and after a short stay here, passed over to Normandy, where he received Edgar Edeling again to Mercy.

The next Year, the Normans having already ta­sted A.D. 1071 of the sweetness of wasting and plundering a Country, came over again to Wales; and having spoiled and destroyed Dyfed and the Country of Car­digan, returned home with very great Spoil; and the following Year sailed over again for more Boo­ty. About the same time, Bleythyd Bishop of S. Da­vids died, and was succeeded by one Sulien. But [Page 104] this was not all the Misfortune that befel the Welch; for Radulph Earl of the East-Angles, together with Roger Earl of Hereford and Earl Waltelpe, entered in­to a Conspiracy against King William, appointing the day of Marriage between Radulph and Roger's Sister, which was to be solemnized in Essex; to treat of and conclude their Design. Radulph's Mother was come out of Wales, and upon that account, he invited over several of her Friends and Relations to the Wedding; meaning chiefly by this seeming Affection, by their help and procurement to bring over the Princes and People of Wales, to favour and assist his Undertaking. But King William being acquainted with the whole Plot, quickly ruined all their Intrigues; unexpected­ly coming from Normandy, surprized the Conspirators; only Radulph, who either doubted of the success of their Affairs, or else had intimation given him of the King's landing, before hand took shipping at Norwich, and fled to Denmark Waltelpe and Roger were exe­cuted, and all the other Adherents; more particular­ly the Welch, some of whom were hanged, others had A.D. 1073 their Eyes put out, and the rest were banished. Soon after, Blethyn ap Confyn Prince of Wales was basely and treacherously murthered by Rhys ap Owen ap Ed­wyn and the Gentlemen of Ystrad Tywy, after he had reigned 13 Years: A Prince of singular Qualifications and Virtues, and a great Observer of Justice and E­quity towards his Subjects; he was very liberal and magnificent, being indeed very able, having a pro­digious and almost an incredible Estate, as appears by these Verses made upon him;

Blethyn ap Confyn bôb Cwys
Ei hûn bioedh hên Bowis.

He had four Wives, by whom he had Issue, Meredith by Haer Daughter of Gylhyn, his first Wife; Lhy­warch and Cadogan by the second; Madoc and Riryd by the third; and Iorwerth by his last.

[...]
[...]

Trahaern ap Caradoc.

BLethyn being, as is said, traiterously Murdered, there was no regard had to his Issue, as to their fight of Succession; but Trahaern ap Caradoc his Cou­ [...]in-German being a Person of great Power and Sway [...]n the Country, was unanimously elected Prince of North-Wales, and Rhys ap Owen with Rytherch ap Caradoc did joyntly govern South-Wales. Trahaern in­deed had none of the least Pretence to that Principali­ty, as having married Nest the only surviving Issue of that great Prince, Gruffydh ap Lhewelyn; his two Sons Meredith and Ithel being lately slain in their attempt against Blethyn and Rywalhon. But his Title could not secure him in his Government as much as his pos­session, since there was one still living, tho' not much regarded, who without any Dispute, was true Heir [...]nd Proprietor of the Principality of North-Wales. And this was Gruffydh Son to Conan, Son to Iago ap Edwal, who being informed of the Death of Blethyn ap Confyn, and the Advancement of Trahaern, thought this a proper time to endeavour the Recovery of what was truly his Right, and out of which he had been all this time most wrongfully excluded. Where­fore having obtained help in Ireland, where he pri­vately sojourned during the Reign of Blethyn ap Con­fyn, from Encumalhon King of Ʋltonia, Ranalht and Mathawn two other Kings of that Country, he sail­ed for Wales, and landed in the Isle of Anglesey, which he easily reduced and brought to subjection. At the same time Cynwric ap Rywalhon, a Noble-Man of Maeler or Bromfield was slain in North-Wales, but how, or upon what account, is not known. But whilst Gruffydh ap Conan endeavours to dispossess Trahaern out of North-Wales, Gronow and Lhewelyn the Sons of Cadwgan ap Blethyn having united their [Page 106] Forces with Caradoc ap Gruffydh ap Rytherch, inten­ded to revenge the Murther of their Grandfather Ble­thyn ap Confyn, upon Rys ap Owen and Rytherch [...] Caradoc, the joynt Rulers of South-Wales. And the marching confidently to find them, both Armies me [...] together and fought at a place called Camdhwr; whe [...] after a sore Engagement, the Sons of Cadwgan at length obtained a glorious Victory. In North Wales the same time, Gruffydh ap Conan having established his Posses­sion of the Isle of Anglesey, intended to proceed far­ther in the Continent of Wales; to which end, ha­ving transported his Forces over the River, incamp [...] in the neighbouring Countrey of Carnarvonshire, pr [...] posing to reduce North-Wales by degrees. Traha [...] ap Caradoc being informed of this Descent of Gr [...] fydh's, made all possible speed to prevent his farther progress; and having made all necessary Preparation that the shortness of the Opportunity would permit he drew up his Forces to Bronyr Erw, where he gave Gruffydh battel, and in fine put him to a shamefu [...] flight; so that he was glad to retire back safe t [...] Anglesey.

A.D. 1074 The next Year Rytherch ap Caradoc Prince of South-Wales dyed, being murthered through the unnatura [...] Villainy of his Cosin-German Meyrchaon ap Rhys ap Rytherch; after whom Rhys ap Owen obtained the so [...] Government of South-Wales: But his enjoyment o [...] the whole Principality was not very lasting, and scarc [...] A.D. 1075 at all void of Trouble and Vexation of War. Fo [...] shortly after the death of Caradoc, the Sons of Cadwgan thinking they might easily now foil and vanquish one, seeing they had sometime ago victoriously overcome both Princes together, with all the Forces they could raise, set upon Rhys again at a place called Gwanyffyd; who not being able to endure their Number, was rou [...] ­ed and forced to flee; however the Blow was not so mortal, but that Rhys gathered together new Levies, by the help of which he was embolden'd still to main­tain himself in his Principality. But Fortune which had advanced him to the Crown, seemed now to frown at and cross all his Endeavours and Undertake­ings, [Page 107] and being reduced to a very weak condition in the [...] Battel, he was set upon by a fresh Enemy, before [...] could have sufficient time to recover and recruit [...]self. For Trahaern ap Caradoc Prince of North- [...]ales, perceiving the Weakness and Inability of Rhys make opposition against any foreign Enemy that [...]aded his Territories, thought it now very feasible [...] obtain the Conquest of South-Wales, and then [...] annex it to his own Principality of North-Wales. [...]ing egg'd on by these pleasant Imaginations, he dis­ [...]ched his Army to South-Wales, to fight with Rhys, [...] so with all the Forces he could possibly levie, as lay­ [...]g his whole Fortune upon the event of this Battel, [...]dly met him at Pwlhgwttic; where after a tedious [...]ght on both sides, Rhys having lost the best part of his [...]my, was put to flight, and so warmly pursu'd, that [...]er long shifting from place to place, himself with his [...]other Howel fell at length into the hands of Caradoc [...] Gruffydh, who put them both to death, in revenge [...] the base Murther of Blethyn ap Confyn, by them [...]merly transacted. The Principality of South-Wales [...]ing thus vacant by the death of Rhys ap Owen; Rhys [...]n to Theodor, ap Eineon, ap Owen, ap Howel Dha, [...]lawful Heir to that Government, put in his Claim, [...]hich being very plain and evident, so prevailed with [...]e People of the Country, that they unanimously [...]ected him for their Prince; much against the expe­ [...]tion of Trahaern ap Caradoc Prince of North-Wales. [...]he next Year S. Davids suffer'd greatly by Strangers,A.D. 1077 [...]ho landing there in a considerable number, spoiled [...]d destroyed the whole Town; shortly after which [...]rbarous Action, Abraham, Bishop of that Sea, [...]ed; and then Sulien, who the Year before had [...]linquished and resigned up that Bishoprick, was [...]ompelled to resume it.

The Government of all Wales, both North and A.D. 1079 [...]uth, had been now for a long time supply'd by Usur­ [...]ers, and forcibly detained from the right and legal [...]nheritors; but Providence would suffer Injustice to [...]eign no longer, and therefore restored the rightful Heirs to their Principalities. Rhys ap Theodor had [Page 108] actual possession of South-Wales; and there wante [...] no more at this time, but to bring in Gruffydh ap C [...] nan to the Principality of North-Wales; both the Princes being indisputably right and lawful Heirs [...] their respective Governments, as lineally descende [...] from Roderic the Great, who was legal Proprietor [...] all Wales. Gruffydh ap Conan had already reduced th [...] Isle of Anglesey; but not being able to levy a sufficie [...] Army from thence to oppose Trahaern, he invited o [...] a great Party of Irish and Scots, and then with [...] whole Army joyned with Rhys ap Theodor Prince [...] South-Wales. Trahaern in like manner associating▪ himself Caradoc ap Gruffydh and Mailyr the Sons [...] Rywalhon ap Gwyn his Cosin-Germans, the greatest a [...] most powerful Men then in Wales, drew up his F [...] ces together, with resolution to fight them. Bo [...] Armies meeting upon the Mountains of Carno, a te [...] rible and a cruel Battel ensued presently thereupon which proved the more fierce and bloody, by reas [...] that both Parties resolutely referred their whole Fo [...] tune to the success of their Arms; and Life wo [...] prove vain if the Day was lost. But after a dis [...] Fight on both sides, the Victory fell at last to Gruffy [...] and Rhys, Trahaern with his Cosins being all slain [...] the Field; after whose death Gruffydh took possess [...] of North Wales; and so the Rule of all Wales, af [...] a tedious interval, was again restored to the rig [...] Line. About the same time, Ʋrgency ap Sitsy [...] Person of noble Quality in Wales, was treacherou [...] murthered by the Sons of Rhys Sais, or the Englis [...] man; by which Name, the Welch were accustom [...] to denominate all Persons, as either had lived any co [...] siderable time in England, or could fluently and han [...] somly speak the English Tongue.

Gruffydh ap Conan.

GRuffydh ap Conan being confirmed in the Princi­pality of North-Wales, and Rhys ap Theodor in [...]t of South-Wales; there was no body that could [...]ate them any Molestation or Disturbance upon the [...]count of Right, which was unquestionably just; that they quietly enjoyed for some time their re­ [...]ctive Dominions, without apprehension of any other [...]etender. Indeed, it had seldom been known before, [...]t that one of the Princes was an Usurper; and par­ [...]ularly in North-Wales, where from the time of Ed­ [...] Foel, none had legally ascended to the Crown, [...]cepting Edwal the Son of Meyric, eldest Son to [...]wal Foel; in whose Line the undoubted Title of [...]rth-Wales lawfully descended. And the right Line [...]ng now restored in Gruffydh ap Conan, the same le­ [...]lly continued to Lhewelyn ap Gruffydh, the last [...]ince of the British Blood. But during these Revo­ [...]tions in Wales, some things memorable were transa­ [...]ed in England; Malcolm King of the Scots descen­ [...]ng into Northumberland, ravaged and destroyed the [...]ountry without Mercy, carrying away a great num­ [...]r of Prisoners; after which the Northumbrians fell [...]on Walter Bishop of Durham, whom they slew, to­ [...]ther with a hundred Men, whilst he sate keeping of [...]ourt, not dreaming of any such treacherous Villainy. [...]he same time Robert Curthoys the Bastards eldest Son, [...]eing for some reason disgusted against his Father, and [...]t on by the instigation of the King of France, en­ [...]red Normandy with an Army, and claimed it as his [...]ight; which King William being acquainted with, [...]ssed over to Normandy, and meeting with his Son [...]and to hand in Battel, was by him overthrown. [...]ut being returned from Normandy, he entered with [...] great Army into Wales, and marching after the man­ner [Page 110] of a Pilgrimage as far as S. Davids, he offered a [...] paid his Devotion to that Saint, and afterwards [...] ceived Homage of the Kings and Princes of the Co [...] try. About the same time the Tomb of Walwey Ki [...] Arthurs Sister Son, a most valiant Person in his ti [...] and Governour of that Country, from him cal [...] Walwethey, was discovered in the Country of [...] nigh the Sea-shoar, whose Body proved monstrou [...] prodigious, being in length about fourteen foot.

A.D. 1086 This year Madawc, Cadwgan and Riryd, the Son [...] Blethyn ap Confyn sometime Prince of Wales, raise [...] [...] Rebellion against Rhys ap Tewdor; and having dra [...] together a great number of licentious and maleconte [...] ted People, thought to eject him out of the Princip [...] lity of South-Wales. Rhys had not Power and f [...] ces enough to oppose them; the Rebels Army incre [...] sing daily by the addition of the discontented Mu [...] tude, who always rejoyce at any new Commotion [...] Disturbance; and therefore he was compell'd to [...] to Ireland, where he obtained a very considerable p [...] of Irish and Scots, upon promise of a sufficient R [...] ward, in case he was restored again to his Principali [...] Having by this measure got a very sensible increase his former strength, he landed in South-Wales; t [...] News of whose arrived being blazed abroad, [...] Friends from all quarters presently retired to him; that in a short time his Army became numerous, a [...] able to confront the Enemy. The Rebels were se [...] sible how the Princes Forces daily multiplyed, a [...] therefore to prevent any farther addition, they ma [...] all possible haste to force him to a Battel, which i [...] a short time after happened at Lhech y Creu, where th [...] Rebels were vanquished; Madawc and Riryd being slai [...] and Cadwgan glad to save his Life by flight. Rhys having won so signal a Victory, and fearing no farther Disturbance, dismissed the Irish and Scots with grea [...] Rewards, who honourably returned to their ow [...] A.D. 1087 Country. Within a while after, an unaccountabl [...] Sacriledg was committed at S. Davids; the Shri [...] belonging to the Cathedral, being feloniously convey'd out of the Church, all the Plate and other Utensi [...] [Page 111] were stoln, and only the Shrine left empty behind. [...]he same Year a Civil-War broke out in England, [...]d several Armies in several parts of the Kingdom [...]ere up in Arms at the same time, and among the [...]st the Welch, who entering into Glocester and Wor­ [...]ster Shires, burnt and destroyed all before them, to [...]e Gate of Worcester. The King having drawn his [...]rmy together, proceeded against his Enemies by de­ [...]ees, and falling upon their seperate Parties, without [...]y great difficulty, reduced all to Obedience. With­ [...] A.D. 1089 two Years after, Archbishop Sulien, the most pious [...]d learned Person in Wales, dyed, in the Eightieth [...]ear of his Age, and in the Sixteenth Year of his Bi­ [...]oprick; presently after whose death the Town of [...] Davids suffered a more sensible Calamity, being first [...]undered, and afterwards burnt by a company of Py­ [...]ts, who sorely infested the British Coasts. About [...]e same time also dyed Cadifor the Son of Calhoyn [...]ord of Dyfed, whole Sons Lhewelyn and Eineon mo­ [...]d Gruffydh ap Meredith to take up Arms against his [...]overeign Prince Rhys ap T [...]wdor, with whom they [...]yned all the Forces they couly levy among their [...]enants and Dependants; then passing with their Ar­ [...]y to Lhandydoch, boldly challenged Rhys to fight; [...]ho thereupon gave them battel, and after a resolute [...]ngagement of both sides, the Rebels were at length [...]orsted, and put flight, and then so narrowly pursued, [...]hat Gruffydh ap Meredith was taken Prisoner, and in [...]ne executed as a Traitor: But Eineon made his [...]scape, and not daring to trust himself with any of [...]is own Kindred, he fled to Iestyn ap Gurgant, Lord [...]f Morganwc, who was then in actual Rebellion [...]gainst Prince Rhys. And to ingratiate himself the [...]hore in Iestyn's favour, he promised, upon condition [...]f the performance of certain Articles, one of which more especially was, That he should receive his Daughter in Matrimony; That he would bring over [...]o his aid a considerable Body of Normans, with whom he was singularly acquainted, as having served a long time in England. These Articles being agreed to and recorded, Eineon posted to England, and in a little [Page 112] time brought matters so about, that he prevailed with Robert Fitzhamon and Twelve more Knights, to lev [...] A.D. 1090 a strong Army of Normans, and to come to Wales t [...] the protection and aid of Iestyn. The beginning of the following Year they landed in Glamorganshire and were honourably received by Iestyn, who joyning his Power to theirs, marched to Prince Rhys his Domi­ninions, where, without the least shew of Mercy to his own Countrymen, he encouraged the Normans, by his own Example, to spoil and destroy all that came be­fore them. Prince Rhys was mightily grieved to fin [...] his Country so unmercifully harassed; and though a [...] this time very antient, being above 98 Years of age, he could not refrain but meet his Enemies; and having with all possible speed raised a convenient Army; h [...] met with them near Brecnock, where after a terrible Fight, and a great slaughter on both sides, he was un­happily slain. With him fell the Glory and Grande [...] of the Principality of South-Wales, being afterwards rent in pieces, and divided into several parts and piece-meals among these Norman Captains, as shall be by and by more particularly related. Prince Rhys less Issue behind him by the Daughter of Rywalhon ap Co [...] ­fyn, two Sons, Gruffydh and Grono, the latter of which was detained Prisoner by the King of England; th [...] the Author of the winning of the Lordship of Glama­gan, affirms, that he was slain, together with his Fa­ther, in this Battel against the Normans.

The Normans having received a sufficient Reward from Iestyn, upon the account of their Service against Prince Rhys, returned to their Ships, in order to their Voyage homeward. But before they could loose An­chor to sail off, Eineon recalled them, being ungrate­fully affronted by Iestyn, who absolutely refused to make good to him the Conditions which they had agreed upon, before the Normans were invited to Wales. Upon this account, Eineon was so irreconci­lably incensed against Iestyn, that to be revenged upon him, he was willing to sacrifice his native Country in­to the hands of strangers; and therefore endeavoured to persuade the Normans concerning the Fatness and [Page 131] Fertility of the Country, and how easily they might conquer and make themselves Masters of it. But he needed not many Arguments to persuade a People that were willing of themselves, especially being encou­raged thereto by a Person of some esteem in the Coun­try; whereupon, without any more Questions, they presently fell to their business; and from Friends be­came unexpectedly Foes. Iestyn was much surprised to find the Normans, whom he had but lately ho­nourably dismissed from his service, and as he thought, with Satisfaction, so soon become his Enemies; but [...]erceiving a Serpent in the Hedg, and Eineon so ami­ [...]ably great among them, he quickly guessed at the [...]eason, of which there was no other remedy left but [...]o bewail the unnecessary Folly of his own Knavery▪ The Normans easily dispossessed Iestyn of the whole Lordship of Glamorgan; the most pleasant and fertile [...]art of which they divided among themselves; lea­ [...]ing the more mountainous and craggy ground to the [...]hare of Eineon. The Knights who accompanied Fitzhamon in this Expedition were, William de Lon­ [...]res or London; Richard de Grena villa, o [...] Greenfield; Paganus de Turberville; Robert de S. Quintino, or Quin­ [...]n; Richard de Sywarde; Gilbert de Humfrevile; Ro­ [...]er de Berkrolles; Reginald de Sully; Peter le Soore; Iohn le Fleming; Oliver de S. John; William de Ester­ [...]ing, or Strading. These Persons having distributed [...]hat fair and pleasant Lordship among themselves, and [...]onsidering that they were much better provided for [...]ere than they could be at home, settled in Glamorgan, where their Posterity have continued to this time. And [...]ere we may observe, what a Train of Circumstances [...]oncurr'd together, in favour of the Normans, having [...]ossession of this Lordship: For had not Eineon, be­ [...]ng vanquished by Prince Rhys, fled to Iestyn, rather [...]han to another; or had not Iestyn been so vain as to [...]ttempt the Conquest of South-Wales, and to that end [...]onsented to the Advice of Eineon; there had been [...]o necessity of inviting the Normans at all to Wales. And then, the Normans being arrived, had not Iestyn [...]ngenteely violated his Promise, and refused to perform [Page 914] the Articles agreed upon between him and Eineon; or, had not Eineon pursued so desperate a Revenge, but satisfied his Passion upon Iestyn, without preju­dice to his Country; the Normans would have re­turned home with satisfaction, and consequently could never have been Proprietors of that noble Country they then forcibly possessed. And now again the Welch experienced the dangerous Conse­quence of calling in a foreign Nation to their aid; the Saxons had already dispossessed them of the best part of the Island of Britain, and now the Norman [...] seized upon a great part of that small Country, which had escaped the Sovereignty and Conquest of the En [...] lish. But here it will be necessary to lay down the state and condition of this Lordship of Morgannwe o [...] Glamorgan, and what share each particular Knight ob­tained in the distribution of it.

The Lordship of Glamorgan reaches in length 2 [...] Miles, even from Rymny-Bridge to the East, to P [...] Conan Westward; and in breadth from Aberth [...] otherwise Aberdaon on the South-part, to the Con­fines of Brecnockshire above Morleys Castle, 22 Miles This being a Royal Lordship, the Lords thereof ow­ing no other Subjection than Obedience only to the Crown, assumed to themselves all the Priviledges of [...] regal Court, excepting only the pardoning of Crimi­nals in case of Treason. And not only Glamorgan but the several petty Lordships of which it consisted namely, Sengennyth, Myscyn, Ruthin, Lhanbleth [...] Tir Iarlh, Glyn Rothney, Avan, Neth, Coyty, Talava and Lantuit or Boviarton; exercised the same Privelege of Jura Regalia, with this difference only, that in case of wrong Judgment in these Courts, appe [...] might be made in the County-Court of Glamorgan which being superiour to the rest, had power to re­verse any Judgment given in them. Within th [...] Lordship were 18 Castles, and 36 Knights Fees, besides the Town and Castle of Kynfig, the Town of Cowbridge or Pont Vaen, and the Town and Castle of Caerdàf; in the latter of which the Lord of Gla­morgan chiefly resided, wherein the County-Cou [...] [Page 115] was monthly kept. The annual Revenue of this Lord­ship amounted to a Thousand Marks; whereof Four Hundred was allowed for the Fees and Sallary of the several Officers belonging to the same. This Lord­ship of Glamorgan Robert Fitzhamon kept to himself; and the others he distributed between his several Fol­lowers; namely, to William de Londres he gave the Castle and Mannor of Ogmore; to Richard Greenfield the Lordship of Neth; to Paine Turberville that of Coyty; to Robert S Quintine Lhan Blechyan; to Richard Syward Talavan; to Gilbert Humfrevile the Castle and Mannor of Penmarc; to Reginald Sully the Castle and Mannor of Sully; to Roger Berkrolles that of East Or­chard; to Peter le Scor that of Pe [...]erton; to John Fle­ming that of S. George; to John S. John that of Fon­mon or Fenvon; and lastly, to William le Esterling or Stradling that of S. Donats. But that these Knights should have dependence upon, and might seem to hold their several Lordships and Estate from him; Robert Fitzhamon appointed them their several Apartments in his Castle of Caerdàf, where they were obliged to give their attendance at every Court-day, which was monthly kept upon Monday.

But about the same time that Robert Fitzhamon took the Lordship of Glamorgan, Barnard Newmarch a Nobleman likewise of Normandy, obtained by Con­quest the Lordship of Brecknock; and Henry de New­burgh Son to Roger de Bellemont, by the Conquerour made Earl of Warwick, the Country of Gower. But Barnard Newmarch gave the People of Wales some small Satisfaction and Content, by marrying Nest, the Daughter also of Nest, Daughter to Lhewelyn ap Gruffydh Prince of Wales, by whom he had Issue, a Son called Mahael. This worthy Gentleman being legally to succeed his Father in the Lordship of Breck­nock, was afterwards disinherited by the Malice and Baseness of his own unnatural Mother. The occa­sion was thus, Nest happening to fall in admiration of a certain Knight, with whom she had more than ordinary Familiarity, even beyond what she exprest to her own Husband; Mahael perceiving her dissolute [Page 116] and loose Behaviour, counselled her to take care of her Fame and Reputation, and to leave off that scan­dalous Liberty which she took; and afterwards meeting casually her Gallant coming from her, fought and grievously wounded him. Upon this, Nest to be revenged upon her Son, went to Henry the First King of England, and in his presence took her corporal Oath, that her Son Mahael was illegiti­mate, and not begot by Barnard Newmarch her Hus­band, but another Person; by virtue of which Oath, or rather Perjury, Mahael was disinherited, and his Sister, whom her Mother attested to be legiti­mate, was bestowed by the King upon Milo, the Son of Walter Constable, afterward Earl of Hereford, who in right of his Wife enjoyed the whole estate of Bar­nard Newmarch Lord of Brecnock. Of this Milo it is reported, that telling King Henry of a strange Acci­dent which had occurred to him by Lhyn Savathan in Wales, where the Birds upon the Pond at the passing by of Gruffydh the Son of Rhys ap Theodor, seemed by their chirping to be in a manner overjoy'd; The King replyed, It was not so wonderful; for al­though, says he, we have violently and injuriously oppressed that Nation, yet it is manifestly known, that they are the lawful and original Inheritors of that Country.

But whilst the Normans were thus carving for themselves in Glamorgan and Brecnock, Cadogan ap Blethyn ap Confyn towards the end of April, entered into Dyved, and having ravaged and destroyed the Country, returned back. But within Eight Weeks after, there succeeded him a more fatal Enemy; for the Normans landing in Dyved and Cardigan, began to fortifie themselves in Castles and other strong pla­ces, and to inhabit the Country upon the Sea-shoar, which before was not in their possession. Indeed the Normans having by the connivance of the Conquerour already got into their hands all the best Estates in England, began now to spy out the Commodities of Wales; and perceiving moreover how bravely Robert Fitzhamon and Barnard Newmarch had sped there, [Page 117] thought they might as well expect the like fortune. Wherefore having obtained a Grant from King Wil­liam (who readily consented to their Request, because by this means he killed two Birds with one Stone, procured to himself their utmost Service upon occasion, and withal provided for them without any Charge to himself) they came to Wales, and so entered upon the Estates appointed them by the King, which they held of him by Knight-service, having first done Homage and sworn Fealty for the same. Roger Montgomery Earl of Arundel did Homage for the Lordships of Powis and Card gan; Hugh Lupus Earl of Chester for Tegengl and R [...]fonioc, together with all the Land lying upon the Sea shoar to the River C [...]nwey; Arnulph a younger Son of Roger Montgomery for Dyved; Barnard Newmarch for Brecnock; Ralph Mortimer for Eluel; Hugh de Lacy for the Land of Ewyas; Eustace Omer for Mold and Hapredale; and several others did the like Homage for other Lands. But Roger Montgomery, who by the Conquerour was created Earl of Arundel and Shrewsbury, entered in an hostile manner into Powys-land, and having won the Castle and Town of Baldwyn, fortified it in his own right, and called it Montgomery after his own Name. King William of England was now in Normandy, and busily engaged in a War against his Brother Robert; by the advan­tage of whose absence, Gruffydh ap Conan Prince of North-Wales, and Cadogan ap Blethyn, who now rul­ed in South Wales, with joynt Forces entered into Cardigan and slew a great number of Normans, whose Pride and excessive Cruelties towards the Welch, were altogether intolerable. But after sufficient execu­tion there, being returned home, the Normans sent for more Aid from England; which being arrived, they thought to make a private in-road into North-Wales, and so to be revenged upon the Welch. But their Design being happily discovered to Cadogan, he drew up his Forces to meet them, and then unexpe­ctedly setting upon them in the Forest of Yspys, after a very warm Resistment of the Normans side, for­ced them to retire by slight, and then triumphantly [Page 118] marching through Cardigan and Dyved, he destroyed all the Castles and Fortifications in the Country, be­sides Pembrock and Rydcors, which proved too strong, and impregnable.

A.D. 1093 The next Year the Normans who inhabited the Country of Glamorgan, fell upon and destroyed the Countries of Gwyr, Kidwely: and Ys [...]âd Tywy, which they harrassed in such a cruel manner, that they left them bare of any People to inhabit. And to increase, as it was thought, the Miseries of the Welch, King William Rufus being informed of the great slaughter which Gruffydh ap Conan, and the Sons of Blethyn ap Confyn had lately committed upon the English, as well within Cheshire, Shropshire, Worcestershire, and He­refordshire, as within Wales; entered the Country at Montgomery, which place the Welch having sometime since demolished, King William lately rebuilt. But the Welch kept all the Passages through the Woods and Rivers, and all other Streights so close, that the King could effect nothing considerable against them; and therefore when he perceived that his labour was but lost, in continuing in those Parts, he forthwith decamped, and returned with no great Honour back to England. But this retreat of King William was not altogether so favourable to the Interest of the A.D. 1094 Welch, as the death of William Fitz-Baldwyn, who was Owner of the Castle of Rydcors, and did the greatest mischief and hurt to the South-Wales Men of any other. He being dead, the Garrison of Rydcors which was wont to keep the Welch in continual a we, forsook that place, and by that means gave op­portunity to the Inhabitants of Gwyr, Brecnock, Gwent, and Gwentlhwe, to shake off that intolerable Yoak the Normans forced upon them, who after they had rob'd them of their Lands, kept them in perpetual subje­ction. But now William Fitz-Baldwyn being dead, and the Garrison of Rydcors scatter'd, they ventur'd to lay violent hands upon the Normans, who thought themselves free from all fear; and prevailed so suc­cessfully, that they drove them all out of the Coun­trey, and recover'd their own antient Estates. But [Page 119] the Normans liked that Country so well, that they were resolved not to be so easily befooled out of what they had with a great deal of Pains and Dan­ger once possessed; and therefore having drawn a great number of English and Normans to their aid, they were desirous to venture another touch with the Welch, and to return, if possible, to their once ac­ [...]uir'd Habitations. But the Welch so abhorr'd their Pride and tyrannical Dominion over them when they were Masters, that they were resolved not to [...]e subject to such Tyrants again; and therefore they [...]oldly met them at a place called Celly Iarfawc, and [...]et upon them so manfully, the very apprehension of Servitude whetting their Spirits, that they put them [...]o flight with great slaughter, and drove them out of [...]he Country. The Normans however were not so ab­solutely routed with this Overthrow, but like a Fly in the night which destroys it self in the Candle, they must needs covet their own Distruction; their gree­diness egging them on to venture with few what was not practicable to be effected by many. Therefore they came as far as Brecnock, with this absolute [...]ow and Resolution, not to leave one living thing remaining in that Country. But they fell short of their Policy, the People of the Country being remov­ed to a narrow Streight, to expect their passing [...]hrough; whither the Normans being advanced, they fell upon them, and killed a great number of them. About the same time, Roger Montgomery Earl of Salop and Arundel, William Fitzeustace Earl of Glocester, Arnold de Harecourt, and Neal le Vicount, were slain by the Welch between Caerdàf and Brecnock; and Walter Eureux Earl of Sarum, Rosmer, and Manti­ [...]ake; Hugh Earl of Gourney, were wounded, who afterwards dyed in Normandy. The Normans find­ing that they continually lost ground, thought it not advisable to stay any longer; and therefore having placed sufficient Garrisons in those Castles which they had formerly built, they returned with what speed they could to England. But all the haste they did make, could not secure them from the Fury of [Page 120] the Welch; for Gruffydh and Ifor, the Sons of Ed­nerth ap Cadogan, expected them privately at a place called Aberlhech, where falling unexpectedly upon them; they slew the greatest part of their number, the rest narrowly escaping safe to England. But the Norman Garrisons which were left behind, de­fended themselves with a great deal of Bravery, till at last, finding no prospect of Relief, they were forced for their own safety to deliver them up to the Welch, who, from that time, became again Pro­prietors of those Places which the Normans had dis­possess'd them from. And this encouraged the Welch to undertake other things against the English; for immediately after this, certain of the Nobility of North-Wales, Ʋchthed the Son of Edwyn ap Grono by name, together with Howel ap Grono, and the So [...] of Cadogan ap Blethyn of Powys-land, passed by Car­digan into Dyved (which Country King William had given to Arnulph Son to Roger Montgomery, who had built thereon the Castle of Pembrock, and appointed Gerald de Windsore Governour of the same) and de­stroying all the Country with Fire and Sword, ex­cepting Pembrock Castle, which was impregnable, they returned home with a great deal of Booty. In recompence of this, when the Lords of North-Wales were returned, Gerald issued out of the Castle, and spoiled all the Country about S. Davids; and after he had got sufficient Plunder, and taken divers Pri­soners, returned back into the Castle.

A.D. 1095 The Year following, King William being return'd from Normandy, and having heard how that the Welch had cut off a great number of his Subjects in Wales, gathered all his Power together, and with great Pomp and Ostentation entered the Marches, resolving utterly to eradicate the rebellious and im­placable humour of the Welch Nation. But after all this Boast and seeming Resolution, he durst venture no farther than the Marches, where having built some few Castles, he returned with no greater Ho­nour A.D. 1096 than he came. But the next Spring, Hugh de Montgomery Earl of Arundel and Salop, by the Welch [Page 121] [...]med Hugh Goch, and Hugh Fras, or the sat, Earl [...] Chester, being invited by some disaffected Welch [...]rds, came into North-Wales with a very great [...]my. Prince Gruffydh ap Conan, and Cadogan ap [...]thyn, perceiving themselves to be too weak to [...]pose so numerous an Army, and what was worse, [...]ng very suspicious of the Fidelity and Honesty of [...]ir own Forces, thought it their best way to take [...] Hills and Mountains for their safety, where they [...]re like to remain most secure from the Enemy. [...]en the English Army marched towards Anglesey, [...] being come over against the Island, they built [...] Castle of Aberlhiennawc. But Gruffydh and Ca­ [...]an could no longer endure to see their Country [...]er run by the English, and therefore they descend­ [...] from the Mountains, and came to Anglesey, think­ [...]g, with what Succours they should receive from [...]land, of which they were disappointed, to be able [...] defend the Island from any attempt that should [...] made upon it. And now the whole Treason, and [...] occasion of the English coming to Wales was [...]covered; for Owen ap Edwyn, the Prince his chief­ [...] Counsellour, whose Daughter Gruffydh had mar­ [...]d (having himself also married Everyth the Daugh­ [...] of Confyn, Aunt to Cadogan) upon some private [...]rudge or other, called in the English into Wales, [...]d at this time openly joyned his Forces with [...]eirs, and led the whole Army over into Anglesey. [...]ruffydh and Cadogan finding how they were be­ [...]ayed by their dearest Friend, as they thought; for [...]r of farther Treachery, judged it prudent to sail [...]vately for Ireland; after whose departure, the Eng­ [...]h fell cruelly to work, destroying all they could [...]me at, without any respect to either Age or Sex. [...]nd whilst the English continued in Anglesey, Mag­ [...]s the Son of Harold, lately King of England, came [...]ver with a great Fleet, intending to lay faster hold [...]pon that Kingdom, than his Father had done, and [...] recover the same to himself. But whilst he steered [...]is Course thitherward, he was driven by contrary Winds to the Coasts of Anglesey, where he would [Page 122] [...] [Page 123] [...] [Page 122] fain have landed, had not the English Army kept him off. But in this Skirmish Magnus accidentally wounded Hugh Earl of Salop with an Arrow in the Face, whereof he dyed; and then of a sudden both Armies relinquished the Island, the English returning A.D. 1097 to England, appointing Owen ap Edwyn, who invited them over Prince of the Country. But Owen did not enjoy the Principality long; for in the beginning of the following Spring, Gruffydh ap Conan and Cado­gan ap Blethyn returned from Ireland, and having concluded a Peace with the Normans, for some part of their Lands in Wales; Gruffydh remained in Anglesey, and Cadogan had Cardigan, with part of Powys. But though Cadogan recovered his Estate, yet in a little while after he lost his Son Lhewelyn, who was treacherously murthered by the Men of Brecnock: at which time also dyed Rythmarch Arch­bishop of S. Davids, the Son of Sulien, being in the 43 Year of his Age; a Man of the greatest Piety, Wisdom, and Learning, as had flourished a long time in Wales, excepting his Father, under whose A.D. 1098 Tutelage he was educated. The Year following, King William Rufus, as he was hunting in the new Forrest, was accidentally stain with an Arrow, which one Walter Tyrrell shot at a Stag; and his eldest Bro­ther being then engaged in the Holy War, Henry his younger Brother, whom in his life-time he had nominated his Successor, was crowned in his stead. The same Year, Hugh Earl of Chester, Grono ap Ca­dogan, and Gwyn ap Gruffydh departed this life.

A.D. 1100 About two Years after, a Rebellion broke out in England; Robert de Belesmo, the Son of Roger de Montgomery Earl of Salop, and Arnulph his Brother Earl of Pembrock, took up Arms against King Henry; which he being informed of, sent them a very gra­cious Message to come before him, and declare their Grievances, and the reason of their rising up in Arms against his Majesty. But the Earls instead of ap­pearing in Person, sent him flight and frivolous Ex­cuses, and in the mean while made all necessary Pre­parations for the War, both by raising of Forces, and [Page 123] fortifying their Castles and strong Holds. And to strengthen themselves the more, they sent rich Pre­sents, and made large Promises to Iorwerth, Cado­gan, and Meredith, the Sons of Blethyn ap Confyn; for to bring them to their side. Robert fortified four Castles, namely, Arundel, Tekinhil, Shrewsbury, and Brugge; which last, by reason that Robert built it with­out the consent of the King, was the chief occasion of this War; and Arnulph fortified his Castle at Pem­brock. After this, they entered in an hostile manner into the Territories of the King of England, wasting and destroying all before them. And to augment their strength, Arnulph sent Gerald his Steward, to Mur­kart King of Ireland, desiring his Daughter in Wed­lock; which was easily granted, with the Promise too of great Succours and large Supplies. King Henry, to put a stop to their bold Adventures, march­ed in person against them; and laying siege to the Ca­stle of Arundel, wan it without any great Opposi­tion; and quickly afterwards the Castle of Tekinhill; but that of Brugge, by reason of the scituation of the place, and the depth of the Ditch about it, seemed to require longer time and harder service; and there­fore King Henry was advised to send privately to Iorwerth ap Blethyn, promising him great Rewards if he forsook the Earl's part, and came over to him; urging to him, what Mischief Roger, Earl Robert's Father, and his Brother Hugh, had continually done to the Welch-Men. And to make him the more willing to accept of his Proposals, he promised to give him all such Lands as the Earl and his Brother had in Wales, without either Tribute or Homage; which was a part of Powys, Cardigan, and half Dyfed; the other part being in the possession of William Fitz-Baldwyn. Iorwerth receiving these Offers, accepted of them very gladly, and then coming to the King, he sent all his Forces to Earl Robert's Lands, who ha­ving received very strict Orders, destroyed without Mercy every thing they met with; and what made the Spoil the greater, Earl Robert upon his rebelling against King Henry, had caused his People to con­vey [Page 124] all their Goods to Wales, for fear of the English; not thinking how his Father's Memory sounded a­mong the Welch. But when the News of Ior­werth's Revolt reached the Ears of the Earl, Ca­dogan and Meredith, Iorwerth's Brothers; their Spirits began to faint, as despairing any longer to oppose the King, since Iorwerth, who was the Per­son of greatest strength in Wales, had left and for­saken them. Arnulph was gone to Ireland to fetch home his Wife, and to bring over what succour his Father in Law, King Murkart, could afford to send him; but he not coming in time, some other Method was to be tryed, how to get some Aid against the English. A little before this Rebellion broke out, Magnus, Harold's Son, landed the second time in the Isle of Anglesey, and being kindly received by Gruf­fydh ap Conan, he had leave to cut down what Tim­ber he had need for; and so returning to the Isle of Man, which he had got by Conquest, he built there three Castles, and then sent to Ireland to have the Daughter of Murkart in marriage to his Son, which being obtained, he created him King of Man. Earl Robert hearing this, sent to Magnus for Aid against King Henry; but receiving none, he thought it now high time to look to his own Safety; and therefore he sent to the King, requesting that he might quiet­ly depart the Kingdom, in case he should lay down his Arms; which the King having granted, he sail'd to Normandy. And then King Henry sent an Ex­press to his Brother Arnulph, requiring him either to follow his Brother out of the Kingdom, or to de­liver himself up to his Mercy; and so Arnulph went over also for Normandy. When the King was re­turned to London, Iorwerth took his Brother Meredith Prisoner, and committed him to the King's custody; his other Brother Cadogan having reconciled himself beforehand, to whom Iorwerth gave Cardigan, with a part of Powys. Then Iorwerth went to London, to put the King in mind of his Promise, and the Ser­vice he had done him against Earl Robert; but the King finding now all matters at quiet, was deaf [Page 125] to all such Remembrances, and instead of promising what he had once voluntarily proposed, against all Rules of Equity and Gratitude, he took away Dy­fed from Iorwerth, and gave it to a Knight of his own, called Saer; and Stratywy Cydwely, and Gwyr he bestowed upon Howel ap Grono, and sent Iorwerth away more empty than he came: Nor was this suf­ficient Reward for his former Services; but the next Year King Henry must send some of his Coun­sel to Shrewsbury, and cite Iorwerth to appear there,A. D. 1101. under pretence of consulting about the King's Busi­ness and Affairs in those Parts. But the Plot was laid deeper; and when without any suspicion of Treachery he made his appearance, he was surprizedly attainted of High-Treason, and then contrary to all Right and Justice actually condemn'd to perpetual Imprisonment; the true reason of this unparallel'd Severity being, the King feared his Strength, and was apprehensive that he would revenge the Wrong and Affront he received at his hands. And indeed, well had he reason to fear that, when he so ungrate­fully treated him, whose Service he had experienced to be so greatly advantagious to him. But the Po­licy of Princes is unaccountable; and whether to value an eminent Person for his Service, or to fear him for his Greatness, is a Subject that frequently disturbs their most settled Considerations. But the Noblemen that were at this time sent by the King to Shrewsbury, were Richard de Belmersh, who being chief Agent about Roger Montgomery Earl of Salop, was preferred to the Bishoprick of London, and af­terwards appointed by this King, to be Warden of the Marches, and Governour of the County of Salop. With him were joyned in company, Walter Constable, the Father of Milo, Earl of Hereford, and Rayner the King's Lieutenant in the County of Salop. About this time, as Bale writes, the Church of Menevia or S. Davids, began to be subject to the See of Canter­bury, being always afore the Metropolitan Church of all Wales.

A.D. 1102 Shortly after this, Owen ap Edwyn, who had been Author of no small Mischief and Disturbance to the Welch, in moving the English against his natural Prince, and Son in Law Gruffydh ap Conan, depart­ed this Life, after a tedious and miserable Sickness; of which he was so much the less pityed, by how much he had proved an Enemy and a Traytor to his native Country. He was the Son of Grono, by his Wife Edelflede the Widow of Edmund, surnamed Ironside, King of England; and had the Title of Tegengl; though the English, when they had com­pelled Gruffydh ap Conan to flee to Ireland for safety, constituted him Prince of all North-Wales. After his death, Richard Fitz-Baldwyn laid siege to, and took the Castle of Rydcors, and forcibly drove Howel ap Grono, to whom King Henry had committed the custody of it, out of the Country. But Howel quick­ly returned, and with a high Spirit of Revenge, be­gan to destroy and burn whatsoever he could meet with, and then meeting a Party of the Normans in their return homewards, he fell upon the flank of them with a very considerable slaughter; and so brought all the Country to his subjection, excepting some few Garrisons and Castles which would not surrender to him. The same time King Henry took away from Saer the Government of Dyfed, which formerly was Iorwerth ap Blethyn's, and bestowed it upon Gerald, who had been some time Earl Arnulph's Steward in those Parts; and therefore by reason of his know­ledg of the Country, was in all probability best able to take upon him the Management of it. But the Normans in Rydcors Castle being sensible that they were not able to effect any thing against Howel ap Grono in open Field, after their accustomed manner, began to put that in execution by Treachery, which they could not compass by force of Arms. And how to make Howel a Sacrifice to those Normans he had lately slain, they could find no safer way than by corrupting one Gwgan ap Meyric, a Man in great Favour and Esteem with Howel, upon the account chiefly that one of his Children was nursed by Gwgan's [Page 127] Wife. This ungrateful Villain, to carry on his wick­ed Intrigue the more unsuspected, gave Howel a very earnest invitation to his House to a Merriment, where, without any suspicion of Treachery, being come, he was welcomed with all the seeming Affection and Kindness imaginable. But no sooner was he settled,A.D. 1103 but Gwgan gave notice thereof to the Norman Garri­sons; and therefore by break of day they entered the Town, and coming about the House where Howel lay in Bed, they presently gave a great shout. Howel hearing the noise, suspected something of Mischief, and therefore leaping in all haste out of Bed, he made to his Weapons, but could not find them, by reason that Gwgan had conveyed them away whilst he was asleep. And now being assured of Treachery in the case, and finding that his Men had fled for their Lives, he endeavour'd all he could to make his escape; but Gwgan and his Company were too quick for him; and so being secured, they strangled him, and deliver'd his Body to the Normans, who having cut off his Head, convey'd it to the Castle of Rydcors. This most villainous Murther, so barbarously commit­ted upon the King's Lieutenant, was not in the least taken notice of; for King Henry was so unreasona­bly prejudiced in favour of the Normans, that whate­ver Misdemeanour, be it of never so high a nature, was by them committed, it was presently winked at, and let fall to the ground; whereas, if the Welch trespassed but against the least injunction of the King's Laws, they were most severely punished: which was the cause that they afterwards stood up against the King in their own defence, being by experience assured, that he minded nothing more than their utter Destruction.

About this time Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, convened a Synod at London, wherein among other Injunctions then decreed, the Celibacy of the Clergy was enjoyned; Marriage being before ever allowed of in Britain, to them in Holy Orders. But this new Injunction created a great deal of Heat and Animosities among the Clergy, some approving of it [Page 128] as reasonable and orthodoxical; others condemning it, as an innovation, and contrary to the plain Letter of Scripture. But during these Disputes between the Clergy, King Henry being now in the Fifth Year of his Reign, sailed over with a great Army into Normandy where his Brother Robert, together with Robert de Belesmo, Arnulph, and William Earl of Mor­taign, gave him battel; but the King having obtain­ed the Victory, took the Duke his Brother, with William of Mortaign, Prisoners; and carrying them into England, he caused first his Brother Robert's Eyes to be plucked out, and then condemned them A.D. 1104 both to perpetual imprisonment in the Castle of Car­dyff. About the same time Meyric and Gruffydh, the Sons of Trahaern ap Caradoc were both slain by the means of Owen ap Cadogan ap Blethyn; whose Un­cle Meredith ap Blethyn, who had been Prisoner for a long time in England, now brake open the Prison, wherein he was very narrowly confined; and return­ing to his own Country, had his Estate restored, which afterwards he quietly enjoyed.

A.D. 1105 The next Year a very dismal and calamitous Ac­cident happening in the Low-Countries, proved ve­ry incommodious and prejudicial to the Welch; for a great part of Flanders being drowned by the over­flowing of the Sea, the Inhabitants were compell d to seek for some other Country to dwell in, their own being now covered with Water. And there­fore a great many being come over to England, they requested of King Henry to assign them some part of his Kingdom which was empty and void of Inha­bitants, where they might settle and plant themselves. The King taking advantage of this charitable oppor­tunity, and being in a manner assured, that these Flemings would be a considerable Thorn in the side of the Welch, bestowed upon them very liberally what was not justly in his power to give; and ap­pointed them the Country of Ros, in Dyfed or West-Wales, where they continue to this day. But Gerald the King's Lieutenant in those Parts, was resolved to be afore-hand with them, and rebuilt the Castle of [Page 129] Pembrock, in a place called Congarth Fechan; whither he removed his Family and all his Goods.A. D. 1106. But here a very unfortunate accident happened to him; for Cadwgan ap Blethyn having prepared a sumptuous Feast in the Christmas, invited all the Lords to his Country-House in Dyfed, and among the rest his Son Owen, who lived in Powys. This young Gentleman being at his Father's House, and hearing Nest the Wife of Gerald universally praised for her incomparable Beauty, was so smitten with the rumour that went abroad of her, that by all means he must see the Lady, who was by all so much admired. And forasmuch as Gwladys, Wife to Rhys ap Theodore, and Mother to Nest, was the Daughter of R [...]walhon ap Confyn, Cosin-German to Cadwgan his Father; under pretence of Friendship and Relation, he made bold to pay her a Visit. But finding the truth far to surpass the Fame that went of her, he returned home so inflam'd with her Charms, that not being able to keep the Mastery over himself, he went back again the very same night, and being attended by a company of wild, head-strong Youths, they privily entered into the Castle, and encompas­sing the Chamber about, where Gerald and his Wife lay, they set the House on fire. Gerald hearing a noise, would fain go out to know the meaning of such unseasonable Disturbance; but his Wife fearing some Treachery, persuaded him to make as private an E­scape as he could; and then pulling up a Board in the Privy, let him go that way. Then returning to her Chamber, she would fain assure those notorious Youths, that there was no body besides her self and Children there; but this being not satifactory, they forcibly broke in, and having searched every the most private Corner, and not finding Gerald, they took his Wife and two Sons, with a Son and a Daughter born by a Concubine, and carried them away to Powys; ha­ving first set fire to the Castle, and destroyed the Country as they went along. Cadwgan, Owen's Fa­ther, hearing of what outragious Crime his Son had committed, was exceedingly concerned and sorry, chiefly because hereby he was like to incur King [Page 130] Henry's great Displeasure; and therefore he went with all speed to Powys, and desired his Son with all In­treaties, to send home to Gerald his Wife and Chil­dren, with whatever else he had taken away from him. But Owen was so amorously inexorable with re­spect to the Woman, that he would by no means part with her; however, upon her request he was wil­ling to restore Gerald his Children back again, which forthwith he performed. But when Richard Bishop of London, whom King Henry had constituted War­den of the Marches, being now at Shrewsbury, heard of this, he sent for Ithel and Madoc the Sons of Ryryd ap Blethyn, Persons of great Power and Interest in Wales, promising them very considerable Reward, be­sides the Government of the whole Country, in case they could bring Owen and his Father Cadwgan either dead or alive, to him, that he might revenge that hainous Affront which they had done to the King of England. With them he joyned Lhywarch the Son of Trahaern ap Caradoc, whose two Brethren Owen had slain, and Ʋchtryd the Son of Edwyn; which Four un­dertook to answer effectually the Bishop's Proposal to them. But when they had united their Forces, and began in an hostile manner to destroy the Country as they passed along; Ʋchtryd sent private notice before him, requiring all who were any way desirous of their own Safety, to come to him; because no Quarters was to be given to any that was found in the Country. The People being thus so opportunely forewarned, began to bethink with themselves how they might best avoid so eminent a danger; and thereupon some fled to Arustly, others to Melienyth, some to Stradty­wy, and some to Dyfed; but in this latter place they met with very cold welcom; for Gerald, who was then very busie in exercising Revenge upon that Coun­try, falling in among them, cut off a considerable number of them. The like fate befel them who esca­ped to Arustly and Melienyth; for Walter Bishop of Hereford having raised an Army in defence of the Town of Caermyrdhyn, before he could come thither, accidentally met with these stragling Fugitives, and [Page 131] knowing what Country they belonged to, without any further Ceremony, he fell upon them, and put most of them to the Sword. But they who fled to Stradtywy, were gently received by Meredith ap Ry­therch, and such as resorted to Ʋchtryd, were kindly entertained by him; and so he marched with the rest of his Confederates to Rydcors Castle; it being the general opinion, that it was best to enter the Country by Night, and to take Cadwgan and Owen his Son by surprize. But Ʋchtryd reflecting upon the Difficulty of the Country, and how easily they might be en­trapp'd by an Ambuscade, dissuaded them from any such nocturnal Undertakings; and told them, that it was far more advisable to enter the Country in good order, when the light gave the Soldiers opportunity to keep and observe their ranks. But whilst they were thus considering of the most effectual way to carry on their purpose, Owen got a Ship at Aberdyfi, bound for Ireland; and escaping thither, avoided the nar­row search that was the following day made for them. But when neither Father nor Son could be found, all the fault was laid upon Ʋchtryd, who had dissuaded them from falling upon the Castle unexpectedly; and there­fore all they could do, since their escape, was to burn and destroy the Country; which they did effectually, excepting the two Sanctuaries of Lhanpadarn and Lhandewi Brefi; out of which however they took se­veral Persons who had escaped thither, and carried them away Prisoners to their several Countries. But Owen, with them who were accessary to the burning of Rydcors Castle, being fled into Ireland, desired the Umbrage and Protection of King Murcart; who re­ceived him very gladly, upon the account of their for­mer acquaintance; for Owen, during the War be­twixt the Earls of Arundel and Chester, and the Welch, had fled to King Murcart, and brought him very rich Presents from Wales. Cadwgan all this while lay pri­vately in Powys; but thinking it impossible to conti­nue there long undiscovered, he adjudged it his wiser way to send to King Henry, and to declare his Inno­cency and Abhorrence of that Fact which his Son had [Page 132] committed. The King was easily persuaded that the old Man was guiltless, and wholly ignorant of his Son's Crime; and therefore he gave him permission to remain in the Country, and to enjoy the Town and Lands he received by his Wife, who was the Daughter of a Norman Lord, called Pygot de Say. But his Lands in Powys were otherwise distributed; for his Nephews Madoc and Ithel, finding what Cir­cumstances their Uncle Cadwgan lay under, upon the account of his Son Owen; they divided betwixt them­selves such Lands as he and his Son possessed in Powys, though afterwards they could never agree about the equal distribution of it. To counter-ballance this, Cadwgan made such Friends to the King of England, that upon paying the Fine of 100 l. he had a grant of all his Lands in Cardigan, and a power to recall all the Inhabitants, who had rubb'd off upon the publication of the King's late Order, That no Welch­man or Norman should dwell in Cardigan. Upon in­formation of this grant to Cadwgan, several of them that retired to Ireland returned again privately to Wales, and lurkingly remained with their Friends; but Owen durst not appear in Cardigan, by reason that his Father had received that Country from King Hen­ry, upon condition that he would never entertain or receive his Son, nor by any means succour him either with Men or Money. Nevertheless, Owen came to Powys, and would fain be reconciled to the King, and make an Attonement for his late Misdemeanour; but he could find no body that would venture to speak in his behalf, nor make the King acquainted with his desire and willingness, to submit. And thus being hopeless and full of Despair, he could not possibly di­vine which way to turn himself; till at last, a very unexpected opportunity offered him means and occa­sion to oppose the English. The matter was this, there happened a Difference betwixt Madoc ap R [...]ryd and the Bishop of London, Lieutenant of the Marches of Wales, about certain English Felons, who being under the Protection of Madoc, he would not re­store at the Bishop's request. The Bishop being much [Page 133] offended at Madawc's denyal, threatned him very se­verely; and therefore to make all possible Preparations against an ensuing storm, Madawc sent to Owen, who heretofore was his greatest Enemy, desiring his help against the Bishop; and by this means being reconci­led, they took their mutual Oaths not to betray each other, and that neither should make a separate Agree­ment with the English, without the Knowledg and Approbation of the other. And so uniting their Power, they spoiled and ravaged all the Country about them, destroying whatever they could meet with which belonged to those they had no kindness or affection for, without the least distinction of English or Welch.

Iorwerth ap Blethyn had been very unjustly detain'd A.D. 1107 in Prison all this time; and now King Henry calling to mind what Hardship he laboured under, and that he committed him to custody upon no pretence of Reason, sent to know of him, what he was willing to pay for his Liberty. Iorwerth being now almost ready to sink under a fatigue of so long Imprison­ment, was glad to give any thing he was able, to ob­tain that which he had so long in vain hoped for; and therefore he promised either 300 l. in specie, or to the value of it in Cattel and Horses; for the pay­ment of which, Iorwerth and Ithel the Sons of his Brother Ryryd were deliver'd for Pledges. Then the King released him out of Prison, and restored him all his Lands which were taken from him; and of the due for his Liberty, the King bestowed 10 l. upon Henry, Cadwgan's Son by the Daughter of Pygot de Say the Norman. Owen and Madawc all this while committed all the wast and destruction possible, and cruelly annoyed both the English and Normans; and always withdrew and retired to Iorwerth's Estate, which so troubled him, by reason of the King's strict Orders, not to permit Owen to come to his or Ca­dwgan's Territories, that at length he sent to them this positive and peremptory Rebuke; Since it hath pleas­ed God to place us in the midst of our Enemies, and to deliver us into their hands; and hath so far weakened us, as that we are not able to do any thing [Page 134] by our own strength; and your Father Cadwgan and my self, are particularly commanded, under Penalty of forfeiting our Lands and Estates, not to afford you any Succour or Refuge during these your rebellious Practices; therefore as a Friend I intreat you, com­mand you as a Lord, and desire you as a Kinsman, that you come no more to mine or your Father Ca­dwgan's Territories. Owen and Madawc receiving such a presumptuous Message, were the more enraged, and in the way of a malignant retribution, did more frequently than heretofore, shelter themselves in Ior­werth's Country; in so much, that at last, since that they would neither by Threats nor Intreaties desist from their wonted Courses, he was forced to gather his Power, and to drive them out by force of Arms. Being chased out hence, they made In-roads into Ʋchtryd's Country in Merionythshire; but Ʋchtryd's Sons, being then in Cyveilioc, hearing of it, they sent to the People of the Country, with positive Orders to oppose and resist any offer they would make to enter the Countrey. The People, tho wanting a skilful Commander, were resolv'd to do as much as lay in their power; and so meeting with them by the way, they set upon them so furiously, that Owen and Ma­dawc, tho after a brave Defence, were forced to bear back, and to take the heels; Owen to Cardigan to his Father Cadwgan, and Madawc to Powys. Yet all this Misfortune could not suppress the restless Spirit of Owen; for as soon as he could rally together his scat­ter'd Troops, he made divers In-roads into Dyfed, and carrying away several Persons to the Ships, that they came in from Ireland; he first ransom'd them, and then listing them under his own Command, made such addition to his Army, that he ventur'd to set upon a Town in Dyfed belonging to the Flemings, and having rased it to the ground, he returned to Cardi­gan; having no regard to what Inconveniency might befall his Father from the King of England, upon this account; which a little afterwards unhappily fell out. For it happen'd that some of Owen's Men having had intelligence, that a certain Bishop called William de [Page 135] Brabant, was upon his Journey through that Country to the Court of England, laid wait for his coming; who without any apprehension of Treachery, passing through the Country, was unexpectedly slain, he and all his Retinue. Iorwerth and Cadwgan were then at Court, to speak with King Henry, concerning certain Business of their own; but whilst they discoursed the King, in comes a Fleming, that was a Brother to the deceased Bishop, and with a very loud Exclamation, complained how that Owen, Cadwgan's Son, had slain his Brother and the rest of his Company; and that he was succour'd and entertained in Cadwgan's Country. King Henry hearing this, was wrathfully displeased at such cruel Barbarity, that a Person of that Quality and Profession should be so treacherously murther'd; and therefore he asked Cadwgan what he could say to the matter; who answered, that what had so unhap­pily fell out, was done without the least of his know­ledg or approbation, and therefore desired his Majesty to impute all the Blame and Guilt of that unfortunate Action to his Son Owen. But King Henry was so far from being satisfied with this Reply, that he told Ca­dwgan in a violent passion, That since he could not keep his Son so, but that he was aided and continual­ly entertained in his Country, he would bestow it up­on another Person, who was better able and more willing to keep him out; and would allow him a Maintenance upon his own proper Charges, upon these Conditions, That he should not enter into Wales any more, without his farther Orders; and so grant­ing him Twenty Days for the ordering his Affairs, he gave him liberty to retire to any part of his Domini­ons, excepting Wales. When Owen and Madawc were informed how Cadwgan was treated by the King of England, and that Cardigan, which was their chiefest place of refuge, was to be given to another Person, they thought that their Condition by this time was de­sperate, and that they had not better stay any longer in Britain; and therefore with all speed they took shipping for Ireland, where they were sure to be ho­nourably entertained by King Murkart. Then King [Page 136] Henry sent for Gilbert Strongbow, Earl of Strygill, a Per­son of noted Worth and Valour, and one who had often sued to the King for to grant him some Lands in Wales, and bestowed upon him all the Lands and Inheritance of Cadwgan ap Blethyn, in case he could conquer and bring the Country under. Gil­bert very thankfully accepted of the Proposal, and ha­ving drawn together all the Forces he was able to raise, he passed to Wales, and being come to Cardigan, without the least Trouble or Opposition, he reduced the whole Country to his Subjection. The first thing he did, was the best he could to secure himself in this new-purchased Inheritance; in order to which, he erected two Castles, one upon the Frontiers of North-Wales, upon the Mouth of the River Ystwyth, a Mile distant from Lhanbadarn; the other towards Dyfed, upon the River Teifi, at a place called Dyngerant; where, as some think, Roger Montgomery had some­time before laid the Foundation of Cilgarran Castle. Owen and Madawc were all this while in Ireland; but this latter being at length tired with the Country, and not willing to endure the Manners and Customs of the Irish, came over for Wales, and passed to the Coun­try of his Uncle Iorwerth. Iorwerth being acquainted with his arrival, was fearful to suffer the same Fate with his Brother Cadwgan, by winking at his being there; and therefore without any regard to Relation or Consanguinity, he presently issued out a Proclama­tion, forbidding any of his Subjects under a great Pe­nalty to receive him, but that they should account him an open Enemy to their Country, and endeavour all they could to secure him, and to bring him Priso­ner before him. When Madawc understood this, how that his Person was in continual danger whil [...]t he re­mained there; having drawn to him all the Out-laws and Villains in the Country, he kept in the Rocks and Mountains, devising all the ways and means he could to be revenged upon Iorwerth; and so made a private League and Agreement with Lhywarch ap Trahaern. who for a long time had been a mortal Enemy of Ior­werths. These two Associates, having intelligence [Page 137] that Iorwerth lay one night at Caereineon, gathered all their strength, and came and encompassed the House at Midnight; which when Iorwerth's Servants perceived, they arose and defended the House with all the Might they could; but the Assailants at last putting the House on fire, they were glad, as many as could, to escape through the Flames; the greatest part being forced to yield, either to the Enemies Sword, or the more conquering Fire. Iorwerth seeing no remedy, but that he must undergo the same Fate as his Men had done, chose rather to dye in the presence of his Enemies, with his Sword in his Hand, than to com­mit his Life to the cowardly Flames; and therefore rushing out with great Violence, he was received up­on the points of the Enemies Spears, and so being tos­sed into the Fire, he miserably perished by a double death. As soon as King Henry heard of his Death, he sent for Cadwgan to him, and gave him all his Bro­ther's Estate, being Powys-land; and promising his Son Owen his Pardon, upon condition he would de­mean himself quietly and loyally hereafter, willed him to send for him back from Ireland. King Henry also about this time, married his natural Son Robert to Mabil Daughter and sole Heir to Robert Fiz-hamon Lord of Glamorgan, in whose Right this Robert became Lord of Glamorgan, being before by the King created E. of Glocester; by whom the Castle of Cardaf was built.

But Madawc finding the matter nothing mended, and that his other Uncle Cadwgan, who lay under the same Obligation to the King of England, ruled the Country, hid himself in the most private and in­accessible places, watching only an opportunity to commit the like Fact upon Cadwgan, and to murder him by one treacherous way or another. And this he effected in a little time; for Cadwgan having reduced the Country to some sort of Settlement and Quietness, and restored the Courts of Judicature, where he sate in person to administer Justice; came with the rest of the Elders of the Country to Trallwng, now Pool; and having begun to build a Castle, he thought to make that the constant Seat of his Habitation. Madawc [Page 138] understanding his Design, laid in ambush for him in his way to Trallwng; and as Cadwgan unconcernedly passed by, without the least suscicion of Treachery, he suddenly set upon him, and slew him, without al­lowing him any time either to fight or escape. Then he sent presently a message to Shrewsbury, to the Bishop of London, the King's Lieutenant in the Marches, to put him in mind of his former Promises to him, when he chased Owen out of the Country; because that the Bishop bearing an inveterate Enmity to Cadwgan, and his Son Owen, granted Madawc such Lands, as his Brother Ithel was possessed of. But Meredith ap Ble­thyn, being informed of the death of both his Brothers, went in all hast to the King, desiring of him the Lands of Iorwerth in Powys, which he had lately granted to Cadwgan; which the King granted him, till such time as Owen should return from Ireland. Owen did not stay long before he came over; and then going to King Henry, he was honourably received, and had all his Fathers Estate restored to him; whereupon, in gratitude of this signal Favour, he voluntarily promis­ed to pay the King a considerable Fine, for the due payment of which, he gave very responsible Pledges. Madawc finding himself alone to be left in the lurch, and that he had no seeming Power to bear Head against the King, thought it also his wisest way to make what Reconciliation he could; and therefore he offered the King a very great Fine, if he should peaceably enjoy his former Estate, promising withal, never to molest or disturb any one that was subject to the Crown of England. King Henry willing to bring all matters to a settled condition, readily granted his Request, and conferred upon him all he could reasonably ask for; only with this Proviso, that upon his peril he should provide for the Relations of them whom he had so basely murthered.

A.D. 1109 And thus all matters being brought to a peaceable conclusion in Wales; the next Year, Robert de Belesmo, who had been one of the chief Instruments of these Welch Disturbances, in that great Rebellion, which himself, with Roger de Montgomery, Earl of Salop, and [Page 139] his Brother Arnulph Earl of Pembroke had raised against the King; was taken Prisoner by King Henry in Normandy, and committed to perpetual Imprison­ment in Warham-Castle. The Year following, Mere­dith A.D. 1110 ap Blethyn detached a considerable Party of his Men, to make Incursions into the Country of Lhywarch ap Trahaern ap Gwyn, who was an inveterate Enemy of himself and Owen; by reason that by his Aid and Instigation, Madawc was encouraged to kill his Un­cles Iorwerth and Cadwgan. These Men as they passed through Madawc's Country, met a Person in the night­time who belonged to Madawc; who being asked where his Master was, after some pretence of igno­rance, at last through fear confessed, that he was not far from that place. Therefore lying quietly there all Night, by break of day they arose to look out their Game; and unexpectedly surpizing Madawc, they flew a great number of his Men, and took himself Prisoner; and so carrying him to their Lord, they deliver'd him up, as the greatest Honour of their Ex­pedition. Meredith was not a little proud of his Pri­soner, and therefore to ingratiate himself the more with his Nephew Owen, he committed him to safe Custody, till he was sent for; who coming thither streight, Meredith delivered Madawc up to him. Owen, though he had the greatest reason for the most cruel Revenge, by reason that both his Father and Uncle were basely murthered by this Madawc, would not put him to death, remembring the intimate Friendship and Oaths that had passed betwixt them; but howe­ver, to secure him from any future Mischief he might practise, he pulled out his Eyes, and then set him at liberty. But least he should be capable of any Re­venge, by reason of his Estate and Strength in the Country, Meredith and Owen thought fit to divide his Lands betwixt them; which were, Caernarvon, Aber­hiw, with the third part of Deuthwfyr.

These home-bread Disturbances being pretty well abated, a greater storm arose from abroad; for the A.D. 1111 next Year, King Henry prepared a mighty Army to en­ter into Wales, being provoked thereto by the request [Page 140] of those who enjoyed a great part of the Welchmens Lands, but would not be satisfied till they got all. For Gilbert Strongbow Earl of Strygill, upon whom the King had bestowed Cardigan, made great Com­plaints of Owen ap Cadwgan, declaring how that he received and entertained such Persons as spoiled and robbed in his Country; and Hugh Earl of Chester made the like of Gruffydh ap Conan Prince of North-Wales, how that his Subjects and the Men of Grono ap Owen ap Edwyn Lord of Tegengl, unreproved, wasted, and burnt the Country of Cheshire; and to aggravate the mat­ter the more, he added farther, that Gruffydh neither owed any Service, nor paid any Tribute to the King. Upon these Complaints, King Henry was so cruelly en­raged, that he swore he would not leave one living Creature remaining in North-Wales and Powys-land; but having extirpated utterly the present Race of Peo­ple, he would plant a Colony of new Inhabitants. And then dividing his Army into three parts, he deliver'd one to the conduct of the Earl of Strygill, to go against South-Wales, which comprehended the whole Power of the fourth part of England and Cornwal: The next Battel was designed against North-Wales, in which was all the strength of Scotland and the North, and was commanded by Alexander King of the Scots, and Hugh Earl of Chester: the Third the King led him­self against Powys, wherein was contained the whole strength of the middle part of England. Meredith ap Blethyn hearing of these mighty Preparations, and be­ing informed that this vast Army was design'd against Wales, was quickly apprehensive that the Welch were not able to make any great Defence; and therefore thought it his safest way to provide for himself before­hand; and so coming to the King, yielded himself up to his Mercy. But Owen fearing to commit himself to those whom he knew so greedily to covet his Estate, and whom he was assured were far more desirous to dispossess the Welch of their Lands, than any other way to punish them for former Crimes and Miscar­riages, fled to Gruffydh ap Conan to North-Wales. Up­on that, King Henry converted his whole Force that [Page 141] way, and came himself as far as Murcastelh, and the Scotch King to Pennant Bachwy; but the People flying to the Mountains, carried with them all the Cattel and Provision they had; so that the English could not follow them, and as many as attempted to come at them, were either slain or wounded in the streights. But Alexander King of the Scots finding that nothing could possibly be effected against the Welch, as long as they kept the Rocks and Mountains, sent to Prince Gruffydh, advising him to submit himself to the King, promising him all his Interest to obtain an honourable Peace. But the Prince was too well acquainted with English Promises, and therefore refused his Proposals; and so King Henry being very unwilling to return with­out doing something in this Expedition, sent to Owen to forsake the Prince, who was not able to defend himself, but was ready to strike a Peace with the Scot­tish King and the Earl of Chester. But this cunning In­sinuation would not take effect; for Owen was for his life as distrustful of King Henry as Prince Gruffydh; and therefore he would hearken to no Intreaties for re­volting from him, who had all this while afforded him Refuge, till at length his Uncle Meredith, an old in­sinuating Politician, persuaded him, with much a do, not to forsake the King of England's Proposals, who offered him all his Lands without Tribute, in case he would come to his side; and therefore Meredith ad­vised him instantly to accept of his offer, before Prince Gruffydh made a Peace with the King, which if it was once done, he would be glad upon any score to purchase the King's Mercy. Owen being prevailed up­on by such Arguments, came to the King, who re­ceived him very gratiously, and told him, that because he believed his Promise, he would not only perform that, but likewise exalt him above any of his Kindred, and grant him his Lands free from any payment of Tribute. Prince Gruffydh perceiving how that Owen had submitted to the King, thought it also his wisest way to sue for Peace; and so promising the King a great Sum of Money, a Peace was then actually agreed upon, and confirmed; which the King of [Page 142] England was the more ready to consent to, because he found it impossible to do him any hurt, whilst he con­tinued encamped in that place. Some affirm, that the submission as well of Prince Gruffydh as Owen, was pro­cured by the Policy of Meredith ap Blethyn and the Earl of Chester; this last working with Gruffydh, and assuring him that Owen had made his Peace with the King before any such thing was in agitation, so that the Prince yielding somewhat to the Earl's Request, if Owen had gone contrary to his Oath, which they had mutually taken, not to make any Peace with the English, without one anothers Knowledge, seemed to incline to a Peace. On the other hand, Meredith going in Person to his Nephew Owen, affirmed for Truth, that the Prince and the Earl of Chester were actually agreed, and that the Prince was on his Jour­ney to the King to make his Submission. And in the mean while Meredith took especial care that all Messengers betwixt the Prince and Owen should be intercepted, and by that means Owen wilfully sub­mitted himself to the King.

King Henry having thus finished and brought to an end all his Business in Wales, calling Owen to him, told him, that in case he would go over with him to Normandy, and there be faithful to him, he would upon his return confirm all his Promises upon him; and so Owen accepting of the King's Offer, went with him to Normandy, where he behaved himself so gal­lantly, that he was made a Knight; and after his re­turn A.D. 1112 the Year following, he had all his Lands and E­state confirmed unto him. About the same time Griffri Bishop of St. Davids died, and King Henry ap­pointed to succeed him one Barnard a Norman, much against the Good-will and Inclination of the Welch, who before this time were ever used to Elect their own Bishop. And this Year the rumour of Gruffydh Son to Rhys ap Theodore was spread throughout South-Wales, who, as the report went, for fear of the King had been from a Child brought up in Ireland, and having come over about two Years afore, past his time privately among his Relations, particularly [Page 143] with Gerald Steward of Pembroke his Brother-in-Law. And now the noise of a new Prince being spread a­broad, it came at last to the Ears of the King of England, that a certain Person appeared in Wales, who pretended to be the Son of Rhys ap Theodore late Prince of South Wales, and laid Claim to that Prin­cipality, which was now in the King's Hands. King Henry being somewhat concerned with such a Report, and fearing lest that this new Starter should create him some greater trouble, he thought to nip him in the bud, and sent down Orders to apprehend him. But Gruffydh ap Rhys being aware of the Traps laid against him, sent to Gruffydh ap Conan Prince of North-Wales, desiring his Assistance, and that he might have Liberty to remain safe in his Country, which Gruffydh for his Father's account, readily granted, and treated him honourably. A little after, his Brother Howel who was imprisoned by Ardulph Earl of Pembroke in the Castle of Montgomery, where he had remained for a great while, made his escape and fled to his Brother, then with Gruffydh ap Conan in North-Wales. But King Henry being informed that Gruffydh ap Rhys and his Brother Howel were enter­tained by the Prince of North-Wales, sent very smooth Letters to Gruffydh ap Conan, desiring to speak with him, who being come, he received him with all the Tokens of Honor and Friendship, and bestowed upon him very rich Presents, just after the Norman Policy, who usually make very much of those whom they design afterwards to be serviceable to them. After some time's general Discourse, King Henry came at length to the main Point, and promised the Prince even Mountains of Gold, in case he would send Gruffydh ap Rhys or his Head to him, which the Prince overcome by such fair Words and large Promises, promised to perform, and so returned joyfully home, big with the expectation of his future Reward. But some who wished better to Gruffydh ap Rhys and his Brother Howel, presently suspected the occasion of the King's Message, and therefore they advised them to withdraw themselves privately for some time, till [Page 144] Prince Gruffydh's mind be better understood, and whether he had made any agreement with the King of England to betray them to him. As soon as the Prince was returned to his Palace at Aberffraw, he presently enquired for Gruffydh ap Rhys, and learning in a little time where he was, he sent a Troop of Horse to re-call him to his Court; but Gruffydh hear­ing of their approach, with all speed made his escape to the Church of Aberdaron, and took Sanctuary there. But Prince Gruffydh was so resolute to make his Promise good to the King of England, that with­out any respect to the Religious place he had esca­ped too, commanded the same Messengers to return, and to bring him away by Force, which the Clergy of the Country unanimously withstood, protesting that they would not see the Liberties of the Church in the least infringed. And whilst the Clergy and the Prince's Officers were thus at debate, that same night, some who had Compassion upon the young Prince, and seeing how greedily his Life was thirsted for, conveyed him away out of North-Wales to Straywy in South-Wales. And so being delivered from the treacherous and more dishonourable Practices of the Prince of North Wales, he was forced for the De­fence of his own Life, to bid open Defiance to the King of England, and thereupon having raised all the Forces which the shortness of the opportunity would permit, he made War upon the Flemings and Nor­mans.

A.D. 1113 The next year, he laid Siege to the Castle which stood over-against Arberth, and winning the same, made it plain with the Ground, and from thence marched to Lhanymdhyfry Castle, belonging to Ri­chard de Pwns, upon whom the King had bestowed Cantref Bychan, but the Garrison commanded by Meredith ap Rytherch ap Caradoc, so manfully de­fended it, that Gruffydh after killing only some few of the Besieged, and burning the Out-works, was forced to remove with no small Loss of his own Men. Finding this place impregnable, he came before Abertawy-Castle, which was built by Henry Beaumont [Page 145] Earl of Warwick, but this proving too strong to be quickly surrendered, after he had burnt some of the outward Buildings, he returned to Stratywy, burning and destroying all the Country as he went along. And now his Fame being spread abroad thro' all the Country, all the wild and head-strong Youth, and they whose Fortunes were desperate, resorted unto him from all Parts, by which means being waxed Strong and Numerous, he made in Roads into Ros and Dyfed, spoiling and destroying the Coun­try before him. The Normans and Flemings were cruelly enraged with these continual Depredations, and how to remedy this Mischief, was not easily de­termined; but after long Consultation, they thought it the best way to call together such Welch Lords as were Friends to the King of England, such were Owen ap Rhytherch, and Rhytherch ap Theodore, with his Sons Meredith and Owen, whose Mother was Heynyth the Daughter of Blethyn ap Confyn, and Owen ap Caradoc the Son of Gwenlhian another Daughter of Blethyn, and Meredith ap Rhytherch. These protesting their Loyalty and Fidelity to King Henry were desired to defend the King's Castle of Carmardhyn, and that by turns; Owen ap Caradoc the first Fortnight, and then by succession by Rhytherch ap Theodore and Mered th ap Rhytherch. Owen undertook the Defence of Car­mardhyn Castle for the time required of him, and Blethyn ap Gadifor had committed to him the Go­vernment of Abercomyn, or Abercorran-Castle, which appertained to Robert Courtmain. But for all these Preparations, Gruffydh ap R [...]ys had a wishful Eye upon Carmardhyn and therefore he sent out some Spies to learn the Strength and Condition of the Town, who bringing him a very kind and hopeful Account, he decamped by Night, and rushing sudden­ly into the Town, ordered his Men to make a great shout, thereby to strike a great Terror into those within. Owen ap Caradoc the Governour, being sur­prized with such an unexpected uproar, made all possible haste to the place where he had heard the shouting, and thinking that his Men were at his [Page 146] Heels, fell in among the Enemy; but having none to support him, his Men being all fled, he was after a manful Defence cut in pieces, and so the Town be­ing taken, Gruffydh burnt every thing to the ground, excepting the Castle, which was also sore defaced. And then returning with a great deal of Spoil and Booty to his usual residence at Stratywy; his Forces were considerably increased by the accession of many stout young Men, who came to him from all Quar­ters, and thought that Fortune so prospered his Arms, that no body was able to stand before him. After this he marched to Gwyr, but William de Londres thinking it impossible to stand before him, forsook the Castle with all his Men in all haste, so that when Gruffydh was come thither, he found a great deal of Cattel and Spoil, and none to own them, and there­fore having burnt down the Castle, he carried away every thing of Value in the Country. When the Cardigan-shire Men heard how fortunately he suc­ceeded in all his Attempts, and being extreamly fearful, lest his next Expedition should be against them, sent to him, desiring him, as being their near Relation and Country man, to take upon him the Rule and Government over them. Gruffydh willing­ly accepted of their Offer, and coming thither, was joyfully received by the Chief Men in the Country, who were Cadifor ap Grono, Howel ap Dinerth, and Trahaern ap Ithel, which three Persons had forsaken Dyfed, by reason that it was so thwacked with Nor­mans, Flemings and English Men. Nor was Cardigan free from Strangers, who pretended to sway and rule the Country, but the People bearing in mind the continual Wrong and Oppression they received from them, bore an inveterate hatred to them, and were very glad to be delivered from their insolent and imperious Oppressours. For King Henry what by Force and Banishment of those that stood up stiff for their Liberty, and what by corrupting of those that were wavering, had brought all that Country to his subjection, and bestowed what Lands he thought fit upon his English or Norman Favourites. But not­withstanding [Page 147] the Strength of the English in this Coun­try, Gruffydh was not a whit cast down, but boldly coming on to Cardigan Iscoed, he laid Siege to a Fort that Earl Gilbert and the Flemings had built at a place called Blaen Porth Gwythan. After divers Assaults, and the killing of several of the besieged, with the loss only of one of his Men, Gruffydh took the place, and rasing it to the ground, brought all the Country thereabouts to subjection. This Action proved very fatal to the English, for immediately upon this, they began to forsake their Houses and Habitations, as thinking it too hot for them to stay any longer in the Country, and so the Welch burnt and destroyed as far as Penwedic all the Houses of those Strangers whom Earl Gilbert had brought with him. Then Gruffydh besieged the Castle of Stradpythylh which belonged to Ralph Earl Gilbert's Steward, and having made himself Master of it, he put all the Garrison to the Sword. Removing from thence, he incamped at Glasgryg a mile from Lhanbadarn, purposing to Besiege Aberystwith-Castle next morning, but for want of Provision necessary for his Army, he was forced to make bold with some Cattel which grazed within the Limits of the Sanctuary. And here it may be observed, that not only Men enjoyed the Privilege of these Sanctuaries, but also Cattel and Horses, and whatever else lived within the Liberties of them. But the day following, Gruffydh marched disorderly towards the Castle, being apprehensive of no great opposition, by reason that he was ignorant of the number of the Garrison, and so encamping upon an opposite Hill, which was divided from the Castle by a River, with a Bridge over it, he called a Council to determin with what Engines they might with best Success play against it, and so make a ge­neral, Assault. The Normans observing their Dis­order, very cunningly sent out some of their Archers to skirmish with them, and so by little and little to entice them to the Bridge, where some of the best armed Horse-men were ready to issue out upon them. The Welch not thinking the Garrison to be [Page 148] so strong, approached near the Bridg, still skirmishing with the Normans, who pretended to give ground; but when they came very near, out sallies one on horse back, who would fain pass the Bridg; but be­ing received upon the points of their Spears, he began to flag, and as he endeavoured to return, he fell off his Horse, and so the Welch pursued him over the Bridg. The Englishmen seeing this, fled towards the Castle, and the Welch with all speed followed them to the top of the Hill; but whilst they thought that the day was their own, up rises a Party of Horse which lay in ambuscade under the Hill, and standing be­twixt the Welch and the Bridg, prevented any Suc­cour to come to them. And the Welch being thus hemm'd in betwixt both Parties, the former recoil­ing with greater strength, were so unmercifully cut off, that scarce one Man was left living. When the rest of the Welch Army, that staid on the other side of the River, saw what number the Garrison con­tained, and that they were strong beyond their expe­ctation, presently decamped, and with all speed de­parted out of the Country.

When King Henry was informed of all the Mis­chief and Cruelties that Gruffydh ap Rhys had com­mitted among his Subjects in Wales, he sent for Owen ap Cadwgan, desiring him and Lhywarch ap Trahaern to use all the effectual Method possible to take or kill the Arch Rebel Gruffydh, promising very speedily to send his Son Robert with an Army to Wales for that purpose. Owen being very proud that the King put such Confidence in him, encouraged his Men to be now so industrious to merit the King's Favour, as they had been formerly to deserve his Displeasure; and so joyning his Forces with Lhywarch, they both marched to meet Prince Robert at Stratywy, where they supposed Gruffydh ap Rhys had hid himself in the Woods. When they were come to the Frontiers of the Country, they made a Vow, that they would let neither Man, Woman, or Child escape alive; which so affrighted the People of the Country, that all made what shift they could to save their Lives, [Page 149] some by fleeing to the Woods and Mountains, and some by getting into the King's Castles, from whence they had come but a little before. Then Owen and Lhywarch separated with distinct Parties to scour the Woods, which about Stratywy are very desertous; and Owen having entred with an Hundred Men, presently discovered the tract of Men and Cattel, and follow'd their Foot-steps so close, that within a little while he overtook them; and having slain a great many of them, and put the rest to flight, he carried away all their Cattel back to his Army. But whilst Owen was busie in searching the Woods, Gerald Steward of Pembrock, who with a great Power of Flemings was upon his march to joyn the King's Son, met with them who fled from Owen; who desiring help of Gerald, de­clared how Owen had forcibly drove them out, slain a great many of their Companions, and spoiled them of all their Goods. Gerald and his Flemings understan­ding that Owen was so nigh with such a small number of Men, thought he had now very convenient oppor­tunity to be revenged of him upon the account of his Wife; and therefore to make sure Work with him, he pursued him close into the Woods. Owen being fore-warned by his Men that a great number follow­ed him, and advised to make all speed to get away, was deaf to all such Counsels, as thinking that they of whom his Men were so much afraid of, were the King's Friends, and therefore their Integrity need not be questioned, since they all had respect to the same common Cause. But he found, that a private Quar­rel is sometime more regarded than the publick Good; and therefore when Gerald was advanced within bow­shot, he greeted him with a Volloy of Arrows, to shew how great a Friend he was; but Owen, tho persuaded to flee, was so little terrified at such an un­welcom Salutation, that tho' the Enemy were Seven to One, yet he told them, that they were but Flemings, and such as always trembled at the hearing of his Name. And then falling on with a great deal of Courage, he was at the first On-let struck with an Arrow into the Heart, of which Wound he presently [Page 150] dyed; which when his Men saw, they all fled, and brought word to Lhywarch and the rest of their Fel­lows of what had happen'd; and so suspecting the King's Army, seeing they could not be trusted in their Service, they all returned to their respective Countries. Owen being in this manner unhappily slain, his Brethren divided his Lands betwixt them; excepting Caereneon, which properly belonged to Ma­dawc ap Ryryd ap Blethyn; and which he had forcibly taken away from his Uncle Meredith. His Father Ca­dwgan had several Children by different Women; and besides himself, he had Issue Madawc by Gwen­lhian the Daughter of Gruffydh ap Conan; Eineon by Sanna the Daughter of Dyfnwal; Morgan, by Efelhiw or Elhiw the Daughter of Cadifor ap Colhoyn Lord of Dyfed; Henry and Gruffydh were by the Daughter of the Lord Pigot his wedded Wife; Meredith by Eu­ruron Hoedliw; and himself by Inerth the Daughter of Edwyn. But a while afterwards, Eineon ap Cadw­gan and Gruffydh ap Meredith ap Blethyn, besieged the Castle of Cymmer in Merionythshire, which was lately built by Ʋchtryd ap Edwyn; for Cadwgan had bestowed upon Ʋchtryd his Cofin-German Merionyth and Cyfeilioc, upon condition, that in all Cases he should appear his Friend, and his Sons after him; contrary to which Promise he bore no manner of re­gard to Cadwgan's Children after Owen's death; but to strengthen himself the better, he erected this Castle of Cymmer, which very much displeased many of Ca­dwgan's Sons. And therefore Eineon and Gruffydh, to make Ʋchtryd sensible of his Error in despising of them, furiously set upon Cymmer Castle, and having slain divers of the Garrison, the rest surrender'd themselves; and so taking possession of it, they divided the Coun­try betwixt them; Mowdhwy Cyfyeilioc and half Penlhyn to Gruffydh ap Meredith; and the other half of Pen­thyn with all Merionyth to Eineon.

The next Year King Henry failed with a great Ar­my into Normandy, against the French King, who with the Earl of Flanders and others, went about to make William the Son of Robert Curthoise Duke of [Page 151] Normandy; but at the appearance of the King of Eng­land, they all scatter'd, and laid aside their intended Design. About the same time Gilbert Strongbow Earl of Strigill, to whom King Henry had given all Cardi­gan, departed this Life, after a long Fit of a Consum­ption; much to the Joy and Satisfaction of the Welch, who were in great measure displeased, that they should be deprived of their own natural Lord Cadwgan, from whom this Country was taken away, and be forced to serve and be subject to a Stranger, whose Kindness they had no great reason to expect. But the Year fol­lowing,A.D. 1115 an irreconcilable Quarrel happen'd betwixt Howel ap Ithel Lord of Ros and Ryfonioc, now Den­bigh-land, and Riryd and Lhywarch the Sons of Owen ap Edwyn. And when they could not otherwise agree, they broke out into open War; and thereupon Howel sent to Meredith ap Blethyn, and to Eineon and Ma­dawc, Cadwgan's Sons; who came down from Merio­nyth with a Party of Four Hundred well-disciplin'd Men, and encamped in Dyffryn Clwyd. Riryd and Lhywarch on the other hand, de [...]red the Assistance of their Cosins the Sons of Ʋchtryd; and so both Ar­mies meeting in the Vale of Clwyd, they fell to Blows with a great deal of Spirit and Alacrity, and after a te­dious and a bloody Fight, Lhywarch, Owen ap Edwyn's Son, was at last slain, and with him Iorwerth the Son of Nudh, a noble and a valorous Person; and Riryd was forced to make his Escape by flight. But though Howel obtained the Victory, yet he did not long sur­vive his slain Enemies; for having received a despe­rate Wound in the Action, dyed of it within Fourty Days; and then Meredith ap Blethyn, and the Sons of Cadwgan finding it dangerous to stay longer there, for fear of some French, who lay garrisoned in Chester, returned home with all speed.

King Henry was still in Normandy, and about this A.D. 1116 time, a very great Battel was fought betwixt him, and the French King, who was shamefully vanquished and overthrown, and had a great number of his Nobles taken Prisoners. But as King Henry returned the fol­lowing A.D. 11 7. Year for England, one of the Ships happened, [Page 152] by the negligence of the Pilot, to be cast away, wherein perished the King's two Sons, William who was legitimate, and Heir apparent to the Crown, and Richard his base Son; together with his Daughter and Neece, and several others of his Nobility, to the number in all of 150 Persons. This unparallel'd Loss of so many Kindred and Friends did not perplex his Mind so long, but that within a short time, he be­gan to solace and raise his drooping Spirits with the thoughts of a new Wife; and having married Ade­lice A.D. 1118 the Daughter of the Duke of Lovain, he purposed to go against Wales, and having prepared his Forces, he led them in person to Powys-land. When Meredith ap Blethyn and Eineon, Madawc and Morgan, the Sons of Cadwgan and Lords of the Country heard of it, they sent to Gruffydh ap Conan Prince of North Wales, de­siring some help at his hands; who flatly refused, as­suring them, that because he was at peace with the King of England, he could neither with Honour nor Safety send them any Succour, nor permit them to come within his Dominions. The Lords of Powys re­ceiving this unwelcom Answer, and having now no manner of hopes of any Aid, were resolved however to defend themselves as well as they could; and there­fore they thought it the most effectual means to annoy the Enemy, and to keep them from entering into the Country, was to observe and defend the Streights, by which the Enemy must of necessity pass. Neither were they out in their Policy; for it happened that the King himself, with a small number, advanced to one of these narrow Passages, the rest of the Army, by reason of their Carriages, having taken some compass about; which the Welch perceiving, presently poured a Shower of Arrows upon them, and the advantage of the ground giving help to their Execution, they slew and wounded a great many of the English. The King himself was struck in the Breast, but for all that the Arrow could not hurt him, by reason of his Armour; yet he was so terrified with this unexpected Conflict, and considering with himself, that he must receive se­veral such Brushes before he could advance to the plain [Page 153] Country; and what was above all, being sensible that by such rash Misfortune he might lose all the Honour and Fame which he had before obtained, sent a Mes­sage to parly with them who kept the Passage, and with all assurance of Safety, to desire them to come to the King. The Welch being come, and question'd how they had such Confidence to oppose the King, and to put his Life in so much danger; made Answer, that they belonged to Meredith ap Blethyn, and accor­ding to their Master's Orders they were resolved to keep the Passage, or to dye upon the spot. The King finding them so resolute, desired them to go to Mere­dith, and propose to him an agreement of Peace, which he and his Cosins the Sons of Cadwgan accep­ted of; and promised to pay the King 10000 Head of Cattel, in Retribution for former Offences. And so King Henry leaving all things in a peaceable and quiet posture in Wales, and appointing the Lord Fitz-Warren Warden or Lieutenant of the Marches, re­turned to England.

But when a foreign Enemy was removed out of the Country, the Welch could never forbear quarrelling A.D. 1120 with each other; for Gruffydh ap Rhys ap Theodore, who had been now for some time quiet, fell upon Gruffydh ap Sulhaern, and for what reason not disco­vered, treacherously slew him. But the next Year A.D. 1121 there happened another occasion of Disturbances and falling out among the Welch; for Eineon the Son of Cadwgan dying, left all his share of Powys and Merio­nyth to his Brother Meredith. But his Uncle Mere­dith ap Blethyn, thinking that these Lands more pro­perly belonged to him, ejected his Nephew Meredith to whom his Brother Eineon had left them, and took possession of them himself. And what augmented these Differences, King Henry set now at liberty Ithel ap Riryd ap Blethyn, Meredith's Nephew, who had been for a long time detained in Prison; who coming to his own Country, was in expectation to enjoy his Estate, which, upon his being put in custody, his Re­lations had divided betwixt them; of which, the greatest share fell to his Uncle Meredith. But when [Page 154] Gruffydh ap Conan was informed, how that Meredith ap Blethyn, contrary to all Justice, had taken away by force the Lands of his Nephew Meredith ap Cadw­gan, he sent his Sons Cadwalhon and Owen with an Ar­my into Merionyth, who conquering and bringing to subjection all the Country, carryed away the chief of the People, and all the Cattle to Lhyn. And at the same time the Sons of Cadwgan entered into the Lands of Lhywarch ap Trahaern, and cruelly wasted and de­stroyed it, by reason that he had countenanced the Do­ings of their Uncle Meredith ap Blethyn. But these in­ward Clashings and Animosities concerning Estates and Titles, were seconded by most unnatural Bloodshed and unparallell'd Cruelties; for Meredith ap Blethyn, when he found that his Nephew Meredith ap Cadwgan was assisted by the Prince of North-Wales, and that it A.D. 1122 was impracticable to keep Merionyth from him, he was resolved to practice that upon his Nephew, which he had failed to effect upon another. And therefore lest his other Nephew Ithel ap Riryd should meet with the like Help and Encouragement to recover those Lands, which during his Imprisonment were taken away from him, of which his Uncle actually enjoyed a considerable share; Meredith thought it his wisest way to prevent all manner of Disputes, by sending Ithel out of the World, which upon mature Delibe­ration he treacherously effected. Nor was this the only Murther committed at this time; for Cadwalhon the Son of Gruffydh ap Conan exceeded him far, and slew his three Uncles, Grono, Riryd, and Meilyr the Sons of Owen ap Edwyn; but which was most unna­tural of all, Morgan ap Cadwgan with his own hands killed his Brother Meredith; a Crime most execrable, tho he did afterwards repent of it.

A.D. 1124 Not long after this, Gruffyth ap Rhys, by the false and invidious Accusations of the Normans, was dis­possessed of all the Lands which King Henry had for­merly granted him, and which he had for a considera­ble time peaceably enjoyed. And towards the end of the same Year dyed Daniel ap Sulgien Bishop of S. Davids, and Archdeacon of Powys, a Man of ex­traordinary [Page 155] Piety and Learning, and one who made it his continual Employment to endeavour to work a Reconciliation betwixt North-Wales and Powys, which in his time were at perpetual Variance and Enmity with one another. The next Year dyed likewise A.D. 1125 Gruffydh the Son of Meredith ap Blethyn; and about the same time Owen ap Cadwgan having got into his hands Meredith ap Lhywarch, delivered him to Pain Fitz-John, to be kept safe Prisoner in the Castle of Bridg­north. The reason of this was, because Meredith had slain Meyric his Cosin-German, and very barbarously had pulled out the Eyes of two more of his Cosins, the Sons of Griffri. This cruel and inhuman Custom of plucking out the Eyes of such as they hated or fear­ed, was too frequently practised in Wales; for the A.D. 1126 following Year Ievaf the Son of Owen served two of his Brethren after this unnatural manner, and thinking that too little, passed a Sentence of perpetual Banish­ment upon them. A little after, his Brother Lhewe­lyn ap Owen slew Iorwerth ap Lhywarch; but all this Mischief practised by these two Brothers Ievaf and Lhewelyn, turned at last upon themselves; for their Uncle Meredith ap Blethin being apprehensive that his two Nephews were a considerable Rub in his way, and if they trooped off, that all their Estate would of right fall to him; slew Ievaf out-right, and having pluck'd out Lhewelyn's Eyes, castrated him, for fear he should beget any Children to inherit his Lands af­ter him. These no doubt were implacable Times, when for the least Offence, nay sometime Suspicion, Murther was so openly and incorrigibly committed; which must of necessity be attributed to this one Prin­ciple, That so many petty States having equal Power and Authority in their own Territories, and being subject to none but the King of England, still endea­voured to out-vie and over-top each other. And so, nearness of Relation giving way to Ambition, they never regarded those of the same Blood, so that themselves might add to their strength, and increase their Estate by their Fall; and for this reason Meyric slew Lhywarch, and his Son Madawc his own Cosins; [Page 156] but before he could make any Advantage of their Death, he was himself served after the same manner. But the only Person who afterwards repented of such a foul Crime, was Morgan ap Cadwgan, who being severely troubled in mind for the Murther he had lately committed upon his Brother Meredith, took a Journey to Jerusalem to expiate for his Crime, and in his return from thence, dyed in the Isle of Cyprus. But this treacherous way of private murdering those by whom they were offended, could not be forgot a­mong the Welch; for Eineon the Son of Owen ap Ed­wyn A.D. 1129 calling to mind how that Cadwalhon the Son of Gruffydh ap Conan had basely slain three of his Brothers, and taking the opportunity of his being at Nanhewdwy, assisted by Cadwgan ap Grono ap Edwyn, set upon him, and slew him. About the same time, that great U­surper Meredith ap Blethyn ap Confyn, who by most unnatural and most hellish Practices, had got the Lands of all his Brothers and Nephews, and by that means was become a Man of the greatest strength and sway in Powys, dyed of a severe Fit of Sickness, which reduced him to that apprehension of his for­mer Miscarriages, that he endured Penance for the expiation of former Guilts.

A.D. 1134 In the Year 1134. till which time nothing of mo­ment was transacted in Wales, Henry the first of that Name, King of England, dyed in Normandy in the Month of October; after whom Stephen Earl of Bu­loign Son to the Earl of Bloys, his Sisters Son, by the means of Hugh Bygod, was crowned King by the Archbishop of Canterbury, all the Nobility of England consenting thereunto; though contrary to a former Oath they had taken to Maud the Empress. The first thing that employed his Thoughts after his ac­cession to the Government, was against David King of the Scots; who taking advantage of this new Re­volution in England, by some treacherous means or other, got the Towns of Carlisle and Newcastle into his hands. But King Stephen, tho scarcely settled in his Throne, presently marched towards the North; of whose coming David being assured, and fearing [Page 157] to meet him, voluntarily restored Newcastle, and com­pounded for Carlisle; but would not swear to him by reason of his Oath to Maud; which however his Son Henry did not stick at, and thereupon was by King Stephen created Earl of Huntington. This change and alteration of Affairs in England, made al­so A.D. 1135 the Welch bestir themselves; for Morgan ap Owen, a Man of considerable Quality and Estate in Wales, remembring the Wrong and Injury he had received at the hands of Richard Fitz-Gilbert, slew him, toge­ther with his Son Gilbert. And shortly after, Cad­walader and Owen Gwyneth the Sons of Gruffydh ap Co­nan Prince of North-Wales, having raised a mighty Army, marched against the Normans and Flemmings, and comming to Cardigan, committed very consi­derable Waste and Havock in the Country, and took two of the strongest Places, one belonging to Walter Espec, and the Castle of Aberystwyth. In this last place they were joyned by Howel ap Meredith, and Rhys ap Madawc ap Ednerth; who marching for­ward, took the Castle of Richard de la Mare, toge­ther with those of Dinerth and Caerwedros, and then returned with very valuable Booty. But having succeeded so well in this Expedition, they could not rest satisfied, till they had rid the whole Country from the intolerable Pride and Oppression of the Normans and Flemings; and therefore returning the same Year to Cardigan with 6000 Foot, and 2000 Horse, well disciplined and experienced Soldiers; and being joyned by Gruffydh ap Rhys and Howel ap Meredith of Brecknock, with his Sons, and Madawc ap Ednerth; they over-ran the Country, as far as Aberteifi, restoring all the former Inhabitants to their proper Inheritances, and discarding all such Strangers as the late Earl of Strygil had placed in the Country. But when Stephen, who was Gover­nour of Aberteifi, saw that, he called to him Robert Fitz-Martyn, the Sons of Gerald, and William Fitz-John, with all the strength of the Normans, Flemings, and English in Wales, or the Marches; and meeting with the Welch betwixt Aber Ned and Aber Dyfi, gave [Page 158] them battel. But after a very sore and Bloody En­counter, the English began to give ground, and ac­cording to their usual manner, trusting too much to the strength of their Towns and Fortifications, be­gan to look how to save themselves that way. But the Welch pressed upon 'em so hard, that they killed above 3000 Men, besides several that were drowned and taken Prisoners. This Victory being so happily obtained, Cadwalader and Owen over-ran the whole Country, forcing all the Normans and Flemings to depart the Country with all speed, and placing in their room those miserable Welch, who had been so long deprived and kept from their own Estates; and after they had weeded the Country of those insatiable Caterpillars, they returned to North Wales, laden with very rich Spoils and acceptable Plunder. The King of England was not in a condition to take notice to what Extremities his Subjects were reduced to in Wales, by reason that his own Nobles of Eng­land were risen in Arms against him; the reason of which Tumult among the Nobility was occasioned by a fallacious Report that went about of the King's Death, who lay then sick of a Lethargy. They that bore him no good Will, verified the Rumour as much as they could, and stirred up the common People in behalf of the Empress; whereas on the other hand the King's Friends betook themselves to Castles and strong Holds for fear of the Empress, and among o­thers Hugh Bigod secured the Castle of Norwich, and after that he was assured that the King was well a­gain, he was loth to deliver the same out of his pos­session, A.D. 1136 unless it were to the King's own hands. But during these Commotions and Troubles in England, Gruffydh ap Rhys, Son to Rhys ap Theodore, the right Heir to the Principality of South-Wales, dyed, leaving Issue behind him a Son called Rhys, commonly known by the Name of Lord Rhys, by Gwenlhian the Daughter of Gruffydh ap Conan, who by some is said to have poisoned her Husband. Towards the end of the same Year dyed likewise Gruffydh ap Conan Prince of North-Wales, after he had reigned 57 Years; to [Page 159] the great Grief and Discontent of all his Subjects, as being a Prince of incomparable Qualities, and one who after divers Victories obtained over the English, had throughly purged North-Wales from all Strangers and Foreigners. He had Issue by Angharad the Daugh­ter of Owen ap Edwyn, three Sons, namely, Owen, Cadwalader, and Cadwalhon, and five Daughters, Mar­ret, Susanna, Ranulht, Agnes, and Gwenlhian: and by a Concubine Iago, Ascain, Edwal Abbot of Pen­mon, Dolhing, and Elen, who was married to Hova ap Ithel Felyn of Yal. There were several good and wholsom Laws and Statutes enacted in his time; and among the rest, he reformed the great Disorders of the Welch Minstrels, which were then grown to great Abuse. Of these there were three sorts in Wales; the first were called Beirdh, who composed several Songs and Odes of various Measures, wherein the Poet's Skill was not only required, but also a natural Endowment, or a Vein which the Latins term furor Poeticus. These likewise kept the Records of all Gentlemens Arms and Pedegrees, and were principal­ly esteemed among all the Degrees of the Welch Po­ets. The next were such as plaid upon Musical In­struments, chiefly the Harp and the Crowd; which Musick Gruffydh ap Conan first brought over into Wales; who being born in Ireland, and descended by his Mothers side of Irish Parents, brought with him from thence several skilful Musicians, who invented almost all the Instruments as were afterwards plaid upon in Wales. The last sort were called Atcaneaid, whose Business it was to sing to the Instrument plaid upon by another. Each of these, by the same Statute, had their several Reward and Encouragement allotted to them; their Life and Behaviour was to be spotless and unblameable, otherwise their Punishment was ve­ry severe and rigid, every one having Authority to pu­nish and correct them, even to the Deprivation of all they had. They were also interdicted and forbidden to enter any Man's House, or to compose any Song of any one, without the special leave and warrant of the Party concerned; with many other Ordinances rela­ting to the like purpose.

Owen Gwynedh.

AFter the death of Gruffydh ap Conan, his eldest Son Owen, surnamed Gwynedh, succeeded in the Principality of North Wales; who no sooner had entered upon the Government, but together with the rest of his Brethren, he made an Expedition in­to South-Wales; and having demolished and over­thrown the Castles of Stradmeyric, Stephan, and Hum­ffreys, and laid in Ashes the Town of Caermardhyn, he returned home with no less Honor than Booty and Plunder. About the same time, John, Arch-Deacon of Lhanbaran departed this Life, a Man of singular Piety and strictness of Life, who for his ri­gid Zeal in Religion and Virtue, was thought wor­thy to be canonized, and to be counted among the number of the Saints. This Year likewise King Ste­phen passed over to Normandy, and having concluded a Peace with the French King, and the Duke of An­jou, returned back to England without any further delay. But the following Spring gave opportunity for greater Undertakings; David, King of Scots, up­on the King of England's going to France last Sum­mer, had entered the Borders of England, and con­tinued to make considerable Wast and Havock in that part of the Country. Whereupon King Stephen, to rid his Country and his Subjects from so dange­rous an Enemy, marched with an Army towards the North, whose coming the King of Scots hearing of, he relinquished the Borders of England, and re­tired to his own Country. But that would not sa­tisfie King Stephen, who desired to be further re­venged for the unpardonable Hostilities committed by the Scots in his Country; and therefore pursuing the Scots to their own Country, he harassed and laid wast all the South part of the Kingdom of Scotland. [Page 161] But the King's absence animated several of the Eng­lish Nobility to rebel; to which purpose they for­tified every one their Castles and strong Holds: Wil­liam Earl of Glocester those of Leeds and Bristol; Ralph Lunel, Cari; William Fitz-Allen, Shrewsbury; Paganellus, Ludlow; William de Moyun, Dunester; Robert de Nichol, Warham; Eustace Fitz-John, Mer­ton; and Walklyn, Dover. But for all these mighty Preparations, the King in a short time became Ma­ster of them all; some he won by assault, others upon fair Promises and advantageous Conditions were surrendred up, and some he got by treacherous and under-hand Contrivances. The Scots thought to make good advantage of these Commotions in England; and thereupon, as soon as they heard that some of the English Nobility were in actual Rebellion against the King, they entered into the Borders, and began, as they thought, without any apprehension of Opposi­tion, to ravage and lay waste the Country before 'em. But William, Earl of Albemarle; William Pyppell, Earl of Nottingham; Walter Espec and Gilbert La­cy, gathered together all the Forces they could raise in the North; and being animated and encouraged by the eloquent and pressing Oration of Ralph, Bi­shop of Orkneys, which he delivered in the audience of the whole Army, they set upon the Scots at Al­merton with such unanimous Courage, that after a very great slaughter of his Men, King David was glad to escape with his Life by flight. After this, King Stephen seized to his own use the Castles of Ludlow and Leeds, and pressed the Bishops of Salis­bury and Lincoln so hard, that to prevent their pe­rishing by Famine, they were constrained to surren­der; the former the Castles of Vises and Shirburn; the latter those of Newark upon Trent and Sleeford. This did not a little augment the King's strength against the ensuing Storm; for in the Summer this Year, Maud the Empress, Daughter and Heir to King Henry, to whom King Stephen, with all the Nobility of England, had sworn Allegiance, landed at Arundel, with her Brother Robert Earl of Glocester, [Page 162] and was there honourably received by William de Albineto, who was lately married to Queen Adeliz, King Henry's Widow, with whom he received the Earldom of Arundel in Dowry. But as soon as King Stephen heard of her landing, he marched with all possible speed to Arundel, and laid siege to the Castle; but finding it upon tryal impregnable, he raised the siege, and by that means suffered the Empress and her Brother to escape to Bristol.

A.D. 1138 The next Year an unlucky Accident fell out in Wales; Cynric, one of Prince Owen's Sons, having by some means or other disgusted Madawc ap Mere­dith ap Blethyn ap Confyn, a Person of considerable Esteem and Estate in the Country, was, with his con­nivance set upon and slain by his Men. But the Af­fairs of England this Year, afforded greater rarity of action; King Stephen with a formidable Army laid siege to the City of Lincoln, to the relief of which, Ranulph, Earl of Chester, and Robert Earl of Glocester, marched with their Forces. But before they could arrive, the Town was taken; whereupon they drew up their Forces in order to give the King battel, who on the other side, was as ready to receive them. King Stephen drew up his Forces in three Battels, the first being led by the Earls of Britain, Mellent, Nor­folk, Hampton, and Warren; the second by the Earl of Albemarle, and William of Ypres; and the third by the King himself, assisted by Baldwyn Fitz-Gilbert, with several others of his Nobility. Of the Ene­mies side, the disinherited Barons had the first place; the Earl of Chester, with a considerable Party of Welchmen, far better couraged than armed, led the second; and the Earl of Glocester the third Battel. After a hot and bloody Dispute of both sides, the Victory at length favoured the Barons, King Stephen being first taken Prisoner, and a little after the Queen, together with William of Ypres, and Bryan Fitz-Count. But within a while after William Martell and Geffrey de Mandeville gathered together some fresh Forces, and fought the Empress and her Brother at Winche­ster, and having put the Empress to flight, took Earl [Page 163] Robert Prisoner, for exchange of whom, the King was set at liberty. The next Year King Stephen would A.D. 1139 try the other Adventure, and received a second Over­throw at Wilton; which however did not so much discourage him, but that he laid so close a siege to the Empress at Oxford, that she was glad to make her escape to Wallingford. The same Year dyed Ma­dawc ap Ednerth, a Person of great Quality and Note in Wales; and Meredith ap Howel, a Man of no mean Esteem, was slain by the Sons of Blethyn ap Gwyn.

For the two succeeding Years nothing remarkable A.D. 1140 passed in Wales; excepting that this Year Howel ap Meredith ap Rhytherch of Cantref Rychan, and Rhys ap Howel were cowardly slain by the Treachery and perfidious Practices of the Flemings; and the next A.D. 1141 Year Howel ap Meredith ap Blethyn was basely mur­thered by his own Men; at which time, Howel and Cadwgan the Sons of Madawc ap Ednerth, upon some unhappy Quarrel, did kill each other. But A.D. 1142 shortly after this, an irreconcilable Difference fell out betwixt Anarawd Son to Gruffydh ap Rhys Prince of South-Wales, and his Father in Law Cadwalader the Son of Gruffydh ap Conan, and Brother to Prince Owen Gwynedh; which from Words quickly pro­ceeded to Blows. In this Scuffle Anarawd was un­happily slain; which so exasperated Prince Owen against his Brother Cadwalader, that together with his Son Howel, he marched with an army into his Brothers Country, and after a considerable Waste and Destruction, burnt to the ground the Castle of Aberystwyth. Cadwalader, upon the News of Prince Owen's approach, withdrew himself and fled to Ire­land; where having hired a great number of Irish and Scots for Two Thousand Marks, under the Com­mand of Octer, and the Sons of Turkel and Cherulf, he struck sail for Wales, and landed at Abermenay in Carnarvonshire. The Prince, to protract no time, marched with all speed to prevent their farther pro­gress into the Country; and both Armies being come in view of each other, a Peace was happily [Page 164] concluded betwixt the two Brothers. The Irish un­derstanding this, and how that their coming over was like to prove but a Fool's Errant to them, they surprized and secured Cadwalader, till their Wages and Arrears were paid; who, to obtain his Liberty, deliver'd to them two thousand Heads of Cattel, be­sides many Prisoners, and other Booty, which they had taken in the Country. But as soon as the Prince was informed that his Brother Cadwalader was set loose, without any farther demur upon the case, he fell in upon the Irish, and having slain a very con­siderable number of them, recovered all the Booty they purposed to ship off, and forced as many as could escape, to return with great loss, and a grea­ter shame back to Ireland.

But the Normans sped far better in Wales; Hugh Son to Radulph Earl of Chester, having fortified his Castle of Cymaron, set upon and won the Country of Melienyth a second time; and the Castle of Clun being fortified by another Lord, all Eluel became subject to the Normans. The same time King Ste­phen took Geffry Mandeville Prisoner at S. Albans, where the Earl of Arundel by the slip of his Horse was like to be drowned in the River. But the Earl of Mandeville, to obtain his liberty, delivered up to the King the Tower of London, with the Castles of Walden and Plassey, which reduced him to that con­dition, that he was forced to live upon the Plunder and Spoil of Abbies and other religious Houses, till at length he was slain in a Skirmish against the King, and his Son banished the Kingdom.

The next Year a Skirmish happened betwixt Hugh A.D. 1144 de Mortimer and Rhys ap Howel, wherein the latter was taken Prisoner, with many others of his Ac­complices, who were all committed to Prison by the English. But it fared much better with Howel and Conan the Sons of Prince Owen, who having raised an Army against the Flemings and Normans, gain'd a considerable Victory at Aberteifi, and having placed a Garrison in the Town, returned home with great Honour, and much Booty. About the same time, [Page 165] Sulien ap Rhythmarch, one of the Colledg of Lhan­badarn, and a Person of great Reading and extensive Learning, departed this Life. Shortly after, Gilbert Earl of Clare, came with a great number of Forces to Dyfed, and built the Castle of Caermardhyn, and the Castle of the Sons of Ʋchtryd. Hugh Morti­mer A.D. 1145 likewise slew Meyric ap Madawc ap Riryd ap Bleddu, and Meredic ap Madawc ap Ednerth. And so far it went of the side of the English; but now the Welch begin to gain ground; Cadelh the Son of Gruf­fydh ap Rhys Prince of South Wales, laid siege to the Castle of Dynefowr, belonging to Earl Gilbert, which being surrender'd up, Cadelh, assisted by his Brethren Meredith and Rhys, brought his Army before the Ca­stle of Caermardhyn, which after a short siege yiel­ded in like manner, reserving only this one Condition, that the Garison should not be put to the Sword. From thence he marched to Lhanstephan, and set be­fore the Castle; to the Relief of which the Normans and Flemings coming with their Forces, were shame­fully vanquished and overcome, and so the Castle was easily deliver'd up to the Welch. But the Normans were so cruelly nettled at this, that they muster'd up all the Forces they could possibly draw together out of the neighbouring Countries, and unexpectedly sur­rounded the Castle, intending by all possible means to recover the same. But the Governour, Meredith ap Gruffydh, a Man of great Years, and no less Expe­rience, so animated and encouraged the besieged, that when the Normans and Flemings ventured to scale the Walls, they were bear back with such Vi­gour, and Loss of their side, that at length they were compell'd to raise the Siege, and leave the Welch in possession of the Castle.

Shortly after this, Run the Son of Prince Owen of North-Wales, a Youth of excellent hopes, and in­comparable Qualifications, dyed, whose Death his Father took so much to heart, that for some time he seemed to be past all Comfort, being faln into such a melancholy Disposition, that he was diverted with nothing but Retirement. But an Accident fell [Page 166] out, which rouz'd him out of this lethargical Fit of Sorrow and Discontent; the Castle of Mould was so very strong and well garrison'd by the English, that it mightily annoyed the Country thereabouts, and had been frequently besieged, but could never be taken. Prince Owen at this time levied an Army and laid close siege to it; and the Garison for several as­saults behaved it self so manfully, that the place seem­ed impregnable and invincible. But the Presence and Example of Prince Owen so encouraged his Men, that they fell on with all possible Vigour and Might, and at last forced their entrance into the Castle. Ha­ving put a great number of the Garrison to the Sword, and taken the rest Prisoners, the Castle was rased to the ground; and this fortunate Attempt so pleased the Prince, that he forgot all Sorrow for his Son, and returned to his usual Temper and accustomed Merri­ments. At the same time, King Stephen of England obtained a remarkable Victory over his Enemies at Farendon; and although the ensuing Year Rondel Earl of Chester and he were reconciled, yet he thought it more adviseable to detain him Prisoner, though contrary to his promise, until such time as the Earl would deliver up the Castle of Lincoln, with all the Forts and places of strength in his custody.

A.D. 1146 The next Year, Cadelh, Meredith, and Rhys, the Sons of Gruffydh ap Rhys ap Theodor, brought an Ar­my before the Castle of Gwys; but finding themselves too weak to master it, they desired Howel, Son to Prince Owen Gwynedh, a Person famously remarkable for martial Endowments, to come to their assistance. Howel, who was ever very desirous to signalize him­self, and to evidence his Valour to the World, rea­dily consented to their Request; and having drawn his Forces together, marched directly towards Gwys, where being arrived, he was joyfully received, and honourably entertain'd by such Lords as desired his help. Having viewed the Strength and Fortification of the Castle, he found it was impracticable to take the place, without the Walls could be destroyed; and therefore he gave orders, that certain battering [Page 167] Engines should be provided, whilst the rest should gaul and molest the besieged, by throwing of great Stones into the Castle. The Enemies perceiving what irresistible Preparations the Besiegers contrived, thought it to no purpose to withstand their Fury; and therefore to do that voluntarily which must be done by compulsion, they presently yielded up the Castle. Shortly after this a great Difference happen'd betwixt the Sons of Prince Owen, Howel, and Conan, and their Uncle Cadwalader; whereupon the former entered with an Army into the Country of Merionyth, and committed great Wastes and Hostilities there, inso­much that the Inhabitants flock'd into Sanctuaries to save their Lives. But the young Lords finding what fearful and unstable condition the People were in, and the better to draw them to their side, issued out their Proclamation, assuring that all who would fa­vour their Country, should not only enjoy their Lives, but their former Liberty and accustomed Priviledges; upon the publication of which Edict, the People re­turned to their own Habitations. Having by this Stratagem brought all the Country under their own Pleasure and good Will, they lead their Army be­fore the Castle of Cynfael, belonging to Cadwala­der, which he had built and strongly fortified. The government of this Castle Cadwalader had commit­ted to Merfyn, Abbot of Tygwyn, or the White-House; who being summoned to surrender, by the Brothers Howel and Conan, did not only refuse, but defied their utmost Efforts upon the place. The Lords finding they could do no good by Threats and Menaces, judged it more convenient to make use of the other Extream; and therefore promised the Abbot a very high Reward, if he would deliver the Castle into their hands. But all proved to no effect, the Abbot being a Person of more Honesty and greater Honour, than to be corrupted to betray his Trust; told them flatly, That he would not de­ceive his Masters expectation, and therefore would choose rather to dye with Honour, than to live with Shame. The Lords finding him inexorable, and withal [Page 168] being vexed, that a Church-man should put such a stop to their fortunate Proceedings, made such a vi­gorous Assault upon the Castle, that after they had pulled down some part of the Walls, they entred in by force, and ravaged so furiously, that they killed and wounded the whole Garrison, the Abbot only e­scaping, who by the help of some of his Friends in Howel's Army, got away safe. Towards the close of this Year, several Persons of Note departed this Life, among whom were Robert Earl of Glocester, and Gilbert Earl of Clare, as also Ʋchthryd Bishop of Llandaf, a Man of great Piety and Learning, in whose See succeeded Nicholas ab Gurgant.

A.D. 1147 The following Year also died Bernard Bishop of St. Davids, and was succeeded by David Fitzgerald, A.D. 1148 then Archdeacon of Cardigan. Sometime after Prince Owen Gwynedh built a Castle in Yale, called Castelh y Rodwyth; and his Brother Cadwalader built another at Lhanrystid, and bestowed his part of Cardigan upon his Son Cadwgan. Also Madoc the Son of Meredith ap Blethyn founded the Castle of Oswestry, and gave his Nephews Owen and Meyric the Sons of Gruffydh ap Meredith his share of Cyfeilioc.

A.D. 1149 The next Year, Conan Son to Prince Owen Gwynedh, for certain Faults and Miscarriages committed against his Father, tho' the particulars are not discovered, was put in Prison, where for some time he continued in Custody. But it fared better with his Brother Howel, who having made his Uncle Cadwalader his Prisoner, reduced all his Country, together with his Castle subject to himself. In South-Wales, some Business of moment happened this Year; Cadelh the Son of Gruffydh ap Rhys having fortified the Castle of Car­mardhyn, marched with his Army towards Cydwely, wasted and destroyed the whole Country, and be­ing returned home, joyned his Army with his Bro­thers Meredith and Rhys, who entring into the Coun­try of Cardigan, won that part called Is Aeron. This was succeeded by an Action of greater Importance in North-Wales; some irreconcilable Difference arising betwixt Prince Owen and Rondel Earl of Chester, [Page 169] quickly broke out into open War. The Earl made all the possible Preparations the opportunity would permit, and drew together a considerable Army from all parts of England and which strengthened and incouraged him the more, he was joyned by Madoc ap Meredith Prince of Powys, who disdaining to hold his Lands of Prince Owen Gwynedh, chose rather to side with, and abet his Enemies. The Prince on the other hand was not backward in his Preparations, and perceiving the Enemy to come upon him, thought it not advisable to suffer him to advance too far into the Country, but to stop and prevent his Carreer before he should take too firm a footing in his Domi­nions. To this end he marched with his whole Power as far as Counsylht, with full Resolution to give the Earl of Chester Battel, which the English were glad of, as thinking themselves far more nu­merous, and much better Armed and Disciplined than the Welch. But both Armies having joyned Battel, they quickly faltered in their expectation of un­doubted Success, and finding the Welch to press so irresistibly severe upon them, they thought it wiser to retire, and endeavour to save themselves by flight. But the Welch pursued them so hard, that few e­scaped without being either slain or taken Prisoners, and they some of the Chief Commanders, who thro' the fleetness of their Horses, avoided the Fury of their pursuers.

The next Year, the Scene of Action removed to A.D. 1150 South-Wales, Cadelh, Meredith and Rhys, the Sons of Gruffydh ap Rhys Prince of South-Wales, being entred with an Army into Cardigan, wan all the Country from Howel the Prince of North-Wales Son, except­ing the Castle of Lhanfihangel in Pengwern. The Siege of Lhanrystyd Castle proved so difficult and unmanagable, that the young Lords of South-Wales lost a great part of their bravest Souldiers before it, which so troubled and vexed them, that when they got possession of the Castle, they put all the Garrison to the Sword. From thence they marched to Ystrat­merric Castle, which after they had won, manned [Page 170] and re-fortified, they disbanded their Forces, and re­turned home. But Cadelh the eldest of the Brothers, was upon the point of receiving his last Blow by treachery at home, which he had escaped from the Enemies abroad. For some of the Inhabitants of Tenbigh in Pembroke shire, having conceived some displeasure and hatred against Cadelh, were resolved to revenge themselves, and to lay a Trap for his Life; and having observed what pleasure he took in Hunting, were resolved to execute their Plot, whilst he was hot and eager at his Sport. Observing there­fore one day how he went a Hunting with only a few Companions, they placed themselves in an am­buscade, and when the Game came that way, they unexpectedly set upon the unarmed Sports-men, and having easily made all the rest fly away, they wound­ed Cadelh so cruelly, that he narrowly escaped their hands alive; who making shift to get home, lay for a long time dangerously ill, and with great difficulty at length recovered his Life. Upon this, his Bro­thers Meredith and Rhys passed with an Army into Gwyr, and having burnt and destroyed the Country thereabouts, they besieged and took the Castle of Aberlhychwr, but finding they could not keep it, they rased it to the Ground, and after that, returned home with great Booty to Dynefawr, and repaired the For­tifications of the Castle there. About the same time also, Howel, Prince Owen Gwynedh's Son, fortified Humphry's Castle in the Valley of Caletwr.

A.D. 1151 But the following Year, Prince Owen did a very barbarous Action to Cunetha, his Brother Cadwalhon's Son, for fearing lest that this young Man should lay claim to any part of his Estate as his Father's right, he first pulled out his Eyes, and afterwards castrated him, for fear he should beget any Children, who might some time or other renew their claim and right to Cadwalhon's Estate. This inhuman severity was succeeded by another of no small remark; Lhe­welyn Son to Madoc ap Meredith having watched a convenient Opportunity, set upon, and slew Stephen the Son of Baldwin. But Cadwalader Prince Owen's [Page 171] Brother after a tedious Imprisonment which he had sustained thro' the Malice and Rancour of his Nephew Howel, at length made his escape, and flying to the Isle of Anglesey, brought a considerable part of that Island under his subjection. But Prince Owen hear­ing how that his Brother had got loose from custody, and that he was in actual possession of a great part of Anglesey, he presently dispatched an Army over, which proving too formidable to Cadwalader's Party, he was constrained to escape to England, and to de­sire Succor from his Wife's Relations, who was the Daughter of Gilbert Earl of Clare. This Year Galfrede Arthur, commonly called Geffrey of Monmouth, was made Bishop of St. Asaph, and at the same time Simon Archdeacon of Cyfeilioc, a Man of great Worth and Esteem in his Country died.

But the Year following, Meredith and Rhys the Sons A.D. 1152 of Gruffydh ap Rhys, Prince of South-Wales, laid Siege to Penwedic Castle, which belonged to Howel Prince Owen's Son, and after great pains and considerable loss of Men of their side, at last made themselves Masters of it. From thence they marched by Night to Tenby, and unexpectedly falling upon the Castle, of which one William Fitzgerald was Governor, they scaled the Walls before the Garrison were aware of any Danger, and so possessing themselves of the Ca­stle, they fell foul upon the Garrison, in Revenge of the Mischief they had done, and further designed to their Brother Cadelh. For Cadelh at this time was gone upon a Pilgrimage, and during his absence had committed his whole Inheritance and all other con­cerns in Wales, to the Care of his Brethren Meredith and Rhys. But after the taking Tenby-Castle, they divided their Army into two Parties, with one of which, Rhys marched to Ystratcongen, and after great havock and waste committed there, he passed to Cy­feilioc, which fared in like manner with Ystratcongen. Meredith with the other Party sat before Aberavan-Castle, and after a short Siege won and got possession of it, and then returned home with very consider­able Booty, and many rich Spoils. About the same [Page 172] time Rondel Earl of Chester, who had lived in conti­nual Enmity and frequent Hostility with Prince Owen of North-Wales, departed this Life, leaving his Son Hugh to enjoy both his Titles and Estate in England, and to prosecute the Feuds and Hostilities against the Welch.

A.D. 1153 And shortly after died Meredith Son to Gruffydh ap Rhys Prince of South-Wales, who was Lord of Cardigan Ystratywy and Dyfed, being not passed the Twenty Fifth Year of his Age, a Person of incomparable Va­lor and Audacity, and in all his Warlike Attempts and Atchievements very Fortunate. He was pre­sently followed by Geoffrey Bishop of Llandaf, a Man as Famous for Learning and a good Life, as the o­ther was for Masculine Bravery and Martial Prowess. In England the face of things looked very lowring, Henry Surnamed Shortmantel, the Empress Son, land­ed in England, and in his progress thro' the Country took several Castles, among which were Malmesbury, Wallingford and Shrewsbury. But his Fury was quick­ly appeased by the Death of Eustace King Stephen's Son, so that the sole obstacle for his succeeding to the Crown, being now removed, he willingly concluded a Peace with King Stephen, permitting him to enjoy the Crown peaceably for his life, upon Condition A.D 1154 that himself was declared his Successor. But King Stephen did not long survive this Treaty, and then Henry Plantagenet, the Empress Son, was Crowned in A.D. 1155 his stead. Towards the beginning of King Henry's reign, Rhys Gruffydh ap Rhys, King of South Wales, upon apprehension that Owen Gwynedh had raised an Army for the Conquest of South-Wales, drew toge­ther all his Strength, and marched to Aberdyfi to face the Enemy upon their own Borders. But finding the Rumor to be false, and that the Prince of North-Wales had no such Design in hand, having built a Castle at Aberdyfi, which might defend the Frontiers from any future Design of his Country, he returned back without attempting any thing farther. At the same time, Madoc ap Meredith built a Castle at Cae­reneon near Cymer, and then Eglwys Fair in Myfot, [Page 173] was founded. About this time also, Meyric Nephew to Prince Madoc ap Meredith made his escape out of Prison, wherein he had been detained by his Uncle for a considerable time.

The same Year King Henry being displeased with the Flemings whom his Predecessor King Stephen had brought over into England, issued out a Proclama­tion, charging the greatest part of them to depart his Dominions, and to retire to their Country-men in West-Wales, where his Grandfather Henry the First the Bastard's Son had planted them. And thus that part of Wales called Pembroke-shire, was over-run with these Strangers, who being better befriended by the Kings of England, than the Welch could well ex­pect to be, made sure footing in that Country, where they have ever since continued firm. It was the En­glish Policy of those times to accept of any oppor­tunity to curb and keep under the Welch, whom they experienced to be none of the safest Neighbours, and therefore the Kings of England did grant any Lands and Privileges in Wales to any that would accept of them, which honestly they had no Power to bestow.

But this was not enough in detriment to the Welch, A.D. 1156 for the Year following, King Henry raised a very great Army which he gathered from all parts of En­gland, with purpose to subdue all North-Wales, being principally moved hereto, by the instigation of Cad­walader the Prince's Brother, whom Owen Gwynedh, for what Reasons not known, deprived of his Estate, and banished the Country. Also Madoc ap Meredith Prince of Powis, who maligned the Liberty and Pri­viledge of the Princes of North-Wales, who owned subjection to no other than the King of England, whereas those of Powis were obliged to do homage to the Prince of North-Wales, did joyntly consent to this Invitation. The King of England accepting of their Proposals, led his Army to West-Chester, and encamped upon the Marsh called Saltney, in Welch, Morfa-Caer-Lleon. Prince Owen all this while was not ignorant of this intended Invasion, and therefore [Page 174] having made all possible Preparations to confront the Enemy, he marched his Army to the Frontiers of England, and encamping at Basingwerk, resolved to give the English Battel. King Henry understanding of the Prince's Resolution, detached some of the chiefest Troops out of the Main-body, under the command of several Earls and other Lords, and sent them towards the Prince's Camp. But after they had advanced some little way, and were passing thro' a Wood, called Coed-Eulo, David and Conan Prince Owen's Sons, unexpectedly set upon them, and what by the advantage of the Ground, and the sud­deness of the Action, the English were born down with a great Slaughter, and those who survived, nar­rowly escaped to the King's Camp. This was a very unwelcome beginning to King Henry; but however, in order to prosper better hereafter, he thought it ad­visable to decamp from Saltney, and to rank his Troops along the Sea-Coast, thinking thereby to get betwixt Prince Owen and his Country, which if he could effect, he was sure to reduce the Welch to a very great inconveniency. But the Prince fore­seeing the Danger of this, retired with his Army to a place called Cîl Owen, that is, Owen's Retreat, which when King Henry perceived, he let fall his De­sign,Lib. 2. Cap. 5. and came to Ruthlan. W. Parnus writes, that in this Expedition against the Welch, King Henry was in great danger of his Life, in passing thro' a strait at Counsylth near Flint, where Henry Earl of Essex, who by inheritance enjoyed the Office of bearing the Standard of England, being over-charged by the Enemy, cast down the same and fled. This acci­dent so incouraged the Welch, that they bore on so violently, that the King himself narrowly escaped, having of his Party Eustace Fitz-John and Rob. Curcie, two valiant Knights, together with several others of his Nobility and Gentry slain in the Action.

After this Prince Owen decamped from Cîl Owen, and intrenched himself upon Bryn y Pin, where lit­tle of moment passed betwixt the two Armies, only some slight Skirmishes happened frequently. King [Page 175] Henry in the mean time fortified the Castle of Ruthlan, and during his stay there, Madoc ap Meredith Prince of Powis, sailed with the English Fleet to Anglesey, and having put some Men on shoar, they burnt two Churches, and ravaged part of the Country about. But they paid very dear for it, for all the Strength of the Island being met together, they set upon them in their return to their Ships, and cut them off in such a manner, that not one remained to bring Tidings to the Fleet of what had befel them. But they on Board quickly perceived what had happened, and therefore thought it not very safe harbouring upon that Coast, but judging it more advisable to weigh Anchor, they presently set Sail for Chester; when they were arrived thither, they found that a Peace was actually concluded betwixt King Henry and Prince Owen upon these Articles; That Cadwalader should have all his Lands restored to him, and he re­ceived to the Favour and Friendship of his Brother. Then King Henry leaving the Castles of Ruthlan and Basingwerk well manned and fortified, and having near the latter founded a Publick Structure for the Order of Knights Templars, returned to England. But the troubles of Wales did not end with him, for Iorwerdh Goch ap Meredith who had taken part with the King of England during this War, laid Siege to the Castle of Yale, which was built by Prince Owen, and making himself Master of it, rased it to the ground.

The next Year commenced with a very unfortu­nate A.D. 1157 Action, Ifor ap Meyric having long before cast a very wishful Eye upon the Land and Estate of Morgan ab Owen, was now resolved to put in exe­cution what he had before contrived; and as Co­vetousness seldom bears any regard to Vertue or Honor, he treacherously set upon him, and slew him; and with him fell Gurgan ap Rhys, the most Famous British Poet of his time. Morgan's Estate Ifor bestowed upon his Brother Iorwerth, who about the same time got also possession of the Town of Caer-Lheon. But these inward and home-bread Di­sturbances [Page 176] were quickly mitigated by a general Peace which was presently after this concluded betwixt the King of England and all the Princes and Lords of Wales, Rhys ab Gruffydh ap Rhys Prince of South-Wales only excepted. For this Prince Rhys, who probably would not rely too far upon the King of England's Fidelity, refused to consent to a Peace; but however, to secure himself the best he could from the English, whom he had no small reason to be afraid of, he thought it his best Prudence to issue out his Orders, commanding his Subjects to remove their Cattel and other Effects to the Wilderness of Tywy, where they were like to remain securest from the Eyes and reach of the Enemies. But he had not continued there long, when he received a more po­sitive Express from King Henry, commanding him to appear forthwith at his Court, and to accept of the Proposals of Peace, before the joynt Forces of En­gland and Wales were sent to fetch him up. Prince Rhys having received such a threatning Message, thought it now high time to repent of what he had afore so rashly resolved upon, and therefore after long Consultation, he judged it his wisest way to accept of the King's Proposals and to appear at Court. There it was agreed upon, that Rhys, whose Lands heretofore lay scattered about, and were intermixed with other Per­son's Estate, should enjoy Cantref Mawr, and any o­ther Cantref which the King should be pleased to be­stow upon him. But contrary to this Article, the King assigned him several Lordships and other Lands far remote from each other, and particularly inter­mixed them with the Estates of English-men, whom he was sure would be a watch and a curb to all the motions of Prince Rhys. This was indeed a very po­litick Contrivance or King Henry to keep under the high and restless Spirit of Rhys; but the Justice of the Action does not so evidently appear in breaking one of the chiefest Articles of the Peace, and chopping and bestowing that which was not justly in his Power to give. But 'tis manifestly apparent that the English of these times were mainly concerned right [Page 177] or wrong to oppress and keep under the Welch of whose mortal hatred to subjection they had so fre­quently and so cruelly felt. Prince Rhys was not at all ignorant of these wrongful and deceitful Deal­ings of King Henry, but knowing himself to be un­able to redress these Grievances, he thought it more advisible for a time to live quietly with a little than rashly to hazard all. But in a short time, he had op­portunity either to demand redress from the King, or else to endeavour it himself by Force of Arms. For as soon as Roger Earl of Clare was informed of the distribution which the King of England had grant­ed to Prince Rhys, he came to King Henry, request­ing of his Majesty, that he would grant him such Lands in Wales, as he could win by force of Arm [...] The King readily complied with his Request, being always very forward to grant any thing which seem­ed to curb and discommode the Welch, and there­fore the Earl of Clare marched with a great Army into Cardigan, and having fortified the Castles of Ystrat-Meyric, Humphrey, Dyfi, Dynerth and Lhanrhy­styd, he made several Incursions into the Country. In the same manner, Walter Clyfford who was Gover­nour of Lhanymdhyfri Castle, made in-roads into the Territories of Prince Rhys, and after he had slain se­veral of the Welch, and made great waste in the Country, returned with considerable Booty.

Prince Rhys as he was unable to bear these out­rages, so he was resolved either to have immediate redress, or else to proclaim open War against the Eng­lish, and therefore he sent an Express to King Henry, complaining of the Hostilities which his Subjects the Earl of Clare and Walter Clifford had committed in in his Country. But finding the King to put him still off with only smooth Words and fair Promises, and that he always winked at the Faults of the En­glish and Normans, without any farther Consultation about the Matter, he laid Siege to the Castle of Lhan­ymdhyfri, and in short time made himself Matter of it. Also Eineon the Son of Anarawd, Rhy's Brother's Son, and a Person of great Valor, being desirous to [Page 178] free his Country from that miserable servitude they now groaned under, and judging withal that his Uncle was now discharged from the Oath he had lately sworn to the King of England, sat before the Castle of Humphrey, and having forcibly made his entrance into it, he put all the Garrison to the Sword, where he found a great number of Horses and Armour, e­nough to arm a considerable Body of Men And whilst Eineon was thus engaged at Humphrey's Castle, Prince Rhys perceiving that he could not enjoy any part of his Inheritance but what he afterwards got by the Sword, drew all his Power together and en­tred Cardigan, where like a most violent Torrent, he over-run the Country, that he left not one Castle standing of those which his Enemies had fortified, and so brought all the Country to his subjection, King Henry being sore offended at the progress which Prince Rhys so suddenly made against him, returned with a great Army into South-Wales, but finding it to no purpose to attempt any thing against the Prince, he thought it more advisable to permit him to enjoy all that he had gotten, and only to take Hostages for his observing of Peace during his absence out of the Kingdom, which Prince Rhys promising to do, he forthwith returned to England, and soon after went for Normandy, where he concluded a Peace with the French King.

A.D. 1158 But the Year following, Prince Rhys of South-Wales without any respect to his promise to King Henry last Year, led his Forces to Dyfed, and destroyed all the Castles that the Normans had fortified in that Coun­try, and then laid Siege to Caermardhyn. But Reynold Earl of Bristol, the King's base Son, being informed of it, called together the Earl of Clare, his Bro­ther-in-Law Cadwalader, Prince Owen of North-Wales's Brother, Howel and Conan Owen's Sons, with two Earls more, who with their joynt Forces march­ed to raise the Siege. But Prince Rhys was wiser than to abide their coming, and therefore upon the first intimation of such great Opposition, he retired to the Mountains called Cefn Rester, and there en­camped, [Page 179] being sufficiently secure from any Enemy, by the natural Fortification of the place. The Con­federate Army lay at Dynwylhîr; and there built a Castle, but finding no news or tidings of Prince Rhys, they returned home without effecting any thing of Note. King Henry was still in Normandy, and there made War against the Earl of St. Giles, for the City and Earldom of Tholouse.

Towards the beginning of this Year, Madoc ap Meredith ap Blethyn Prince of Powis died at Win­chester, whence his Body was honourably conveyed to Powis, and buried at Myfod. He was a Prince very much affected to Piety and Religion, very cha­ritable to the necessitous, and good to the distressed; but his great Fault was, that he stickled too hard for the Interest of the English, and was always in Confe­deracy with King Henry against the good Success of his Native Country. He had Issue by his Wife Su­sanna, the Daughter of Gruffydh ap Conan Prince of North-Wales, three Sons, Gruffydh Maylor, Owen and Elis, and a Daughter named Marred. He had also three natural Sons, Owen Brogynton, Cynwric Efelh, and Eineon Efelh, who tho' base born, yet according to the Custom of Wales, co-inherited with their Bre­thren who were legitimate.

And here it will not be amiss, once for all, to give a particular account of the Principality, afterwards the Lordships of Powis, how it came to be di­vided into many shares and portions, and by that means became so irrecoverably broken and weaken­ed, that it was made subject to the Normans before the rest of Wales. For Powis before King Offa's time, reached Eastward to the Rivers of Severn and Dee, in a right Line from the end of Broxen Hills to Salop, and comprehended all the Country between the Wye and Severn, which was antiently the Estate of Broch­wel Yscithroc, of whom mention is made before. But after the making of Offa's dike, Powis was con­tracted into a narrower compass, the plain Country toward Salop being inhabited by Saxons and Normans, so that the length of it reached North-East, from [Page 180] Pulford-Bridge to Lhangiric-Parish on the Confines of Cardigan-shire, to the South-West, and the breadth from the farthest part of Cyfeilioc Westward, to Els­mere on the East-side. This Principality, Roderic the Great gave to his youngest Son Merfyn, in whose Po­sterity it remained intire, till the death of Blethyn ap Confyn, who tho' he had divided it betwixt his Sons Meredith and Cadwgan; yet it came again whole and intire to the possession of Meredith ap Blethyn. But he again broke the Union, and left it between his two Sons Madawe and Gruffydh; the first of which was Married to Susanna the Daughter of Gruffydh ap Conan Prince of North-Wales, and had with her that part, afterward called by his Name, Powis Fadoc. After his death, this Lordship was divided also be­twixt his Sons Gruffydh Maelor, Owen ap Madawc, and Owen Brogynton, which last, tho' basely born, had however, for his incomparable Valour and Courage, a share of his Father's Estate, namely, Edeyrneon and Dinmael, which he left to his Sons Gruffydh, Blethyn and Iorwerth. Owen Madawc had to his Portion Me­chain-Is-Coed, and had Issue Lhewelyn and Owen Fy­chan. But Gruffydh Maelor the eldest Son, Lord of Bromfield, had to his part, both the Maelors with Moch­nant-is-Raydar, and married Angharad the Daughter of Owen Gwynedh Prince of North-Wales, by whom he had Issue one Son named Madawc, who held his Fa­ther's Inheritance intirely, and left it so to his only Son Gruffydh, who was called, Lord of Dînas Brân, because he lived in that Castle: He married Emma the Daughter James Lord Audley, by whom he had Issue Madawc, Lhewelyn, Gruffydh and Owen. This Gruffydh ap Madawc took part with King Henry the Third, and Edward the First against the Prince of North-Wales; and therefore for fear of the said Prince, he was forced to keep himself secure within his Ca­stle of Dinas Brân, which being situated upon the summity of a very steep Hill, seemed impregnable to all the daring Efforts, that could be used against it. After his death, Edward the first dealt very unkind­ly with his Children who were of Age to manage [Page 181] their own Concerns; and making two of them pri­vately away, bestowed the Wardship of Madoc his el­dest Son, who had by his Father's Will, the Lordships of Bromfield and Yale, with the reversion of Maelor Saesnec Hopesdale and Mouldsdale, his Mother's Joynture, on John Earl Warren; and the Wardship of Lhewelyn, to whose share fell the Lordships of Chirke and Nan­heudwy, to Roger Mortimer, third Son to Roger Morti­mer the Son of Ralph Mortimer, Lord Mortimer of Wigmor. But Emma Gruffydh's Wife, having in her possession for her Dowry, Maelor Saesnec, Hopesdale, and Moulsdale, with the presentation of Bangor Re­ctory; and seeing two of her Sons disinherited and done away, and the fourth dead without Issue, and doubting lest Gruffydh her only surviving Child could not long continue, she conveyed her Estate to the Audley's, her own Kin, who getting possession of it took the same from the King, from whom it came to the House of Derby, where it continued for a long time; till at length it was sold to Sir John Glynne, Serjeant at Law, in whose Family it still remaineth. But Earl Warren and Roger Mortimer, forgetting what signal Service Gruffydh ap Madoc had performed for the King, guarded their new Possessions with such caution and strictness, that they took especial care they should never return to any of the Posterity of the legal Proprietor; and therefore having obtained the King's Patent, they began to secure themselves in the said Lordships. John Earl Warren began to build Holt-Castle, which was finished by his Son William, and so the Lordships of Bromfield and Yale continued in the name of the Earls of Warren for three Descents, viz. John, William and John, who dying without Issue; the said Lordships, together with the Earldom of Warren descended to Alice Sister and Heir to the last John Earl Warren, who was married to Edmond Fitz Alan Earl of Arundel, in which House they remained for three Descents, namely Edmund, Richard, Richard his Son, and Thomas Earl of A­rundel. But for want of Issue to this last, Thomas Earl of Arundel and Warren, the said Lordships fell [Page 182] to two of his Sisters, whereof one named Elizabeth, was married to Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolk, and the other called Joan, to William Beauchamp Lord of Abergavenny: But since they came to the Hands of Sir William Stanley Knight, who being attainted of High Treason, they devolved by for­feiture to the Crown, and now are annexed to the Principality of Wales. But Roger Mortimer the other sharer in the Lands of Gruffydh ap Madoc, was made Justice of North-Wales, built the Castle of Chirke, and married Lucia the Daughter and Heir of Sir Robert de Wafre Knight, by whom he had Issue Roger Mortimer, who was married to Joan Turbervill, by whom he had John Mortimer Lord of Chirke. This John sold the Lordship of Chirke to Richard Fitzalan Earl of Arundel, Edmund's Son, and so it was again annexed to Bromfield and Yale.

The third Son of Gruffydh Lord of Dinas Brân, named also Gruffydh, had for his part Glyn Dwr­dwy, which Gruffydh ap Gruffydh had Issue Madoc Crupl, who was the Father of Madoc Fychan, the Father of Gruffydh, the Father of Gruffydh Fychan, who was the Father of Owen Glyndwr, who rebel­ling in the days of Henry the Fourth, Glyndwrdwy by confiscation came to the King, of whom it was after­wards purchased by Robert Salisbury of Rug, in whose Family it still remaineth. Owen the Fourth Son of Gruffydh Lord of Dinas Brân, had for his share Cyn­lhaeth with the Rights and Priviledges thereunto be­longing. The other part of Powys, comprehending the Countries of Arustly, Cyfeilioc, Lhannerch-hudol, Caere­neon, Mochnach uwch Rayadr, Mechan uwch Coed, Moudhwy, Deudhwr, Ystrad Marchelh, and Teir Tref, or the three Towns, rightfully descended to Gruffydh ap Meredith ap Blethyn, by Henry the first created Lord Powys Who married Gweyryl or Weyryl the Daugh­ter of Ʋrgene ap Howel ap Iefaf ap Cadogan ap Athle­stan Glodryth, by whom he had Issue Owen Surnamed Cyfeilioc. This Owen enjoyed his Father's Estate in­tire, and married Gwenlhiam the Daughter of Owen Gwynedh Prince of North-Wales, who bore him one [Page 183] Son, named Gwenwynwyn or Wenwynwyn, from whom that part of Powys was afterwards called Powys Wenwynwyn He had moreover a base Brother, called Caswalhon, upon whom he bestowed the Countries of Swydh Lhannerch Hudol, and Brani­arth. Gwenwynwyn succeeded his Father in all his Estate saying what Caswalhon enjoyed, and mar­ried Margaret the Daughter of Rhys ap Theodor Prince of South Wales, by whom he had Gruffydh ap Gwen [...]ynwyn, who succeeding his Father in all his Possessions, had Issue six Sons, by Margaret the Daughter of Robert Corbet, Brother to Thomas Lord Corbet of Cous; and so the intire Estate of Gruffydh ap Meredith ap Blethyn Lord of Powys, became shattered, and torn into divers Pieces. Owen Gruffydh ap Gwenwynwyn's eldest Son, had for his part Arustly, Cyfeilioc, Lhannerch Hudol, and a part of Caereneon; Lhewelyn had Mochnant uwch Rayadr, and Mechain uwch Coed; John the third Son, had the fourth part of Caerenion; William had Moudhwy; Gruffydh Fychan had Deudh rr Ystrat-Marchelh, and Teir Tref; and David the sixth and youngest Son, had the other fourth part of Caereneon. Owen ap Gruffydh had Issue one only Daughter, named Hawys Gadarn, or the Hardy, whom he left his Heir; but her Uncles Lhewo­lyn, John, Gruffydh Fychan, and David, thinking it an easy matter to dispossess an Orphan, challenged the Lands of their Brother Owen, alledging for a Cloak to their Usurpation, that a Woman was not capable of holding any Lands in that Coun­try. But Hawys made such Friends in England, that her Case was made known to King Edward the Second, who bestowed her in Marriage upon a Servant of his, named John Charleton, termed Valectus Domini Regis, who was born at Appley near Wellington, in the County of Salop, Anno One Thousand Two Hundred Sixty Eight, and in her Right, created him Lord Powys.

This John Charleton Lord Powys, being aided and supported by the King of England, quickly broke all their Measures; and having taken Lhewelyn, John, and David, his Wives Uncles, he put them in safe custody, in the Kings Castle of Harlech; and then obtained a Writ from the King to the Sheriff of Shrop­shire, and to Sir Roger Mortimer, Lord of Chirkland, and Justice of North-Wales, for the Apprehension of Gruffydh Fychan, with his Sons in Law, Sir Roger Chamber and Hugh Montgomery, who were then in actual Hostility against him and his Wife Hawys. But Gruffydh Fychan and his Accomplices suspecting their own Strength, and having lost Thomas Earl of Lancaster, their main support, thought it most advi­sable to submit themselves to the King's Pleasure, touching the Difference betwixt them and Hawys; who finding upon record, how that Gruffydh ap Me­redith, Ancestor to the said Hawys, upon his Submis­sion to King Henry the First, became Subject to the King of England, and thereupon was created Baron of Powys, which Barony he and his Posterity had ever since held in capite from the King; was of opinion, that Hawys had more Right to her Fathers Posses­sions now in their hands, than any pretence they could lay to her Estate. But to make a final deter­mination of this matter, and to compose the Diffe­rence more amicably betwixt them; it was agreed, that Hawys should enjoy her Inheritance in Fee-Sim­ple to her and her Heirs for ever, after the Tenure of England; and that her Uncles Lhewelyn, John, Da­vid, and Gruffydh, should quietly enjoy their Por­tion, and the same to descend to their Heir Males perpetually; but in default of such Heir Males, the same was to descend to Hawys and her Heirs. But William Lord of Mowdhwy, the Fourth Brother, called otherwise Wilcock Mowdhwy, because he did not joyn with the rest against Hawys, had all his Lands confirmed to him, and to all his Heirs, both Male and Female for ever. He married Elianor, the Sister of Elen, Owen Glyndwr's Mother, who was lineally descended from Rhys ap Theodore, Prince of [Page 185] South-Wales, by whom he had Issue John de Mowdhwy; whose Daughter Elizabeth, being Heir to his whole Estate, was married to one Sir Hugh Burgh, Knight. His Son Sir John Burgh, Lord of Mowdhwy, married Jane the Daughter of Sir William Clapton of Glocester­shire, by whom he had four Daughters, Elizabeth, An­creda, Isabel, and Elianor; the first of whom was married to Thomas Newport, the second to John Leighton of Stretton; the third to John Lingen; and the younger to Tho. Mytton; who by equal Distribution, had the Lordship of Mowdhwy divided betwixt them.

But John Charleton Lord of Powys had Issue by his Wife Hawys, a Son named John, who enjoyed the same Lordship for about Seven Years, and then left it to his Son, of the same Name, who was Lord of Powys Fourteen Years; and then it descen­ded to his Son, called also John Charleton, who en­joyed his Fathers Estate Twenty Seven Years; but dying without Issue, the Lordship of Powys fell to his Brother Edward Charleton. This Edward had Is­sue by his Wife Elianor, the Daughter and one of the Heirs of Thomas Earl of Kent, and the Widow of Roger Mortimer Earl of March, two Daughters, Jane and Joyce; the first of which was married to Sir John Gray, Knight; and the second to John Lord Tip [...]oft, whose Son was by King Henry VI. created Earl of Worcester. But after the death of Elianor, this Edward Lord Powys marryed Elizabeth the Daugh­ter of Sir John Barkley, Knight; and so after his death, which happened in the Year 1420. the Lordship of Powys was divided into three parts, whereof his Wi­dow Elizabeth had for her Joynture Lhannorch Hu­dol, Ystrad Marchel [...], Deudhwr, and Teirtref; and was afterwards married to Lord Dudley. Jane his eldest Daughter had Caereneon, Mechain, Mochnant, and Flasdinas; and Joyce had Cyfeilioc, and Arustly. But the Lordship of Powys continued in the Family of Sir John Gray, for five Descents, in right of his Wife Jane: the last of whom, Edward Gray, Lord Powys, married Anne, one of the Daughters and Co-Heirs of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and dyed with­out [Page 186] any lawful Issue.Dugdale Bar. Engl. Tom. II. p. 284. This Edward Lord Powys, in 15 Henry VIII. accompanied the Duke of Suffolk in the Expedition then made into France, and was at the taking of Bray, and other places then won from the French. And in 36 Henry VIII. being again rea­dy to march in the King's Service, he made his last Testament, whereby he setled the Succession of his whole Barony and Lordship of Powys, his Castle and Mannor of Pool, with divers other Lordships in the County of Montgomery, and all the rest of his Estate in the County of Salop, upon the Heirs of his own Body lawfully begotten, or to be begotten; and in default of such Issue, his Castle and Mannor of Charl­ton and Pontisbury in Shropshire, upon Jane Orwell, Daughter of Sir Lewis Orwell, Knight, and her As­signs, during her natural Life. And in case he should dye without any Issue of his own Body lawfully be­gotten, that then Edward Grey, his illegitimate Son by the same Jane Orwell, should have and enjoy his said Barony and Mannor of Powys, his Castle and Mannor of Pool, and all other his Lordships in the County of Montgomery; with the Reversion of the Castle and Mannor of Charlton and Pontysbury, to him and his Heirs lawfully begotten: and for lack of such Issue, to remain to that Child, in case it should be a Son, wherewith the same Jane Orwell was then great by him, and to the Heirs of his Bo­dy lawfully begotten. But if it should not prove a Son, or if the Son dye without Issue, then that the whole Barony of Powys and all the Premises before-mentioned, should come to Jane Grey his Daughter, and to the Heirs of her Body lawfully begotten; and for lack of such Issue, to Anne Grey, his other Daugh­ter, and the Heirs of her Body lawfully begotten; and lastly for default of such Issue, to such Woman-Child as should be born of the Body of the said Jane Orwell. But after Edward Grey, the Title of Lord of Powys lay extinct to the Fifth Year of K. Charles I. when Sir William Herbert Son of Sir Edward Herbert of Redcastle (antiently call'd Pool-Castle, now Powys-Castle) in the County of Montgomery, second Son to [Page 187] William Earl of Pembrock, was advanced to the Dignity of a Baron of the Realm, by the Title of Lord Powys of Powys, in the Marches of Wales; in whose Family it still continues, though the Title has been changed from a Baron to an Earl, and since to a Marquess.

About the same time that the Prince of Powys dyed, Cadwalhon ap Madawc ap Ednerth, who had been for some considerable time at variance with his Bro­ther Eineon Clyd, was taken Prisoner by him; who deliver'd him up to Owen Prince of North-Wales. But the Prince being willing to gratifie the King of England, whose Interest Cadwalhon has as much as in him lay opposed, sent him to the King's Officers to be imprisoned at Winchester; from whence he quick­ly found a way to escape: And by the advice of the rest of his Brethren, he returned home to his Coun­try. King Henry continued all this while in Nor­mandy, and during his stay there, a Match was con­cluded upon betwixt his Son Henry and Margaret Daughter to Lewis King of France. But this new alliance could not prevent these two Monarchs from A.D. 1160 falling at variance with each other, which happened the Year following; and thereupon King Henry mar­ched with his Army to Gascoyne, to quell certain Re­bels, who upon first notice of this Breach between both Kings, were up in Arms against the English. But the next Year, a Peace was again concluded, and so all things returned to their former state of A.D. 1161 Amity and Quietness. But it was not so in Wales; for Howel the Son of Ievaf ap Cadwgan ap Athlestlan Glodryth, having got to his hand the Castle of Wal­wern in Cyfeilioc, rased it to the ground, which so incensed Prince Owen, who was Owner of it, that nothing could lay his fury, till he had drawn his For­ces together, and made an incursion into Lhandhinam in Arustly, Howel's Country; which he cruelly har­rassed, and carried away considerable Booty. The People of the Country perceiving these Devastations of the North-Wales Men, came together to the num­ber of 300 Men, offering their Service to their na­tural [Page 188] Lord, Howel ap Iefaf; who upon this addi­tion of strength, followed the Enemy to the Banks of Severn, where they were encamped. Prince Owen finding them to march after him, was glad of the opportunity to be further revenged upon Howel; and so turning suddenly upon them, he slew about Two Hundred Men; the rest narrowly escaping with Howel to the Woods and Rocks. Owen being more joyful for the Revenge he had taken of Howel, than for any Victory he had gained, rebuilt Walwern Castle, and having well fortified and mann'd it, returned home to North-Wales.

A.D. 1162 The Year following, the like thing happened; Owen the Son of Gruffydh ap Meredith, commonly called Owen Cyfeilioc o Wynedh, together with Owen ap Madawc ap Meredith, and Meredith ap Howel, set upon Carrechofa Castle near Oswestry, and having over-power'd the Garison, committed great Waste and Destruction therein. But about the same time, a pleasant passage happened in England; Robert Mount­ford and Henry de Essex, who had both fought against the Welch upon the Marches, and both run, began now to impeach each other, as being the first occa­sion of flying. The Dispute was to be tryed by Combat, in which being engaged, Henry was over­come; and for his false accusing of Robert, he was sentenced to have his Estate forfeited, and then ha­ving his Crown shorn, he was entered a Monk at Redding. Within a little after, King Henry calling to mind what Prince Rhys had committed during his absence out of the Kingdom, drew up a great Army against South-Wales, and having marched as far as Pencadyr near Brecknock, Rhys met him, and did his Homage; and having delivered up Hostages for his future Behaviour, stopp'd the King's farther progress, so that thence he returned to England. But after the King's departure, two very unlucky Accidents happened in Wales; Eineon the Son of Anarawd ap Gruffydh, Nephew to Prince Rhys, being villainously murthered in his Bed by his own Servant, called Walter ap Lhywarch; as also Cadwgan ap Meredith [Page 189] in like manner, by one Walter ap Riccart. But the loss of his Nephew, Prince Rhys made up, by posses­sing himself of that large Country called Cantref Ma [...]r, and the Land of Dynefowr, which he after­wards enjoyed. Of men of Learning there dyed this Year, Cadifor ap Daniel, Archdeacon of Cardigan; and Henry ap Arthen, the greatest Scholar that had flourished in Wales for many Years.

The next Year, a total Rupture broke forth be­twixt A.D. 1163 the English and Welch; Prince Rhys, a Man of an active and uncontroulable Spirit, being now experimentally sensible he could never carry on the Greatness and Grandeur of his Quality, with such lands as the King of England had allotted him, made an Invasion into the Lordship of Roger de Acre Earl of Glocester; being moved thereto in a great measure, by reason that his Nephew Anarawd ap Gruf­fydh was murthered by his motive and instigation. Being advanced with a strong Army into the Earl of Glocester's Estate, without any great opposition he took Aberheidol Castle, with those belonging to the Sons of Wyhyaon; all which he rased to the ground. Thence he marched to Cardigan, bringing all that Country under his subjection; and from thence he marched against the Flemings, whose Country he cruelly harassed with Fire and Sword. The rest of the Estates of Wales, perceiving Prince Rhys to pros­per so successfully against the English, thought they might equally succeed, and shake off the English Yoke, which so unreasonably oppressed them. And there­fore they unanimously agreed to cast off their Subje­ction to the English, whose Tyranny they could no longer bear, and to put over them Princes of their own Nation, whose Superiority they could better to­lerate. And so this Year concluded with making suitable Preparations for the following Campaign.A.D. 1164

And therefore as soon as the time of year for action was advanced, David Son of Owen Prince of North-Wales fell upon Flintshire, which pertained to the King of England; and carrying off all the People and Cattel with him, brought them to Dyffryn Clwyd, other­wise [Page 190] Ruthyn Land. King Henry understanding this, gathered together his Forces, and with all speed mar­ched to defend both his Subjects and Towns from the Incursions and Depredations of the Welch. Being come to Ruthlan, and encamped there three days, he quickly perceived he could do no great matter, by rea­son that his Army was not sufficiently numerous; and therefore he thought it more advisable to return back to England, and to augment his Forces, before he should attempt any thing against the Welch. And accordingly he levied the most chosen Men throughout all his Dominions of England, Normandy, Anjou, Gas­coin and Gwien; besides those Succours from Flanders and Britain; and then set forward for North-Wales, purposing to destroy without Mercy every living thing he could possibly meet with; and being advanced as far as Croes-Oswalt, called Oswestry, he incamped there. On the other side, Prince Owen and his Brother Cad­walader, with all the strength of North-Wales; Prince Rhys with those of South-Wales; Owen Cyfeilioc and Madawc ap Meredith with all the Power of Powys; the two Sons of Madawc ap Ednerth, with the Peo­ple living betwixt the Rivers of Severn and Wye, met together, and pitched their Camp at Corwen in Edeyrneon, intending unanimously to defend their Country against the King of England. King Henry understanding that they were so near, was very desirous to come to Battel; and to that end he removed to the Banks of the River Ceireoc, causing all the Woods thereabouts to be cut down, for fear of any Ambushment lurking therein, and for a more clear prospect of the Enemy. But some of the Welch took advantage of this opportunity, who being well acquainted with the Passage, without the knowledg of their Officers, fell upon the King's Guard, where all the Pike-men were posted; and after a hot Skir­mish, several were slain on both sides. But in fine, the King wan the passage, and so marched on to the Mountain of Berwyn, where he lay sometime without any Hostility on either side, both Armies standing in fear of each other. The English kept the open Plains, [Page 191] and were afraid to be entrapp'd in the Streights and narrow Passages; and the Welch on the other hand watched the Advantage of the place, and observed the English so narrowly, that neither Forage or Vi­ctuals could pass to the King's Camp. And what augmented the misery of the English Army, there happened to fall such a Rain, that mightily disturbed their Encampment, in so much that the Soldiers could scarcely stand, for the disadvantage of those slippery Hills. But in the end King Henry was forced to de­camp, and after a very considerable loss of Men and Ammunition, besides the great Charges of this Expe­dition, was compell'd to return back to England. But to express the great dissatisfaction he entertained of this Enterprize, in a great fury he plucked out the Eyes of the Hostages, which he had some time afore received from the Welch; which were Rhys and Cad­walhon the Sons of Owen Prince of North-Wales, and Cynric and Meredith the Sons of Rhys of South-Wales. Some write, that in assailing of a Bridg, the King was in no small danger of his Life; one of the Welch ha­ving aimed directly at him, was like to pierce him through the Body, had not Hubert de Clare, Constable of Colchester, who perceived the Arrow a coming, thrust himself betwixt the King and it, though to the loss of his own Life.

But though King Henry was shamefully forced to return to England, yet he did not give over the thoughts of subduing the Welch; and therefore after a long Consultation, he made a third Expedition into Wales, conveying his Army by Sea, as far as Chester. There he staid for some time, till all his Fleet, as well those Ships that he had hired out of Ireland, as his own, were all arrived. But when they were all come to­gether, and got safely to Chester, his mind was alter­ed; and instead of a design against Wales, he unex­pectedly dismissed his whole Army. Prince Rhys was glad of this opportunity, and therefore withdrawing his Forces from the Confederate Army, he marched to the Siege of Aberteifi Castle, which being surren­dred to him, he rased to the ground. From thence [Page 192] he got before Cilgerran, which he used after the same manner, and therein took Prisoner Robert the Son of Stephen his Cosin-German, who was the Son of Nest his Aunt, who after the death of Gerald, had married Stephen Constable. The joy of these happy Successes on the part of the Welch, was somewhat clouded by the death of Lhewelyn, Son of Owen Prince of North-Wales, a Person of great Worth, and exceedingly well beloved of all his Country.

A.D. 1165 And now the Welch being something secure from any Invasion from the English; there rose up another Enemy to create them Disturbance; the Flemings and Normans finding the English to fail in their At­tempt against the Welch, thought they might with better success quell and subdue them. And therefore they came to West-Wales with a great Army, and laid siege to the Castle of Cilgerran, which Rhys had lately fortified; but after two different Assaults, they were manfully beat back, and forced to depart home again. But what the Flemings could not effect against the Welch in South-Wales, the Welch easily brought about against the English in North-Wales; for Prince Owen having besieged Basingwerk Castle, then in the possession of the King of England, without much time spent, made himself Master of it. But it was always the misfortune of the Welch, that when they found themselves secure from any Enemy abroad, they were sure to quarrel and fall out at home; though in­deed it could not be well otherwise expected, where so many petty States endeavoured still to surmount and out-vie one another. And now when all things went very successfully of their sides, in opposition to the English; two ambitious Persons began to kindle a Flame in their own bosoms; Owen Cyfeilioc the Son of Gruffydh ap Maredith Lord of Powys, and Owen Fychan second Son to Madawc ap Meredith, forcibly dispossessed Iorwerth Goch of his Estate in Powys, which they divided betwixt themselves; Mochnant Ʋwch Ray­adr to Owen Cyfeilioc, and Mochnant is Rayadr to Owen Fychan.

But the rest of the Princes of Wales could not brook this Injury done to Iorwerth Goch; and there­fore A.D. 1166 Owen Prince of North-Wales, with his Brother Cadwalader, and Rhys Prince of South-Wales, went with an Army into Powys against Owen Cyfeilioc, and having chased him out of the Country, they bestowed Caereneon upon Owen Fychan, to hold it of Prince Owen; and Rhys had Walwern, by reason that it lay near his own Territories. But within a while after, Owen Cyfeilioc returned with a numerous band of Nor­mans and English along with him, and laid siege to the Castle of Caereneon, which he burnt to the ground. But the loss of this place was made up by the taking of Ruthlan Castle, which Owen, Rhys, and Cadwala­der joyntly besieged; and which was so strongly for­tified, and so manfully defended, that it cost them three Months before they could make themselves Masters of the place. Afterwards they won the Ca­stle of Prestatyn, and reduced the whole Country of Tegengl, subject to Prince Owen; and then re­turned home to their respective Dominions. And from henceforward nothing of moment was transa­cted, during the remainder of Prince Owen's Reign,A.D. 1167 only his Son Conan most unmercifully slew Ʋrgeney Abbot of Lhwythlawr, together with his Nephew Lhawthen. But a little after, Prince Rhys of South-Wales A.D. 1168 released out of Prison his Nephew Robert, Son to Stephen Constable, whom, as is said before, he had taken at the Siege of Calgarran Castle, and sent him to Ireland to the aid of Dermot the Son of Murchart King of Linster, who was then in actual war with the King of Leimster. With him and his Brother Morris Fitz-Gerald, and their Nephews Robert Meyler and Raymond, went over a strong Detachment of Welchmen, under the command of Richard Strongbow Earl of Strigule, who were the chief motive of the Conquest of Ireland, when it was first brought in subjection to the Crown of Eng­land.

A.D. 1169 But the next Year, Owen Gwynedh Son of Gruffydh ap Conan Prince of North-Wales, departed this Life, in the Two and Thirtieth Year of his Reign. He was a wise and a valourous Prince, ever fortunate and victorious in all his Undertakings, insomuch, as he never undertook any Design but what he accomplish­ed. He had by different Women several Issues, who gat themselves greater Esteem by their Valour, than by their Birth and Parentage. He had by Gwladus the Daughter of Lhywarch ap Trahaern ap Caradoc, Ior­werth Drwyndwn, or the broken Nose, Conan, Mael­gon, and Gwenlhian; by Christian the Daughter of Grono ap Owen ap Edwyn, he had David, Roderic, Cadwalhon Abbot of Bardsey, and Angharad, after­wards married to Gruffydh Maylor. He had by other Women several other Children, as Conan, Lhewelyn, Meredith, Edwal, Rhun, Howel, Cadelh, Madawc, Ei­neon, Cynwric, Philip, and Ryrid Lord of Clochran in Ireland. Of these, Run, Lhewelyn, and Cynwric died before their Father; and the rest will be mentioned in the Sequel of this History.

David ap Owen.

PRince Owen Gwynedh being dead, the Succession was of right to descend to his eldest legitimate Son, Iorwerth Drwyndwn, otherwise called Edward with the broken Nose; but by reason of that Ble­mish upon his Face, he was laid aside as unfit to take upon him the Government of North-Wales. Therefore his younger Brothers began every one to aspire, in hopes of succeeding their Father; but A.D. 1170 Howel, who was of all the eldest, but base born, be­gotten of an Irish Woman, finding they could not agree, stept in himself, and took upon him the Go­vernment. But David, who was legitimately born, could not brook that a Bastard should ascend his Fa­thers [Page 195] Throne; and therefore he made all the Prepara­tions possible to pull him down. Howel on the other hand was as resolute to maintain his ground, and was not willing so quickly to deliver up, what he had not very long got possession of; and so both Brothers meeting together in the Field, were resolved to try their Title by the point of the Sword. The Battel had not lasted long, but Howel was slain; and then David was unanimously proclaimed and saluted Prince of North-Wales, which Principality he enjoyed with­out any Molestation, till Lhewelyn, Iorwerth Druryn­dwn's Son came of age, as will hereafter appear. But Madawc, another of Owen Gwynedh's Sons, find­ing how his Brothers contended for the Principality, and that his native Country was like to be turmoil'd in a Civil War, did think it his better Prudence to try his Fortune abroad; and therefore leaving North-Wales in a very unsettled condition, sailed with a small Fleet of Ships which he had rigg'd and man'd for that purpose, to the Westward; and leaving Ire­land upon the North, he came at length to an un­known Country, where most things appeared to him new and uncustomary, and the manner of the Natives far different from what he had seen in Europe. This Country, says the learned H. Lhoyd, must of necessi­ty be some part of that vast tract of ground, of which the Spaniards, since Hanno's time, boast themselves to be the first Discoverers; and which by order of Cos­mography, seems to be some part of Nova Hispania or Florida: whereby it is manifest, that this Country was discovered by the Britains, long before either Columbus or Americus Vesputius sailed thither. But concerning Madawc's Voyage to this Country, and afterwards his return from thence; there be many fabulous Stories and idle Tales invented by the Vul­gar, who are sure never to diminish from what they hear, but will add to and increase any Fable as far as their Invention will prompt them. However says the same Author, it is certain that Madawc arrived in this Country, and after he had viewed the Fertility and Pleasantness of it, he thought it expedient to invite [Page 196] more of his Countrymen out of Britain; and there­fore leaving most of those he had brought with him already behind, he returned for Wales. Being ar­rived there, he began to acquaint his Friends with what a fair and extensive Land he had met with, void of any Inhabitants, whilst they employed all their Skill to supplant one another, only for a ragged Portion of Rocks and Mountains; and therefore he would persuade them to change their present state of Danger and continual Clashings for a more quiet Being of Ease and Enjoyment. And so having got a considerable Number of Welch together, he bid his final adieu to his Native Country, and sailed with Ten Ships back to them he had left behind. It is therefore to be supposed, says our Authour, that Ma­dawc and his People inhabited part of that Country, since called Florida, by reason that it appears from Francis Loves, an Author of no small Reputation, that in Acusanus and other places, the People ho­noured and worshipped the Cross; whence it may be naturally concluded, that Christians had been there before the coming of the Spaniards; and who these Christians might be, unless it were this Colony of Madawcs, cannot be easily imagined. But by rea­son that the Welch who came over, were not many, they intermixt in a few Years with the Natives of the Country, and so following their Manners and using their Language, they became at length undi­stinguishable from the Barbarians. But the Country which Madawc landed in is by the learned Dr. Powel supposed to be part Mexico; for which Conjecture he lays down these following Reasons; First, as it is recorded in the Spanish Chronicles of the Conquest of the West-Indies, the Inhabitants and Natives of that Country affirm by Tradition, that their Rulers de­scended from a strange Nation, which came thither from a strange Country; as it was confessed by King Montezeuma, in a Speech at his Submission to the King of Castile, before Hernando Cortez the Spanish General. And then the British Words and Names of Places used in that Country, even at this day do [Page 197] undoubtedly argue the same; as when they speak and confabulate together, they use this British Word Gwrando, which signifies to hearken or listen; and a certain Bird with a white Head, they call Fengwyn, which signifies the same in Welch. But for a more complete confirmation of this, the Island of Corroeso, the Cape of Bryton, the River of Gwyndor, and the white Rock of Pengwyn, which are all British Words do manifestly shew, that it was that Country which Madawe and his People inhabited.

As soon as the Troubles of North-Wales were o­ver, and Prince David securely settled in his Throne,A.D. 1171 the Storm fell presently upon Powys: For Owen Cy­feilioc the Lord of that Country, had always, as much as in him lay, opposed the Interest and Advantage of Rhys Prince of South Wales; upon which account Prince Rhys came with a great Army against Powys, and having subdued Owen Cyfeilioc his Enemy, he was for all that so favourable to him, that upon his deli­vering him Pledges for his future Behaviour, he pre­sently departed out of Powys, and returned with much Honour to South Wales. And now all the States of Britain being at perfect Rest and Amity with one another, the whole Tide and Scene of Action re­turned to Ireland; for Henry King of England having called together all his Nobility, began to consult about the Irish Expedition, which had already been deter­mined to be taken in hand. To this Consultation there came some Messengers from Richard Strongbow Earl of Strigule Marshal of England, to deliver up to the Kings hands the City of Dublyn, the Town of Waterford, with all such Towns and Castles as he got in right of his Wife; whereupon the King restored to him all his Lands both in England and Normandy, and created him Lord Steward of Ireland. For this Earl of Strigule had lately, without the King's Per­mission, gone over to Ireland, and had married the Daughter of Dermott King of Dublyn; which King Henry took in such an indignation, that he presently seized upon all his Lands in England and Normandy. Therefore the King having now some footing in Ireland, [Page 198] the Expedition was unanimously concluded upon; and so the King set upon his Journey, and coming towards Wales, he was received by Prince Rhys, whose Sub­mission the King liked so well, that he presently con­firmed to him all his Lands in South-Wales. To re­turn the King's Favour Rhys promised his Majesty 300 Horses and 4000 Oxen toward the Conquest of Ireland; for the sure payment of which, he delivered Fourteen Pledges. Then King Henry marching for­ward, came to Caeriheon upon Ʋske, and entering the Town, he dispossessed the right Owner Iorwerth ap Owen ap Caradoc, and kept it for his own proper use, placing a Garrison of his own Men therein. But Ior­werth was not so easie-mouth'd, as to be so unreasona­bly curb'd by the King; and therefore departing in a great fury from the King's presence, he called to him his two Sons Owen and Howel, whom he had by Ang­harad the Daughter of Ʋchtryd Bishop of Llandaf, and his Sisters Son Morgan ap Sitsylht ap Dyfnwal; and bringing together all the Forces they were able, upon the King's departure they entered the Country, and committing all the Waste and Destruction as they came along, they at last came before Caerlheon, which when they took, they used in the like manner, spoiling and destroying whatever they could meet with; so that nothing escaped their Fury, excepting the Castle, which they could not win. The King was in the mean time upon his Journey to Pembroke, where being accompa­nied by Prince Rhys, he gave him a grant of all Cardi­gan, Ystratywy, Arustly, and Eluel; in Recompence of all the Civilities and Honour he paid him. And so Rhys returned to Aberteifi, a Town he had lately won from the Earl of Glocester, and there having pre­pared his Present, about the beginning of October he returned again to Pembrock, having ordered Eighty Six Horses to follow him; which being presented to the King, he accepted of Thirty Six of the choicest, and returned the rest with great Thanks. The same day King Henry went to S. Davids, and after he had of­fered to the Memory of that Saint, he dined with the Bishop, who was the Son of Gerald, Cosin-German [Page 199] to Rhys; whither Richard Strongbow Earl of Strygile came from Ireland to confer with the King. Within a while after, King Henry being entertained by Rhys at the White-House, restored to him his Son Howel, who had been for a considerable time detained as a Pledg, and appointed him a certain day for payment of his Tribute, at which time, all the rest of the Pledges should be set at liberty. The day following, being the next after the Feast of S. Luke, the King went on board, and the Wind blowing very favoura­bly, set sail for Ireland; and being safely arrived up­on those Coasts, he landed at Dublyn; where he rest­ed for that whole Winter, in order to make greater Preparations against the following Campaign.

But the change of the Air and Climate occasion'd such a raging Distemper and Infection among the Sol­diers, that to prevent the perishing of his whole Ar­my,A.D. 1172 the King was forced to return with what speed he could back for England; and so having shipp'd off all his Army and Effects, he loosed Anchor, and land­ed in Wales in the Passion Week next Year, and com­ing to Pembrock, he stayed there on Easter-day, and then proceeded upon his Journey towards England. Rhys hearing of the King's return, was very officious to pay him his Devotion, and would gladly feign to be one of the first who should welcome him over; and so meeting with him at Talacharn, he expressed all the Ceremonies of Duty and Allegiance. Then the King passed on, and as he came from Caerdyf by the new Ca­stle upon Ʋsk, meaning to leave Wales in a peaceable condition, he sent for Iorwerth ap Owen ap Caradoc, who was the only Person in open Enmity against him, and that upon very just ground, willing him to come and treat about a Peace, and assuring him of a safe Conduct for himself, his Sons, and all the rest of his Associates. Iorwerth was willing to accept of the Pro­posal, and thereupon set forward to meet the King, having sent an Express to his Son Owen, a valourous young Gentleman, to meet him by the way. Owen, according to his Fathers Orders set forward on his Journey, with a small retinue, without any thing of [Page 200] Arms or Weapons of War, as thinking it Folly to clog himself with such needless Carriage, when the King had promised a safe Conduct. But he did not find it so safe; for as he passed the new Castle upon Ʋske, the Earl of Bristol's Men, who were garrison'd therein, laid in wait for him as he came along, and setting cowardly upon him, slew him, with most of his Company. But some few escaped to acquaint his Father Iorwerth of such a treacherous Action; who hearing that his Son was so basely murthered, contra­ry to the King's absolute promise of a safe Passage; without any farther consultation about the matter, presently returned home with Howel his Son, and all his Friends, and would no longer put any trust or con­fidence in any thing that the King of England, or any of his Subjects, promised to do. But on the other side, to avenge the Death of his Son, who was so cowardly cut off; he presently raised all the Forces that himself and the rest of his Friends were able to do; and so entering into England, he destroyed with Fire and Sword all the Country, to the Gates of Here­ford and Glocester. But the King was so intent upon his return, that he seemed to take no great notice of what Iorwerth was doing; and therefore having by Commission constituted Lord Rhys Chief Justice of all South-Wales, he forthwith took his Journey to Nor­mandy. About this time dyed Cadwalader ap Gruffydh, the Son of Gruffydh ap Conan, sometime Prince of North-Wales; who by his Wife, Alice the Daughter of Richard Clare Earl of Glocester, had Issue, Cunetha, Radulph, and Richard; and by other Women, Cad­fan, Cadwalader, Eineon, Meredith Goch, and Cad­walhon. Towards the end of this Year Sitsylht ap Dyfn­wal and Iefan ap Sitsylht ap Riryd, surprized the Castle of Abergavenny, which belonged to the King of Eng­land, and having made themselves Masters of it, they took the whole Garrison Prisoners.

A.D. 1173 But the following Year, there happened a very great difference, and a falling out betwixt King Henry and his Son of the same Name; this latter being upholded by the Queen his Mother, his Brothers Geffrey and [Page 201] Richard, the French King, the Earl of Flanders, to­gether with the Earl of Chester, William Patrick with several other valiant Knights and Gentlemen. But the old King having a stout and a faithful Army, consist­ing of Almanes and Brabanters, was not in the least dismay'd or discourag'd at such a seeming Storm; and which made him more bold and adventurous, he was joyned by a strong Party of Welchmen, which Lord Rhys had sent him, under the command of his Son Howel. King Henry overthrew his Enemies in divers Encounters, and having either killed or taken Prison­ers most of them who were rose up against him, he ea­sily dissipated the Cloud which at first seemed so black and threatning. Iorwerth ap Owen was not very sory to see the English clash, and fall into civil Dissentions among themselves; and therefore taking advantage of such a seasonable opportunity, he drew his Army against Caerlheon, which stood out very stifly against him. But after many warm Disputes of both sides, Iorwerth at length prevailed, and entering the Town by force, he took most of the Inhabitants Prisoners; and then lay­ing siege to the Castle, it was surrender'd up in ex­change for the Prisoners he had taken in the Town. Howel his Son, at the same time was busie in Gwent îs Coed; and having reduced all that Country, excepting the Castle, to subjection, he took Pledges of the In­habitants, to be true and faithful to him, and to with­draw their Allegiance from the King of England. At the same time, something of action passed in North-Wales; for David ap Owen Gwynedh Prince of North-Wales bringing an Army over the River Menai into Anglesey against his Brother Maelgon, who kept that Island from him; forced him to make his escape to Ireland; in his return from whence the following Year, he was accidentally discovered and seized upon, and then by his Brothers orders committed to close Prison. Prince David having brought the Isle of Ang­lesey to its pristine state of subjection to him, was re­solved to move all manner of Obstacles which might at any time for the future endanger its falling off from him; and these he judged to be his own next Rela­tions, [Page 202] A.D. 1174 and therefore he expell'd and banish'd all his Brethren and Cosins out of his Territories of North-Wales. But before this Sentence was put in execu­tion, his Brother Conan dyed, and so escaped the Ig­nominy of being banished his native Country, for no other reason, but the Jealousie of an ambitious Bro­ther.

About the same time, Howel the Son of Iorwerth ap Owen of Caerlheon, took Prisoner his Uncle Owen Pen­carn, who was right Heir of Caerlheon and Gwent; and now having him secure, and to prevent his get­ting any Children to inherit those places which him­self was next Heir to, he first pulled out his Eyes, and then very inhumanly cut off his Testicles. But Ven­geance did not permit such a base Action to go unpu­nished; for upon the Saturday following, a great Ar­my of Normans and Englishmen came unexpectedly before the Town, and wan both it and the Castle, notwithstanding all the Opposition which Howel and his Father Iorwerth made; though this last was not privy to his Sons Action. About the same time King Henry came over to England, a little after whose arri­val, William King of Scots, and Roger de Moubray were taken Prisoners at Alnewike by the Barons of the North, as they came to destroy the Northern part of the Country in the Quarrel of the young King. But old King Henry having committed them to the safe custody of the Earl of Leicester, and received Hugh Bygod Earl of Chester to his Mercy, returned to Nor­mandy with a very considerable Army of Welchmen, which David Prince of North-Wales had sent him; in return of which, he gave him his Sister Emme in Mar­riage. When he was arrived in Normandy, he sent a Detachment of the Welch to cut off some Provisions which were going to the Enemies Camp; but in the mean time, the French King came to a Treaty of Peace, which was shortly afterwards concluded upon; so that all the Brethren, who had all this time maintained such an unnatural Rebellion against their Father, were forced to beg the old King's Forgiveness and Pardon for all their former Misdemeanours. David Prince of [Page 203] North-Wales began to grow very bold and assuming, by reason of his new Alliance with the King of Eng­land; and nothing would serve his turn, but he must put his Brother Roderic in Prison, and secure him with Fetters, for no other account, than because he demand­od his share of his Fathers Lands. It was the custom of Wales, as is said before, to make an equal division of the Father's Inheritance between all the Children; and therefore David had no colour of Reason or Pretence to deal so severely with his Brother; unless it were to verifie that Proverb; Might overcomes Right. But though Prince David might depend much upon his Af­finity with the King of England; yet Rhys Prince of South-Wales gained his Favour and Countenance the more, by reason that he let slip no opportunity to fur­ther the King's Interest and Affairs in Wales, and by that means was a very necessary and useful Instrument to keep under the Welch, and to promote the surer Settlement of the English in the Country. Not that he bore any Love or Affection to either King Henry or his Subjects; but because he was sufficiently reward­ed for former Services, and was still in expectation of receiving more Favours at the King's hands, he was re­solved to play the Politician so far, as to have regard to his own Interest, more than the Good of his native Country. And what did ingratiate him to King Hen­ry most of all, upon the Feast of S. James he brought all such Lords of South-Wales as were at Enmity with the King, to do him Homage at Glocester; namely, Cadwalhon ap Madawc of Melyenyth, his Cosin-Ger­man; Eineon Clyt of Eluel, and Eineon ap Rhys of Gwer­thrynion, his Sons in Law; Morgan ap Caradoc ap Ie­styn of Glamorgan; Gruffydh ap Ifor ap Meiric of Sen­gennyth, and Sitsylht ap Dyfnwal of Higher Gwent, all three his Brothers in Law, who had married his Si­sters; together with Iorwerth ap Owen of Caerlheon. King Henry was so well pleased with this Stratagem of Rhys, that notwithstanding these Persons had been his implacable Enemies, he readily granted them their Pardon, and received them to Favour; and restored to Iorwerth ap Owen the Town and Castle of Caerlheon, which he had unjustly taken from him.

A.D. 1175 This Reconciliation betwixt King Henry and these Welch Lords, some of the English in Wales took ad­vantage of, and more particularly William de Bruce Lord of Brecnock, who having for a long time a great longing to Gwentland, could not bring about his De­sign, by reason that Sitsylht ap Dyfnwal, the Person of greatest sway and Power in the Country, was an in­veterate Enemy to all the English. But being now reconciled to the King, William de Bruce, under pre­tence of congratulating this new Peace and Agreement betwixt the English and Welch, invited Sitsylht and Geffrey his Son, with several others of the Persons of chiefest note in Gwentland, to a Feast in his Castle of Abergavenny, which by composition he had lately re­ceived from them. Sitsylht, with the rest, came ac­cording to appointment, and without the least suspi­cion of any treasonable Designs; but after they had been civilly entertained for some time, William Bruce to move a Quarrel against them, began at last to pro­pound certain Articles to them, to be by them kept and performed; and among other unreasonable Con­ditions, they were to swear, that none of them should at any time carry with them Bow or Sword. The Welch refusing to consent to and sign such improper Articles as these; William Bruce presently calls out his Men, who were ready for that purpose, and bid­ding them fall to their business, they most treacherous­ly fell upon and slew the innocent and naked Welch; and as if it did not sufficiently express their Cruelty and Inhumanity, they immediately went to Sitsylht's House, which stood not far from Abergavenny, and taking hold of Gwladus his Wife, they slew her Son Cadwalader before her face, and then setting fire to the House, they pack'd her away to the Castle. This exe­crable Murther being thus most barbarously, and which was worst of all, under pretence of Friendship and Kindness, committed; W [...]lliam Bruce, to cloak his Treason with some reasonable Excuse, and to make the World believe it was not for any private Interest or Expectation he had done such an Act, as he knew would be by all Men abhorred; caused it to be re­ported [Page 205] abroad, that he had done such a thing in re­venge of the death of his Uncle Henry of Hereford, whom the Welch on the Easter-Even before had slain. But whilst these things passed in South-Wales, Rode­ric, David Prince of North-Wales's Brother, made his escape by some means or other out of Prison, and fleeing to Anglesey, he was receiv'd and acknowledg'd by all the Country t'other side the River Conwey, for their Lord and Prince; which they were the more willing to do, by reason that they conceived an utter Abhorrence of Prince David, who contrary to all Rules of Equity, and almost Nature, had disinherit­ed all his Brethren and Cosins; as boldly relying upon his Affinity and Relation to the King of England. But David perceiving the Storm to grow very violent, and that the Country did numerously flock and adhere to his Brother Cadwalader, thought it his best way to stay a while, till the Storm was abated; and so retired over the River Conwey Towards the end of this Year, Cadelh the Son of Gruffydh ap Rhys, and Brother to Lord Rhys, after a tedious fit of Sickness, and taken upon him the Monkish Order, departed this Life, whose Body was very honourably enterred at Stratflur.

In the Spring of the following Year, dyed also Da­vid A.D. 1176 Fitz Gerald Bishop of Menevia, or S. Davids, whose See was supplyed by one Piers, being nominat­ed thereunto by the King of England. But what hap­pened most remarkable this Year; the Lord Rhys Prince of South Wales made a very great Feast at Christmas in his Castle of Aberteifi, which he caused to be pro­claimed through all Britain, Ireland, and the Islands adjacent, some considerable time before; and accor­ding to their Invitation, many Hundreds of English, Normans, and others coming to Aberteifi, were very honourably received, and courteously entertained by Prince Rhys. But among other tokens of their Wel­come and Entertainment, Rhys caused all the Bards or Poets throughout all Wales to come thither; and for a better Diversion to the Company, he provided Chairs to be set in the Hall, in which the Bards being seated, they were to answer each other in Rhyme; and those [Page 206] that acquitted themselves most handsomly, and over­came the rest, were promised great Rewards and rich Presents. In this poetical Disceptation, the North-Wales Bards obtained the Victory, with the Applause and Approbation of the whole Company; and among the Professors of Musick, between whom there was A.D. 1177 no small Strife, Prince Rhys's own Servants were ac­counted the most expert. But for all this civil and obliging Treatment of Prince Rhys, the Normans upon the Marches fell to their accustomed manner of trea­cherous way-laying, and privately assaulting the harm­less and undesigning Welch; and therefore Eineon Clyt Rhys his Son in Law, and Morgan ap Meredith, falling into the Net which the Normans had deceitfully laid for them, were treacherously murthered. Therefore to keep the Normans under greater fear and awe for the future, Prince Rhys built a Castle at Rhayadr Gwy, being a place where the River Wye falls with a very great Noise and Precipitation down a great Rock. A.D. 1178 But this Castle was like to stand him in a double stead; for it was not long after he had perfectly finished it, that the Sons of Conan ap Owen Gwynedh made War against him; but finding upon tryal that their Design against Rhys was impracticable, they thought it more advisable to retire back to North-Wales.

A.D. 1179 The next Year, Cadwalhon, Brother to Owen Gwy­nedh, and Uncle to David and Roderic, who for fear of his Brother had some time ago fled for Refuge to the King of England; as he was conveyed home by some of the King's Servants to enjoy his patrimonial Estate in Wales, was by those barbarous and treache­rous Villains murthered in his Journey. This Year the Sepulchre of that famous and noble British King Ar­thur, with his Wife Gwenhofar (by the means of some Welch Bard, whom King Henry had heard at Pembrock relate in a Song the worthy and mighty Acts of that great Prince, and the place where he was buried) was found in the Isle of Afalon, without the Abbey of Glastenbury; their Bodies being laid in a hollow El­der Tree, buried Fifteen Foot in the Earth. The Bones of King Arthur were of marvelous and almost [Page 207] incredible bigness, having ten Wounds in the Skull, whereof one being considerably larger than the rest, seemed to be his Death-Blow; and the Queens Hair seemed to the sight to be fair and yellow, but when touch'd, crumbled presently to Dust. Over the Bones was laid a Stone, with a Cross of Lead, upon the lower side of which Stone were engraven these words:

HIC JACET SEPULTUS INCLYTUS REX ARTHURUS IN INSULA AVALONIA.

Here lies buried the famous King ARTHUR in the Isle of Afalon.

No Action of moment had passed in Wales this long time, and the Welch were in perfect Amity and Concord with the King of England; but some un­lucky Accident fell out at last to dissolve this happy A.D. 1182 Union and Agreement. One Ranulph de Poer, who was Sheriff of Glocestershire, or rather as Giraldus Cambren­sis observes, of Herefordshire, being a cruel and unrea­sonable Oppressor of the Welch, put the Lord of Gwentland to death; in revenge of whom, a certain young Person of that Country, set upon Ranulph with several other Gentlemen his Companions, and slew them to a Man. King Henry was implacably enrag'd at this News, and so cruelly incensed, that he pre­sently raised and drew together all his Power, and came to Worcester, intending to march forward to Wales, and to invade the Enemies Country. But the Lord Rhys ap Gruffydh, a subtile and a politick Prince, thinking it impossible to withstand the English Army, and fearing the King's Puissance, which he perceived to be so implacably bent against the Welch, went in person to Worcester, and swearing Fealty to the King, became his perpetual Liege-Man; and for the due ob­servance of this Contract, he promised to send his Sons and Nephews for Pledges. But when he would have persuaded them to answer his request, the young Men considering with themselves, how former Pledges had not been very genteely treated by the English, [Page 208] refused to go; and so the whole matter rested for that time. What became of the matter afterwards we know not; but probable it is, that King Henry re­turned to England satisfied with Rhys's Submission; for we hear no more of his coming to Wales. And so the Country remained quiet and undisturbed for a long time; till at length the Welch began to fall to their wonted Method of killing and murdering one another. A.D. 1186 Cadwalader Prince Rhys's Son was privately murdered in West-Wales, and buried in the Ty Gwyn. And the Year following, Owen Fychan the Son of Madawe A.D. 1187 ap Meredith, was slain by night in the Castle of Car­rergova near Oswestry, by Gwenwynwyn and Cadwalhon the Sons of Owen Cyfeilioc. But what was most unna­tural of all, Lhewelyn, whose Father Cadwalhon ap Gruf­fydh ap Conan was lately murdered by the Englishmen, was taken by his own Brothers, who very barbarously put out his Eyes. About the same time, Baldwyn, Archbishop of Canterbury, being attended by Giraldus Cambrensis, took a Progress into Wales, being the first Archbishop of Canterbury that visited that Country; whose Authority the Clergy of Wales in vain opposed, though they stifly alledged the Liberties and Privi­ledges of their Metropolitan Church of S. Davids. In this Visitation, described by Giraldus in his Itinerarium Cambriae, he persuaded many of the Nobility of Wales to go to the Holy Land against those prevailing Enemies of Christianity, the Saracens; to whose prevailing Greatness, Jerusalem it self was now in great danger A.D. 1188 to become subject. The Archbishop having left the Country, Maelgon the Son of Lord Rhys brought all his Power against Tenbigh, and having by force made himself Master of it, burnt the whole Town to the ground, and so carried away very considerable Spoil. He was a Person of such civil Behaviour and easie Ac­cess, of so comly Personage, and Honesty in all his Actions, that he attracted the most earnest Love and Affection of all his Friends; by which means he be­came very terrible and formidable to his Enemies, es­pecially the Flemings, of whom he obtained divers Victories and Conquests.

The next Year, being the Year of Christ 1189.A.D. 1189 Henry the Second, surnamed Courtmantel, King of England dyed, and was buried at Fonteverard; after whom, his Son Richard, called Curdelyon, was by the unanimous consent of all the Peers and Nobility of England, crowned in his place. Prince Rhys being thus deprived of his greatest Friend, thought it his wisest way to make the best provision he could for himself, by enlarging his Dominions, and extending the Bounds of his present Territories; and therefore having raised all the Strength he could, he wan the Castles of Seynclere, Abercorran, and Lhanstephan; and having taken and committed to Prison Maelgwn his Son, who was the greatest Thorn in his Side, as one that was most passionately beloved by the South-Wales Men, he brought the whole Country to his sub­jection. Then he built the Castle of Cydwely; but A.D. 1190 what took away from him the Joy of all this good For­tune, he lost his Daughter Gwenlhian, a Woman of such incomparable Beauty, and exceeding in all femi­nine Qualifications, that she was accounted the fairest and best accomplished Lady in all the Country. And not long after her dyed Gruffydh Maylor, Lord of Brom­field, A.D. 1191 a Man of great Prudence and Experience, and one that excelled all the Nobility of his time in Hos­pitality, and all other Acts of Generosity and Libera­lity. His Corps were carried to Myfod, and honoura­bly interr'd there, being attended by most of the Per­sons of Quality throughout the whole Country. He had Issue by his Wife Angharad Daughter of Owen Gwynedh Prince of North-Wales▪ a Son called Madawc, who succeeded his Father in that part of Powys, called from him Powys Fadawc. Rhys, Prince of South-Wales, was growing very powerful, and had made himself Master of the greatest part of South-Wales, only with some few places more▪ Dynefowr held out still; which however, upon the first Assault he made against it, was delivered up to him. But as he increased [...] [...]he number of Towns and Castles, he had the Misfortune to have that of his Children diminished; for his Daughter Gwenlhian was lately deceased; and now he had no [Page 210] sooner got Dynefowr Castle into his possession, but his Son Owen dyed at Strata Florida, or Ystratflur. King Richard was gone to the Holy Land against the Sara­cens; but in his return to England, he wan the King­dom of Cyprus, and gave: it to Gwido King of Jerusa­lem, upon condition he would resign his former Title to him: During his stay in this Island, he marryed Be­rengaria the Daughter of the King of Navarr. A.D. 1192

Mae [...]gon, Prince Rhys's Son had been now detain'd a long time in Prison, where his Father had shut him up; but being at last utterly weary of such a close Confinement, he found some means or other to get out, and to make his escape. His Father Prince Rhys was not so troubled at his being broke out, and that he had got his liberty, as to give over the Conquest, which all this while he had gone so furiously on with; but laying siege to Lhanhayaden Castle, he took it with­out any great Opposition, and brought all the Coun­try about to his subjection. And what favoured him more in his Attempts against the English, King Richard A.D. 1193 having most bravely signalized himself against the Infi­dels, in his return home through Austria, was taken Prisoner by Duke Leopold, who presented him to the Emperour Henry, who demanded 200000 Marks for his Ransom; laying to his charge, that he had spoil­ed and plundered the Island of Sicily in his Voyage to the Holy Land. And as Rhys took the advantage of King Richard's absence to subject South-Wales; so Ro­deric Brother to David Prince of North Wales, made use of Gothrike's the King of Man's help, to get the Principality of North-Wales to himself, and eject his Brother. And therefore entring into Angl [...]sey, he quickly reduced the whole Island to his subjection. But he did not enjoy it long; for before the Year was over, the Sons of his Brother Conan came with an Ar­my against him, and forcing him, together with the King of Man to fly the Island, they took present Pos­session of it themselves. And while these things were done in North Wales, Maelgon, Prince Rhys of South-Wales his Son, who was lately escaped from Prison, besieged Ystratmeyric Castle, and after some small Oppo­sition, [Page 211] got it into his own hands upon Christmas night; which encouraged him to farther Attempts. And at the same time, his Brother Howel, surnamed Says, or the Englishman, by reason that he had served for some time under the King of England, another Son of Prince Rhys, got by surprize the Castle of Gwys, and having secured Philip de Gwys the Owner, with his Wife and two Sons, he made them all Prisoners of War. Then the two Brothers Howel and Maelgon joyned their For­ces; but fearing that they had more Castles than what they were able to defend, they thought it convenient to rase Lhanhayaden Castle; which the Flemings ha­ving notice of, they gathered all their Power together, and coming to Lhanhayaden at the day appointed, they unexpectedly set upon the Welch, and slew a great number of them. But notwitstanding this sudden and unhappy accident, they thought it necessary to de­stroy the Castle; and so coming to Lhanhayaden the second time, they rased it to the ground, without any Molestation from, or appearance of any Enemy to di­sturb them. But when Anarawd, another Son of Pr Rhys, saw how prosperously his Brothers succeed­ed, he thought to make himself as rich as they, and by a shorter and an easier Method: And therefore ha­ving under a smooth pretence of Friendship and Love got his Brothers Howel and Madawc in private; being moved with Ambition and Covetousness to enjoy their Estates, he first made them Prisoners, and then very unnaturally pulled out their Eyes. But Maelgon esca­ped this Snare, and hearing what a foul Action was committed, he promised his Brother Anarawd the Ca­stle of Ystratmeyric, for the Liberty and Releasment of his two Brothers, which Anarawd granted. But 'tis A.D. 1194 no wonder that those Brothers could be unnatural and cruel to one another, who could joyn and agree to re­bel against their Father; and now Prince Rhys having rebuilt the Castle of Rhayadr Gwy, was laid wait for, and taken Prisoner by his own Sons, who were afraid, that in case their Father had them once in his power, he would severely revenge their cruel and unnatural Deed [...]. But Howel proved more kind and dutiful than [Page 212] the rest; who, though blind, found a way to let his Father escape out of Maelgon's Prison; and so Prince Rhys being set at liberty, he took and destroyed the Castle of Dynefowr, which belonged to his Son Ma­elgon. But though he succeeded in this Attempt, yet he lost another castle elsewhere; for the Sons of Cadwalhon ap Madawc of Melyenydh being informed that Prince Rhys was detained Prisoner by his Son Maelgon, they besieged Rhayadr Gwy Castle, which being surrendred up to them, they fortified for their own use.

But whilst these unhappy Differences, and unna­tural Clashings betwixt Prince Rhys and his Sons, continue and rage in South-Wales, a new revolution of Affairs happened in North-Wales. Prince David had now enjoyed the Sceptre of North-Wales for above Twenty Four Years; and one would think, that so long a Possession would secure him in his Throne, that it could not be very easie to pull him down. But Possession is not always the surest Card, which proved very true in Prince David's case at this time; for Lhewelyn the Son of Iorwerth Drwyndwn, who was the eldest Son of Owen Gwynedh Prince of North-Wales, being now arrived to Years of maturity, and having Sense enough to understand what a just Title and Claim he had to the Principality of North-Wales, of which his Uncle David had so unjustly kept him out; he thought it high time to endeavour to recover what was lawfully his own, which howe­ver he was well persuaded his Uncle David would never easily part with. And therefore being well assured that the justness of his Title would never mount him up to the Throne, without he had an Army at his heels to help him on; he called toge­ther all his Friends and Relations by his Mothers side, who was Marred the Daughter of Madawc ap Meredith Prince of Powys, and having drawn to his side his Cosins the Sons of Conan ap Owen Gwynedh▪ and Rhodri ap Owen, he came into North Wa es, proclaiming how against all Justice his Uncle David had first disinherited his Father Iorwerth, and then [Page 213] had kept the Government from him who was the right Heir. And though his Father Iorwerth had been incapable of taking upon him the Government by reason of some Infirmity; yet there was no rea­son that his Fathers Weakness should exclude and turn him out; and therefore, being now sensible of what he was not capable to understand in his youth, he laid claim to the Principality, which was justly his own. But there was no great need of conjur­ing to understand his Claim, nor of much Rhetorick to persuade the People to own him for their Prince; whose Affection was cooled, and almost worn off from David, ever since he had dealt so unnatural­ly with his Brothers, whom after he had deprived of their Estates, he banished out of the Country. And therefore before Lhewelyn could expect to have any sure footing, the whole Country of North-Wales was at his devotion, excepting only Three Castles, which David, by the help of the English, in whom, by reason of his Affinity with the late King Henry, he depended much upon, kept to himself. And thus David being deprived of almost all that he for­merly possessed; we shall reckon him no more a­mong the Princes of North-Wales, but restore the Principality to the true Heir Lhewelyn ap Iorwerth.

Lhewelyn ap Iorwerth.

LHewelyn ap Iorwerth the Son of Owen Gwynedh, having thus successfully carried on his just Claim to the Dominion of North-Wales, and being quietly settled in the Government of it, Roger Mor­timer A.D. 1195 marches with a strong Body to Melyenith, and built the Castle of Cymaron, whereby he re­duced that Country to his subjection, and forced thence the two Sons of Cadwalh n ap Madawc that were Governours thereof. About this time Rhys and [Page 214] Meredith (two valiant but undutiful) Sons of Prince Rhys, having got together a Body of hot headed da­ring Soldiers, came before Dynefawr, and took the Castle that was garrison'd by their Fathers Men: Hence they proceeded to Cantre-Fychan, where the Country civily received them, and surrender'd up the Castle to them. At this their Father was justly incensed, and therefore to put a stop to their far­ther Proceedings, he endeavoured by all means to take them, which not long after happened; for their Adherents now began to be touched with the Sense as well of their Treason against, as of their Allegi­ance due to their lawful Lord Prince Rhys; and therefore to attone for their past Faults, and to pro­cure his future Favour, they betrayed their rebellious Leaders to their offended Father, who immediatly committed them to safe custody.

A.D. 1196 The ensuing Year Prince Rhys levies a great Army, whose first Attempt was upon the Town and Castle of Caermadthyn, both which he took in a short time and destroyed, and then returned with considerable Booty. Not long after he led the said Army to the Marches, and invested the Castle of Clun, which was not so easily taken as the former; for this cost him a long Siege, and many a fierce Assault; and therefore to be revenged of it, when he took it he laid it in Ashes; thence he proceeded to the Ca­stle of Radnor, which he likewise wan; but imme­diately after it cost him a bloody Battel; for he was no sooner Master of the Castle, but Roger Mortimer and Hugh de Say came with a numerous and well-disciplin'd Army, consisting of Normans and Eng­lish, to the relief of it. Whereupon Prince Rhys thinking it not his best course to confine his Men within the Walls, led 'em up into a Champion Ground hard by, and there, like a valiant Prince, resolved to give his Enemies Battel, though they had much the advantage of him; for his Men were nei­ther so well armed, nor so much accustomed to Bat­tel as the others were; however their Courage made amends for their Arms, and their Leaders Prudence [Page 215] and Conduct supply'd the Defects of their Disci­pline; for they chose rather to die honourably in the Defence of their Country than shamefully to sur­vive the Loss of it; and therefore they attack'd their Enemies so valiantly, that they were not long able to withstand their Force, but quitted the Field in great Disorder, leaving a great number of their Men behind them slain upon the spot: and Prince Rhys pursued them so warmly, that they were glad of the shelter of the Night to protect them from his Fury. After this Victory, he besieged the Castle of Payne in Elfel, which he easily took, and kept in his own hands, till William de Bruce, the Owner there­of, came to him, and humbly desired Peace of him, which he granted him, and withal deliver'd him up his Castle again. Not long after, the Archbishop of Canterbury (whom King Richard had substituted his Lieutenant in England) marches with a powerful Army towards Wales, and besieges the Castle of Gwenwynwyn, at the Pool; but the Garrison made such a vigorous Defence, that he lost a great many of his Men, and all his A [...]empts proved ineffectual; therefore he sent for some Pyoneers, whom he or­dered to undermine the Walls; which when the besieged understood, they bethought of securing themselves on the most honourable Terms they could; they were not willing to put themselves to the ha­zard of a Battel, for their Enemies were thrice their Number; therefore they proposed to surrender up the Castle, on condition they should carry off all their Arms along with them: Which Offer the Archbi­shop accepted of, and so permitted the Garrison to march out quietly. Then fortifying the Castle for the King's use, and putting a strong Garrison in it for its defence, he returned again to England. But Gwenwynwyn was not so willing to part from his Ca­stle, as never to attempt the Recovery of it; there­fore as soon as he understood that the Archbishop was gone back, he immediately besieged it, and shortly after received it on the same Terms that his Men had deliver'd it up, and afterwards kept it for his own use.

A.D. 1197 The following Year there broke out a terrible Plague, which spread over all Britain and France, and carried off a great number of the Nobility, be­sides common People. This Year likewise dyed the valiant Rhys, Prince of South-Wales, the only Stay and Defence of that part of Wales; for he it was that got them their Liberty, and secured it to them. He often very readily exposed his own Life for the defence of theirs and their Country; generally he got the better of his Enemies, and at last either brought them entirely under his Subjection, or for­ced them to quit their Country. He was no less illustrious for his virtuous Endowments, than for his Valour and Extraction; so that it was with good reason that the British Bards and others wrote so honourably of him, and so mightily deplored his Death.

To this Prince were born many Sons and Daugh­ters, whereof his elder Son Gruffydh succeeded him; the others were Cadwalhon, Maelgon, Meredith, and Rhys. Of his Daughters, one called Gwenthtan was married to Ednyfed Fycha [...] Ancestor to Owen Tudor that married Kitharine Queen-Dowager to King Henry the Fifth: And the rest were very well match'd with some of the Nobility of the Country. Prince Gruffydh being settled in the Government of his Country, did not long enjoy it peaceably; for his troublesom Brother Maelgon thought it now a fit time to endeavour the recovery of the Inheritance his Father had deprived him of. To this purpose he makes a League with Gwenwynwyn, the Son of Owen Cyfeilioc, Lord of Powys, and by their joynt Interest got together a considerable Body of Men, where­with they surprized Prince Gruffydh at Aberystwyth, whom, after they had slain a great many of his Men, they took Prisoner. Thus Maelgon effectually ac­complished his Design in the recovery of the Castle, and the whole Country of Cardigan. His unfortu­nate Brother he committed to the custody of his spite­ful Confederate Gwenwynwyn, who immediately out of Malice deliver'd him up to the Mercy of his in­veterate [Page 217] Enemies the English. After this Gwenwyn­ [...]yn having got together an Army entered Arustly, and brought it to his subjection.

David ap Owen, whom Prince Lhewelyn had for­ [...]ed to quit his Usurpation of the Principality of North-Wales, had hitherto lived quietly and peacea­bly, not so much out of kindness to his Nephew, as because he knew not how to redress himself; but now having got a great Army of English and Welch, he used his utmost Efforts to recover his Principality. Whereupon Prince Lhewelyn who was the right Heir, and in possession of it, came on boldly to meet him, and gave him battel, wherein he shamefully routed his Army, and took his Uncle David Prisoner, whom he delivered into safe custody, whereby he secured to himself and his Country Peace and Quietness. Towards the close of this Year Owen Cyfeilioc Lord of the higher Powys departed this Life, and left his Estate to Gwenwynwyn his Son; after whom that part of Powys was called Powys-Wenwynwyn, to distinguish it from the other called Powys Fadoc the Inheritance of the Lords of Bromfield. Much about this time Trahaern Fychan, a Man of great Power and Autho­rity in the County of Brecknock, was suddenly seized upon as he was going to Llancors to confer about some business with William de Bruce Lord thereof, and by an Order of the Lords, tyed to an Horse Tail and dragged through the Streets of Brecknock to the Gal­lows, where he was beheaded, and his Body hung up by the Feet for three Days. Which Barbarity in­flicted upon him for no known just Cause, so fright­ned his Brothers Wife and Children, that they fled their Country for fear of the same Usage. The A.D. 1198 Year following Maelgon, who had before routed his Brother Prince Gruffydh's Army, and taken him Pri­soner, begins now to enlarge his Territories, and takes in his Brothers Castles of Aberteifi and Ystratmeyric. Also the youngest Son of Prince Rhys about this time recovered the Castle of Dynefowr from the Normans.

The same Summer Gwenwynwyn took up a resolution of attempting to extend Wales to its antient Limits; and for this purpose he raises a powerful Army, with which he first designs to be avenged of William de Bruce for the inhuman Death of his Cosin Trahaern Fychan, and therefore he besiegeth his Castle of Payn in Elfel, where he makes a Protestation, that as soon as he had taken it, for a farther satisfaction to his Re­venge, he would unmercifully ravage the whole Coun­try as far as Severn. But these mighty Menaces were soon blown over; for he had neither Battering En­gins nor Pioneers, so that he was forced to lay before the Castle for three Weeks without effecting any thing; whereby the Murtherers had time enough to apply themselves to England for Succours, which they obtained. For upon this Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, Lord Chief Justice of England levies a considerable Army, to which he joyns all the Lords Marchers, and comes in all hast to the Relief of the place, where he meets Gwenwynwyn; with whom, before he would hazard a Battel, he was desirous to have a Treaty of Peace, to which Gwenwynwyn and his Adherents would in no wise hearken or condescend, but returned in answer, that their business there was to be revenged of old In­juries done them. Hereupon the English Lords resol­ved to enlarge Prince Gruffydh of South-Wales, whom they knew to be an inveterate Enemy of Gwenwyn­wyn, as he that delivered him up to their hands; and likewise to be a Man of great Authority in his Coun­try, therefore they rightly concluded he might be more serviceable to them when at liberty than under confinement, wherein they were not disappointed; for he immediately got together a strong Body of his Countrymen, and joyning with the English, ad­vanced towards the Castle, where they furiously at­tack'd Gwenwynwyn, who made no less vigorous de­fence; hereupon there ensued a bloody Battel, with a great slaughter on both sides, but at length the Eng­lish got the Victory, and Gwenwynwyn lost a great number of common Soldiers (if we believe Matthew Paris 3700 Men) besides a great many of his best [Page 219] Commanders, among whom were Anarawd, Son of Eineon, Owen ap Cadwalhon, Richard ap Iestyn, and Robert ap Howel. Meredith ap Conan was likewise taken Prisoner, with many more. After this the Eng­lish returned home triumphantly, and requited Prince Gruffydh's Service with a perfect Liberty, who imme­diately, partly by his own Force, partly by the Af­fection of his People, repossessed himself of all his Dominions, save the Castles of Aberteifi and Ystratmey­rie, which his usurping Brother Maelgon, by the As­sistance of Gwenwynwyn, had, during his Confinement by the English, taken from him, and still unjustly de­tained. Hereupon, some of Prince Gruffydh's prime Nobility and Clergy came to him, and offered him their Endeavours of reconciling him to his Brother, and made him so apprehensive of his just Displeasure at him, that he took a solemn Oath before them, that in case his Brother would give him Hostages for the security of his own Person, he would deliver him up his Castle of Aberteifi by a day appointed; which Proposals Prince Gruffydh accepted of, and accordingly sent him his Demands: But it was the least of Mael­gon's intention to make good his part, or else he was very unconstant in his resolution; for he had no sooner received the Hostages, but instead of delivering up the Castle, he fortifies it, and puts in a Garrison for his own use, and commits the Hostages to the cu­stody of Gwenwynwyn, Prince Gruffydh's mortal Ene­my; but not long after, their Innocency procured them an opportunity of an Escape.

In the Year 1199 Maelgon still pursuing his Ha­tred A.D. 1199 of his Brother Prince Gruffydh, gets an Army, wherewith he besiegeth his Castle of Dynerth, which he was Master of in a short time, and then put all the Garrison to the Sword. But about the same time Prince Gruffydh in lieu of this, wan the Castle of Cilgerran, and strongly fortified it. This Year Richard the First of England, as he was besieging the Castle of Chalons in France, was shot from the Walls with an Arrow, whereof he not long after dyed, and left his Kingdom to his Brother John, who thereupon was [Page 220] with great Solemnity crown'd at Westminster. But he could not expect to enjoy this Kingdom peace­ably; for his elder Brother Geoffry Plantagenet had left a Son behind him named Arthur, whose Right the Crown of England was by lineal descent; which now therefore he justly lays claim to, and by the assistance of King Philip of France (who espoused his Quarrel) endeavours to recover. But before Prince Arthur had made sufficient Preparations to car­ry on his Design, he was unexpectedly set upon by his Uncle, his Army routed, and he himself taken Pri­soner, and committed to safe custody; not long after which, he dyed, and so King John was rid of his Competitor.

A.D. 1200 The following Year Gruffydh ap Conan ap Owen Gwynedh dyed, and was buried in a Monk's Cawl in the Abby of Conway, which way of burying was ve­ry much practised (especially by the better sort) in those days; for the Monks and Friers had deluded the People into a strong Conceit of the Merits of it, and had firmly persuaded them it was highly condu­cing to their future Happiness to be thus interr'd. But this Superstition, together with the Propagators of it, they had lately received from England: For the first Abby or Monastery we read of in Wales, since the Destruction of that famous House of Bangor, which favour'd of Romish Dregs, was the Ty-Gwyn built in the Year 1146. after which they mightily increased and spread over all the Country; and now the Foun­tain Head began to be corrupted; for the Clergy maintained a Doctrin which their Ancestors abhorr'd, as may easily be gathered from the Writings of that worthy Divine Ambrosius Telesinus, who flourished in the Year 540. when the Christian Faith (which we suppose to be deliver'd at the Isle of Afalon by Jo­seph of Arimathea) flowed in this Land in a pure and uncorrupted Stream, before it was infected and polluted by that proud and blood-thirsty Monk Au­gustine. I say, he then wrote and left behind him as his own Opinion, and the Opinion of those days these following Verses:

[Page 221]
Gwae'r offeiriad byd
Nys angreifftia gwyd
Ac ny phregetha:
Gwae ny cheidw ei gail
Ac ef yn figail
Ac nys areilia;
Gwae ni cheidw ei dhefaid
Rhae bleidhie Rhufeniaid
A'i ffon gnwppa.

From whence it is apparent, that the Church of Rome was then corrupt, and that the British Chur­ches persevered in the primitive and truly Apostolical Profession of Christianity, as it was at first planted in the Island; and that no Roman Innovations had crept in among them, which afterwards mightily increased, when they were once introduced by Augustin the Monk.

This Year likewise we find the spiteful and turbu­lent Maelgon, choosing rather to persist still in his Re­bellion, than to return to his Allegiance, and to prefer a small Lucre to the Love and Safety of his Country. For now finding that the Castle of Aberteifi was not tenable by his own Power and Force, yet rather than deliver it up to his Brother Prince Gruffydh, and there­by procure his Favour, he chose to sell it to his bitter Enemies the English, for an inconsiderable Sum of Money, whereby he opened them a free passage into all Wales; this being reckoned one of its chief De­fences and Bulwarks. About this time Madawc Son of Gruffydh Maylor Lord of Bromfield built the Abby of Lanegwest, commonly known by the English by the Name of Vale Crucii.

In the Year 1201. the valiant Lhewelyn ap Iorwerth A.D. 1201 Prince of North-Wales banished out of his Territories his Cosin Meredith the Son of Conan ap Owen Gwynedh, whom he suspected of treasonable Practices, and there­fore confiscated his Lands which were the Cantref of Lhyn and Efyonyth. Much about the same time Me­redith the Son of Prince Rhys was slain at Car [...]wilhion by Treason, whereupon his elder Brother Gruffydh possessed himself of his Castle in Lhanymdhyfri and all his Lands. This Gruffydh was a valiant and dis­creet Prince, and one that was like to bring all South-Wales [Page 222] to good order and Obedience; for in all things he trod in his Fathers steps, and made it his business to succeed him as well in his Valour and vertuous En­dowments, as in his Government. But the vast hopes conceived of him soon proved abortive; for in the en­suing A.D. 1202 Year, on S. James's day he dyed, to the great Grief and Loss of his Country, and shortly after was buried at Ystratflur with great Pomp and Solemnity. He left behind him for a Successor a Son called Rhys, which Maud the Daughter of William de Bruce had bore him. The following Year some of the Welch Nobility marched with an Army towards the Castle of Gwerthrynion, which belonged to Roger Mortimer, and after a short Siege, they took it and levell'd it with the ground.

This Year Lhewelyn ap Iorwerth calling to mind his Estate and Title, and how all the Welch Princes were obliged both by the Laws of Roderic the Great, and those of Howel Dha to acknowledg the King or Prince of North-Wales for their Sovereign Lord, and to do Homage to him for their Dominions: Yet not­withstanding that they knew this to be their duty, and that they formerly had readily performed it; yet because of late Years his Predecessors had neglected to call them to their Duty, they now began to ima­gin themselves exempted from it; and some thought themselves accountable to no superiour Prince; others denyed Subjection to Prince Lhewelyn, and held their Dominions of the King of England. To put a stop therefore to the further growth of this Contempt, and to assert his own Right, Prince Lhewelyn summons all the Welch Lords, who for the most part appeared▪ and swore Allegiance to him. But Gwenwynwyn Lord of Powys neither came to this meeting, nor would own the Princes Supremacy: Which Stubborness and Disobedience the Prince acquainted his Lords with, whereupon they delivered their Opinion, that it was but reasonable, that Gwenwynwyn should be compell'd to his Duty, or else forfeit his Estate: This all the Lords consented to, but Elis ap Madawc, who was an intimate Friend of Gwenwynwyn, and therefore [Page 223] would not consent to the enacting any thing that might be prejudicial to him, but broke off from the Meeting much dissatisfied with their Proceedings. Notwithstanding which, Prince Lhewelyn, pursuant to the Advice of the rest of his Lords, raises an Ar­my, and marches towards Powys; but before he made any use of it, he was by the Mediation of some learn­ed and able Men reconciled to Gwenwynwyn, and so Gwenwynwyn became his dutiful Subject, which he confirmed both by Oath and Writing; and indeed it was not without good reason, that Prince Lhewe­lyn used all the caution imaginable to bind this Man; for he had sworn Allegiance before to the King of England. Lhewelyn having thus subjected Gwenwynwyn, he thought it now convenient to shew likewise some Marks of his Resentments against his Adherent Elis ap Madawc, and therefore he strips him of all his Lands; whereupon Elis fled the Country, but not long after, yielding himself to the Prince's Mercy, he received of him the Castle of Crogen, and Seven Town­ships besides. And now having mentioned Crogen, it will not be improper to step a little out of the way, and here take notice of the reason why the English formerly, when they had a mind to reproach the Welch, called them Crogens. The first occasion of it was this, King Henry the Second in his Expedition against the Welch to the Mountains of Berwin, lay a while at Os­westre, during which time he detached a number of his Men to try the Passages into Wales, who as they would have passed Offa's Ditch at the Castle of Crogen, at which place there was a narrow way through the same Ditch, which appears now very deep through all that Country, and bears its old Name; these Men, I say, as they would have passed this Streight, were met by a Party of Welch, and a great many of them strain and buried in that Ditch, as appears by their Graves there to be seen; and the Name of the Streight imports as much, being called in Welch Adwy'r bedhaw▪ The English therefore bearing in mind this Slaughter, when ever they got any of the Welch into their Clutches, upbraided them with [Page 224] the Name of Crogen, intimating thereby that they should expect no more Favour or Mercy at their hands, than they shew'd them in the Skirmish. But this word which at first was rather a Badg of Reputation than Disgrace to the Welch, came afterwards to be used in a bad Sense, and only then applyed when they designed to reproach and abuse them. But to return to Prince Lhewelyn, whom we find returning home after he had successfully asserted his Sovereignty over all Wales, and set all things in good order: And by the way he fortifies the Castle of Bala in Penlhyn. About this time Rhys the Son of Gruffydh ap Rhys the right Prince of South-Wales took the Castle of Lha­nymdhyfry upon Michaelmas-day. This Year Lhewe­lyn Prince of Wales took to Wife Joan the Daughter of King John, which Agatha Daughter of Robert Fer­rers Earl of Derby bore him, with whom he gave the Prince for a Dowry the Lordship of Elsmere in the Marches of Wales.

A.D. 1203 Prince Rhys whom we mentioned the Year before to have taken the Castle of Lhanymdhyfri, wins like­wise the Castle of Llangadoc, and puts a Garrison therein; but he enjoyed neither of them long; for shortly after, his Unkle Maelgon, with his Friend Gwenwynwyn, levied a powerful Army, and with it besieged and took the Castle of Lhanymdhyfri; thence they removed to Lhangadoc, and wan the Castle like­wise, upon this Condition, that the Garrison be per­mitted to march out quietly. When they had taken these two Castles, they went to Dinerth, where Mael­gon finished the Castle he had formerly begun there. This Year likewise Prince Lhewelyn set at liberty his Uncle David ap Owen Gwynedh, who made but a sorry return to this Kindness; for instead of living peaceably at home, and enjoying that Liberty that was granted him, he flees to England, and there gets an Army, wherewith he attempts to restore himself to his antient Estate of North-Wales; but he missed his Mark; for his prudent Nephew immediately met him on his March, and gave him a shameful Over-throw, wherewith David was so mightily disheartened, that [Page 225] he presently returned for England, and shortly after died for meer sorrow. The next Year Howel, a blind A.D. 1204 Son of Prince Rhys was slain at Camaes by his Bro­ther Maelgon's Men, and buried just by his Brother Gruffydh at Ystratflur. But notwithwanding that, Maelgon in those days usurped all the Rule and Go­vernment of South-Wales; yet his Brother Gruffydh's Sons, Rhys and his Brethren, wan from him the chief Defence of all that Country, to wit, the Castles of Dynefowr and Lhanymdhyfri. About this time William Marshal, Earl of Pembrock, besieged the Castle of Cilgerran, and took it; and not long after, Maelgon A.D. 1205 hired an Irishman to kill Gadifor ap Griffri; after which horrid Fact, Maelgon seized upon his Four Sons, and put them to death; these were forward promi­sing young Gentlemen, and descended from a Noble Stock; for their Mother Susanna was a Daughter of the said Howel ap Rhys, by a Daughter of Madawc ap Meredith Prince of Powys. In the Year 1206. Ma­elgon A.D. 1206 built a Castle at Abereneon. At which time there was such abundance of Fish seen at Aberystwyth, that the like number was never known to have come there in the memory of Man before.A.D. 1207

This Year the King of England banished the Realm William de Bruce and his Wife, on the account of a Grudg that he bore his Son, and then seized upon all his Lands; whereupon, William with his Wife and Son fled to Ireland, and there continued for some time. And this Hardship he now underwent was the less pitied, because he exercised the great Power he had in the Marches of Wales with extreme Cruelty and Injustice. The same Year Gwenwynwyn came to Shrews­bury to speak with the King's Council, where he was detained Prisoner: Whereupon Prince Lhewelyn con­quered all his Country, took all his Towns and Ca­stles, and garrison'd them for his own use. This Ex­pedition of Prince Lhewelyn mightily alarm'd the usurping Maelgon, and the more, because he had in­telligence that Lhewelyn was on his march towards South-Wales; therefore he now puts himself in the best posture he could to receive him; but finding [Page 226] himself not able to abide the Prince's coming, and to withstand his Forces, he demolisheth his Castles of Aberystwyth, Ystratmeyric, and Dinerth, which before he had fortified. Notwithstanding which, the Prince comes to Aberystwyth, and rebuildeth the Castle and puts a Garrison therein; after this he seized upon the Cantref of Penwedic and the Land betwixt Dyfi and Aeron which he gave to Maelgon's Nephews the Sons of Gruffydh ap Rhys, and then returned home with great Joy and Triumph. Not long after Rhys Fychan, Son to Prince Rhys, besieged the Castle of Lhangadoc, and took it, contrary to the Promise and League he had made with his Nephews, forgetting likewise how freely and readily they had administred to him in his necessity; therefore to be avenged of this Ingratitude and breach of promise, Rhys and Owen no sooner heard of it, but they furiously attack'd the Castle, and took it by assault, and put to the Sword, or took Prisoners all the Garrison, and then burnt the Castle to the ground.

A.D. 1209 This Year King John levied a powerful Army with which he made a Voyage to Ireland; but as he was on the Borders of Wales on his Journey thitherwards, there was a Criminal brought before him who had murther'd a Priest. The Officer desired to know the King's Pleasure, how he would have the Delinquent punished; but the King, instead of ordering any Pu­nishment to be inflicted upon him suitable to the hei­nousness of his Crime, discharged him with a Well done thou good Servant, thou hast slain mine Enemy; for such he reckon'd the Clergy of those days who were very ill-affected to his usurped arbitrary Govern­ment, and therefore he slightly regarded any Injuries that were done them, nay, thought those did him good service who did them wrong. He had not been long in Ireland, but he got into his clutches the unfortunate William de Bruce the younger, and his Mother Mawd de Saint Valerike, whom we have mentioned afore to have quitted England for fear of him, and to have fled here for shelter. Upon his return to England he brought these in triumph along with him, and com­mitted [Page 227] them to Windsor-Castle, where, by his Orders, not long after they were inhumanly famished. The reason of King John's Displeasure against William de Bruce Lord of Brecnock, Pag. 303. Matthew Paris delivers, to be this; When the Pope had excommunicated the Realm of England, the King, to prevent any Incon­veniences that might ensue thereupon, took Pledges of such of his Nobles as he thought were disaffected to him, and would be like, if occasion offered, to countenance and promote a Rebellion. Amongst o­thers, he sends Messengers to William de Bruce to de­mand his Sons for Pledges, to whom Mawd, de Bruce's Wife, being the readier speaker, answered, (though what she said was no less her Husband's Sentiment than her own) Thar the King, who had proved so base a Guardian to his Nephew Prince Arthur, whom instead of setting in, he deprived of his Right, should have none of her Children. This Answer the Mes­sengers deliver'd to the King, whereat he was highly displeased, that he ordered some Soldiers should be sent to seize this Lord, but he having timely intelli­gence of this Order, fled into Ireland with his Wife and Children, where now his Wife Mawd, with her Son, were unfortunately taken by King John, but he himself escaped, and fled into France, where not long after he dyed.

This Year the Earl of Chester rebuilt the Castle of Dyganwy, situate on the Sea-shore, East of the River Conway, which Prince Lhewelyn had before demolish­ed. He likewise fortifies the Castle of Treffynon or S. Wenefrid. Upon this Lhewelyn enters into the Earl's Land, which when he had ravaged sufficiently, he returns home with considerable Booty. About this time Rhys Fychan Son to Prince Rhys, fearing lest Prince Lhewelyn should fall upon him for the wrong he had done to his Nephews, whom he, Prince Lhe­welyn, stifly defended in their right; made his Appli­cation to the King of England, who readily granted him what Succours he desired; and with these he besieged the Castle of Lhanymdhyfri; the Garrison for some time made a vigorous defence, but having [Page 228] no hopes of any Relief, they thought it their wisest course to Capitulate, and so they desired they might march out with their Arms, Bag and Baggage, and all that belonged to them, which was granted them. About this time likewise Gwenwynwyn was set at Li­berty, whom the King had hitherto detained Prisoner, and withal lends him some Forces to attempt the re­covery of his Country which Prince Lhewelyn had seized upon during his Imprisonment; and tho' by his own Strength he was not able to cope with the Prince, yet by this Assistance granted him by the King, he soon re-possess [...]d himself of his Dominions. This Success of Gwenwynwyn encouraged Maelgon like­wise to endeavour the recovery of that part of his Country which the Prince had taken from him in the same Expedition. Now he makes his application to the King of England, and swears Allegiance to him. Hereupon the King grants him a considerable Army as well English as Normans; to these he joyns what Forces he could raise in Wales, and then contrary to the Oath and Agreement he had made with his Ne­phews Rhys and Owen, he in a hostile manner enters their Country, when he was come to Cantred Penwe­dic, he encamped at Cilcenny where he staid some time to take measures for the better accomplishment of his Designs; by this time his Nephews had got together about 300 chosen well disciplined Men, but with so small a Number durst not oppose their Uncle's numerous Army in open Field; therefore they were to endeavour to overthrow those by a Stratagem which they could not do by main force. Herein they proved very successful, for coming as near their Ene­mies as they could without being discovered, they sent out their Spies that Night for Intelligence, who brought back the good News, that all was quiet in Maelgon's Camp, and that they kept no strict Watch, being not aware of an approaching Enemy. This Intelligence mightily encouraged the Brothers to pro­secute their Designs, and now they march as si­lently as they can towards their Enemies Camp, where they met with no opposition, being not dis­covered [Page 229] because all were fast asleep. When they were advanced as they thought as far as Maelgon's Tent, they furiously fell on, and slew a great number of his Men afore they awak'd; the rest being frightened with the noise and shouts of their Enemies, and with­al thinking their Numbers to be far greater than it was, were glad to make use of the darkness of the Night to quit the Field, only Maelgon's Guard vali­antly kept their Post, and defended their Lord till he had time and opportunity to escape. But Maelgon's Army suffered very much in this Action, his Ne­phew Conan ap Howel with his Chief Counsellor Gruf­fydh ap Cadwgan were both taken Prisoners, and Eineon ap Caradoc with a great number more were slain upon the spot. About the same time Gilbert Earl of Glocester fortified the Castle of Buelht, where a little before he had lost a considerable number of his Men, by reason that the place was not very strong and tenable. And towards the conclusion of this year, Mallt or Mawd de Bruce, the Wife of Gruffydh ap Rhys departed this Life, and was interred by her Husband in a Monk's Coul in Ystratflur.

But the following Year a great Storm threatened A.D. 1210 North-Wales, by reason that the Marchers made fre­quent and grievous Complaints to King John, how that Prince Lhewelyn perpetually molested their Coun­try, slew their Men, and committed all the waste and destruction possible as he passed along. The King hearing of such intolerable Depredations continually exercised by the North-Wales Men, thought it high time to redress his Subjects, and therefore he raised a mighty Army throughout all England▪ and called to him all the Lords and Princes of Wales as held their Lands and Patents from him, as Howel ap Gruf­fydh ap Conan ap Owen Gwynedh, whom Prince Lhe­welyn had banished out of North-Wales; Madoc ap Gruffydh Maylor Lord of Bromfield, Chirke and Yale, Meredith ap Rotpert Lord of Cydewen, Gwenwynwyn Lord of Powys, Maelgon and Rhys the Sons of Prince Rhys and Governours of South Wales. With this for­midable Army he came to Chester, intending to enter [Page 230] into North-Wales by that way, and being fully re­solved to execute the severest Vengeance upon the Inhabitants, and not to let one living Soul re­main alive throughout the whole Country. But Matters of this nature are easier resolved upon, than accomplished; Prince Lhewelyn was no sooner in­formed of these mighty preparations against him, comprehending the whole Strength of the English Nation, and what was worst of all, being assisted by his own Country-men, but he issued forth his Or­ders, commanding all his Subjects of the In-land Counties of Denbigh and Flint, together with them of the Island of Anglesey, to remove for a time all their Cattel and other Effects to Snowden-Hills, where they were sure to remain securest from their Enemies. But King John marched his Army along the Sea-Coast to Ruthlan, and there passing the River Clwyd, he came to the Castle of Teganwy, where he encamped for some time to refresh and recreate his Army, which by reason of the long Marches they made, was in a great measure weary and fatigued. But what the more augmented their misery, Lhewelyn getting behind them, cut off all their hopes of Pro­vision from England, and the Welch by the Advantage of being acquainted with the straits and narrow Pas­sages, cut off all that straggled from the English Camp, so that in time, they were glad to take up with Horse-flesh, and any thing were it never so mean, which might till up their greedy and empty Stomachs. At last King John finding no other Remedy, and perceiving it impossible to continue longer there so hungry and fainty, thought it his wisest way to march for England and leave the Welch to themselves, and so he decamped in a great fury, leaving Lhewelyn to bury that great number of Dead, which had starved in this successless Expedition. But to recover the Honour he had now lost, he was resolved to try another touch with the Welch, but possibly not with the same con­fidence and assurance of Victory. And therefore returning to Wales in the next August, he entred with such another terrible Army of English, and was as­sisted [Page 231] by the same Welch Lords, at Blanchmonastery, now Oswestry, being in the Lordship of John the Son of William Fitzalan. In this Expedition, King John passing the River Conwey, and encamping at the other side towards Snowden-Hills, sent part of his Army conducted by Guides who were acquainted with the Country, to burn Bangor, which they effectually did; and taking Ro [...]pert Bishop of that See out of Church, they carried him Prisoner to the English Camp, where he continued for some time, till he obtained his Ran­som for a present of two hundred Hawks. But Prince Lhewelyn finding the whole Strength of En­gland, and almost Wales to fight against him, and judging it impossible for himself alone, to withstand so great a multitude, thought it his best way to en­deavour to find out some method or other, to recon­cile himself to the King. And no better measures could possibly be thought of, than to send Joan his Wife, King John's Daughter, to intreat with her Fa­ther about a Peace, and a cessation of all Hostilities; who being a prudent, sly Woman, so prevailed upon the King, that he granted Prince Lhewelyn her Hus­band, a safe Conduct to come to him, and to re­new the former Peace and Amity that was betwixt them. And so Lhewelyn having done Homage, pro­mised the King towards his Expences in this Expe­dition, 20000 Head of Cattel and forty Horses, and what was more than all, he granted all the in-land Countries of Wales, with the Appurtenances, to him and his Heirs for ever. And then King John having received better Success in this, than the former Ex­pedition, returned to England in great Triumph, ha­ving subdued all Wales, excepting that part which Rhys and Owen the Sons of Gruffydh ap Rhys, still kept and maintained against the English. But having no leisure to march against them himself at his depar­ture out of the Country, he gave strict charge to Foulke Vicount of Caerdyff, Warden of the Marches, a cruel Tyrant, tho' well beloved and favoured by the King, to take an Army with him, and so joyn­ing with Maelgon and Rhys Fychan, to compel the [Page 232] Sons of Gruffydh ap Rhys to acknowledge him for their Sovereign, and to do him Homage. Foulke having received so positive a Command, presently raised his Forces, and calling Maelgon and Rhys, came to the Cantref of Penwedic; which when the young Lords Rhys and Owen heard of, and being assured that this Blow was levelled against them, which they knew they were not able to bear, before the Stroak was struck, they sent to Foulke to sue for Peace, and a safe Conduct for them to pass to the Court of Eng­land. This being granted, they came to London, and making their submission to the King, and requesting his Pardon for all former Misdemeanors, they gave up all pretence to their Lands betwixt Aeron and Dyfi; and so paying their Homage, they were dis­missed very graciously. But Foulke before his depar­ture out of the Country, fortified the Castle of Aberystwyth, and placing a strong Garrison therein, kept it to the King's use. But Maelgon and Rhys Fy­chan, a couple of head-strong, inconstant People, quick­ly repented them of the Peace they had made with the King of England, and thereupon, without the least reason or provocation, they laid Siege to Abery­stwyth Castle, and with much ado having made them­selves Masters of it, they destroyed those Fortifica­tions which Foulke had lately erected, and defaced the Castle to the ground. But they paid sawce for this another way, for as soon as Rhys and Owen had heard that their Uncles had broken and violated the King's Peace, they made in-roads into Isaeron, which was Maelgon's Country, and having slain a considerable number of his Men, among whom was one brave and lusty Youth called Bachglâs, they re­turned with very rich Booty.

A.D. 1211 Maelgon and Rhys Fychan were quickly followed by the North-Wales Men in their revolt from the King of England, for Prince Lhewelyn being not able to en­dure any longer the tyranny and oppreission which the King's Garrisons exercised in his Country; called together Gwenwynwyn from Powys, Maelgon ap Rhys from South-Wales, Madoc ap Gruffydh Maylor from [Page 233] Bromfield, and Meredith ap Rotpert from Cydewen, and plainly declared before them the Pride and insolency of the English, and how that they who were always used to have a Prince of their own Nation, were now by their own wilfulness and neglect become subject to Strangers. However, it was not too late to re­cover their antient Liberty, and if they did but una­nimously agree among themselves, they might easily cast off that Yoke which was so intolerably burder­some to them. Then the Lords being sensible of the truth and reasonableness of what Prince Lhewelyn de­livered, and being conscious to themselves that their present slavery and subjection to the English, was wholly owing to their own fear and cowardise, swore fealty to Prince Lhewelyn, and swore to be true and faithful to him, and to stick by each other to the ut­most of their Lives and Fortunes. And so joyning their Forces together, they took all the Castles in North-Wales which were in the hands of the English, excepting Ruthlan and Dyganwy; and then going to Powys, they laid Siege to the Castle which Robert Ʋspont had built at Mathrafal. But King John be­ing informed how the Welch had conspired against him, and that they had taken and sezied upon almost all his Castles in North-Wales, and how that they were now in actual besiegement of Mathrafal, presently drew up his Army, and coming to Mathrafal, quick­ly raised the Siege, and to prevent the Welch from coming any more against it, he burnt it to the ground and so returned to England, having no time to stay any longer in Wales, by reason of the Diffe­rences that happened betwixt him and his Nobility. But being afterwards at Nottingham, and hearing how that Prince Lhewelyn cruelly harrassed and destroyed the Marches, he caused all the Welch Pledges which he had received the last year to be hanged, among whom were Howel the Son of Cadwalhon, and Madoc the Son of Maelgon, with many others of the Nobilities Sons, to the number of Twenty Eight. And about the same time Robert Vepont caused Rhys the Son of Maelgon to be hanged at Shrewsbury, being a Youth [Page 234] of about seventeen years of age, and so cruelly mur­dered the innocent Child to revenge the Crimes and Offences committed by his Father and others. But tho' King John was so severe to the Welch, yet the Princess of North-Wales was more dutiful and fa­vourable to him, for whilst he staid at Nottingham, she sent him an Express, declaring how that the Ba­rons had entred into a Conspiracy with the French King against him, and that this latter was a prepa­ring and raising an Army to come over to England, upon pretence that the King was a Rebel, and bid open Defiance to the Holy Church, in as much as he would not condescend nor yield to the Bishop of Rome's Request. And in confirmation of all this, she told him that Robert Fitzwalter, Eustace de Vescy and Stephen Redell, were secretly fled into France, to pro­mote and carry on this intrigue. And that this de­sign against King John was no feigned surmise, the next A.D. 1212 year Pope Innocent the Third detached one of his Nuncio's to Wales, who absolved Prince Lhewelyn, Gwenwynwyn and Maelgon from their Oaths of Al­legiance to King John, and withal gave them a strict command under the penalty of Excommunication, to molest and annoy him with all their Endeavours, as an open Enemy to the Church of God. Prince Lhewelyn, you may be sure, was not in the least trou­bled at this, for now he gained the fittest opportu­nity imaginable, to restore such Lands as he had for­merly much against his mind delivered up to the King, being the in-land Country of Denbigh and Flint, which Lhewelyn at this time repossessed himself of. And well it was, he was so quick, for within a little while after, King John by the persuasions of Pandulph the Pope's Legate, granted his Holiness all his Request, and so obtained Absolution at Pandulph's hands, and upon performance of his Promises, an as­surance of a releasement from that Ecclesiastical Bull, which had so formidably roared against him.

A.D. 1213 South-Wales had now been quiet for a considerable time, and they that used to be commonly very tur­bulent and contentious, were now pretty easy and [Page 235] amicable. But it was impossible that such a peace­able Course of Life should hold long, where In­justice and Oppression had so much Liberty, and where People were wrongfully kept out of their just and rightful Inheritance. And this was the occasion of the breach of that quietness, which for the two or three years last past they had so satisfactorily en­joyed. For Rhys the Son of Gruffydh ap Rhys, who was right Heir to Prince Rhys, finding he could have no share of his Father's Estate, but that his Uncles forcibly kept all from him, thought it his best way to make his Case known to the King of England, and to desire a remedy and redress from him. King John in compassion of the young Man's hard Condition, sent to his Deputy Foulke Vicount of Caerdyff War­den of the Marches, and to the Steward of Hereford, commanding them to take away all Ystratywy from Rhys Fychan, by some called Rhys Gryg, unless he would permit his Nephews to enjoy Lhanymdhyfry-Castle, with all the Lands and Priviledges thereunto belonging. Foulke having received such Orders from his Master the King of England, sent to acquaint Rhys of the Proposals, and so demand of him whe­ther or no he would deliver up Lhanymdhyfry to his Nephews, according to the Kin'gs Command; who returned answer, that he did not know of any such Obligation due from him to the King of England, as to part with his Lands at his Command, and therefore assured him peremptorily and in plain terms, that he would not willingly part with one foot of what he was in present possession of. Foulke therefore having received this resolute Answer, was likewise as resolute to get that by force which he could not obtain by fair means; and so having raised a great Army, he marched to Talhwynelgain to meet with young Rhys, who was to come thither with all the Forces he could raise in Brecknock; and from thence they marched in three Battles towards Dynefawr, the first being com­manded by young Rhys, the second by Foulke and Owen Brother to Rhys led the third. Rhys Fychan was not in the least dismayed at their Number, but [Page 236] thinking it more advisable to meet them in the Field, rather than suffer them to block him up at Dynefawr, came out very boldly, and gave them Battel, but after a warm Engagement on both sides, Rhys Fychan in the end got the worse, and after a loss of a great number of his Men, he was glad at last to make his escape by flight. And so retiring to Dynefawr, he doubled the Garrison of that place, but thinking the Town of Lhandeilo-fawr not to be Tenable, he burnt it to the Ground, and then kept himself private in the Woods and other desart places. But young Rhys and Foulke laid Siege to Dynefawr, and in the first Assault came on so fiercely, that they forced the Garrison to retire to the Castle, which for some time they de­fended very manfully. But the besiegers began to play so violently with their battering Engines, and to undermine the Wall in such a manner, that the Governour after a short defence began to Capitulate, giving three Pledges for security, that if they received no Relief by the morrow at Noon, the Castle should be surrendred up, conditionally that the Garrison should march out with all the Tokens of Honour, and carry their Arms and all other Implements of War along with them. No Relief being arrived, the Castle the next day was accordingly surrendred, and all the Articles of the Capitulation observed; and so young Rhys being possessed of Dynefawr, in a little time afterward, brought all Cantref-fawr to his subjection. When Rhys Fychan was sensible how the stream run violently against him, he thought it his wisest way to remove his Wife and Children, and all his other Effects, to his Brother Maelgon's Country, and so leaving Lhanymdhyfry Castle well manned and fortified, he departed towards Aberystwyth. But as soon as Foulke was returned to the Marches, young Rhys came with an Army consisting of Welch and Normans before Lhanymdhyfry, intending to besiege that place, but before they were encamped before the Town, the Governour thought it his best way to surrender, upon Condition only, that the Garri­son should depart away with their Lives. And short­ly [Page 237] afterwards, Rhys Fychan was taken at Caermar­ [...]dhyn, and committed to the King's Prison, and so all the Disturbances and Troubles of South-Wales came to a peaceable issue. But it was not so in North-Wales, for Prince Lhewelyn being desirous to rid his Country from the insupportable Tyranny and Op­pression of the English Garrisons, laid Siege to the Castles of Dyganwy and Ruthlan, the only places now remaining in the hands of the English, which he took without any great opposition, and so freed his Country from any Title or Pretence the King of England might claim in North-Wales. King John in­deed was engaged another way, and consequently in no good Condition to help himself, for having re­pented of all the indignities and stubborness he ex­pressed against Pope Innocent; at this time he received Penance at the hands of the Archbishop of Canterbury, to attone for all the severities he had practised against the Church. And to restore him­self the more to his Holiness Favour, he made the Kingdom of England Tributary to the Church of Rome, to be holden of the Pope, in paying him the summ of 1000 Marks yearly for ever; and withal recalled and restored to their former Preferments and Places all such as had been banished, or had vo­luntarily fled the Kingdom upon the account of their strict adherence and submission to the Pope of Rome.

Nor was this all, for the next year King John with A.D. 1215 two of his Nobility, the Earls of Chester and Derby, was resolved upon a Voyage to the Holy-Land, but was unfortunately prevented of his Journey, by the Rebellion of his Barons, which now broke forth vio­lently by reason that the King would not grant them some antient Laws and Priviledges, such as their fore-Fathers always enjoyed. Therefore the Barons en­tered into a Confederacy with Prince Lhewelyn of North-Wales, desiring him to make what Diversion he could on his part, which they were resolved to do on theirs; and so having raised an Army, they ap­pointed Robert Fitzwalter their General. Coming to [Page 238] Bedford, they were honourably received into the Ca­stle by William Beauchamp, and from thence march­ing to London, they were entertained with all the Expressions and Tokens of Joy. King John per­ceiving how powerful they were like to prove, and how that the Country did in a great measure fa­vour their Cause, thought it his wisest way to nip them in the bud, and to fall upon them before they grew too strong; and therefore having levied his Forces, he marched together with William Marshall Earl of Pembroke, towards the Castle of Rochester. Being arrived there, he laid close Siege to the Castle, but the Governour William de Abbineto so bravely defended it, that it could hardly be taken after three Months Siege, but at length the King's Men bore on so violently, that they took it by a Storm, where be­sides William de Abbineto, the King took several of the Barons Prisoners. This was an ill beginning to the Design of the Confederates, and what did not add a little to their Misfortune, the Pope presently issues out his Bull of Excommunication against Lhewe­lyn Prince of Wales, and all the English Barons as made War against King John, who was under the protection of the Church of Rome. But Prince Lhe­welyn did not regard his threatning Anathemas, and therefore having raised an Army, he came to Shrews­bury, which was delivered up to him without any re­sistance. And whilst Lhewelyn remained there, Giles de Bruce Bishop of Hereford, one of the chief of this Conspiracy, sent his Brother Reynold to Brecnock whom all the People readily ow [...]ed for their Lord; and so without the least grumbling or opposition he received the Castles of Abergefenny and Pencelhy, the Castelh Gwyn, or the White Castle, together with Grosmont Castle and the Island of Cynuric. But when the Bishop came thither in Person, he had the Castles of Aberhondhy, Hay, Buelht, and Blaenlhyfny, delivered up to him; but thinking he had enough himself, and being rather desirous to secure his Interest, and to strengthen his Party in the Country, than to heap more upon his own shoulders than he was well able [Page 239] [...]o support, he bestowed Payn Castle, Clune and all Eluel upon Walter Fychan, the Son of Eineon Clyd.

In the mean time, young Rhys the Son of Gruffydh [...]p Rhys, and his Uncle Maelgon were reconciled and made Friends, and so coming both to Dyfed, they de­stroyed Arberth and Maenclochoc Castles, and recover­ed all such Lands as formerly belonged to them, ex­ [...]epting Cemais. But Rhys's Brothers Maelgon and Owen went to North-Wales and did Homage and Feal­ [...]y to Prince Lhewelyn, whilst their Brother Prince Rhys marched forward to Cydwely, and having rased the Castles of Carnwylheon and Lhy [...]hwr, brought all the Country about under his subjection. But this was [...]ot enough to satisfy the ambitious humour of that young Prince, for having once tasted the pleasure of Victory, and the taking and demolishing of Towns, [...]e was resolved to prosecute his Conquest whilst For­tune seemed to favour his Undertakings; and there­fore he lead his Army against Talybont Castle, which belonged to Hugh de Miles, and forcing his entrance into the same, he put a great number of the Garri­son to the Sword. The next day he marched to Sen­gennyth Castle, but the Garrison which kept it, think­ [...]ng it fruitless and to no purpose to oppose him, burnt the place, and departed to Ystymlhwynarth. But he fol­lowed them at the Heels, and the next day took it, and rased it to the ground, and over-ran the Coun­try in such a violent manner, that in three days time, he became Master of all the Castles and Fortresses in all Gowerland and Morgannwe, and so returned home with great Victory and Triumph. At the same time Rhyt Fychan, otherwise Rhys Gryg, young Prince Rhys's Uncle, obtained his Liberty from the King of England, leaving his Son with two more for Pledges for his modest and peaceable Behaviour towards his Sub­jects, whom at other times he was wont to molest and oppress. About this time the Abbots of Tal y Llecheu and Tuy Gwyn, were consecrated Bishops, the former of St. Davids, and the other of Bangor. But the Bishop of Hereford who seemed to be the most violently inclined against King John, and was other­wise [Page 240] unwilling to part with what he had got in Wales's could not for all that refuse the Injunction of the Pope, by whose express Command he was constrain­ed to make Peace with the King, which being con­cluded, in his return homeward, he died at Gloce­ster, leaving his Estate to his Brother Reginald, who had married the Daughter of Prince Lhewelyn.

But for all that, Giles de Bruce Bishop of Hereford was fallen off, and reconciled to King John, yet Prince Lhewelyn did not think it convenient to follow his Ex­ample, and therefore with his whole Army he march­ed against Carmardhyn, and took the Castle in five days, having rased it to the ground, he successively laid Siege to the Castles of Lhanstephan, St. Cleare, and Talacharn, which he used after the same manner. From thence he went to Cardigan, and winning Emlyn Castle, he subdued Cemaes, and then laying Siege to Trefdraeth Castle, in English called Newport, he quick­ly took it, and afterwards rased it to the ground. His next Design was upon Aberteifi and Cilgerra [...] Castles, but the Garrisons which defended them, find­ing it to no purpose to wait his coming, and so to withstand all his Attempts against those places volun­tarily surrendred, and by that means prevented all the Mischief, which in opposing him, would in all probability unavoidably attend them. And so Prince Lhewelyn having successfully over-run and subdued all Carmardhyn and Cardigan, triumphantly returned to North-Wales, being attended by several of the Welch Nobility, such as Howel ap Gruffydh ap Conan, Lhe­welyn ap Meredith, Gwenwynwyn Lord of Powys, Me­redith ap Rotpert, Maelgon and Rhys Fychan the Sons of Prince Rhys of South Wales, Rhys and Owen the Sons of Gruffydh ap Rhys, together with all the Power of Madoc ap Gruffydh Maylor Lord of Brom­field.

A.D. 1216 But the next year Prince Lhewelyn returned to A­berteifi to compose a Difference, which since his de­parture, had happened betwixt Maelgon and Rhys Fychan, Prince Rhys's Sons on the one side, and Rhys and Owen, Gruffydh ap Rhys's Sons on the other. [Page 241] Therefore to make up this Quarrel, and to reduce all Matters to a quiet and amicable issue, Prince Lhe­welyn made an equal distribution of South-Wales be­twixt them, allotting to Maelg [...]n, three Cantrefs in Dyfed, viz. Gwarthaf, Penlhwynoc, Cemaes, and Emlyn with Cilgerran Castle; to young Rhys, two Castles in Ystratywy, Hiruryn and Maelhaen, Maenor Bydfey, with the Castle of Lhanymdhyfry, and two in Cardigan Gwy­ [...]t [...]yth and Mabwyneon. His Brother Owen had to his share the Castles of Aberteifi and Nant yr Arian, with three Cantress in Cardigan; and Rhys Fychan, otherwise called Rhys Gryc, had Dynefawr Castle, the Cantref Mawr, the Cantref Bychan, excepting Hiruryn and Midhfey, together with the Comotes of Cydwely and Carnwylhion. This Division being accomplished to every one's Satisfaction, and all the Lords of South-Wales being amicably reconciled, Prince Lhewelyn took his Journey for North-Wales; but he had not advanced very far, when News was brought him that Gwenwynwyn Lord of Powys was revolted, and was become again the King of England's Subject. This unwelcome News struck very deep in the Prince's Mind, by reason that Gwenwynwyn was a Man of great Power and Strength in the Country, and went a great way to repel the Incursions of the English up­on the Marches, which now he being gone off, could not, he feared, be so well effected. But however, to make the best of a bad Market, he endeavoured to take him off from the English, and to restore him to his former Allegiance due to himself as his Natural Prince; and to that end, he sent to him some Bishops and Abbots to put him in mind of his Oath and Pro­mise, how that he with the rest of the Lords of Wales, had obliged himself to oppose the English to the ut­most of his Power; and had delivered Pledges for the sure performance of what he had then by Oath en­gaged in; and lest he should have forgot what he had then promised, he was desired to read his own hand Writing, whereby it was apparent that he had very unjustly violated both his Oath and Promise. But all the Rhetorick the Bishops could make use of, [Page 242] was not of force enough to work Gwenwynwyn to re­conciliation with the Prince, and an aversion to the King of England; and therefore seeing nothing would do, Prince Lhewelyn was resolved to make him inca­pable of serving the English, and so entring Powys with a strong Army, he subdued the whole Country to himself, Gwenwynwyn being forced to fly for Succor to the Earl of Chester.

Whilst these things passed in Wales, Lewis the Dauphin of France being invited by the English Barons against King John, landed in the Island of Thanet, and marching forward to London, he there received Homage of all the Barons, that were in actual War against the King. And then setting forward to Win­chester, where King John then lay, he took in his way the Castles of Rygat, Guildford and Farnham, and coming to Winchester, had the Town presently surrendred to him. King John did not think fit to abide his coming, but removing to Hereford, in the Marches of Wales, he sent to Prince Lhewelyn and Reynold Bruce, desiring their Friendship, and imploring their Aid aad Assistance against the French. But they refusing to hearken to his Proposals, he destroyed Radnor and Hay Castles, and marching forward to Oswestry, which belonged to John Fitzalan, he burnt it to the ground, and then departed towards the North. But after that he had settled his Affairs there, and ap­pointed Governours in all the Towns and Places of Strength; whilst he was making all necessary Prepa­rations at Newark to confront the Barons, he fell sick, and in a short time died, and was buried at Worcester.

After his Death his Son Henry was by several of the English Nobility proclaimed King, and in a little while, most of the Barons, who upon their hatred to King John, had maintained an open War against him, came in, and owned their Allegiance to his Son Henry, tho contrary to their Oath to Lewis the Dau­phine. A.D. 1217 But what was most pernicious to the Welch, Reynald de Bruce who had all this while maintained a Confederacy with Prince Lhewelyn his Father-in-Law [Page 243] against King John, underhand made his Peace with King Henry. But he suffered severely for his Trea­chery; for young Rhys, and Owen his Nephew by his Sister, seeing that he in whom they put their great­est Confidence, had deceitfully forsaken them, came upon him with all their Power, and took from him all Buelht, excepting only the Castle. Prince Lhe­welyn was presently made acquainted with Bruce's re­volt, but as soon as he was informed that his Son-in-Law was gone over to the King of England, he went in great fury to Brecknoc, and laying Siege to the Town of Aberhondhy, he was with much ado prevail­ed upon by young Rhys to raise the Siege for the summ of a Hundred Marks; and then crossing the Mountanous part of Glamorgan, called the Black Mountains, where his Carriages suffered very much, he came to Gwyr, and encamping at Lhangruc, Rey­nald Bruce with six Knights in his Company, came to meet him, desiring his Pardon for his passed Of­fence, assuring him that for the future, he would be true and faithful to him, and would to his endeavour assist him against the King of England. Prince Lhe­welyn was too good natured to reject his submission, and so did not only receive him to his Favour, but bestowed upon him also the Castle of Senghennyth, which Reynald committed to the Custody of Rhys Fy­chan. Prince Lhewelyn having settled all things in good Order in Gwyr, marched to Dyfed, and being at Cefn Cynwarchan, the Flemings sent their Agents to him to desire Peace, which the Prince, by reason that they always adhered to the English Interest, would not grant them. And so young Rhys having the first Man passed the River Cledeu to Storm the Town, Iorwerth Bishop of St. Davids, with the rest of his Clergy came to the Prince to intreat for a Peace for the Flemings, which after a long debate, was granted, and concluded upon these Terms; First, That all the [...]nhabitants of Rhôs, and the Coun­try of Pembroke should from thence forward swear Allegiance to Prince Lhewelyn, and ever after ac­knowledge his Sovereignty. Secondly, That towards [Page 244] the defraying of his Charges in this Expedition, they should pay one Thousand Marks to be deliver­ed to him before the ensuing Feast of St. Michael. Thirdly, That for the sure performance of these Ar­ticles they should deliver up Twenty Hostages, who were to be some of the most Principal Persons in their Country. Then Prince Lhewelyn having now brought all Wales subject to himself, and put Mat­ters in a settled posture in South Wales, returned to North-Wales, having purchased very considerable Honour and Esteem for his Martial Achievements in this Expedition.

And now all Matters of Differences being adjusted, and the Welch in good hopes of a durable Freedom from all Troubles and Hostilities; another Accident unhappily fell out to cross their Expectation. Lewis the Dauphin perceiving the English Barons to slight and forsake him, concluded a Peace with King Henry, and returned to France; and then the Barons, the King promising to answer all their Request, and to redress their Grievances, made their submission, without including the Welch in their Articles. They had all this while gladly embraced the Friendship and Aid of the Prince of Wales; but now upon their Reconciliation to the King, thinking they had no farther need of him, they very basely forsook him, who had been the principal Support and Suc­cour of their Cause. And not only so, but they conspired together to convert their Arms against Wales, thinking they could without any breach of Equity or Conscience, take away the Lands of the Welch, to make addition to what some of them had already unjustly possessed themselves of. William Marshall Earl of Pembroke opened the Scene, and com­ing unexpectedly upon the Welch, took the Town of Caerlheon. But he got nothing by this, for Rhys Fy­chan perceiving what he would fain be at, ra [...]ed Sen­ghennyth Castle, and all the rest in his Custody in that Country, and banishing the English with their Wives and Children, divided the Country betwixt A.D. 1218 the Welch, who kept sure possession of it. Prince [Page 245] Lhewelyn also finding those to become his Foes, who had but lately courted his Friendship, and fearing lest that the English being now in Arms should make any Attempt upon his Castles, augmented the Garri­sons of Carmardhyn and Aberteifi, to make them ca­pable of withstanding the English, in case they should come against them. But tho' the Welch and English were at open Variance and in actual Hostility one against another, yet young Rhys with Prince Lhewe­lyn's approbation and consent, thought it advisable to go and do Homage to the King of England, for his Lands in Wales. This might be thought a matter of Supererogation, to make courtship to one who was declared Enemy to all the Welch, and one that would not in all probability, suffer him to enjoy a quiet pos­session of his Estate, in case he had Ability and Op­portunity to eject him. But the Welch Interest was A.D. 1219 in a great measure augmented by a new Alliance with some of the most powerful among the English; Rhys Gryc, Prince Rhys's Son, being married to the Earl of Clare's Daughter; and Marret, Prince Lhe­welyn's Daughter, to John Bruce.

The Prince of Wales had quickly an occasion to A.D. 1220 experience his Power, for the Flemings in Dyfed, who had lately sworn Allegiance to him, began now to repent of what they had but a little time ago gladly submitted to, and contrary to their Oaths, and the League they had sworn to observe, they fell upon Aberteifi Castle, which they took. Prince Lhewelyn being highly displeased with the treacherous practices of these perjured Flemings, marched with all speed to Aberteifi, and having recovered the Castle, which he afterwards rased, he put all the Garrison to the Sword. Gwys was served in the same manner, and the Town of Haverford was burnt to the ground, and over-running Rhos and Daugledhau, he committed a lamentable Destruction throughout the whole Coun­try. This the Flemings received as the due reward of their sinistrous Dealing, which made them quickly apprehensive of their folly, and their imprudent Be­haviour towards the Prince of Wales; and therefore [Page 246] being sorrowfully sensible how unable they were to put a stop to his farther progress by force of Arms, they made Overtures for Cessation of all Hostilities till the May following, which being granted them up­on strict Conditions, Prince Lhewelyn returned to North-Wales. In the mean time some Welch Lords besieged Buelht Castle, which was in the possession of Reynald Bruce, but before they could take it, King Henry brought an Army to the Marches and raised the Siege, and then marching forward to Montgomery, built a new Castle in that Town.

A.D. 1221 The next year an unhappy dissention fell out be­twixt Prince Lhewelyn and his Son Gruffydh this lat­ter having kept himself in possession of the Cantref of Merionyth, contrary to the Consent and well-liking of his Father. The Prince therefore having now no great matter of moment abroad, was resolved to curb the Insolency of his Son, and therefore sent to him to command his appearance, and to wish him to deliver up the Cantref quietly, lest he should be forced to take it violently out of his Hands. Gruf­fydh was not in the least dismayed at his threat­nings, but being resolved to keep what at present he enjoyed, would neither go to his Father, nor de­liver up the Cantref to him. The Prince being en­raged that he should be so slighted by his Son, made a vehement Protestation, that he would be severely revenged both of him and all his accomplices; and therefore coming to Merionyth with a great Army, was resolved to drive his Son out of the Country. But Gruffydh made all possible preparations to op­pose his Father, and drew up his Forces to give him Battel, but when both Armies were ready to joyn, the Differences betwixt th [...]m was happily composed, and Gruffydh prevailed upon to make his submis­sion to his Father. But the Prince, tho' he forgave his Son his Offence, and received him to favour, would not however, permit him to enjoy Me [...]ionyth and Ardydwy; but taking them away from him, and building a Castle in the latter, returned home. But he had not continued long at his Palace a [...] Aber­ffraw, [Page 247] when another occasion called him abroad; for young Rhys being disappointed of Aberteifi, which in the division of South Wales was allotted to his share, forsook the Prince, and put himself under the prote­ction of Willam Marshal Earl of Pembrock. Prince Lhewelyn hearing this, marched in great haste to Abe­rystwyth, and being desirous to punish Rhys for his de­sertion from his Allegiance due to him, seized to his own use that Castle, together with all the Demain and Lands belonging to it. When Rhys understood what the Prince had done, he presently made his Complaint to the King of England, who coming to Shrewsbury, and sending for Prince Lhewelyn, adjust­ed matters so betwixt them, that the Prince promised to treat with Rhys for Aberteifi, after the same man­ner as he had done with Maelgon for Caermardhyn. And towards the close of the Year, John Bruce, Prince Lhewelyn's Son in Law, obtained leave to for­tifie Senghennyth Castle, which in right to the Prince's grant to Raynald Bruce, belonged to him. But young Rhys did not long survive the Agreement betwixt him and Prince Lhewelyn; for he dyed the following A.D. 1222 Year, and was buried at Ystratflur; after whose death, the Prince divided his Estate betwixt his Bro­ther Owen and his Uncle Maelgon.

William Marshal Earl of Pembrock was now in Ireland, and very busie in prosecuting the War against the King of England's Enemies in that Kingdom; the opportunity of whose absence Prince Lhewelyn taking advantage of, won the Castles of Aberteifi and Caermardhyn, belonging to the Earl; and put­ting both the Garrisons to the Sword, placed in their room a strong Party of his own Men. But when the Earl was informed of what the Prince of Wales had done, he presently left Ireland, and landed at S. Da­vids with a great Army, and having recovered his Castles, he treated the Welch after the same manner, as Prince Lhewelyn had used his Garrisons, and pas­sing forward into the Prince's Country, destroyed all before him as he went along. The Prince under­standing how violently he came forward, sent his [Page 248] Son Gruffydh with a considerable Body of Men to check his Fury; who coming to Cydwely, and re­ceiving intelligence that the Magistrates of that place, had a private design to betray him to the Enemy, he put the whole Town in Flames, and burnt it to the ground, without sparing either Churches, or o­ther Religious Houses. The Earl of Pembrock had passed the River Tywy at Caermardhyn, where Gruf­fydh met him, and gave him battel; but the Victory proved so uncertain, that the Night was forced to part them; and so the English retired over the River. Matthew Paris writes, that the Earl obtained a very signal Victory, and that of the Welch there were Nine Thousand slain and taken; though the Welch Ac­count, which in this case is in all likelihood the best, makes the whole Army of the Welch to consist but of that number. But both Armies having layn for certain Days in that posture, and the River Tywy being betwixt them; Gruffydh, by reason that Provision began to grow scarce in his Camp, return­ed back; and then the Earl decamped, and march­ed to Cilgerran, where he began to build a very strong Castle. But before he could have time to fi­nish it, he received an Express from the King, with orders to come to him; and so he went by Sea to London, leaving his Army at Cilgerran, to continue the Work which he had begun. Shortly after, the King, together with the Archbishop of Canterbury, came to Ludlow, and sending for Prince Lhewelyn thither, they had good hopes to adjust all Differences, and to make an amicable Composition betwixt him and the Earl. But when this could not be effected, both Parties sticking close to their private Interest; the Earl being assisted by the Earl of Derby, and Hen­ry Pyggot Lord of Ewyas, designed to pass by Land to Pembrock; but his purpose being discovered to the Prince, he detached his Son to secure the Pas­sage of Carnwylhion, and came in person to Mabe­dryd; which when the Earl understood, finding it dangerous to prosecute his Design any further, he re­turned to England; and then the Prince marched to [Page 249] North-Wales. The next Action that passed in Wales, A.D. 1227 was somewhat rare, and not redounding much to the Credit and Esteem of the Welch; for Rhys Fychan, having by some sinistrous means or other, taken his Father Rhys Gryc, contrary to all filial Affection and Duty, detained him Prisoner, and would not set him at liberty, till he had delivered up Lhanymdhyfri Ca­stle to him. About the same time, Meredith, Arch­deacon of Cardigan, Prince Rhys's Son, departed this Life, and was honourably interred at S. Davids, by his Father.

But a while after, a great Storm threatned the A.D. 1228 Welch; King Henry having raised a great Army, was resolved to make a violent Prosecution of the Earl of Pembrock's Quarrel, against the Prince of Wales, and if possible, to make all that Country, for ever subject to the Crown of England; and so being advanced into the Marches, he encamped at Ceri. Prince Lhe­welyn on the other hand, being informed of these mighty Preparations in England, and understanding that they were intended against him, did use all the Endeavours possible, to make a vigorous Resistance; and having drawn together all the Forces he was able to levy, thought it his wisest way to meet the English upon the Marches, and not to permit the Enemy to enter his Country. Both Armies being come in sight of each other, frequent Skirmishes happened betwixt 'em; but one day, almost the whole Armies engaged, and after a vigorous Attack of both sides, the English at last got the worst, and were forced to retire, having a great many Men slain and taken Prisoners. Among the lat­ter, was William Bruce, Reynald's Son, who offered for his Ransom all Buelht, together with a considera­ble Sum of Money, which the Prince would not ac­cept of. But King Henry finding that his Army was worsted in this Rencounter, thought it best to make Peace with the Prince of Wales, which being con­cluded, Lhewelyn came to the King, and having paid him all other Respects, besides that of Submission and Allegiance, he returned in great Honour to North-Wales. But this Action is somewhat otherwise laid [Page 250] down by Matthew Paris, who writes, that this Skir­mish betwixt the English and Welch happened upon an other account; for the Garrison of Montgomery issuing out of the Castle, to enlarge a certain Passage leading through a Wood, where the Welch were wont to rob and kill all Passengers; began to fell the Tim­ber, and cut down all the Bushes which lessened the Road, thereby to make the Passage more clear and se­cure. The Welch receiving intelligence of this, came presently upon him in great Numbers, and surprizing the Enemies, being busie at their Labour, forced as many as could escape, to betake themselves for refuge into the Castle, which afterwards, having first cast a deep Trench about it, they smartly invested. H [...]bert de Burgh, Lord Chief Justice of England, and Owner of the Castle, having notice of this, sent presently to King Henry, desiring his speedy help against the Welch, who thereupon came in Person with part of his Army, and raised the Siege. Then, the rest of his Forces be­ing arrived, he marched into the Wood, which was Five Miles in length, and by reason of the thickness of the growth impassable; and for an easie passage through it, caused it to be burnt down. After that, he led his Army farther into the Country, and coming to an Abby called Cridia, which the Welch were wont to take for refuge, he caused it to be burnt down; but finding it a very convenient place for a Fortress, he granted leave to Hubert de Burgh to build a Castle there. But whilst the Work was going on, the Welch-men gauled the English, and skirmished with them frequently, so that many were slain on both sides; but at last William Bruce, with many others that went abroad to fetch Provision, was intercepted by the Welch, and taken Prisoner, and most of his Compa­ny were slain, among whom, one who was knighted a few days before, seeing some of his Fellows in great danger, rushed boldly into the midst of his Enemies, and after a manful defence, bravely lost his Life. Several of King Henry's Men were corrupted by Prince Lhewelyn, and upon that account took no great pains to repulse the Enemy; which when the King perceiv­ed, [Page 251] and finding withal the Provision was grown ve­ry scarce in his Camp, he was forced to conclude a dishonourable Peace with the Welch, consenting to demolish that Castle, which with so great an Expence both of Men and Mony was now almost finished, upon his own Charges, Prince Lhewelyn paying only Three Thousand Pounds towards it. Then both Armies se­parated, Prince Lhewelyn marching to North-Wales, and the King leaving William Bruce Prisoner with the Welch, returned to England having purchased no small Discredit in this Expedition.

William Bruce was brought to Wales, and there had A.D. 1230 an honourable Confinement in the Prince his Palace; but he had not continued there very long, when he began to be suspected of being too familiar with the Princess, King Henry's Sister; and as the report went, was take [...] in the very act of Adultery; for which the Prince caused him to be hanged forthwith. About the same time, Lhewelyn, Maelgon's Son dyed in North-Wales, and was buried at Conwey; and Maelgon, Prince Rhys his Son in South-Wales, and was buried in Ystrat­flur; whose Estate descended to his Son Maelgon. And a little after, William Marshall, Earl of Pem­brock A.D. 1231 dyed, one that ever entertained an inveterate Enmity to the Welch, and upon whose account King Henry had chiefly brought his Army into Wales. He was succeeded both in his Title and Estate by his Bro­ther Richard, who was much more favourably enclin­ed towards the Welch, and never attempted any thing against them. But the King of England was resolved to retrieve the Honour he had lost in the late Expedi­tion against the Welch; and therefore being returned from France, whither he had made a Descent, to re­cover what his Father had lost in that Kingdom, he came to Wales; and having remained some time in the Marches, he returned again to England, leaving his Army under the command of Hubert Burgh, Earl of Kent, to defend the Marches against any in-road which the Welch might attempt. And he had not remained there long, when he received Intelligence, that a Party of Welch had entered the Marches near [Page 252] Montgomery, whom he forthwith pursued, and setting upon them surprizedly, he put a great number of them to the Sword. Prince Lhewylyn hearing this, came in Person with a great Army to the Marches, and fitting before Montgomery Castle, he forced Hubert to withdraw, and then making himself Master of the place, he burnt it to the ground, and put the Garri­son to the Sword; the like Fate attended the Ca­stles of Radnor, Aberhondhy, Rhayadr Gwy, Caerlheon, Neth, and Cydwely; though Caerlheon held out very stubbornly, and the Prince had several of his Men destroyed before the Place. King Henry being in­formed of what miserable Desolation the Prince of Wales so successfully committed upon his Subjects in these Countries, had him presently excommunicated; and then coming to Hereford with a mighty Army, he detached the greatest part of it, with a great number of his Nobility to Wales. These by the direction of a Fryar of Cymer, unexpectedly as they thought, fell upon a Party of Welch; who at the first Encounter seemed to fly, till they had allured the English to pursue them to a place where a greater Party of Welch lay in ambuscade; who rushing of a sudden upon the English, put them in such a confu­sion, that the greatest part of them was cut off. The King being sensible, that this was a treacherous Insi­nuation of the Friar, was resolved to be revenged, by burning the Abby of Cymer; but the Prior, for Three Hundred Marks, prevented it; and so the King returned to England, having effected nothing in this Expedition, besides the building of Mawd Castle. In the mean time, Maelgon Son of Maelgon ap Rhys laid siege to Aberteifi, and having by force got entry into the Town, he put all the Inhabitants to the Sword, then destroyed all before him to the Castle Gates, which were so strongly fortified, that it seemed al­most impracticable to take it in any short time. But Maelgon, being joyned by his Cosin Owen, Gruffydh ap Rhys's Son, was resolved to try the utmost that could be effected; and therefore taking with him some of Prince Lhewelyn's most experienced Officers, [Page 253] [...]e brake down the Bridg upon the River Teifi, and [...]hen investing the Castle more closely, he so batter'd [...]nd undermin'd it, that he became in a little time Master of it.

The Year following, Prince Lhewelyn made a De­ [...]cent A.D. 1232 upon England, and having committed very con­siderable Waste and Destruction upon the Borders, he [...]eturned to North-Wales with a rich Booty both of Men and Cattel. King Henry, to correct the Welch for these grievous Devastations, and to prevent their further Incursions into England, demanded a very great Subsidy of his Subjects to carry on the War against the Welch; which being granted him, he made all possible Preparations for his Expedition to Wales. In the mean time, Randulph Earl of Chester dyed, and was succeeded in that Honour by John his Sisters Son, who was afterwards married to Prince Lhewelyn's Daughter. But the English in Wales be­ing in expectation of King Henry's coming thither, began to repair and fortifie their Castles; and particu­larly, Richard Earl of Cornwal rebuilt Radnor Castle,A.D. 1233 which the Prince had lately destroyed. Prince Lhe­welyn was sufficiently sensible, that the King of Eng­land intended an Invasion, and therefore to be before-hand with him, he came with an Army to Brecknock destroyed all the Towns and Castles throughout the Country, excepting Brecknock Castle, which held out so manfully, that after a Months sitting before it, he was at last constrained to raise the Siege. In his re­turn to North-Wales, he burnt the Town of Clûn, recover [...] all that Country called Dyffryn Tefeidiat, in the possession of John Fitz-Alan, destroyed Red Castle in Powys, and burnt Oswestry. But what happened very fortunately to the Welch; Richard Marshal Earl of Pembroke being faln at variance with King Henry, took part with Prince Lhewelyn; with whom joyned Hubert de Burgh, who had lately made his escape out of the Castle of Devizes, where the King, upon some Articles of Information brought against him, had committed him to Prison. But the Earl of Pembrock, attended by Owen ap Gruffydh ap Rhys, came to S. Da­vids; [Page 254] and being very glad of an opportunity to re­venge himself upon the King, slew every one tha [...] owned any Dependance upon the Crown of England▪ Maelgon and Rhys Gryc, with all the Forces of Prince Lhewelyn, quickly joyned the Earl; who in their march through the Country, took the Castles of Ca [...] ­dyff, Abergevenny, Pencelhy, Blaenlhefyni, and Bwlch y Ddinas, which all, excepting Cardyff, they burnt to the ground. The King receiving intelligence, that the Earl of Pembrock had entered into a Confederacy with the Prince of Wales, and that he was now i [...] open Hostility against his Subjects in that Country, gathered a very formidable Army, consisting, besides English, of Flemings, Normans, and Gascoigns; and coming to Wales, he encamped at Grosmont, where the Earl, with the Welch Army met him. But when the English would have endeavoured to advance fur­ther into the Country, the Welch opposed them, and so a Battel ensued, wherein the English lost Five Hundred Horse, besides a far greater number of their Infantry. The Welch having gained a considerable Victory in this Action, the King was advised to with­draw his Forces, for fear lest that the Welch should a­gain set upon them, and so sustain a greater Loss; which Counsel the King willingly hearkened unto, and so he returned for England. The English being withdrawn, the Earl likewise decamped, and marched to Caermardhyn, which he besieged; but after Three Months in vain Assault, the Garrison most bravely de­fending the place; and the English Fleet having thrown in new Provisions, he thought it most advise­able to raise the Siege. Shortly after, Rhys Gryc, Son to Prince Rhys dyed at Lhandeilo Fawr, and was ho­nourably interr'd by his Father at S. Davids. About the same time, Maelgon Fychan, Maelgon ap Rhys his Son, finished Trefilan Castle, which was begun in his Fathers time.

A.D. 1234 King Henry was not willing to hazard any more Campaigns in Wales, and therefore he appointed John of Monmouth, a great Soldier, and General of the English Forces, Warden of the Marches of Wales, [Page 255] who thinking to get to himself an eternal Name in conquering the Welch, raised all the Power he could; and imagining that the Welch could not be privy to his purpose, he apprehended he could fall upon the Earl-Marshal unexpected. But in this, he was to his sor­ [...]ow, most widely mistaken; for the Earl having re­ceived private intimation of his Design, hid himself [...]n a certain Wood, by which the English were to march; and when they were come so far, the Welch of a sudden gave a great shout, and leaping out of the place they had absconded themselves in, they fell [...]pon the English, being unprovided, and putting their whole Army to flight, they slew an infinite number both of the English and their Auxiliaries. John of Monmouth himself made his escape by flight; but the Earl-Marshal entering his Country, destroyed it with Fire and Sword. And what added to the Misery of the English, Prince Lhewelyn in the Week after Epi­phany, joyning the Earl-Marshal, made an Incursion into the King's Territories, destroying all before them, from the Confines of Wales to Shrewsbury; a great part of which they laid in Ashes. King Henry was all this while with the Bishop of Winchester at Gloce­ster, and for want of sufficient Power or Courage to confront the Enemy, durst not take the Field; of which being at length perfectly ashamed, he remov­ed to Winchester, leaving the Marches naked to the mercy of the Enemy. And now, there being no apprehension of fear from the English, the Earl of Pembrock, by the Counsel of Geoffrey de Marisco, transported his Army into Ireland, thinking to obtain a Conquest in that Kingdom; but in the first Encoun­ter with the Irish, he was unfortunately slain through the Treachery of his own Men: And so his Estate and Title descended to his Brother Gilbert.

But King Henry finding it impracticable to force the Welch to a Submission, and being in a great mea­sure weary of continual Wars and incessant Hostili­ties, thought it his best Prudence to make some ho­nourable Agreement with the Prince of Wales; and therefore he deputed Edmund Archbishop of Canter­bury, [Page 256] the Bishops of Rochester, Coventry and Lichfield, and Chester, to treat with Prince Lhewelyn about a Peace. When the King came to meet with them in their return from this Negotiation, being at Woodstock, he was certified of the death of the Earl of Pembrock which he took so much to heart, that he presently melted into Tears, being afflicted for the death of so great a Person, whom he openly declared had not left his Second in all his Kingdom. Going from thence to Glocester, he met with the Archbishop and Bishops▪ who delivered to him theSee the Appendix. Form of the Treaty of Peace with Prince Lhewelyn, which he would not conclude, unless upon this condition; That all the English Nobility who were confederated with him, and by evil Counsel were exil'd, should be recalled, and restored to the King's Favour. The Archbishop further acquainted his Majesty, with what Difficulty he had brought the matter to this conclusion, being sometimes forced to add Threatnings on the King's behalf, with his Clergy; to which Menaces the Prince is said to have answered, That he bore more regard to the King's Charity and Piety, than he did fear his Arms, or dread his Clergy. But the King, who was very desirous of a Peace, readily consented to what the Prince required; and therefore he issued out his Letters, recalling all the Nobles who were out-law'd, or otherwise exil'd, requiring them to appear at Glo­cester, upon Sunday next before Ascension day, where they should receive their Pardons, and be restored to their Estates, which the King had taken into his own hands.

The Peace being thus concluded betwixt the Eng­lish and Welch, Prince Lhewelyn set his Son Gruffydh at liberty, whom for his disobedient and restless Hu­mour he had detained in close Prison for the space of Six Years. About the same time, Cadwalhon ap Maelgon of Melienydh, departed this Life, who was quickly follow'd by Owen, Gruffydh ap Rhys's Son, a Person of great Worth, and exceedingly beloved, and A.D. 1235 was buried at Ystratflur, by his Brother Rhys. And the Year following dyed Owen ap Meredith ap Rotpert [Page 257] of Cydewen; and not long after him, Madawc, A. D. 1236. the Son of Gruffydh Mayelor, Lord of Bromfield, Chirk and Yale, who was buried at the Abby of Lhan Egwest, or Vale Crucis, which he had built; leaving Issue be­hind him one Son, called Gruffydh, who succeeded in­to the Possession of all these Lordships. A little af­ter Gilbert, Earl of Pembrock, got by Treachery Mar­chen Castle, which belonged to Morgan ap Howel, and fortified the same very strongly, for fear of Prince Lhewelyn. The next Spring Joan, King John's Daugh­ter, and Princess of Wales, departed this Life, and was A.D. 1237 buried, according to her own desire, upon the Sea­shore, at a place called Lhanfaes, in the Isle of An­glesey; where the Prince, in memory of her, after­wards founded a religious House, for the Order of Mendicant-Friars. About the same time also dyed John Scot, Earl of Chester, without any Issue, upon which account the King seized that Earldom into his own hands. Hugh Lupus was the first that enjoyed this Honour, who coming over to England with the Conquerour, was by him created Earl of Chester, and Sword-bearer of England; Habendum & tenendum dictum comitatum Cestriae, sibi & haeredibus suis, ita liberè ad gladium, sicut ipse Rex totam tenebat Angliam ad coronam: To have and to hold the said County of Chester, to him and his Heirs by right of the Sword, so freely and securely as the King held the Realm of England in the right of the Crown. After Five De­scents, Randulph Bohun came to be Earl of Chester, who was Uncle to this John, the last Earl. This Randulph had several Encounters with Prince Lhe­welyn, and was in continual agitation against him; but once more particularly, meeting with the Prince, and being sensible of his Inability to withstand him, he was obliged to retire for Refuge to the Castle of Ruthlan, which the Prince presently besieged. Ran­dulph perceiving himself to be in danger, sent to Ro­ger Lacy, Constable of Chester, requesting him to raise what strength he could possible, and come to succour him in this Extremity. Wherefore Lacy having re­ceived this Express, called to him presently all his [Page 258] Friends, desiring them to make all the Endeavours imaginable to rescue the Earl from that imminent Danger which so severely threatned him: At whose request, Ralph Dutton, his Son in Law, a valorous Youth, assembled together all the Players and Musi­cians, and such as then, being Fair-time, had met to make merry; and presenting them to the Constable, he forthwith marched to Ruthlan, raised the Siege, and delivered the Earl from all his fear. In recom­pence of this Service, the Earl granted the Constable several Freedoms and Priviledges; and to Dutton the ruling and ordering all Players and Musicians within the said Country, to be enjoyed by his Heirs for ever.

A.D. 1238 In the Year 1238. Prince Lhewelyn being discom­posed in Body, called unto him all the Lords and Ba­rons of Wales to Ystratflur, where each of them swore to remain true and faithful Subjects, and did Homage to David, Lhewelyn's Son, whom he had named to succeed him. Matthew Paris writes, that Prince Lhewelyn being impotent by reason of a Palsie, and sore disquieted by his Son Gruffydh, sent Embassadours to the King of England, signifying to him, that for as much as he could not expect to live long, by reason of his Age, he was desirous to lead the remainder of his days in Peace and Tranquility; and therefore now purposed to submit himself to the Government and Protection of the King, and would hold his Lands of him; promising withal, that whenever the King should stand in need of his help, he would serve him both with Men and Money, to the utmost of his power. The Bishops of Hereford and Chester were sent Mediators in this behalf, though some of the Nobility of Wales openly and peremptorily withstood it, and upon no condition whatsoever would accept of such a Peace. But David being declared Succes­sor to the Principality, began to plague his Brother Gruffydh, who though elder, was yet base-born; and took from him Arustly, Ceri, Cyfeilioc, Mowdhwy, Moch­nant, and Careneon; and let him only enjoy the Can­tref of Lhyn. But a little afterwards he dispossessed him of all, and contrary to his Oath to the Bishop [Page 259] of Bangor, in whose protection Gruffydh then remain­ed, took him Prisoner; having upon promise of no Violence, obtained to speak with him, and sent him to Cricieth Castle. But whilst these two Brothers continued to entertain an irreconcilable Odium one to another, their Father, Prince Lewelyn ap Iorwerth, A.D. 1240 to the great Grief and Dissatisfaction of all the Welch, departed this Life, and was very honourably interred in the Abby of Conwey, after he had reigned Six and Fifty Years. He was a Prince of great Courage and Audacity, and had no less Prudence in contriving, than Boldness in executing any martial Adventure; he was a great Support to the Welch, and no less a Plague to the English; he made very considerable Conquests upon the Borders, and extended the Fron­tiers of Wales, much beyond their former Limits. He had Issue by his only Wife Joan, Daughter to King John of England, one Son called David, who after­wards succeeded in the Principality of Wales; and a Daughter named Gladys, who was married to Sir Ralph Mortimer. He had also a base Son, named Gruffydh, whom his Brother David kept a close Prisoner to his dying day.

David ap Lhewelyn.

PRince Lhewelyn ap Iorwerth being deceased, his only legitimate Son David, whom all the Ba­rons of Wales had, as is said, in his Fathers Life­time sworn to obey, legally succeeded in the Go­verment; wherein being actually confirmed, he went to the King of England to Glocester, and there did him HomageSee Ap­pendix. for his Principality. Then all the Barons, both English and Welch who held any Lands in Wales, in like manner did Homage and Fealty for the same. But the English could not long refrain from their wonted Hostilities towards the Welch; and there­upon [Page 260] Gilbert Marshal, taking advantage of this Re­volution, before Matters were throughly settled, brought an Army before the Castle of Aberteifi, which being delivered up to him, he fortified with a strong Garrison. Prince David was as yet too weak to ap­pear in the Field; and indeed the more, by reason that several of his Nobility and others, could not affe­ctionately love him, for that unnatural Spleen he shew'd to his Brother Gruffydh, whom, for no visible reason, he detained in close custody. But above the rest, Richard, Bishop of Bangor, stormed at the Prince, and finding that he violated his Promise, in setting his Brother at liberty, whom, under pretence of an ami­cable Consultation he had fraudulently seized upon in the Bishop's presence, without more ado excommuni­cated him; and then retiring to England, made a ve­ry querimonious relation of the whole matter to the King, desiring him to release Gruffydh out of Prison, before the Rumour of so heinous a Fact should reach the Court of Rome, and so reflect upon his Majesty's Reputation. King Henry thereupon sent to his Ne­phew, Prince David, blaming him highly for such a treacherous Action, and dealing so severely with his Brother; and then earnestly requested him to deliver Gruffydh out of custody, both to save himself from perpetual Defamation, and to deserve an Absolution from the severe Sentence pronounced against him, But David absolutely refused to comply to the King's desire, assuring him, that Wales could never enjoy a peaceable time, as long as his Brother Gruffydh had his liberty.

Gruffydh being acquainted with his Brothers Reso­lution, and thinking that thereby he had unavoidably displeased the King of England, privately sent to King Henry, assuring him, that if by Force he would deli­ver him out of Prison, he would not only hold his Lands for ever from him, but also pay him the yearly Acknowledgment of Three Hundred Marks; offering both to give his corporal Oath, and to deliver up suf­ficient Pledges for the performance of it; and with­all to assist the King with all his Power in bringing in [Page 261] the rest of the Welch to his subjection. Moreover, Gruffydh ap Madawc, Lord of Bromfield, positively as­sured the King, that in case he would lead an Army into Wales, to revenge the Falsity and injurious Pra­ctices of David, he would give him all possible Aid and Assistance. Indeed, King Henry, besides this so­lemn Invitation, had no weak Pretence to come to Wales; for Richard, Bishop of Bangor, a fiery Man, had prosecuted the matter so warmly at Rome, that he obtained of the Pope also to excommunicate David, which Excommunication being denounced against him, his Lands were pretendedly forfeited But the King being chiefly allured with the Promises of the Welch in the behalf of Gruffydh, levied a very formi­dable Army to lead to Wales; strictly commanding by Proclamation, all the English, who owed him any Martial-Service, to repair armed to Glocester, by the beginning of Autumn. This Rendezvouz being ac­cordingly performed, the King came thither in per­son at the time appointed, and having regulated his Troops, and put all Matters in convenient order, he marched to Shrewsbury, where he remained Fifteen Days to refresh his Army. During his stay there seve­ral of the Nobility became Suitors unto him on behalf of Gruffydh, whose Condition they desired he would commiserate; among whom were, Ralph Lord Mor­timer of Wigmore, Walter Clifford, Roger de Monte Alto, Steward of Chester, Maelgon ap Maelgon, Mere­dith ap Rotpert Lord of Cydewen, Gruffydh ap Madawc of Bromfield, Howel and Meredith the Sons of Conan ap Owen Gwynedh, and Gruffydh ap Gwenwynwyn Lord of Powys. These Noblemen prevailed so far with King Henry, that a League was concluded be­tween him and Senena the Wife of Gruffydh. See Ap­pendix. For the performance of these Articles, the aforesaid No­blemen offered to be Securities, and bound themselves by their several Writings. But as if all things had conspired together against Prince David, See Ap­pendix. several Per­sons that had been at continual variance and enmity among themselves to this time, were now, by reason that they equally favoured Gruffydh's Cause, made [Page 662] Friends among one another: Morgan ap Howel Lord of Cery, made his Reconciliation to Sir Ralph Morti­mer, See Ap­pendix. and his Submission to King Henry, in a very so­lemn manner: In the same form several others of the Nobility submitted to the King; as, Owen ap Howel, Maelgon ap Maelgon, Meredith ap Meredith, Howel ap Cadwalhon, and Cadwalhon ap Howel. David finding himself thus relinquished by the greatest part of his Nobility, and particularly by Gruffydh ap Madawc, Lord of Bromfield, whom he chiefly feared, by rea­son of his great Wisdom and Power, and that he was much esteemed by the King of England, could not easily conclude how to carry himself in this perplexi­ty of Affairs. But in fine, considering with himself what a puissant Army King Henry brought against him, and how himself was considerably weakened by the defection of his Subjects, he thought it most ad­viseable to truckle to the King; and therefore with all speed sent him his Submission.

See Ap­pendix.Prince David having given a plenary Submission to the King, desired, that being his Nephew, and the lawful Heir and Successor of his Father Prince Lhe­welyn, he should enjoy the Principality of Wales, ra­ther than Gruffydh, who was illegitimate, and in no wise related to the King; assuring him further, that the War would never be at an end, if he was set at liberty. King Henry knowing well the truth of all this, and withal being assured that Gruffydh was not only valiant himself, but had likewise very powerful Abettors and Promoters of his Cause, was very in­clinable to assent to David's Request, and to pre­vent any farther Troubles, willingly granted it. Therefore David in a while after sent his Brother Gruffydh to the King, together with the Pledges pro­mised for the performance of the Articles lately agreed upon; who were all sent to the Tower of London to be kept in safe custody; Gruffydh being allowed a Noble a day to provide himself with Necessaries. Shortly after, David came himself to London, and after he had done his Homage, and sworn Fealty to the King of England, returned to Wales, being ho­nourably [Page 263] and peaceably dismissed. But as soon as Gruffydh found out King Henry's mind, and that it was the least part of his design to set him at liber­ty, having flatly denyed the Bishop of Bangor his request therein; he began to set his Brains a working, and to devise a means whereby he might make his escape out of the Tower. Whereupon, having one night deceived his Keepers, he let himself down from the top of the Building, by a Line which he had composed out of the Sheets and Hangings of the Room; which being too weak to bear his weight, being a heavy corpulent Person, let him down head­long to the ground; by the greatness of which Fall he was crushed to pieces, and so presently expired. King Henry being informed of this unhappy Acci­dent, severely punished the Officers for their inexcu­sable Carelesness; and ordered that his Son, who was kept Prisoner with him in the Tower, should be more narrowly observed.

After this King Henry fortified the Castle of Dyserth in Flintshire; and for their passed Service, or rather to oblige them to the like after, granted to Gruffydh ap Gwenwynwyn all his Estate in Powys, and to the Sons of Conan ap Owen Gwynedh their Lands in Me­rionyth. And the next Year Maelgon Fychan fortifyed A.D. 1242 the Castle of Garthgrugyn, John de Mynoc the Castle of Buelht, and Roger Mortimer that of Melyenyth. But all these Preparations were not to no purpose; for the following Year early, King Henry came with A.D. 1243 an Army into Wales, and began very unreasonably to molest the Welch, and without any just pretence for­cibly to seize upon their Lands and Estates. Indeed, after the death of Gruffydh, he had a mind no longer to keep his Promise to David, and therefore entitled his eldest Son Edward to the Principality of Wales, whom he thought to oblige the Welch to obey. But Prince David understanding his design, levyed all his Power for the defence of his just Right; yet finding himself unable to withstand the Army of the English, purposed to effect that by Policy which he could not attain by Force. He sent therefore to the Pope, [Page 264] complaining how that King Henry of England com­pelled him unjustly to hold his Lands of him, and that upon no legal pretence he seized the Estates of the Welch at his pleasure; telling him moreover, that Prince Lhewelyn his Father had left him and the Prin­cipality of Wales to the Protection of the See of Rome, to which he was willing to pay the yearly Sum of Five Hundred Marks, obliging himself and his Suc­cessors by Oath, for the due performance of this Pay­ment. The Pope (you may be sure) gladly accep­ted of the Offer, and thereupon gave commission to the two Abbots of Aberconwey and Cymer, to absolve David from his Oath of Allegiance to the King of England, and having enquired into the whole Estate of the Quarrel, to transmit an account of it to him. The Abbots,See Ap­pend [...]x. according to their Commission, directed a very positive Mandat to the King of England. King Henry admiring the strange Presumption and Confidence of these Abbots, or more the unsatiable Avarice and Greediness of the Pope, sent also to Rome; and with a greater Sum of Money, easily ad­justed all matters; his Holyness being very desirous to make the best advantage of both Parties.

But Prince David finding that the Pope minded his own Gain, more than to justifie his Complaints a­gainst the King of England, thought it to no pur­pose to rely upon his Faith, but judged it more ad­visable to vindicate himself by force of Arms. Ha­ving therefore gathered his Forces together, (being now reconciled to, and followed by all the Nobility of Wales, excepting Gruffydh ap Gwenwynwyn and Morgan ap Howel, who also shortly after submitted to him) he drew up his Army to the Marches, intend­ing to be revenged upon the Earls of Clare and He­reford, John de Monmouth, Roger de Monte Alto, and others, who injured and oppressed his People; with whom he fought divers times, and with various suc­cess. A.D. 1245 But in the Lent-time next Year, the Marchers and the Welch met near Montgomery, between whom was fought a very severe Battel; the Governour of that Castle being General of the English, and having [Page 265] [...]unningly placed an Ambuscade of Men, pretended, [...]fter some short Engagement, to flee, whom the Welch daringly pursued, not thinking of any Trea­ [...]hery. Bat as soon as they were past the Ambushment, [...]p rises an unexpected Party of Men, who falling up­ [...]n the backs of the Welch, put them to a very great [...]isorder, and killed about Three Hundred Men, not without a considerable Loss of their own side, a­ [...]ong whom was slain a valiant Knight called Hu­ [...]ert Fitz-Matthew. But King Henry being weary of [...]hese perpetual Skirmishes and daily Clashings be­ [...]ween the English and Welch, thought to put an [...]nd to the whole with one stroak; and therefore [...]aised a very great Army of English and Gascoignes, [...]nd entered into North-Wales, purposing to waste [...]nd destroy the Country. But before he could ad­ [...]ance very far, Prince David intercepted him in a arrow Pass, and so violently set upon him, that a [...]reat number of his Nobility and bravest Soldiers, [...]nd in a manner all the Gascoignes were slain. The King finding he could effect nothing against the Welch, invited over the Irish, who landing in Angle­ [...]ey, began to pillage and waste the Country; but the [...]nhabitants gathering themselves together in a Body, [...]uickly forced them to their Ships; after which, King Henry having victualled and manned all his Ca­stles, returned dissatisfied to England.

But concerning this Expedition to Wales, and the continuance of the English Army therein, a certain Person in the Camp,Mat. Par. wrote to this effect to his Friends [...]n England: The King with his Army is encamped at Gannock, and is busie in fortifying that place, suf­ficiently strong already, about which we lay in our Tents, in watching, fasting, praying, and freezing. We watch for fear of the Welch, who were used to come suddenly upon us in the night-time: We fast for want of Provision, the Half-penny Loaf be­ing now risen and advanced to Five Pence: We pray that we may speedily return safe and Scot-free home: And we freez for want of Winter-Garments, having but a thin Linnen Shirt to keep us from the [Page 266] Wind. There is a small Arm of the Sea under the Castle where we lye, which the Tide reached, by the Conveniency of which, many Ships bring [...] Provision and Victuals from Ireland and Chester This Arm lies betwixt us and Snowden, where th [...] Welch are encamped, and is in breadth, when th [...] Tide is in, about a Bow-shot. Now it happened, that upon the Monday before Michaelmas-day, an [...] Irish Vessel came up to the Mouth of the Haven with Provision to be sold to our Camp, which be­ing negligently lookt to by the Mariners, was upon low ebb stranded on the other side of the Castle, near the Welch. The Enemy perceiving this, de­scended from the Mountains, and laid siege to the Ship, which was fast upon the dry Sands; where­upon, we detached in Boats Three Hundred Welch of the Borders of Cheshire and Shropshire, with some Archers and armed Men, to rescue the Ship; But the Welch, upon the approach of our Men, withdrew themselves to their usual Retirements i [...] the Rocks and Woods, and were pursued for about two Miles by our Men afoot, who slew a great number of them. But in their return back, our Soldiers being too covetous and greedy of Plunder, among other sacrilegious and profane Actions, spoiled the Abbey of Aberconwey, and burnt all the Books and other choice Utensils belonging to it. The Welch being distracted at these irreligious Pra­ctices, got together in great number, and in a de­sperate manner setting upon the English, killing a great number of them, and following the rest to the Water-side, forced as many as could not make their escape into the Boats, to commit themselves to the mercy of the Waves. Those they took Pri­soners they thought to reserve for exchange; but hearing how we put some of their captive Nobi­lity to death, they altered their minds, and in a revengeful manner scattered their dilacerated Car­casses along the surface of the Water. In this Conflict, we lost a considerable number of our Men, and chiefly those under the Command of [Page 267] Richard Earl of Cornwal; as Sir Alan Buscell, Sir Adam de Maio, Sir Geoffry Estuemy, and one Rai­mend a Gascoign, with about a Hundred common Soldiers. In the mean time Sir Walter Bisset stout­ly defended the Ship till Midnight, when the Tide returned; whereupon the Welch, who assailed us of all sides, were forced to withdraw, being much concerned that we had so happily escaped their hands. The Cargo of this Ship, were Three Hun­dred Hogsheads of Wine, with a plenty of other Provision for the Army, which at that time it stood in very great need of. But the next Morning, when the Sea was returned, the Welch came mer­rily down again to the Ship, thinking to surprize our Men; but as Luck would have it, they had at full Sea the Night before relinquished the Ship, and returned safe to the Camp. The Enemy missing of our Men, set upon the Cargo of the Ship, carryed away all the Wine and other Provisions; and then when the Sea began to slow, they put Fire to the Vessel, and returned to the rest of the Army. And thus we lay incamped in great Misery and Di­stress for want of Necessaries, exposed to great and frequent Dangers, and in great fear of the private Assaults and sudden Incursions of our Enemies. Oftentimes we set upon and assailed the Welch, and in one Conflict we carried away a Hundred Head of Cattel, which very triumphantly we convey­ed to our Camp. For the scarcity of Provision was then so great, that there remained but one Hogshead of Wine in the whole Army; a Bushel of Corn being sold for Twenty Shillings; a fed Ox for Three or Four Marks; and a Hen for Eight Pence; so that there happened a very lamentable Mortality both of Man and Horse, for want of necessary Sustenance of Life.

The English Army having undergone such Mise­ries as are here described, and King Henry, as is [...]aid, perceiving it was in vain for him to continue [...]ny longer in Wales, where he was sure to gain no great Credit, he returned with his Army into England, [Page 268] being not very desirous to make another Expediti [...] into Wales. Then all the Nobility and Barons Wales, and those that had favoured and maintain [...] Gruffydh's Cause, were made Friends and recor [...] led to Prince David, to whom they vowed true a [...] perpetual Allegiance. But the Prince did not lo [...] survive this Amity and Agreement between him a [...] his Subjects; for falling sick toward the beginning [...] A.D. 1246 this Year, he dyed in March, at his Palace in A [...] and was buryed at Conwey, leaving no Issue to su [...] ceed. The only thing unpardonable in this Princ [...] was his over Jealousie and Severity against his B [...] ther Gruffydh, a Person so well-beloved of the Welc [...] that upon his account their Affection was much co [...] ed, and in some entirely alienated from their Princ [...] Indeed thus much may be said for David, that Gru [...] fydh was a valorous and an aspiring Man, and if s [...] at liberty, would bid fair to eject him out of [...] Principality; which King Henry of England too (wh [...] thought he might bring over David, a milder Ma [...] to what Terms he pleased) was sensible of, when [...] would by no persuasion dismiss him from custody i [...] the Tower of London. But this occasioned all th [...] Disturbances that happened in his time, the Wel [...] themselves, for the Love they bore to Gruffydh, inviting the King of England to come to invade thei [...] Country, and to correct the unnatural Enmity thei [...] Prince expressed to his Brother. But when all Differences were over, the King of England returned with his Army shamefully back, and the Prince an [...] his Nobility reconciled; the Welch might have expe­cted a very happy time of it, had not Death taken the Prince so unnaturally away, before he had well known what a peaceful Reign was.

Lhewelyn ap Gruffydh.

[...]Rince David being dead, the Principality of [...] North Wales legally descended to Sir Ralph Mor­ [...]er, in Right of his Wife Gladys, Daughter to [...]welyn ap Iorwerth. But the Welch Nobility be­ [...] assembled together for the electing and nomina­ [...]g a Successour, thought it by no means advisa­ [...] to admit a Stranger to the Crown, though his [...]de was never so lawful; and especially an Eng­ [...]man, by whose Obligations to the Crown of Eng­ [...]d, they must of necessity expect to become Sub­ [...]s, or rather Slaves to the English Government. [...]herefore they unanimously agreed to set up Lhe­ [...]yn and Owen Goch, the Sons of Gruffydh, a base [...] of Lhewelyn ap Iorwerth, and Brother to Prince [...]vid; who being sent for, and appearing before the [...]sembly, all the Nobles and Barons, then present, [...] them Homage, and received them for their So­ [...]eigns. But as soon as the King of England un­ [...]rstood of the death of the Prince of Wales; he [...]ought, the Country being in an unsettled and wa­ [...]ring condition, he might effect great matters there; [...]d therefore he sent one Nicholas de Miles to South- [...]ales, with the Title of Justice of that Country, [...]th whom he joyned in Commission Meredith ap [...]ys Gryc, and Meredith ap Owen ap Gruffydh; [...] eject and disinherit Maelgon Fychan of all his [...]ands and Estate in South-Wales. The like injurious [...]ractices were committed against Howel ap Meredith, [...]ho was forcibly robb'd of all his Estate in Glamor­ [...]n by the Earl of Clare. These unreasonable Ex­ [...]tions being insupportable; Maelgon and Howel made [...]own their Grievances to the Princes of North-Wales, [...]esiring their Succour and Assistance for the recovery [...]f their lawful Inheritance from the Incroachments [Page 270] of the English. But the King of England und [...] standing their Design, led his Army into Wales; [...] on whose arrival, the Welch withdrew themsel [...] to Snowden-Hills, where they so tired the Engl [...] Army, that the King finding he could do no go [...] after some stay there returned back to England. Wi [...] in a while after, Ralph Mortimer, the Husband Gladys Dhu dyed; leaving his whole Estate, and w [...] it, a lawful Title to the Principality of North-Wa [...] to his Son Sir Roger Mortimer.

A.D. 1247 The next Year nothing memorable passed betwe [...] the English and the Welch, M. Paris, p. 739. only the dismal Effects the last Years Expedition, were not worn off; [...] ground being uncapable of Cultivation, and the C [...] tel being in great measure destroyed by the Engl [...] occasioned great Poverty and Want in the Count [...] But the greatest Calamity befel the Bishops; S. As [...] and Bangor being destroyed and burnt by the Englis [...] the Bishops thereof were reduced to that utmost E [...] tremity, as to get their Subsistence by other Me [...] Charity; the Bishop also of S. Davids deceased, a [...] he of Landaff had the Misfortune to fall blind. [...] the Bishoprick of S. Davids succeeded Thomas, s [...] named Wallensis, by reason that he was born in Wal [...] who thinking himself obliged to benefit his own Co [...] try what lay in his power, desired to be advance from the Archdeaconry of Lincoln to that Sea; whic [...] the King easily granted, and confirmed him in [...] A.D. 1248 The next Summer proved somewhat more favourabl [...] to the Welch; Rhys Fychan Son to Rhys Mechyl, wo [...] from the English the Castle of Carrec Cynnen, which his unkind Mother, out of Malice, or some ill Opinion entertained of him, had some time afore privately delivered up to them. And about the sa [...] time the Body of Gruffydh ap Lhewelyn base Son [...] Lhewelyn ap Iorwerth, was recovered from the King o [...] England, by the earnest sollicitations of the Abbo [...] of Conwey and Ystratflur; who conveying it to Conwey, bestowed upon it a very pompous and honoura­ble Enterment.

After this, the Affairs of the Welch proceeded A.D. 1255 [...]aceably for a long while, and the Country had suf­ [...]ient opportunity to recover its former plenty; but [...] last, to make good the Proverb, that Plenty begets [...]ar; they began, for want of a foreign Enemy, to [...]arrel and fall out among themselves. Owen was too [...]gh and ambitious to be satisfied with half the Prin­pality, and therefore must needs have a fling at the [...]hole; wherein Fortune so far deceived him, that he [...]st his own Stake, as will afterwards appear. But [...]e better to encompass his Design, by sly Insinua­ [...]ons he persuaded David his younger Brother to se­ [...]nd his Cause; and they with joynt Interest levied [...]eir Power, with intention to dethrone their elder [...]other Lhewelyn. But that was no easie matter; [...] Lhewelyn was prepared to receive them, and with puissant Army met them in the Field, and so was [...]olved to venture all upon the fortune of a Battel. [...] was strange and grievous to behold this unnatural [...]ivil War; and the more grievous now, by reason [...]at it so manifestly weakened the strength of the Welch, to withstand the Incursions of the English, [...]ho were extremely pleased with so fair an opportu­ [...]ty to fall upon them. But they were too far en­ [...]ged, to consider of future Inconveniencies; and a [...]yal of War they must have, though the English [...]ere ready to fall upon both Armies. The Battel [...]eing joyned, the day proved bloody of both sides, [...]nd whether was like to conquer was not presently discovered; till at length, Owen began to give [...]round, and in fine was overthrown, himself and his [...]rother David being taken Prisoners. Lhewelyn, [...]ough he had sufficient reason, would not put his [...]rothers to death; but committing them into close Prison, seized all their Estates into his own hands, [...]nd so enjoyed the whole Principality of Wales.

The English seeing the Welch at this rate oppress [...]nd destroy one another, thought they had full li­berty to deal with them as they pleased; and there­ [...]pon began to exercise all manner of Wrong and In­ [...]ustice against them; insomuch that the next Year, all A.D. 1256 [Page 272] the Lords of Wales came in a body to Prince Lhe­welyn, and declared their Grievances, how unmerci­fully Prince Edward (whom his Father had sent to Wales) and others of the Nobility of England deale with them, how without any colour of Justice they seized upon their Estates, without any room for Ap­peal; whereas if themselves offended in the least, they were punished to the utmost extremity. In fine, they solemnly declared, that they preferred to dye ho­nourably in the Field, before to be so unmercifully en­slaved to the Will and Pleasure of Strangers. Prince Lhewelyn was not a Stranger to all this; and now having happily discovered the Bent and Inclination of his Subjects, was resolved to prosecute, if possible, the Expulsion of the English, and to be revenged up­on them for their most cruel, and almost inhuman Practices towards the Welch. Having therefore drawn all his Power together, being accompany'd by Mere­dith ap Rhys Gryc, in the space of one Week he re­covered out of the hands of the English all the inland Country of North-Wales, and then all Merionyth with such Lands as Prince Edward had usurped in Cardigan, which he bestowed upon Meredith the Son of Owen ap Gruffydh. Having also forced Rhys Fy­chan out of Buelht, he conferr'd it upon Meredith ap Rhys; and in like manner bestowed all the Lands which he recovered, between his Nobles; reserving nothing to his own use, besides Gwerthryneon, the A.D. 1257 Estate of Sir Roger Mortimer. The next Summer, he entered into Powys, and made War against Gruf­fydh ap Gwenwynwyn, who always had taken part with, and owned Subjection to the King of England, which he totally overcame, excepting the Castle of Poole, some small part of Caerneon, and the Country lying upon the bank of the Severn.

But Rhys Fychan was not satisfied with the loss of Buelht, and therefore was resolved to try ro recover it; to which end, he went to the King of England, of whom he obtained a very strong Army, com­manded by one Stephen Bacon, which being sent by Sea, landed at Caermardhyn in the Whitsun-Week. [Page 273] From thence the English marched to Dynefawr, and laid Siege to the Castle, which valiantly held out, until Lhewelyn's Army came to its Relief. Upon the arrival of the Welch, the English decamped from before the Castle, and put themselves in posture of Battel, which the Welch perceiving, they made all haste to answer and oppose them. Whereupon there ensued a very terrible Engagement which lasted a very long while; this being for number of Men the great­est Battel that had been fought between the English and the Welch. But the Victory favoured the Welch, the English-men being at length forced to fly, having lost above Two Thousand Men, besides several Ba­rons and Knights who were taken Prisoners. After this the Prince's Army passed to Dyfed, where having burnt all the Country, and destroyed the Castles of Abercorran, Lhanstephan, Maenclochoc and Arberth, with all the Towns thereunto belonging, returned to North-Wales with much Spoil. But as soon as he was arrived, great Complaints were exhibited to Prince Lhewelyn against Jeffrey Langley Lieutenant to Edward Earl of Chester, who without any regard to Equity and Conscience, most wrongfully oppressed the Inhabitants of Wales under his Jurisdiction. Where­upon the Prince to punish the Master for the Servant's Fault, entred with some part of his Army into the Earl's Estate, burnt and destroyed all his Country on both sides the River Dee, to the Gates of Chester. Edward had no power at present to oppose him, but being resolved to be revenged upon the Welch with the first opportunity, he desired Aid of his Uncle, then chose King of the Romans, who sent him a strong Detachment, with which he purposed to give Prince Lhewelyn Battel. But finding him too strong, he thought it more advisable to desist from Hostility, the Prince's Army consisting of Ten Thousand experien­ced Men, who were obliged by Oath, rather all to die in the Field, than suffer the English to gain any Advantage over the Welch. But Gruffydh ap Madoc Maelor, Lord of Dinas Brân, a Person of notorious Reputation for Injustice and Oppression, basely for­sook [Page 274] the Welch his Country-men, and with all his Forces went over to the Earl of Chester.

A.D. 1258 The next Year Prince Lhewelyn passed to South-Wales, and seized into his Hands the Land of Cemaes, and having reconciled the Difference betwixt Rhys Gryg and Rhys Fychan, he won the Castle of Trefdraeth, with the whole Country of Rhos, excepting Haver­ford. Thence he marched in an hostile manner to­ward Glamorgan, and rased to the ground the Ca­stle of Lhangymwch, and then returning to North-Wales, he met by the way with Edward Earl of Chester, whom he forced precipitously to return back. But before he would put an end to this Expedition, he must needs be revenged upon that ungrateful fugi­tive Gruffydh ap Madoc Maelor, and thereupon pas­sing thro' Bromfield, he miserably laid waste the whole Country. Upon this the Kings of England and Scot­land sent to Lhewelyn, requiring him to cease from Ho­stility, and after that unmerciful manner to devour, and forcibly to take away other Mens Estates. The Prince was not over sollicitous to hearken to their Request, but finding the time of the year very sea­sonable for Action against the English, he divided his Army into two Battles, each of these consisting of 1500 Foot and 500 Horse, with which he purposed to enlarge his Conquest. Edward Earl of Chester, to prevent the Blow which so desperately hung over his Head, sent over for Succors from Ireland, of whose coming Prince Lhewelyn being certified, manned out a Fleet to intercept them, which meeting with the Irish at Sea, after a sharp Dispute, forced them to return back with loss. King Henry being acquaint­ed with the miscarriage of the Irish, resolved to come in Person against the Welch, and having drawn together the whole Strength of England, even from St. Michael's Mount in Cornwal to the River Tweed, marched with his Son Edward in a great Rage to North-Wales, and without any opposition advanced as far as Teganwy. But the Prince had stopped his farther Progress, and prevented any long stay he could make in Wales, having before hand caused all [Page 275] manner of Provision and Forrage to be carried over the River, and then securing the strait and narrow Passages whereby the English might get on farther into the Country, the Army was in a short time so mor­tally fatigued, that the King for want of necessary Subsistance was forced to retire in haste to England with considerable loss.

The Prince after that sending for all the Forces in South-Wales, came to the Marches, where Gruffydh Lord of Bromfield finding that the King of England was not able to defend his Estate yielded himself up, and then passing to Powys, he banished Gruffydh ap Gwenwynwyn, and took all the Lands in the Country into his Hands. Proceeding farther, he was encoun­tred with by Gilbert de Clare Earl of Glocester, who with a choice Party of English gave him Battel. But Lhewelyn's Army exceeding both in Number and Courage, easily vanquished and overcame the English, and so the Victory being quickly obtained, the Prince presently reduced to his Power all the Castles be­longing to the Earl of Glocester. King Henry hearing of the Earl's overthrow, was much concerned at the loss of so many brave Souldiers, in whose Valor and Experience he always put a very great Confidence, and therefore to revenge their Deaths, he was again resolved to march against the Welch. Having called his Forces together, and received Supply from Gascoign and Ireland, he came to Wales, but not daring to venture far into the Country, for fear of being forced to make another shameful retreat, he only destroyed the Corn near the Borders, it being Harvest time, and so returned to England. But Lord James Audley, whose Daughter was married to Gruffydh Lord of Bromfield, did more mischief and hurt to the Welch, who having brought over a great Number of Horse­men from Germany to serve against the Welch, so ter­rified them with the unusual largeness of the Horses, and the unaccustomed manner of sighting, that in the first Encounter the Welch were easily overcome. Bu [...] minding to revenge this Disgrace, and withal be­ing better acquainted with their method of Arms, [Page 276] the Welch in a little after made in-roads into the Lord Audley's Lands, where the Germans presently set upon them, and pursued them to certain straits, which the Welch discovered for a politick retreat. The Germans thinking they had entirely drove the Welch away, returned carelesly back, but being set upon of the sudden, without any thought of an Ene­my behind, they were all in a manner slain by the rallying Welch. This year a very great scarcity of Beefs and Horses happened in England, whereof seve­ral Thousands yearly were supplied out of Wales, by reason of which, the Marches were perfectly robbed of all their Breed, and not so much as a Beast to be seen in all the Borders.

A.D. 1259 The next Spring all the Nobility of Wales conve­ned together and took their mutual Oaths to defend their Country to Death, against the oppressing Inva­sions of the English, and not to relinquish and for­sake one another upon pain of Perjury; tho' not­withstanding, Meredith ap Rhys of South-Wales vio­lated this Agreement, and put himself in the Service of the King of England. King Henry was ready to fall upon the Welch, to which purpose he summoned a Parliament, wherein he proposed to raise a Subsidy towards the Conquest of Wales▪ being not able of himself to bear the Expences of this War, by reason of several Losses he had already received, the Coun­try of Pembroke being lately destroyed and taken by the Welch, where they found plenty of Salt, which before they were in great necessity of. But William de Valentia accusing the Earls of Leicester and Glo­cester as the Authors of all this Mischief, quite broke all their measures, so the King was forced to pro­rogue the Parliament for a time without any grant of a Subsidy. But within a while after, it sat at Oxford, where King Henry and Edward his Son took a Solemn Oath to observe the Laws and Sta­tutes of the Realm, and the same being tendred to Guy and William the King's Brothers, and to Henry Son to the King of Almain, and to Earl Warren, they refused to take it and so departed. In this Par­liament [Page 277] the Lords of Wales fairly proffered to be try­ed by the Laws for any Offence they had unjustly commirted against the King, which was mainly op­posed by Edward, who caused one Patrick de Canton (to whom the Lordship of Cydwely was given, in case he could win and keep the same) to be sent to Caer­mardhyn as Lieutenant for the King, with whom Me­redith ap Rhys was joyned in Commission. Being ar­rived at Caermardhyn, Patrick sent to the Prince, to desire him to appoint Commissioners to treat with him concerning a Peace, which he consented to, and without any suspicion of treachery, sent Meredith ap Owen, and Rhys ap Rhys to Emlyn, if possible, to con­clude the same. But Patrick meaning no such thing, laid an ambuscade for the Welch, who coming honest­ly forward, were by the way villanously set upon by the English, and a great many slain; but those that happily escaped, calling up the Country, present­ly gave chase to Patrick and his Accomplices, who being at length overtaken▪ were almost all put to the Sword. But Prince Lhewelyn was now altoge­ther bent upon a Peace, and did not only desire it, but was willing to purchase it for a summ of Money, to which purpose he offered to give the King 4000 Marks, to his Son 300▪ and 200 to the Queen, which the King utterly refused, replying. That it was not a sufficient recompence for all the Damages he had suf­fered by the Welch. Matthew of Westminster re­porteth, that about Michaelmas this year, the Bishop of Bangor was commissioned by the Prince and No­bility of Wales to treat with the King of England a­bout a Peace, and to offer him 16000 Pound for the same, upon these Conditions, that according to their antient Custom, the Welch should have all Causes try­ed and determined at Chester, and that they should freely enjoy the Laws and Customs of their own Coun­try; but what was the result of this Treaty, my Au­thor does not mention.

There being no hopes of a Peace, Prince Lhewelyn A.D. 1260 early next year appeared in the Field, and passed to South-Wales, and first fell foul upon Sir R [...]ger Mor­timer, [Page 278] who contrary to his Oath, maintained the King of England's Quarrel. Having forcibly dispossessed him of all Buelht, and without any opposition taken the Castle, where was found a plentiful Magazine, he marched thro' all South-Wales, confirming his Con­quest, and afterwards returned to his Palace at Aber, A.D. 1261 betwixt Bangor and Conwey. The year following, A.D. 1262 Owen ap Meredith Lord of Cydewen died. But the next Summer was somewhat more noted for Action, a party of Prince Lhewelyn's Men took by surprise the Castle of Melienyth belonging to Sir Roger Mor­timer▪ and having put the rest of the Garrison to the Sword, they took Howel ap Meyric the Governour with his Wife and Children Prisoners; and after that, the Castle was demolished by the Prince's Order. Sir Roger Mortimer hearing of this, with a great Body of Lords and Knights came to Melienyth, where Prince Lhewelyn met him, bur Sir Roger not daring to hazard a Battel, planted himself within the Ruins, and finding he could do no good, desired leave of the Prince to retire peaceably. The Prince upon the ac­count of Relation and near Consanguinity betwixt them, and withal because he would not be so mean spirited as to fall upon an Enemy, who had no power to resist him, let him safely depart with his Forces, and then passing on himself to Brecknock at the request of the People of that Country, who swore Fidelity unto him; so passed on and returned to No [...]th-Wales. And now being Confederate with the Barons against King Henry, he was resolved to practise something in the prejudice of the English, and so set upon the Earldom of Chester, destroyed the Castles of Tygann [...]y and Diserth belonging to Edward, who coming thi­ther, was yet not able to prevent the Mischief done A.D. 1263 to him by the Welch. The next year John Strange Junior, Constable of Montgomery with a great Num­ber of Marchers, came a little before Easter by night, thro' Ceri to Cydewen, intending to surprise the Castle, which when the People of the Country understood, they gathered together, and setting upon them, slew 200 of his Men, but Strange with a few got safely back.

Within a while after, the Marchers and the Welch met again near a place called Clun, where a hot En­gagement happened between them, in which the Welch were worsted, and had a great Number of their Men slain. After this, nothing remarkable fell out for a considerable time, unless it were, that David being released out of Prison by Prince Lhewelyn his Brother, most ungratefully forsook him, and with all his might, sided with his Enemies the English; also Gruffydh ap Gwenwynwyn having taken the Castle of Mold, demolished it to the ground. During this quiet and unactive interval in Wales, Meredith ap Owen, the main Support and Defender of South-Wales died, to the great disadvantage of the Affairs of that Coun­try. And now indeed, the Welch were like to be A.D. 1268 made sensible of the Loss of so considerable a Person, for King Henry was resolved once more to lead an Army into Wales, and to see if he could have better Success than he had hitherto against the Welch. But when he was prepared to undertake this Expedition, Ottobonus Pope Clement's Legate in England, interposed and mediated a Peace, which was concluded upon at the Castle of Montgomery, wherein it was articled, that Prince Lhewelyn should give the King 30000 Marks, and the King was to grant the Prince a Char­ter, from thenceforth to receive Homage and Fealty of all the Nobility and Barons of Wales, besides one, so that they could hold their Lands of no other but himself, and from thence forward he was to be law­fully stiled Prince of Wales. This Charter being ra­tified and confirmed as well by the Authority of the Pope, as the King's Seal; Prince Lhewelyn desisted from any farther Acts of Hostility, and punctually observed all the Articles of Agreement betwixt him and King Henry, so that nothing more was out­ragiously transacted between the English and Welch, during the remainder of this King's reign. Within that space, died Grono ap Ednyfed Fychan, one of the Chief Lords of the Prince's Council, and shortly after him, Gruffydh Lord of Bromfield, who lies buried at Vale-Crucis.

A.D. 1272 But the Death of King Henry put an end to the ob­servations of the Peace betwixt the English and Welch▪ who dying on the 16th. day of November this year, left this Kingdom to his Son Edward. Prince Edward was then in the Holy-Land, and very active against those Enemies of Christianity, the Turks, where he had already continued above a year; but understanding of his Father's Death, and that in his absence he was proclaimed King of England, he made all haste to return to receive the Solemnity of Coro­nation. But what by the tediousness of the Journey, and what by being honourably detained at Princes Courts in his way, it was two years before he could get into England, then upon the 15th. of August, and in the year 1274. he was Crowned at Westminster. Prince Lhewelyn was summoned to attend at his Co­ronation, but he flatly refused to appear, unless upon sure Terms of safe Conduct▪ for having offended se­veral of the English Nobility, he could not in safety pass thro' their Country without the danger of ex­posing his Person to the inveterate Malice and accep­table Revenge of some of them. And th [...]refore with­out the King's Brother, the Earl of Glocester, and Robert Burnell Lord Chief Justice of England, were de­livered up as Pledges for his safe Conduct, he would not come up to do his Homage and Fealty at his Co­ronation, according to the Writ directed to him. And indeed, seeing King Edward had broke the Peace lately concluded upon before the Pope's Legate, and did receive, and honourably entertain such Noble­men of Wales as for their disloyalty were banished by Prince Lhewelyn, by whom he feared some trea­chery; there was no reason that the Prince should pay him any subjection, but by the breach of Peace was exempted from all Homage. However, Prince Lhewelyn to shew that it was not out of any stubborness or disrespect to the King of England, that he refused to come, sent up his Reasons by the Abbots of Ystratflur and Conwey to Robert Kilwarby Archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the Bishops then sitting [Page 281] [...]n Convocation in the New-Temple at London, which were to this effect.

To the most Reverend Fathers in God Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, and Metropolitan of all England, the Arch­bishop of York, and the rest of the Bishops in Convocation;
Lhewelyn Prince of Wales and Lord of Snowden,
sendeth Greeting.

WE would have your Lordships to understand, that whereas formerly most terrible and incessant Wars were continually managed betwixt Henry King of England and our self; the same were at last composed, and all matters of Differences were adjusted by the means of his Excellency Cardinal Ottobonus the Pope's Legate, who having drawn the Articles and Conditions of the Peace agre [...]d upon, they were signed and swore to, not only by the K [...]ng, but also the Prince his Son, now King of England. Among these Articles were comprehended, that we and our Successors should hold of the King and his Successor the Principality of Wales, so that all the Welch Lords, one Baron excepted, should hold their Baronies and Estates in Capite of us, and should pay their Homage and Fealty for the same to us; we in like manner doing Homage to the King of England and his Successors. And besides, that the King and his Successors should never offer to receive and entertain any of our Enemies, nor any such of our own Subjects as were lawfully banished and excluded our Dominions of Wales, nor by any means defend and up­hold such against us. Contrary to which Articles, King Edward has forcibly seized upon the Estates of certain Barons of Wales, of which they and their Ancestors have been immemorably possessed of, and detains a Barony, which by the form of Peace should have been delivered to us; and moreover, has hitherto entertained David [Page 282] ap Gruffydh our Brother, and Gruffydh ap Gwen­wynwyn, with several others of our Enemies who are Out-laws and Fugitives of our Country. And tho' we have often exhibited our Grievances and Complaints a­gainst them, for destroying and pillaging our Country, yet we could never obtain of the King any relief or redress for the several Wrongs and Injuries we re­ceived at their hands; but on the contrary they still persist to commit wastes and other outrages in our Do­minions. And for all this, he summons us to do him Homage at a place which is altogether dangerous to our Person, where our inveterate Enemies, and which is worse, our own unnatural Subjects, bear the greatest sway and respect w th the King. And tho' we have alledged several Reasons to the King and his Council, why the place by him assigned, is n [...]t safe and indif­ferent for us to come, and desire him to appoint ano­ther, whereto we might with more safety resort, or else that he would send Commissioners to receive our Oath and Homage, till he could more opportunely receive them in Person; yet he would not assent to our just and reasonable Request, nor be satisfied with the Rea­sons we exhibited for our non-appearance. Therefore we desire your Lordships earnestly to weigh the dismal effects that will happen to the Subjects both of England and Wales upon the breach of the Articles of Peace, and that you would be pleased to inform the King of the sad Consequence of another War, which can no way be prevented, but by using us according to the Condi­tions of the former Peace, which for our part, we will in no measure transgress. But if the King will not hearken to your Counsel, we hope that you will h [...]ld us excused, if the Nation be disquieted and troubled there­upon, which as much as in us lieth we endeavour to prevent.

King Edward would admit of no Excuse, no [...] hearken to any manner of Reason in the case, but was unmercifully enraged, and conceived an unpar­donable displeasure against Prince Lhewelyn, which yet he thought convenient to conceal and dissemble [Page 283] for a time. Indeed, he could never abide Lhewelyn, [...]nce the time that he was vanquished and put to [...]ight by him at the Marches, so that the chief Cause [...]f King Edward's anger, originally proceeded from [...] point of Honor, which this refusal of Homage [...]rved sufficiently to increase. But to prosecute his Revenge, which upon this score is in Princes very [...]erce and unforgetful, in a short time he came to [...]hester, meaning to recover by force what he could [...]ot obtain by fair means. From hence he sent to [...]e Prince of Wales, requiring him to come over and [...] him Homage, which Lhewelyn either absolutely re­ [...]sing, or willingly detracting to do, King Edward [...]ade ready his Army to force him to it. But there A.D. 1277 [...]ppened an Accident which took off a great part of [...]rince Lhewelyn's stubborness; for at this time the [...]ountess of Leicester the Widow of Simon Montfort [...]ho lived at Montargis a Nunnery in France, sent over [...] Wales her Daughter, the Lady Eleanor (whom [...]hewelyn extreamly loved) with her Brother Aeme­ [...]ke, to be married to the Prince, according to the A­ [...]reement made in her Father, Earl Montfort's time. [...]ut Aemerike fearing to touch upon the Coast of [...]ngland, steered his course towards the Islands of [...]cilly, where by the way they were all taken by four [...]ristol Ships, and brought to King Edward, who re­ [...]eived the Lady very honourably, but committed her [...]other Prisoner to the Castle of Coff, whence he was [...]fterward removed to the Castle of Shirburne. The [...]ing having obtained this unexpected Advantage over [...]hewelyn, began boldly to fall upon him, and so di­ [...]ding his Army into two Battalions, led one himself [...]to North-Wales, and advanced as far as Ruthlan, where he strongly fortified the Castle. The other he ommitted to Paganus de Camurtiis, a great Souldier, [...]ho entring into West-Wales, burned and destroyed [...] great part of the Country. But the People of South-Wales, fearing that his next Expedition was levelled [...]gainst them voluntarily submitted themselves to the [...]ing, and did him Homage, and then delivered up­ [...] [...]he Castle of Ystratywy to Paganus.

Prince Lhewelyn hearing of this, and finding his own Subjects to forsake him, but more especially be­ing desirous to recover his espouse the Lady Eleanor, thought it likewise advisable to submit, and therefore sued to King Edward for a Peace, who granted it, but upon very severe Conditions upon Lhewelyns side. The Agreement consisted of ten Articles, which were, 1. That the Prince should set at liberty all manner of Prisoners, that upon the King's Account were de­tained in Custody. 2. That for the King's favour and good will, he should pay 50000 Marks▪ to be re­ceived at the King's pleasure. 3. That these four Cantreds or Hundreds, viz. Cantref Ros where the King's Castle of Teganwy stands; Ryfonioc, where Denbigh; Tegengl, where Ruthlan; Dyffryn Clwyd, where Rhuthyn stands, should remain in the King's hands. 4. That the Lords Marchers should quietly enjoy all the Lands they had conquered within Wales, excepting in the Isle of Anglesey, which was wholly granted to the Prince. 5. That in consideration of this Island, the Prince should pay 5000 Marks in hand, with the reserve of a 1000 Marks yearly to be­gin at Michaelmas; and in case the Prince died with­out Issue, the whole Island should return to the King. 6. That the Prince should come every year to England to pay his Homage to the King for all his Lands. 7. That all the Barons of Wales, excepting five in Snowden, should hold their Lands and Estates of the King, and no other. 8. That the Title of Prince should remain only for his Life, and not descend to his Successors, and after his Death, the five Lords of Snowden should hold their Lands only from the King. 9. That for the performance of these Articles, the Prince should deliver up for Hostages ten Persons of the best Quality in the Country, without imprison­ing, disinheriting, and any time of redemption de­termined. And farther, that the King should chuse Twenty Persons within North-Wales, who besides the Prince, should take their Oaths for the due perfor­mance of these Articles, and in case the Prince should swerve and recede from them, and upon admonition [Page 285] [...]hereof not repent, they should forsake him, and be­ [...]ome his Enemies. 10. The Prince was obliged to [...]uffer his Brethren quietly to enjoy their Lands in Wales, whereof David for his Service was dubbed Knight by the King, and had the Earl of Derby's Widow given him in Matrimony, and with her as [...] Portion, the Castle of Denbigh in North-Wales, be­ [...]ides a 1000 Pounds in Lands. His other Brother Roderic was lately escaped out of Prison into England, [...]nd the younger called Owen, was upon his Compo­sition delivered out of Prison.

King Edward having imposed these severe and un­merciful Conditions upon Prince Lhewelyn, and for a better security for the performance of them, built a Castle at Aberystwyth, returned very honourably into England; upon whose arrival, the People wil­lingly granted him a Subsidy of the Twentieth part of their Estates towards his Charges in this War. But it seems very probable that Prince Lhewelyn submitted to these intolerable Conditions, more up­on the account of his Amours, and to regain the Lady Eleanora out of the King of England's hand, than that he was apprehensive of any considerable Danger he might receive by the English Troops. For it is hardly conceivable, that a Prince of such notorious Conduct and Valour, would so easily ac­cept of such hard Terms, and in a measure deliver up his Principality, when there was no necessity so to do, without resisting an Enemy, whom he had frequently overcome, and forced to retire back with greater inequality than the English had at present over him. But the force of [...]ove worked Won­ders, and in this case▪ proved mo [...]t irresistible, which to obtain, Lhewelyn did not think hard to forfeit his proper Right to his inveterate Enemies, and for ever to exclude his Posterity from succeed­ing in their lawful Inheritance. The next year A.D. 1273 therefore, he had his Wish accomplished, and was married to Eleanora at Worcester, the King and Queen, with all the Nobility and Persons of Quality in England, honouring the Wedding with their p [...]e­sence.

But this specious Amity, and the Peace la [...] concluded betwixt them did not last long, the E [...] glish Governours in the Marches and in-land Co [...] tries of Wales, presuming upon the Prince's submi [...] sion to the King, grievously oppressed the Inhab [...] tants of the Country, with new and unheard of [...] actions, and with intolerable partiality openly e [...] couraged the English to defraud and oppress t [...] Welch. These insupportable practices moved t [...] Welch to go in a Body to David Lord of Denbig [...] to endeavour a reconciliation between him and [...] Brother the Prince, that they both being at Unity might easily deliver themselves and their Cou [...] try from the unmerciful Tyranny of the English David was not ignorant of the miseries of his Cou [...] try-men,A.D. 1281 and therefore gladly submitted to be reco [...] ciled to his Brother, with promise never to side agai [...] with the King of England, but to become his [...]Enemy. This happy Union being thus effected David was chose General of the Army, with which he presently marched to Hawarden, and surprizing the Castle, slew all that opposed him, and took Roge [...] Clifford Prisoner, who had been sent by King Edward Justitiar into those parts. From thence, being joyned by the Prince, he passed to Ruthlan, and laid Siege to the Castle; but upon notice given that the King was marching to raise the Siege, he thought conve­nient to withdraw, and to retire back. At the same time, Rhys ap Maelgon and Gruffydh ap Meredith ap Owen, with other Lords of South-Wales, took from the English the Castle of Aberystwyth, with divers others in that Country, and spoiled all the People thereabouts, who owned subjection to the Crown of England. In the mean while, John Peckham Arch­bishop of Canterbury, perceiving how matters were like to proceed between the King and the Prince, and how the Kingdom was effectually involved in a War, of his own proper motion came to Prince Lhewelyn, to endeavour a re-submission from him and his Bro­ther David to King Edward, and so to put a stop to any farther Hostilities.

But he sent before-hand to the Prince and Peo­ple of Wales, intimating to them, That for the Love he bore to the Welch Nation, he under­took this Arbitration, without the knowledg, and contrary to the King's liking; and therefore ear­nestly desired, that they would submit to a Peace with the English, which himself would endeavour to bring to pass. And because he could make no long continuance in those Parts, he wished them to consider, how that if he should be forced to depart before any thing was brought to a con­clusion, they could hardly find another who would so heartily espouse their Cause; and farther threat­ned, that in case they contemned and derided his Endeavours, he would not only instigate the Eng­lish Army, now greatly strengthned and increased, to fall upon them, but also signifie their Stubborn­ness to the Court and Bishop of Rome, who e­steemed and honoured England, beyond any other Kingdom in the World. Moreover, he much la­mented to hear of the excessive Cruelty of the Welch, even beyond that of the Saracens and other Infidels, who never refused to permit Slaves and Captives to be ransomed; which the Welch were so far from practising, that even some time they slew those for whose Redemption they received Money. And whereas they were wont to esteem and reverence holy and ecclesiastical Persons, they are now so far degenerated from Devotion and Sanctity, that nothing is more acceptable to them than War and Sedition, which they had now great need to forsake and repent of. Lastly, he proposed, that they would signifie to him, where­in, and what Laws and Constitutions of theirs was violated by the English, and by what means a firm and a lasting Peace might be esta­blished; which, if they rejected, they must ex­pect to incur the Decree and Censure of the Church, as well as endure the violent In-roads and Depredations of a powerful Army. To these, partly Admonitions, and partly Threatnings of the [Page 288] Archbishop, Prince Lhewelyn returned an Answer; That he humbly thanked his Grace for the Pains and Trouble he undertook in his and his Subjects behalf; and more particularly, because he would venture to come to Wales, contrary to the plea­sure and good liking of the King. And as for concluding a Peace with him, he would not have his Grace be ignorant, that with all readiness he was willing to submit to it, upon condition that the King would duly and sincerely observe the same. And though he would be glad of his lon­ger A.D. 1201 continuance in Wales, yet he hoped that no Obstructions would happen of his side, why a Peace (which of all things he most desired) might not be forthwith concluded, and rather by his Graces procuring than any others; so that there would be no farther need of acquainting the Pope with his Obstinacy, nor moving the King of Eng­land to use any Force against him. And though the Kingdom of England be under the immediate Protection of the See of Rome, yet, when his Ho­liness comes to understand of the great and unsuf­ferable Wrongs done to him by the English; how the Articles of Peace were broken, Churches and all other religious Houses in Wales were burn­ed down and destroyed, and religious Persons un­christianly murthered, he hoped he would rather pity and lament his Condition, than with addition of Punishment increase and augment his Sorrow. Neither shall the Kingdom of England be any wise disquieted and molested by his means, in case the Peace be religiously observed towards him and his Subjects. But who they are, that delight them­selves with War and Bloodshed, manifestly ap­pears by their Actions and Behaviour; the We [...]ch being glad to live quietly upon their own, if they might be permitted by the English, who coming to the Country, utterly destroy whatever comes in their way, without regard either to Sex, Age, or religious places. But he was extreme sorry that any one should be slain, having paid his R [...]; the [Page 289] Author of which unworthy Action he did not pretend to maintain, but would inflict upon him his condign Punishment, in case he could be got out of the Woods and Desarts, where as an Outlaw, [...]he lives undiscovered. But as to com­mencing a War in a Season inconvenient, he pro­tested he knew nothing of that till now; yet those that did so, do solemnly attest that to be the only measure they had to save themselves, and that they had no other security for their Lives and Fortunes, than to keep themselves in Arms. Concerning his Sins and Trespasses against God, with the assistance of his Grace, he would endea­vour to repent of; neither should the War be willingly continued by him, in case he might save himself harmless; but before he would be unjustly dispossessed of his legal Propriety, he thought it but reasonable, by all possible measures to defend himself. And he was very willing, upon due Exa­mination of the Trespasses committed, to make Satisfaction and Retribution of all Wrongs com­mitted by him and his Subjects; so that the Eng­lish would observe the same of their side; and like­wise was ready to conclude a Peace, which he thought was impossible to be established, as long as the English had no regard to Articles, and still oppress his People with new and unwarrantable Exactions. Therefore seeing his Subjects were un­christianly abused by the King's Officers, and all his Country most tyrannically harassed, he saw no reason why the English, upon any fault of his side, should threaten to bring a formidable Army to his Country, nor the Church pretend to censure him; seeing also, he was very willing upon the afore­said Conditions, to submit to a Peace. And lastly, he desired his Grace, that he would not give the more credit to his Enemies, because they were near his Person, and could deliver their Complaints frequently, and by word of mouth; for they who made no conscience of oppressing, would not in all probability, stick to defame, and make false Ac­cusations; [Page 290] and therefore his Grace would make a better Estimation of the whole matter, by examin­ing their Actions, rather than believing their Words.

Prince Lhewelyn having to this purpose replyed in general to the Archbishops Articles, presented him with a Copy of the several Grievances, which him­self and others of his Subjects had wrongfully and unjustly received at the hands of the English. And these, though somewhat tedious, are thought neces­sary to be particularly inserted in the Appendix, by reason that they demonstrably vindicate the Welch Nation, from the unreasonable Aspersions which the English of these times cast upon it. For, the breach of Peace, and the occasion of those dismal Disturban­ces in the Kingdom, are, by the English Writers of those times, wholly attributed to the restless and rebellious Humour and unconstant Temper of the Welch▪ Whereas, had they looked at home, they might have found the Original of all these Troubles, to have proceeded from the intolerable Extortions and insupportable Oppressions of their own Nation. For whoever considers these unmerciful Grievances, and the manifold Wrongs the Welch endured, it can­not in reason be expected, but that they would endea­vour to vindicate themselves, and repel Force by Force. For, had the English the liberty of dispossessing them wrongfully of their proper Inheritance and Estates, and it was not lawful for the Welch to endeavour the defending and keeping their own? And must they be reckoned disobedient, and Promoters of Se­dition, upon the account that they would not be trampled under, and enslaved by the English? These Measures were too hard and intolerable, and scarce allowable in an Infidel Nation; to oppress, (and what in them lay) eradicate a People, for no other reason, than because they were weaker and more helpless than themselves; and then, what is worse, to accuse them of being Authors of Sedition, be­cause they would not suffer themselves to be peace­ably enslaved, but endeavoured to vindicate their Right by main Force. But it is highly probable, [Page 291] that King Edward had no inclination to observe, what Articles of Agreement soever were concluded upon; and therefore encouraged his Deputies in the Marches and inland Country of Wales, in all their Oppressions and sinistrous Dealings towards the Welch. This was the best Method, and the most expedient Means to reduce the Country of Wales to subjection to the Crown of England, which the King had long ago intentionally effected: And to accuse the Welch of not observing the Conditions of Peace, was a specious Pretence to bring that a­ctually to pass, and to lead an Army into the Coun­try. But whaever the English might pretend, 'tis evi­dent the Welch had the greater occasion to complain,See the Appendix. as appears from the Grievances committed as well against the Prince himself, as others of his Subjects.

The Archbishop having read over these Grievances, and finding the Welch to be upon good reason guilt­less of that severe Character, which by the malici­ous Insinuations of the English, he had conceived of them, went to King Edward; requesting him to take into consideration the unjust Wrongs and Inju­ries done to the Welch; which if he would not re­dress, at least he might excuse them from any breach of Obedience to him, seeing they had so just a rea­son for what they did. The King replyed, That he willingly forgave them, and would make reasonable Satisfaction for any Wrong done; so that they had free access to declare their Greivances before him; and then might safely depart, in case it would ap­pear just and lawful they should. The Archbishop upon this thought he had obtained his purpose, and therefore, without any stay, posted it to Snowden, where the Prince and his Brother David resided; and having acquainted them with the King's mind, ear­nestly desired that they, and the rest of the Nobility of Wales, would submit themselves, and by him be introduced to the King's presence. Prince Lhewelyn, after some times Conference and Debate, declared that he was ready to submit to the King, with the reserve only of two particulars; namely, his Consci­ence, [Page 292] whereby he was obliged to regard the Safety and Liberties of his People; and then the decency of his own State and Quality. But the King under­standing by the Archbishop, how that the Prince stood upon Terms, positively refused to consent to any more Treaty of Peace, than that he should sim­ply submit, without any farther Conditions. The Archbishop had experience enough, that the Welch would never agree to such Proposals; and therefore desired of his Majesty, that he would give him leave, with the rest of the English Nobility present, to confer and conclude upon the matter; which be­ing granted, they unanimously resolved upon the fol­lowing Articles, and sent them to the Prince by John Wallensis, Bishop of S. Davids.

  • I. The King will have no Treaty of the four Can­treds, and other Lands which he has bestow­ed upon his Nobles; nor of the Isle of Ang­lesey.
  • II. In case the Tenants of the four Cantreds sub­mit themselves, the King purposeth to deal kindly and honourably with them; which we are sufficiently satisfied of, and will, what in us lyes, endeavour to further.
  • III. We will do the like touching Prince Lhewelyn, concerning whom we can return no other An­swer, than that he must barely submit him­self to the King, without hopes of any other Conditions.

These were the publick Articles agreed upon by the English Nobility, and sent to Prince Lhewelyn; besides which, they sent some private Measures of Agreement, relating both to him and his Brother Da­vid; promising, that in case he would submit, and put the King in quiet possession of Snowden, his Ma­jesty would bestow an English County upon him, with the yearly Revenue of a Thousand Pound Ster­ling. And moreover, his Daughter should be pro­vided for, suitable to her Birth and Quality, and all [Page 293] his Subjects according to their Estate and Condi­tion; and in case he should have Male Issue by a second Wife, the aforesaid County and a Thousand Pound should remain to his Posterity for ever. As for David the Prince's Brother, if he would consent to go to the Holy Land, upon condition not to re­turn but upon the King's Pleasure, all things should be honourably prepared for his Journey with respect to his Quality; and his Child maintain'd and pro­vided for by the King. To these the Archbishop added his Threats; That in case they did not com­ply, and submit themselves to the King's Mercy, there were very severe and imminent Dangers hang­ing over their Heads; a formidable Army was ready to make an inroad into their Country, which would not only gaul and oppress them, but in all proba­bility totally eradicate the whole Nation: Besides which, they were to expect the severest Censure and Punishment of the Church.

But all this could not force so unlimited a Sub­mission from the Prince, but that he would stick up­on some certain Conditions; and therefore by Let­ter he acquainted the Archbishop, That he was with all willingness desirous to submit himself to the King; but withal, that he could not do it but in such a manner as was safe and honest for him. And because the Form of Submission contained in the Articles sent to him, were by himself and his Council thought pernicious and illegal for him to consent to as tending rather to the Destruction, than the Security of himself and his Subjects, he could in no wise agree to it; and in case himself should be willing, the rest of his Nobility and People would never admit of it, as knowing for certain the Mis­chief and Inconveniency that would ensue thereby. Therefore he desired his Lordship, that for a Con­firmation of an honest and a durable Peace, which he had all this while earnestly laboured for, he would manage Matters circumspectly, and with due regard to the following Articles. For it was much more honourable for the King, and far more [Page 294] consonant to Reason, that he should hold his Lands in the Country where he was born and dwelt in, than that by dispossessing of him, his Estate should be bestowed upon Strangers. With this was sent the general Answer of the Welch to the Archbishop's Articles, viz.

1. Though the King would not consent to treat of the four Cantreds, nor of the Isle of Anglesey; yet unless these be comprehended in the Treaty, the Prince's Council will not conclude a Peace; by rea­son that these Cantreds have ever, since the time of Camber the Son of Brutus, properly and legally be­longed to the Princes of Wales; besides the Confir­mation which the present Prince obtained by the Consent of the King and his Father, at the Treaty before Cardinal Ottobonus the Pope's Legate, whose Letters Patents do still appear. And more, the Ju­stice of the thing it self is plainly evident, that it is more reasonable for our Heirs to hold the said Can­treds for Money, and other Services due to the King, than that Strangers enjoy the same, who will forci­bly abuse and oppress the People.

2. All the Tenants of the Cantreds of Wales do unanimously declare, that they dare not submit them­selves to the King's Pleasure; by reason that he ne­ver from the beginning took care to observe either Covenant, Oath, or any other Grant to the Prince and his People; and because his Subjects have no re­gard to Religion, but most cruelly and unchristianly tyranize over Churches and religious Persons; and then, for that we do not understand our selves any way obliged thereunto, seeing we be the Princes Tenants, who is willing to pay the King all usual and accustomed Services.

3. As to what is required, that the Prince should simply commit himself to the King's Will, we all de­clare, that for the aforesaid Reasons, none of us dare come, neither will we permit our Prince to come to him upon those Conditions.

[Page 295]4. That some of the English Nobility will endea­vour to procure a provision of a Thousand Pounds a Year in England; we would let them know, that we can accept of no such Pension; because it is procured for no other end, than that the Prince being disinherited, themselves may obtain his Lands in Wales.

5. The Prince cannot in honesty resign his pater­nal Inheritance, which has for many Ages been en­joyed by his Predecessours, and accept of other Lands among the English, of whose Customs and Language he is ignorant; and upon that score, may at length be fraudulently deprived of all, by his malicious and inveterate Enemies.

6. Seeing the King intends to deprive him of his antient Inheritance in Wales, where the Land is more barren and untilled; it is not very probable that he will bestow upon him, a more fruitful and an a [...]able Estate in England.

7. As to the Clause, that the Prince should give the King a perpetual Possession of Snowden; we only affirm, that seeing Snowden essentially belongs to the Principality of Wales, which the Prince and his Pre­decessors have enjoyed since Brute, the Prince's Coun­cil will not permit him to renounce it, and accept another Estate in England, to which he has not equal Right.

8. The People of Snowden declare, That though the Prince should give the King possession of it, they would never own, and pay Submission to Strangers; for in so doing, they would bring upon themselves the same Misery, that the People of the Four Can­treds have for a long time groaned under; being most rudely handled and unjustly oppressed by the King's Officers; as wofully appears by their several Grievances.

9. As for David, the Prince's Brother, we see no reason, why against his Will he should be compell'd to take a Journey to the Holy-Land; which if he happens to undertake hereafter upon the account of Religion, it is no cause that his Issue should be disin­herited, but rather encouraged.

Now seeing neither the Prince nor any of his Sub­jects upon any account whatsoever, have moved and begun this War, but only defended themselves, their Properties, Laws, and Liberties, from the Encroach­ments of other Persons; and since the English, for either Malice or Covetousness to obtain our Estates, have unjustly occasioned all these Troubles and Broils in the Kingdom, we are assured that our Defence is just and lawful, and therein depend upon the Aid and Assistance of Heaven; which will be most cruel­ly revenged upon our sacrilegious and inhumane Ene­mies, who have left no manner of Enormities, in relation to God and Man, uncommitted. Therefore your Grace would more justly threaten your Eccle­siastical Censures, against the Authors and Abettors of such unparallell'd Villanies, than the innocent Suf­ferers. And besides, we much admire, that you should advise us to part with our own Estates, and to live among our Enemies; as if, when we cannot peaceably enjoy what is our own unquestionable Right, we might expect to have quiet possession of another Mans: And though, as you say, it be hard to live in War and perpetual Danger; yet much harder it is, to be utterly destroyed and reduced to nothing; especially, when we seek but the Defence of our own Liberties from the insatiable Ambition of our Enemies. And seeing your Grace has pro­mised to fulminate Sentence against all them that ei­ther for Malice or Profit would hinder and obstruct the Peace; it is evident who in this respect are Trans­gressors and Delinquents; the fear and apprehension of Imprisonment and Ejection out of our Estates, the sense of Oppression and tyrannical Government, have­ing compell'd us to take up Arms for the security of our Lives and Fortunes. Therefore as the English are not disposessed of their Estates, for their Offences against the King, so we are willing to be punished, or make other Satisfaction for our Crimes, without being disinherited; and as to the breach of the Peace, 'tis notorious that they were the Authors, who ne­ver regarded either Promise or Covenant, never [Page 297] made Amends for Trespasses, nor Remedy for our Complaints.

When the Archbishop saw there was no likelihood of a Mediation, and that a Peace was impossible to be concluded as long as the Welch stuck upon Con­ditions; he presently relinquished his pretended Af­fection towards them, and denounced a Sentence of Excommunication against the Prince and all his Ad­herents. It was a subject of no little wonder, that a Person of so reputed a Sanctity, who esteemed the several Grievances done to the Welch to be intoler­able, should now condemn them for refusal of unli­mited Submission to the King of England; whereas he had already owned it to be unreasonable. But this ecclesiastical Censure was only a Prologue to a more melancholy Scene; King Edward immediately upon it, sending an Army by Sea to Anglesey, with­out any great Opposition, conquered the Island, and without any Mercy, put all that withstood him to the Sword. From thence designing to pass over to the Continent, he caused a Bridg of Boats covered with Planks to be built over the Menay (being an Arm of the Sea which parteth the Isle from the main Land) at a place called Moel y don, not far from Bangor, where the Water is narrowest. The Bridg being fi­nished, which was so broad as that Threescore Men might pass in a breast, William Latimer, with a strong Party of the best experienced Soldiers, and Sir Lucas Thany, Commander of the Gascoigns and Spaniards, whereof a great number served the King, passed o­ver, but could discover no sign, or any the least inti­mation of an Enemy. But as soon as the Tide be­gan to appear, and the Sea had overflown beside the Bridg, down come the Welch fiercely out of the Mountains, and setting upon the disheartned English, killed or drowned their whole number, excepting La­timer, who by the swimming of his Horse got safe to the Bridg In this Action, several worthy Soldiers of the English side were lost; among whom were Sir Lu­cas Thany, Robert Clifford, Sir Walter Lyndsey, two Brothers of Robert Burnel Bishop of Bath, with many [Page 298] others; in all to the number of Thirteen Knights, Se­venteen young Gentlemen, and Two Hundred com­mon Soldiers. A little after, or as some say afore, an­other Engagement passed between the English and the Welch, wherein the former lost Fourteen Colours, the Lords Audley and Clifford the younger being slain, and the King himself forced to retreat for safety to the Ca­stle of Hope.

And while these things passed in North-Wales, the Earl of Glocester and Sir Edmund Mortimer acted vi­gorously with their Forces in South-Wales; and fight­ing the Welch at Lhandeilo Fawr, overthrew them, with the loss of no considerable Person, saving Wil­liam de Valence the King's Cosin-German, and Four Knights besides. Prince Lhewelyn was all this while in Cardigan, a wasting and destroying all the Coun­try, and principally the Lands of Rhys ap Meredith, who very unnaturally held with the King of England in all these Wars. But being at length tired with Action, with a few Men privately separated himself from his Army, and came to Buelht, thinking to ease and respit himself there undiscovered. But coming to the River Wye, he met with Edmund Mortimer and John Gifford, with a considerable Party of the People of that Country, which Mortimer was Lord of. But neither Party venturing to assail the other, Prince Lhewelyn with one only Servant retired to a private Grove in a neighbouring Valley, there to consult with certain Lords of the Country, who had appointed to meet him. In the mean time Mortimer descends from the Hill, with intention to fall upon Lhewelyn's Men; which they perceiving, betook themselves to the Bridg called Pont Orewyn, and manfully defended the Pas­sage he was to cross. Mortimer could effect nothing against them, till he had gained the Bridg, the River being unpassable; and to force them to quit it, seem­ed altogether impracticable. But at last, the River was discovered to be fordable a little below, and so Helias Walwyn was detached with a Party through the River, who unexpectedly falling upon the backs of the Defendants, easily forced them to leave the [Page 299] Bridg, and save themselves by flight. Prince Lhe­welyn all this while in vain expected the Lords of Buelht, and in fine continued to wait so long, till Mortimer having passed over the Bridg, surrounded the Wood he was in with armed Men. The Prince perceiving himself to be betrayed, thought to make his escape to his Men; but the English so closely pur­sued him, that before he could come in, one Adam Francton, not knowing who he was, run him through with his Sword, being unarmed. The Welch still ex­pected the arrival of their Prince, and though but a few in number, so gallantly maintained their ground, that in spight of the far greater number of the English, they were at length with much ado put to flight. The Battel being over, Francton returned to plunder his dead; but perceiving him to be the Prince of Wales, he thought himself to have obtained a suffi­cient Prize, and thereupon presently chopt off his Head, and sent it to King Edward at Conwey, who very joyfully caused it to be placed upon the highest Pinacle of the Tower of London. And thus fell this worthy Prince, the greatest, though the last of the Bri­tish Blood, betrayed most basely by the Lords of Buelht, and being dead, most unworthily dealt with by the King of England; who contrary to all Presi­dents, treated a lawful Prince like a Traytor, and ex­posed his crowned Head to the Derision of the Mul­titude.

Not long after, David the Prince's Brother was delivered up by the Welch themselves, and in a Par­liament for that purpose assembled at Shrewsbury, was condemned to dye; his Head to be sent to accompa­ny his Brothers upon the Tower of London, and his four Quarters to the four Cities of Bristol, North­hampton, York, and Winchester. Then the King for the easier keeping the Welch in due subjection, built Two strong Castles in North Wales; the one at Con­wey and the other at Caernarvon▪ There was none that now stood out besides Rhys Fychan of Ystratywy; and he, finding David was gone, and himself like to do nothing to purpose, fairly yielded himself up to [Page 300] the Earl of Hereford, who by the King's Orders committed him Prisoner to the Tower of London; and so all the Country of Wales became ever since subject to the Crown of England.

The PRINCES of WALES of English-Blood.

PRince Lhewelyn and his Brother David being so basely taken off, and leaving no body to lay any specious Claim to the Principality of Wales; King Edward by a Statute made at Ruthlan, incorporated and annexed it to the Crown of England; Anno 12. Edw. I. consti­tuting several new and wholsom Laws; as concern­ing the Division of Wales into several Counties, the Form and Manner of Writs, and Proceedings in Try­als, with many others not very unlike the Laws and Constitutions of the English Nation. But all this could never win the Affection of the Welch toward him; who by no means would own him as their Sovereign, unless he would condescend and agree to live and reign among them. They had not forgot the cruel Oppressions and intolerable Insolencies o [...] English Officers; and therefore they flatly told him, they would never yield Obedience to any other, than a Prince of their own Nation, of their own Language, and whose Life and Conversation was spotless and unblameable, King Edward perceiving the Welch to be resolute and inflexible, and absolutely bent against any other Prince, than one of their own Country, happily thought of this politick, though dangerous Expedient. Queen Eleanor was now quick with Child, and ready to be delivered; and though the Season was very severe, it being the depth of Win­ter, the King sent for her from England, and remov'd her to Caernarvon Castle, the place design'd for her to [Page 301] [...]ve in. When the time of her Delivery was come, [...]ng Edward called to him all the Barons and chief [...]ersons throughout all Wales to Ruthlan, there to [...]onsult about the publick Good and Safety of their [...]ountry. And being informed that his Queen was [...]elivered of a Son, he told the Welch Nobility, that [...]hereas they had oftentimes intreated him to appoint [...]em a Prince, he having at this time occasion to de­ [...]art out of the Country, would comply with their [...]equest, upon condition they would allow of, and [...]ey him whom he should name. The Welch readi­ [...] agreed to the motion, only with the same Reserve, [...]hat he should appoint them a Prince of their own Nation. King Edward assured them, he would name [...]ch an one as was born in Wales, could speak no [...]nglish, and whose Life and Conversation no body [...]ould stain; whom the Welch agreeing to own and [...]bey, he named his own Son Edward, but little before [...]om in Caernarvon Castle.

King Edward having by these means deluded the Welch, and reduced the whole Country of Wales to [...]is own Devotion, began to reward his Followers with other Mens Proprieties, and bestowed whole Lordships and Towns in the midst of the Country [...]pon English Lords, among whom Henry Lacy Earl of Lineoln obtained the Lordship of Denbigh; Reginald Grey, second Son to John Lord Grey of Wilton, the Lordship of Ruthyn. This Henry Lacy was Son to Edmund Lacy, the Son of John Lacy, Lord of Halton Pomfret, and Constable of Chester, who married Mar­garet the eldest Daughter, and one of the Heirs of Robert Quincy Earl of Lincoln. This Henry Lacy Lord of Denbigh married the Daughter and sole Heir of William Longspear Earl of Salusbury, by whom he had Issue two Sons, Edmund and John, who both dyed young, one by a Fall into a very deep Well within the Castle of Denbigh; and a Daughter named Alicia, who was married to Thomas Plantagenet Earl of Lan­caster, who in right of his Wife was Earl of Lincoln and Sarum, Lord of Denbigh, Halton Pomfret, and Constable of Chester, After his Death, King Edward II. [Page 302] bestowed the said Lordship of Denbigh upon Hug [...] Lord Spencer Earl of Winchester, upon whose deceas [...] King Edward III. gave it, together with many othe [...] Lordships in the Marches, to Roger Mortimer Earl [...] March, in performance of a Promise he had made whilst he remained with his Mother in France, tha [...] as soon as he should come to the possession of th [...] Crown of England, he would bestow upon the sai [...] Earl of March, to the value of a Thousand Poun [...] yearly, in Lands. But within few Years after, M [...] timer being attainted of High Treason, King Edwa [...] bestowed the said Lordship of Denbigh upon Montague Earl of Salusbury; but it was quickly restore [...] again to the Mortimers, in which House it continued till the whole Estate of the Earls of March, ca [...] with a Daughter to the House of York, and so to the Crown, Richard Duke of York Grand-Father to Edward the Fourth, having married the sole Daughter and Heir of the House of the Mortimers. And so [...] continued in the Crown to Queen Elizabeths time, who in the Sixth Year of her Reign, bestowed the said Lordship upon her great Favourite Robert Ear [...] of Leicester, who was then created Baron of Denbigh. After him it returned again to the Crown, where [...] has continued to this present Year 1696. when his present Majesty granted a Patent under the great Sea [...] to William Earl of Portland, for the Lordships of Denbigh, Bromfield, and Yale. Some of the Welch Representatives, perceiving how far such a Grant encroached upon the Properties and Priviledges of the Subject, disclosed their Grievances to the Ho­nourable House of Commons, who after some con­sideration, resolved (nemine contradicente) that a Pe­tition should be presented to his Majesty by the Body of the whole House, to request him to recall his Grant to the said Earl of Portland; which was ac­cordingly done in the manner following:

May it please Your Most Excellent Majesty,

WE Your Majesty's most Dutiful and Loyal Sub­jects, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in Parliament Assembled; Humbly lay before Your Majesty. That whereas there is a Grant passing to William Earl of Portland, and his Heirs, of the Manners of Denbigh, Bromfield, and Yale, and di­vers other Lands in the Principality of Wales; to­gether with several Estates of Inheritance, enjoyed by many of Your Majesty's Subjects by Virtue of Antient Grants from the Crown:

That the said Mannors, with the large and exten­sive Royalties, Powers, and Jurisdictions to the same belonging, are of great Concern to Your Majesty and the Crown of this Realm: And that the same have been usually Annex'd to the Principality of Wales, and Settled on the Princes of Wales for their Support: And that a great number of Your Majesty's Subjects, in those Parts, hold their Estates by Royal Tenure, under great and valuable Compositions, Rents, Royal-Pay­ments, and Services to the Crown and Princes of Wales; and have by such Tenure great Dependance on Your Ma­jesty and the Crown of England; and have enjoyed great Privileges and Advantages with their Estates, under such Tenure.

We therefore most humbly beseech Your Majesty, to put a stop to the Passing this Grant to the Earl of Portland, of the said Mannors and Lands; and that the same may not be disposed from the Crown, but by Consent of Parliament: For that such Grant, is in Diminution of the Honour and Interest of the Crown, by placing in a Subject, such large and extensive Royal­ties, Powers, and Jurisdictions, which ought only to be in the Crown; and will Sever that Dependance, which so great a Number of Your Majesty's Subjects, in those Parts, have on Your Majesty and the Crown, by reason of their Tenure; and may be to their great Oppression in those Rights which they have purchased, and hither­to enjoyed with their Estates: And also, on Occasion of [Page 304] great Vexation to many of Your Majesty's Subjects, who have long had the absolute Inheritance of several Lands (comprehended in the said Grant to the Earl of Portland) by Antient Grants from the Crown.

His MAJESTY'S Answer.

Gentlemen,

I Have Kindness for my Lord Portland; which he has deserved of Me, by long and faithful Services; but I should not have given him these Lands, if I had imagined the House of Commons could have been concern'd; I will therefore Recal the Grant, and find some other way of shewing My Favour to him.

The Lordship of Ruthyn continued in the posses­sion of the Grays, till the Reign of Henry VII. when George Grey Earl of Kent, and Lord of Ruthyn, upon some Bargain, passed the same over to the King, since which it has been in the possession of some of the Earls of Warwick and afterwards came to the Mid­dletons of Chirk Castle in the County of Denbigh, where it still continues; being now enjoyed by the Right Worshipful Sir Richard Middleton, Baronet.

But besides Henry Lacy and Reginald Grey, several other Gentlemen of Quality, came at this time with King Edward to North-Wales, who in some time be­came to be Men of great Possessions and Sway in the Country, whose Posterity enjoy the same to this time. But he that expected to fare best in the di­stribution of these Lordships and Estates in Wales, was one Rhys ap Meredith, a Welch Man, and one that, contrary to the Allegiance sworn to his Prince, and his Duty to his Native Country, had served the King of England in all these Wars, and done the greatest hurt of any Man to the Interest of Prince Lhewelyn. For these great Services done to King Edward, Rhys expected no less than to be promoted [Page 305] to the highest Preferments; whom the King after the Prince of Wales's Overthrow, first dubbed Knight, and afterwards fed him with fair Words and great Promises.

But when he, and all his Neighbours and Coun­trymen had submitted themselves to the Government of the King of England; it happened that the Lord Pain Tiptost, Warden of the King's Castles which joyned to Rhys's Country, and the Lord Alan Pluck­net, the King's Steward in Wales, cited Sir Rhys ap Meredith, with all the rest of the Country, to the King's Court; which he refusing to do, alledging his antient Priviledges and Liberties, together with the King's Promises to him, the foresaid Officers pro­ceeded against him according to Law. Whereupon A.D. 1289 Sir Rhys being greatly vexed to be thus served by those whole Interest he had all this while so warmly espou­sed, thought to be revenged of Pain Tiptost, and the rest of the English. And to that end, having drawn together some of his Tenants and Countrymen, he fell upon the said Pain Tiptost; between whom se­veral Skirmishes afterwards happened, and several Men were slain on both sides. King Edward was now at Arragon, to compose the Difference betwixt the Kings of Arragon, and Naples; but being in­formed of the Disturbances which had happened in Wales, betwixt his Ministers there, and Sir Rhys ap Meredith; he writ to this latter, requiring him to keep the Peace, till his return; at what time he would redress all Grievances, and reduce Matters to a good and reasonable Order. But Sir Rhys have­ing already waited sufficiently upon the King's Pro­mises, and being now in a good condition to offend his Enemies by force of Arms, would not give over the Enterprize he saw so promising, but marching with his Forces to his Enemies Lands, burnt and spoiled several Towns belonging to the English. Up­on this, the King sent to the Earl of Cornwal, whom he had appointed his Deputy during his absence, to march with an Army into Wales, to repress the In­solencies, and to prevent any farther disorderly At­tempts [Page 306] of the Welch. The Earl accordingly prepared an Army and went against Sir Rhys's, whose Army he quickly dispersed, and overthrew his Castle of Dre­folan, but not without the loss of some of his Chief Men. For as they besieged and undermined the said Castle, the Walls unexpectedly fell down, by which unlucky Accident, several of the English were oppres­sed and bruised to Death, among whom were the Lord Strafford, and the Lord William de Monchency. But within a while after, Robert Tiptost Lord Deputy of Wales, raised a very powerful Army against Sir Rhys, and after a slaughter of 4000 of the Welch, took him Prisoner, who the Michaelmas following, at the King's going to Scotland, was condemned and executed at York.

A.D. 1293 But the Death of Sir Rhys did not put a final pe­riod to all the Quarrels betwixt the English and Welch, for in a short time after, there happened a new occasion for the Welch to murmur against, and upbraid the Government of the English over them. King Edward was now in actual Enmity and War with the King of France, for the carrying on of which, he wanted a liberal Subsidy and Supply from his Sub­jects. This Tax was with a great deal of passion and reluctancy levied in divers places of the King­dom, but more especially in Wales, the Welch being never acquainted with such large Contributions be­fore, A.D. 1294 violently stormed and exclaimed against it. But not being satisfied with villifying the King's Com­mand, they took their own Captain Roger de Puelesdon, who was appointed Collector of the said Subsidy, and hanged him up, together with divers others who a­betted the collecting of the Tax. Then West-Wales Men chose Maelgon Fychan for their Captain, and so entring into Caermardhyn and Pembroke-shires, they cruelly harassed all the Lands that belonged to the English, and then returned laden with considerable Booty. The Glamorgan-shire Men, and they towards the South Parts, chose one Morgan for their Leader, and set upon the Earl of Glocester, whom they forced to make his escape out of the Country; and so Mor­gan [Page 307] was put in possession of those Lands which the Ancestors of the Earl of Glocester had forcibly taken away from Morgan's fore-Fathers. On the other side, the North-Wales Men set up one Madoc, related to the last Lhewelyn slain at Buelht, who having drawn to­gether a great Number of Men, came to Caernarvon, and setting upon the English, who in great multitudes had then resorted thither to a Fair, slew a great many, and afterwards spoiled and ransacked the whole Town. King Edward being acquainted with these different Insurrections and Rebellions in Wales, and desirous to quell the Pride and Stubborness of the Welch, but most of all to revenge the Death of his great favourite Roger de Pulesdon, recalled his Brother Edmund Earl of Lancaster, and Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln, and Lord of Denbigh, who with a consider­able Army were ready to embark for Gascoign, and countermanded them into Wales. Being arrived there, they passed quietly forward, till they came to Den­bigh, and as soon as they drew near unto the Castle, upon St. Martin's day the Welch with great Fury and Courage faced them, and joyning Battels, forced them back with a very considerable loss. Polydore Virgil says, (but upon what Authority is not known) that the Welch obtained this Victory rather upon the account that the English Army was hired with such Money as had been wrongfully taken out of the Ab­bies and other Religious places, so that it was a Judg­ment from above, more than the Force of the Welch, that overcame the English Army. But be the cause of it what it will, 'tis certain the English were van­quished, upon which account King Edward came in Person to Wales, and kept his Christmas at Aberconwey, where Robert Winchelsey Archbishop of Canterbury be­ing returned from Rome, came to him, and having done Homage, returned honourably again to Eng­land. But as the King advanced farther into the Country, having but one part of his Army with him, the Welch set upon and took most of his Carriages, which contained a great quantity of Victuals and Provision, so that the King with all his followers were [Page 308] constrained to endure a great deal of hardships, in so much that at last Water mixed with Honey, and very course and ordinary Bread with the saltest Meat, were accounted the greatest Delicacies for his Maje­sty's own Table. But their misery was like to be greater, had not the other part of the Army come in time because the Welch had encompassed the King round, in hopes to reduce him to the utmost distress, by reason that the Water was so risen, that the rest of the Army could not get to him. But the Water within some time after abating, the remainder of the Army came in, whereupon the Welch presently retired, and made their escape. One thing is very remark­able of King Edward during his distress at Snowden, that when the Army was reduced to very great extre­mity, a small quantity of Wine was found, which they thought to reserve for the King's own use. But he to prevent any discontent, which might thereupon be raised in his Souldiers, absolutely refused to taste thereof, telling them. That in time of Necessity all things should be common, and as he was the Cause and Author of th [...]ir Distress, he would not be preferred be­fore them in his Diet.

But whilst the King remained in Snowden, the Earl of Warwick being informed that a great Number of Welch were assembled, and had lodged themselves [...]n a certain Valley betwixt two Woods, chose out a Troop of Horse, together with some Cross-Bows and Archers, and set upon them in the Night time. The Welch being thus surprised, and unexpectedly en­compassed about by their Enemies, made the best they could to oppose them, and so pitching their Spears in the ground, and directing the points towards their Enemies, endeavoured by such means to keep off the Horse. But the Earl of Warwick having or­dered his Battel so, as that between every two Horse there stood a Cross-Bow, so gauled the Welch with the shot of the quarrels, that the Spear-men fell apace, and then the Horse breaking easily in upon the rest, bare them down with so great a slaughter, as the Welch had never received before. After this, King [Page 309] Edward to prevent any more rebellious attempts of the Welch, cut down all the Woods in Wales, where­in, in any time of Danger, they were wont to hide and save themselves. And for a farther security, he repaired and fortified all the Castles and places of Strength in Wales, and built the Castle of Bewmoris in the Isle of Anglesey, and so having put all things in a settled posture, and punished those that had been the occasion of the Death of Roger de Pulesdon, he re­turned with his Army into England. But as soon as the King had left the Welch, Madoc, who, as it is said before, was chosen Captain by the North-Wales Men, gathered some Forces together, and came to Oswestry, which presently yielded to him. And then meeting with the Lord Strange near Knookine, who with a Detachment of the Marchers came to oppose him, gave him Battel, vanquished his Forces, and miserably ra­vaged his Country. The like Success he obtained a second time against the Marchers, but at last they brought together a very great Number of Men, and met Madoc marching towards Sh [...]ewsbury, upon the Hills of Cefn Digolh, not far from Camrs Castle, where after a bloody Fight on both sides, Madoc was taken Prisoner, and his Army vanquished and put to flight. Then he was sent to London, and there sen­tenced to remain in perpetual Imprisonment in the Tower, tho' others affirm, that Madoc was never taken, but that after several Adventures and severe Conflicts, whereby the Welch were reduced to great extremi­ties, he came in, and submitted himself to the King, who received him upon Condition he would not de­sist to pursue Morgan Captain of the Glamorgan-shire Men, till he brought him Prisoner before him. Ma­doc having performed this, and the whole Country being peaceable and undisturbed, several Hostages from the Chiefest Nobility of Wales for their order­ly and quiet behaviour were delivered to the King, who disposed of them into divers Castles in England, where they continued in safe Custody till the end of the War, which was presently-commenc [...]d with Scotland.

A.D. 1301 In the 29th. year of King Edward's reign, the Prince of Wales came down to Chester, and received Homage of all the Free-holders in Wales as follows, Henry Earl of Lancaster for Monmouth; Reginald Gray for Ruthyn; Foulke Fitzwarren for his Lands; the Lord William Martyn for his Lands in Cemaes; Roger Mortimer for his Lands in Wales; Henry Lacy Earl of Lincoln for Rhos and Rhyfoneioc; Robert Lord Montalt, for his Lands, and Gruffydh Lord of Poole, for the Lordship of Powys, at the same time paid their Ho­mage Tudor ap Grono of Anglesey, Madoc ap Tudor Archdeacon of Anglesey, Eineon ap Howel of Caernarvon, Tudor ap Gruffydh, Lhewelyn ap Ednyfed, Gruffydh [...]y­chan Son of Gruffydh ap Iorwerth, Madoc Fychan Denglfield, Lhewelyn Bishop of St. Asaph, and Richard de Pulesdon. This last in the Twelfth Year of King Edward was constituted Sheriff of Caernarvon for life, with the stipend of Forty Pounds sterling yearly. At the same place, Gruffydh ap Tudor, Ithel Fychan, Ithel ap Blethyn, with many more did their Homage. Then the Prince came to Ruthlan, where the Lord Richard de Sutton Baron of Malpas, paid Homage and Fealty for the said Barony of Malpas. Thence the Prince removed to Conwey, where Eineon Bishop of Bangor, and David Abbot of Maynan did their Homage; as did Lewis de Felton Son of Richard Felton, for the Lands which his Father held of the Prince in Maelor Saesneg, or English Maelor. John Earl Warren swore Homage for the Lordships of Bromfield and Yale, and his Lands in Hope-Dale, at London in the Chappel of the Lord John de Kirkby sometime Bishop of Ely; as also a while after, Edmund Mortimer for his Lands of Cery and Cydewen.

But besides all these, there paid Homage to the Prince of Wales at Chester, Sir Gruffydh Llwyd Son of Rhys ap Gruffydh ap Ednyfed Fychan, a stout and a va­liant Gentleman, tho' not very fortunate, and as Florus says of Sertorius, he was magnae quidem, sed calamitosae virtutis. He was Knighted by King Edward the First, upon his bringing the first News of the Queen's safe delivery of a Son at Caernarvon [Page 311] Castle, the King holding then a Parliament at Ruthlan. This Sir Gruffydh continued for some time very gra­tious with the King of England, but observing at length the intolerable Oppression and Tyranny exer­cised by the English Officers, especially by Sir Roger Mortimer Lord of Chirke and Justice of North-Wales, towards his Country-men the Welch, became so far concerned and discontented with such unwarrantable Practices, that he presently brake out into open Re­bellion against the English. And the better to effect what he purposed, he treated with Sir Edward Bruce Brother to Robert then King of Scotland, who had conquered Ireland, to bring or send over some Forces to assist him in his Design against the English, upon which account he sent him the following Letter.

Nobili in Christo Conquestori Domino Ed­vardo, Illustrissimo Regi Hiberniæ, suus, si placet, Griffinus Llwyd in North-Wall: reverentiam debitam in honore.

AƲditâ nobis vestri in terrarum conquisitione fama egregia in partibus nostris, præcipuè debelland. aemulos nostros & vestros, qui tam vos quam nos ab Hæreditatibus vi injustè expellendo destruxerunt, & nomen nostrum memoriamque in terris delere conati fue­runt, ab initio supra modum applaudimus, ut meritò debemus, omnes unanimiter in partibus nostris, unde vobis ex parte Wallensium Nobilium significo per præ­sentes, quod si ad Walliam cum hominibus vestris dignemini venire, vel si vos in propriâ personâ accedere illuc non poteritis, aliquem Nobilem Albanen. Comitem, Baronem vel Militem, cum paucis, si plurimi nequeant adesse, ad dictas partes nostras volueritis mandare. Pa­rati erimus omnes unanimiter........ dicem eo quod nomen vestrum celebre ubique publicetur expug­nat: si quid Saxonibus in Albaniâ, per illustrem Re­gem fratrem vestrum ultim. per vos in Hibernia, per vos & nos in Wallia statum vestrum pristinum per [Page 312] Brutum conquisitum recuperabimus, ipsisque suppedita­tis, confusis & dispersis, Britannia juxta discretam vestrae dominationis ordinationem inter Britones & Albaneos in posterum divisa cohaereditabitur. Valeat dominatio vestra Regia per cuncta Saecula.

To this Letter of Sir Gruffydh Llwyd's, Sir Edward Bruce returned the following Answer.

OMnibus desiderantibus à servitute liberari sa [...]u­tem in eo. Qui desiderant in se relevat. & liberat. ab angustiis, temporibus opportunis, quia qui­libet Christianus obligatur suo proximo in omni angu­stiâ subvenire, & praecipuè illis qui ex unâ rad [...]ce originis sive parentelæ & patriæ primitus processerunt, ideo compatientes vestrae servituti & angustiæ, jam ....... Anglicana molestia indigenti decrevimus (auxiliante altissimo) vestro gravamini occurrere, & innaturalem & barbaricam totis viribus Anglicanam de vestris finibus expellere servitutem, ut sic sicut à prin­cipio Albanicus & Britannicus populus expulsis hostibus in perpetuum fiet unus. Et quia nullus inimicus faci­liter relevatur libenter praecipimus, si jugum Anglica­num in tantum vos deprimit, quantum nuper depresse­rat populum Scotianum, ut sic ex vestro concordi cona­mine, & nostro superveniente (juvamine dispenente semper divino) positis jura vestra & justitiam recu­perare & proprietatem....... haereditatem paci­ficè possidere. Veruntamen Dei cum omnia serviunt in isto proposito filium invocamus, quod non ex præsum­ptione & ambitione injusti dominii talia attemptamus, sed ex mera compassione effusionis innocentis vestri san­guinis & subjectionis intollerabilis & signant: ad hoc quod vellemus inimicorum vestrorum & nostrorum vt­res reprimere, qui nec pacem nec concordiam defiderant. Imo vestram & nostram finalem destructionem, sicut à principio ingressionis eorum in Britanniam incessanter diebus ac noctibus molientur, & quia nullo modo est nostræ conscientiœ quemquam decipere, nec etiam de­cipi à quocunque, nostram intentionem & Proposit. sine [...]ergiversatione aliquâ declaramus quod libenter scire­mus [Page 313] vestram voluntatem, si rationem nostri laboris & conaminis intuitu relevationis vestræ acceptare decre­ment. nobis committere prosecutionem querelæ vestrae & justitiae nec non capitale dominium vestri prout a­lius hactenus Princeps vester liberius habere consuevit. Ità quod vos omnes & singuli cujuscunque extiteritis conditionis pristinis haereditatibus, terris, libertatibus, possessionibus consuetis, & omnibus conditionibus ad vos expectantibus integrè & finaliter gaudeatis. Vestram igitur voluntatem super hiis, & quibuscunque aliis in quibus vos consolari poterimus, si videatur expediens cautè & celeriter nobis remandetis. Valete Domini in Domino.

But for all that these Letters passed betwixt them, whether by reason that Bruce's Terms were conceived unreasonable, nothing however was concluded upon, and the whole Treaty came to nothing. But Sir Gruffydh, tho' without any hopes of assistance from the Scots, would not lay aside what he had once un­dertaken, and therefore having gathered all the For­ces he could, desperately set upon, and almost in an instant over-ran all North-Wales and the Marches, sei­sing upon all the Castles and Strong-holds thro' the Country. But all to no purpose, for as the most violent stream is quickly over, so Sir Gruffydh's Army was presently spent, and then being met with by a strong Detachment of English, his Party was easily discomfited, and himself taken Prisoner.

The same Year being the 15th. of the reign of King A.D. 1322 Edward the Second, his eldest Son Edward born at Windsor, in a Parliament holden at York, was created Prince of Wales, Duke of Aquitaine, and Earl of Chester. This Prince succeeded his Father in the Kingdom of England, by the Name of Edward the Third, one of the greatest and most powerful Mo­narchs that ever sat upon the English Throne.

Edward born at Woodstock, eldest Son and Heir to A.D. 1343 King Edward the Third, was created Prince of Wales, upon the 12th. day of May in the 17th. year of his Father's reign, being then about fourteen years of [Page 314] age. He was a Prince of incomparable Qualifica­tions, but so signally Famous in Martial Affairs, that upon the account of the several Actions he was en­gaged in, he received the Name of Black-Prince. He took John the French King Prisoner at the Battel of Poictiers, and shamefully vanquished the French Army in the Battel of Cressy. He did not live to en­joy the Crown, but died one year before his Father, in the Forty Sixth Year of his Age; no Prince was in his life-time better beloved, and after his Death more lamented by the English Nation, who had he lived to sit upon the Helm, no one doubted but that he would have exceeded as to all Qualifications, the most glorious Renown of the greatest of his Ance­stors.

In the time of Edward the Third, lived Sir Tudor Vaughan ap Grono, descended lineally from Ednyfed Vaughan, a Person as to Estate, Power and Interest, one of the Chiefest in North Wales. Upon some motive, either of Ambition or Fancy, he assumed to himself the Honor of Knighthood, requiring all People to call and stile him Sir Tudor ap Grono, as if he did prognosticate and fore-see, that out of his Loyns should arise those that should have Power to confer that Honor. King Edward being informed of such unparallell'd Presumption, sent for Sir Tudor, and asked him, With what Confidence he durst invade his Prerogative, by assuming the degree of Knighthood, without his Authority. Sir Tudor replied, That by the Laws and Constitution of King Arthur, he had the Li­berty of taking upon himself that Title, in regard he had those three Qualifications, which whosoever was endued with, could by those Laws claim the Honor of a Knight. 1. He was a Gentleman. 2. He had a sufficient Estate. And 3. He was Valiant and Ad­venturous; adding this withal, If my Valour and Har­diness be doubted of, loe here I throw down my Glove, and for due proof of my Courage, I am ready to Fight with any Man, whatever he be. The King apppro­ving and liking well the Man's forwardness and reso­lution, was easily persuaded to confirm the Honor of [Page 315] Knighthood upon him. From this Sir Tudor lineally descended Henry the Seventh King of England, who was the Son of Edmund Earl of Richmond, the Son of Sir Owen Tudor, Son to Meredith, the Son of this Sir Tudor ap Gono.

After the Death of the Black Prince, his Son Richard born at Bourdeaux in France, being but Ten Years of age, was created Prince of Wales at Havering at Bowre, on the 20th. day of November, and in the A.D. 1377 50th. Year of Edward the Third, his Grandfather's reign, whom he succeeded in the Crown of Eng­land.

Henry born at Monmouth, Son and Heir to Henry the Fourth King of England, upon the 15th. of October, in the 1st. Year of his Father's reign, was created Prince of Wales at Westminster, who succeeded his Father in the English Crown by the Name of Henry the Fifth.

Whilst Richard the Second reigned, one Owen ap Gruffydh Fychan, descended of a younger Son of Gruffydh ap Madoc Lord of Bromfield, was not a lit­tle Famous. This Owen had his Education in one of the Inns-of-Court, where he became Barister at Law, and afterwards in very great Favour and Credit served King Richard, and continued with him at Flint Castle, till at length the King was taken by Henry Duke of Lancaster. Betwixt this Owen and Reginald Lord Gray of Rhuthyn, there happened no small Dif­ference touching a Common lying between the Lord­ship of Rhuthyn, whereof Reginald was Owner, and the Lordship of Glyndowrdwy in the possession of Owen, whence he borrowed the Name of Glyndwr. Du­ring the reign of Richard the Second, Owen as being a Courtier, and in no mean esteem with the King, did over-power Reginald, who was neither so well be­friended at Court, nor beloved in the Country as Owen was. But after King Richard's deposal, the Scene was altered, and Reginald as then better be­friended than Owen, entred upon the Common▪ which occasioned Owen in the first Year of Henry the Fourth to make his Complaint in Parliament against him, [Page 316] for thus divesting him of his Right. No redress be­ing found, the Bishop of St. Asaph wished the Lords to take care, that by thus slighting his Complaint, they did not irritate and provoke the Welch to an Insurre­ction, to which some of the Lords replied, That they did not fear those rascally bare-fo [...]ted People. Glyndwr therefore perceiving how his Petition was slighted in Parliament, and finding no other method to redress himself, having several Friends and Fol­lowers, put himself in Arms against Reginald, and meeting him in the Field, overcame and took him pri­soner, and spoiled his Lordship of Rhuthyn. Upon this many resorted to him from all parts of Wales, some thinking him to be in as great Favour now, as in King Richard's days, others putting in his head, that now the time was come when the Britains by his means might again recover the Honor and Liber­ties of their Ancestors. But Reginald being thus kept prisoner, and very severely handled by Owen, to ter­rify him into compliance with him in his rebellious Actings, and not permitted to have his Liberty, un­der Ten Thousand Marks for his Ransom, whereof Six Thousand to be paid upon the Feast of St. Martyn, in the 4th. Year of Henry the Fourth, and to deliver up his eldest Son with some other Persons of Qua­lity as Hostages for the remainder; the King at the humble sute of Reginald, seeing no other way for his enlargement, gave way thereto, authorizing Sir Wil­liam de Roos, Sir Richard de Grey, Sir William de Wil­lughby, Sir William le Zouche, Sir Hugh Huls, as also, John Harvey, William Vaus, John Lee, John Langford, Thomas Payne, and John Elnestow, to treat with Owen and his Council, and to conclude in what they should conceive most expedient and necessary to be done for his redemption. Whereupon they consenting to give the sum demanded by Glyndwr for his deliverance, the King gave License to Robert Braybroke Bishop of London, as also to Sir Gerard Braybroke the Father, and Sir Gerard the Son, then Feoffees of divers Lordships for this Reginald, to sell the Mannor of Hertelegh in the County of Kent, towards the raising of that [Page 317] Money. And for the better enabling him to pay so great a Fine, the King was pleased to grant, that whereas it was enacted, that such Persons who were owners of Lands in Ireland, and did not there reside, should for such their neglect, forfeit two parts of the Profits of them to the King; that notwithstanding this Act, he should forfeit nothing for non-residence there, during the term of six years next ensuing.

This good Success over the Lord Gray, together with the numerous resort of the Welch to him, and the favourable interpretations of the Prophecies of Merdhyn, which some construed very advantagi­oussy, made the swelling mind of Glyndwr over­flow its Banks, and gave him some hopes of restoring this Island back to the Britains. Wherefore he set upon the Earl of March, who met him with a nu­merous party of Hereford-shire Men, but when they came to close, the Welch-men proved too powerful, and having killed above a Thousand Men of the En­glish, they took the Earl of March Prisoner. King Henry upon this was frequently requested to Ransom the Earl, but to no purpose; for whether by reason that Mortimer had a juster Title to the Crown than himself, he being the next Heir in Blood after King Richard, who was as yet living, or because of some other private odium, the King would never hearken to his Redemp­tion, alledging that he wilfully threw himself into the hands of Glyndwr. But about the midst of August, to correct the presumptuous Attempts of the Welch, the King went in Person with a great Army into Wales; but by reason of extraordinary excess of wea­ther, which some attributed to the Magic of Glyndwr, he was glad to return safe.

But the Earl of March perceiving that he was not like to obtain his Liberty by King Henry's means, whether out of compliance, by reason of his tedious Captivity, or Affection to the young Lady, he agreed to take part with Owen against the King of England, and to marry his Daughter; with them joyned the Earl of Worcester, and his Brother the Earl of Nor­thumberland, with his Son the valiant Lord Percy, who [Page 318] conspiring to depose the King of England, in the House of the Archdeacon of Bangor, by their Deputies di­vided the Realm amongst them, causing a tripartite Indenture to be made, and to be sealed with every one's Seal; by which Covenant all that Country ly­ing betwixt the Severn and the Trent, Southward, was assigned to the Earl of March; all Wales, and the Lands beyond the Severn, Westward, were appointed Glyndwr; and all from the Trent, Northward, to the Lord Percy. This was done (as some said) thro' a foolish Credit they gave to a vain Prophecy, as tho' King Henry was the execrable Moldwarp, and they three the Dragon, the Lion, and the Wolf which should pull him down, and distribute his Kingdom among themselves. After that they exhibited Articles of their Grievances to King Henry, and divulged their Rea­sons for taking up Arms; at length they marched with all their Power towards Shrewsbury to fight the King, depending mainly upon the arrival of Glyndwr and his Welch-men. But the matter was gone so far, that whether he came in or no, they must fight, and so both Armies being joyned, the King's Party prevailed, young Percy being slain upon the spot, and Douglas, besides most of the English of Quality, who with a Party of Scotch had come to the Aid of the Confederates, was taken Prisoner, but afterwards honourably set at Liberty by the Intercession of the Prince of Wales. In the mean time the Earl of Northumberland was a marching forward with a great Party from the North, but the King having settled Matters about Shrewsbury, coming to York, and sending to him to lay down his Arms, he vo­luntarily submitted and dismissed his Forces. Then the King returning from York-shire, determined to pass over to North-Wales, to chastise the presump­tuous Practices of the immorigerous Welch, who after his departure from Shrewsbury, had made in-Roads into the Marches, and done much hurt to his English Subjects. But other Business of greater Consequence intervening, he detached his Son the Prince of Wales, who took the Castle of Aberystwyth, [Page 319] which was quickly again retaken by Owen Glyndwr, who thrust into it a strong Garrison of Welch. But [...]n the Battel of Huske sought upon the fifteenth of March, the Welch received a very considerable Blow from the Prince's Men, Glyndwr's Son being taken Prisoner, besides Fifteen Hundred more taken and slain. After this, we hear little of Glyndwr, ex­cepting that he continued and persisted to vex and plague the English upon the Marches, to the tenth year of King Henry's reign, when he miserably ended his life; being as Holingshed reporteth,Holins. towards his [...]atter days driven to that extremity, that despairing of all comfort, he fled and lurked in Caves and other the most solitary places, fearing to shew his face to any Creature, till at length being starved for hun­ger and lack of sustenance, he miserably ended his life.

But these rebellious Practices of Glyndwr, highly exasperated King Henry against the Welch, insomuch that several rigorous and unmerciful Laws were enacted, relating to Wales, which in effect destroyed all the Liberties of the Welch Subject. They were made incapable of purchasing any Lands, or to be elected Members of any County or Burrough, and to undertake any Office, whether Civil or Military in any Town incorporated. If any Suit at Law happened betwixt an English Man and a Welch Man, the former could not be convicted, but by the Sentence of an English Judge, and the Ver­dict of an English Jury; besides, that any En­glish Man who married a Welch Woman, was thereby forthwith disfranchised from all the Liber­ties of an English Subject. It was farther enact­ed, that no Welch Man should be in possession of any Castle, or other place of Strength, and that no Victuals or Armour should be brought into Wales, without a special Warrant from the King or his Council; and farther, that no Welch Man was capable of undertaking the Office of Justice, Chamberlain, Sheriff or any other place of Trust in any part of Wales, notwithstanding any Patent [Page 320] or License heretofore given to the contrary. These, with many others most rigorous and unjust Laws, particularly that forbidding any Welch Man to bring up his Children to Learning, or to bind them Ap­prentices to any Trade or Occupation, were enacted by the King against the Welch; so that nothing could cool his displeasure, but that a whole Nation should be wrongfully oppressed, for the fault and miscarriage of one Person. But one might think, that this was no politick method to secure a Nation in its Allegiance, which upon lighter Affronts was used to defend its Priviledges; and therefore we may well attribute the quiet disposition of the Welch towards this time, to the moderation of Henry the Fifth, who within a little time succeeded his Father in the Crown of England.

Co-temporary with Glyndwr was Sir David Gam, so called by reason he had but one Eye▪ the Son of Lhewelyn ap Howel Vaughan of Brecknock, by Mawd the Daughter of Iefan ap Rhys ap Ifor of Eluel. He was a great stickler for the Duke of Lancaster, and for that reason became mortal Enemy to Glyn­dwr, who having his Education, as is said before, at one of the Inns of Court, got to be preferred to the service of King Richard the Second, who, as Walsingham says, made him his Scutifer, or Shield-bearer. But being informed that his Master Richard was deposed and murdered, and withal being pro­voked by several Wrongs and Affronts done him by his Neighbour the Lord Gray of Rhuthyn, whom King Henry greatly countenanced, and look­ing upon Henry as an Usurper, he caused himself to be proclaimed Prince of Wales. And for a better grace of the matter, he feigned himself to be descended by a Daughter from Lhewelyn ap Gruffydh the last Prince; whereas in truth, he came Pater­nally but from a younger Brother of the House of Powys. But as Ambition has no moderation, so Glyndwr for a time acted the part of a Prince, and summoned a Parliament to meet at Machynlleth, whither the Nobility and Gentry of Wales ap­peared, [Page 321] and among the rest Sir David Gam, but not upon the same design with the rest, having an intention in this meeting to murder Glyndyfwr. But the Plot being discovered, and Sir David secured, he had liked to undergo present Execution, had not Glyndyfwr's best Friends, and the greatest Upholders of his Cause, pleaded in his behalf, by whose in­tercession he was prevailed with to grant Sir David both his Life and Liberty, upon condition he would ever after continue True and Loyal to him. Sir David promised very loudly, but with the reserva­tion never to perform; for as soon as he came to his own Country, where he was a Person of very considerable Sway and Interest, he did exceedingly annoy and molest those that any way favoured or adhered to Glyndyfwr. While Sir David lay in Pri­son at Machynlleth, for his attempt against Owen's Life, this Englyn was made upon him.

Dafydd Gam dryglam dreigl, iti yn wan frwydr,
Fradwr Rissiart Bhrenin,
Llwyr y rhoes Diawl (hawn hwyl Flîn
Y fath ystâd) ei fys ith Dîn.

But Glyndyfwr receiving information, how that Sir David Gam, contrary to the Promise he had made at his releasement, endeavoured all he could to de­stroy his Interest among the Welch, entred the Marches, and among other tokens of his Indigna­tion, burned the House of Sir David, and as the report goes, calling to him one of Sir David's Te­nants, spake to him thus merrily in Verse,

O Gweli di wr côch Cam
Yn ymofyn y Girnigwen
Dywed ei bôd hi Tan y Lan
A nôd y glo ar ei Phenn.

But Sir David had the luck to escape his reach, and was constrained to retire to England, where [Page 322] he lived for the most part at Court, till the Death of Glyndyfwr.

When King Henry the Fifth went with an Army to France against the French King, Sir David Gam brought into his service a numerous Party of Stout and Valorous Welch-Men, who upon all occasions expressed their Courage and Resolution. In the Battel of Agincourt, News being brought to the King that the French Army was advancing to­wards him, and that they were exceeding nume­rous, he detached Captain Gam to observe their motion, and review their number. The Captain having narrowly eyed the French, found them twice to exceed the English, but not being in the least d [...]unted at such a multitude, he returned to the King, who enquiring of him what the Number of the French might be, he made answer, An't please you my Liege, they are enough to be killed, enough to run away, and enough to be taken Prisoners. King Henry was well pleased, and much encouraged with this resolute and undaunted answer of Sir David's, whose Tongue did not express more Valor than his Hinds performed. For in the heat of Battel, the King's Person being in danger, Sir David charged the Enemy with that eagerness and masculine Bra­very, that they were glad to give ground, and so secured the King, tho' with the loss of much Blood, and also his Life, himself and his Son-in-Law Roger Vaughan, and his Kinsman Wa [...]ter Llwyd of Brecknock, having received their mortal Wounds in that encounter. When the King heard of their Condition, how that they were past all hopes of recovery, he came to them, and in recompence of their good Services, Knighted them all three in the Field, where they soon after died; and so ended the Life, but not the Fame of the signally Va­liant Sir David Gam.

Edward of Westminster, the sole Issue of that un­fortunate Prince King Henry the Sixth, by Margaret the Daughter of Rayner Duke of Anjou, and titular King of Jerusalem, Sicily, and Arragon; was crea­ted Prince of Wales, in a Parliament held at West­minster, on the 15th day of March, in the Thirty Second Year of his Fathers Reign. When the Day was lost at Tewksbury, this young Prince thought to make his escape by flight, but being unfortunately taken, and brought to the presence of King Edward the Fourth, who then sat upon the Helm, made such resolute and unexpected Replies, that he put the King to such a passion, that he smote him on the Mouth with his Gauntlet; and then his Brother Ri­chard the Crouch-back, ran him into the Heart with his Dagget.

Edward, born in the Sanctuary at Westminster, the eldest Son of King Edward the Fourth, was, after his Fathers Expulsion out of England, in the Fourty Ninth Year of King Henry the Sixth, created Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester, in the Eleventh Year of his Fathers Reign. Upon the death of Edward the Fourth, this young Prince being then at Ludlow in the Marches of Wales, was presently sent for to London, and proclaimed King of England, but never liv'd to be crowned; for his Uncle Richard Duke of Glocester, who was appointed his Protector, most vi­lainously made him away, together with his Brother the Duke of York; and afterwards was himself pro­claimed and crowned King.

Edward the Fourth, in his Wars against Henry the Sixth, was very much assisted by the Welch; in re­compence of which Service, he design'd to reform Matters so in Wales, as that intolerable Oppression which they had hitherto endured, should be regulat­ed and taken off. And to that end, he meant to establish a Court within the said Principality, and constituted John Bishop of Worcester President of the Prince's Council in the Marches; who, together with Anthony Earl of Rivers, sat in the Town-Hall of Shrewsbury, and constituted certain Ordinances for [Page 324] the publick Good and Tranquility of that place. But the matter proceeded no farther; for the Trou­bles and Disquietness of his Kingdom, coming heavy upon him, and the shortness of his Reign after his Establishment not permitting, he was forced to leave that to others, which himself thought once to bring about.

Edward, born at Middleham near Richmond in the County of York the only Son of King Richard the Third, was at Ten Years of Age created by his Fa­ther Prince of Wales, and dyed soon after.

Arthur, the eldest Son of King Henry the Seventh, born at Winchester, was in the Seventh Year of his Fathers Reign created Prince of Wales. About the Fifteenth Year of his Age, being then newly married to Katherine the Infanta of Spain, he was sent by his Father into Wales, that by his presence he might keep that Country in better awe. With him King Henry sent Dr. William Smith, afterwards made Bi­shop of Lincoln, Wokins p. 789. as President of his Council; toge­ther with Sir Richard Pool, his Chamberlain, Sir Hen­ry Vernon, Sir Richard Crofts, Sir David Philip, Sir William Ʋdal, Sir Thomas Englefield, Sir Peter New­ton, and others, to be his Counsellors and Directors in his management of Affairs. But the Prince had not continu'd long there, but he fell sick at his Ca­stle at Ludlow, of which Indisposition he shortly af­ter dyed, and was buried with great Solemnity in the Cathedral Church of Worcester. But the creating of his Brother Henry Duke of York Prince of Wales in his stead, was deferred for about the space of a Month, to discover whether the Lady Katherine was got with Child by Prince Arthur. But when it appeared for certain, she had not conceived; on the 18th day of February, in the Nineteenth Year of his Father, King Henry the Seventh's Reign, Henry Duke of York was created Prince of Wales.

King Henry the Seventh, being by his Grandfather Owen Tudor descended out of Wales, and having suf­ficiently experienced the Affection of the Welch to­wards him; first, of those, who upon his first land­ing, [Page 325] opportunely joyned him under Sir Rhys ap Thomas; and then of those, who under the command of Sir William Stanley, Lord of Bromfield, Yale, and Chirk­land, aided him in Bosworth-Field; could not in Ho­nour and Equity, but bear some regard to the mise­rable state and condition of the Welch, under the English Government. And therefore this prudent Prince, finding the Calamities of the Welch to be in­supportable, and seeing what grievous and unmerciful Laws were enacted against them by his Predecessours, he took occasion to redress and reform the same, and granted to the Welch a Charter of Liberty and Im­munity, whereby they were released from the cruel Oppression, which since their Subjection to the Eng­lish Government, they had most cruelly sustained. And seeing the Birth and Quality of his Grandfather Owen Tudor was called in question, and that he was by many upbraided of being of a mean and ignoble Parentage; King Henry directed a Commission to the Abbot of Lhan Egwest, Dr. Owen Pool Canon of He­reford, and John King Herald at Arms, to make in­quisition concerning the Pedigree of the said Owen; who coming to Wales, made a diligent enquiry into this matter; and by the assistance of Sir John Leyaf, Guttyn Owen Bardh, Gruffydh ap Lhewelyn ap Efan Fychan, and others, in the consultation of the British Books of Pedegrees, they drew up an exact Genealo­gy of Owen Tudor, which upon their return,Vide Ap­p [...]nd. they pre­sented to the King.

Edward, Son to Henry the Eighth, by the Lady Jane Seymour, his third Wife, was born at Hampton-Court, on the 12th of October; and upon the 18th. of the said Month, was created Prince of Wales, Duke of Cornwal, and Earl of Chester.

King Henry the Seventh, had already abrogated those unreasonable and intollerable Laws, which the former Kings of England, particularly Henry the Fourth, had made against the Welch; and now, King Henry the Eighth, willing to make a plenary Reformation of what his Father had wisely begun, thought it necessary towards the Good and Tranqui­lity [Page 326] of both Nations, to make the Welch subject to the same Laws, and the same Government with the English. He understood that the usual Hostilities and Depredations were still continued and kept up by both sides upon the Borders; and though his Fa­ther had eased the Yoak of the Welch, yet he per­ceived, that it did contribute but little towards the disannulling of that inveterate and implacable Envy and Animosity which raged in the Marches. There­fore to remedy this, otherwise unavoidable, Distem­per, he concluded that it was the only effectual Me­thod, to incorporate the Welch with the English; that they being subject to the same Laws, might e­qually A.D. 1536 fear the Violation of them. And according­ly, in the Twenty Seventh Year of his Reign, an Act of Parliament passed to that purpose, which to­gether with another Act in the Thirty Fifth of his Reign, made a plenary Incorporation of the Welch with the English, which Union has had that blessed Effect, that it has dispelled all those unnatural Diffe­rences which heretofore were so rife and irreconcilable.

When the Reformation was first established in Wales, it was a mighty Inconveniency to the vulgar People, such as were unacquainted with the English Tongue, that the Bible was not translated into their native Language. Queen Elizabeth was quickly ap­prehensive of the Inconveniency which the Welch in­curred, for the want of such a Translation; and there­fore, A.D. 1566 in the Eighth Year of her Reign, an Act of Parliament was passed, whereby the Bishops of He­reford, S. Davids, S. Asaph, Bangor, and Landaff, were ordered to take care that the Bible containing the Old and New Testament, with the Book of Common-Prayer, and Administration of the Sacra­ments, be truly and exactly translated into the British or Welch Tongue, and that the same so translated, being by them perused and approved, be printed to such a number at least; as that every Cathedral, Col­legiate and Parish-Church and Chappel of ease with­in the said Diocess where that Tongue is vulgarly spoken, might be supplyed before the First of March, [Page 327] Anno 1566. And from that time forward, the Welch Divine Service should be used in the British Tongue, in all places throughout those Diocesses, where the Welch is commonly spoke, after the same manner as it was used in the English Tongue; and that the Charge of procuring the said Bible and Common-Prayer, should equally depend betwixt the Parson and the Parish; the former being obliged to pay one half of the Expence; and that the Price of the Book should be set by the foresaid Bishops, or by Three of them at the least. But this Act of Parliament was not punctually observed; for the Old Testament was wholly omitted, and only the New, with the Book of Common-Prayer and Administration of the Sacra­ments, then translated, which Translation was chief­ly owing to Richard Bishop of S. Davids, who was assisted by William Salusbury, a Perfect Critick in the Welch Tongue, and one excellently conversant in all British Antiquities. But in the Year 1588. Dr. Wil­liam Morgan, first Bishop of Landaff, and then of S. Asaph, undertook the Translation of the whole Bi­ble; and by the help of the Bishops of S. Asaph and Bangor, Gabriel Goodman Dean of Westminster, David Pow [...]l [...]. D.D. Edmund Price Archdeacon of Merionyth, and Richard Va [...]ghan, he effectually finished it. This was of singular Profit and Advantage to the Welch, to have the whole Scripture read and perused in their own native Tongue; by which means they received a clearer demonstration of the Corruptions of the Church of Rome, when they saw many of their Prin­ciples apparently contradicting, and others not very firmly founded upon the Holy Scriptures. And on the other hand they perceived the Necessity and Advan­tage of the Reformation, they easily discovered that the whole Doctrine of the Church of England was sound and orthodox, and that they were now happi­ly delivered from that Popish Slavery which their Forefathers ignorantly adored; and therefore being convinced of the Truth of their Religion, they be­came, and continued generally, very strict Adherents and firm Observers of the Doctrine and Discipline of this Church.

And here by the bye, I cannot but observe what a reverend Writer has lately insinuated, relating to the Christian Religion planted in Wales. For that Learn­ed Person in his Funeral Sermon upon Mr. Gouge, would fain induce the World to believe, that Chri­stianity was very corrupt and imperfect among the Welch, before it was purifyed by that, whom he terms Apostolical Man. Whereas it is notoriously evident, that since the Reformation was setled in that Country, and the Bible, with the Book of Com­mon-Prayer, translated into the Welch Tongue, no place has been more exact, in keeping to the strict Rubrick and Constitution of the Church of England, both as to the Substance and Form of Worship. But what may more truly be attributed to Mr. Gouge, is that since his Travels into Wales, and the propagating of his Doctrine among the ignorant of that Country, Presbytery, which before had scarce taken root, has daily increased, and grown to a Head.

Henry, eldest Son of King James the First, being arrived to the Age of Seventeen Years, was created Prince of Wales, on the 30th. of May, Anno 1610, but he dying of a malignant Feaver, about Two Years after; his Brother Charles being Fifteen Years of Age, was created Prince of Wales in his room, Anno 1615. For joy of this new Creation, the Town of Ludlow, and City of London, performed very great Triumphs; and the more to honour this Solemnity, the King made Twenty Five Knights of the Bath, all Lords or Barons Sons; and the Inns of Court, to express their Joy, elected out of their Body Forty choice Gentlemen, to perform solemn Justs and Bar­ryers.

Charles, eldest Son of King Charles the First, by Henrietta Maria, Daughter to King Henry the Fourth of France, was born May 29. 1630. and afterwards created Prince of Wales.

Since the happy Incorporation of the Welch with the English, the History of both Nations, as well as the People is united; and therefore I shall not re­peat that which is so copiously and frequenty deli­vered [Page 329] by the English Historians; but shall conclude with Dr. Heylyn. That since the Welch have been in­corporated with the English, they have shewed themselves most loyal, hearty, and affectionate Subjects of the State; [...]ordially devoted to their King, and zealous in Defence [...]f their Laws, Liberties, and Religion, as well as any [...]f the best of their Fellow-Subjects.

APPENDIX.

The return of a Commission sent into Wales by King Henry the Seventh, to search out the Pedigrees of Owen Tudor.

HENRY the Seventh King of England, &c. Son of Edmund Earl of Richmond, Son of Owen ap Meredith, and of Queen Catherine his Wife, Daughter [...]o Charles the Sixth, King of France. This Owen was Son of Meredith ap Tudor ap Gronw ap Tudor, ap Gronw, ap Ednyfed Fychan, Baron of Brinfeingle in Denbigh Land, Lord of Kric­ [...]th, Chief Justice and Chief of Council to Llewelyn ap Iorwerth Drwyndwn Prince of all Wales. And in the time of Prince Llewelyn grew a Variance between King John of Eng­land and the said Prince; whereupon Ednyfed came with the Prince's Host, and Men of War, and also a number of his own People, and met these English Lords in a Morning, at what time these English Lords were hostied and slain; and immediately brought their Heads, being yet bloody to the said Prince Llewelyn. The Prince, seeing the same, caused Ednyfed [Page 332] Fychan, from thenceforth to bear in his Arms or Shield, three bloody Heads in token of his Victory, where he had born in his Arms be­fore a Saracen's Head; and so ever after this Ednyfed bore the said Arms, his Son, and his Son's Son, unto the time of Tuder ap Gronw, ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Ednyfed Fychan. And after this Ednyfed wedded one Gwenllian Daugh­ter to Rhys Prince of South Wales, and had Issue by her Gronw: which Ednyfed Fychan had in Wales divers goodly Houses, Royally a­dorn'd with Turrets and Garrets; some in Anglesey, some other in Caernarvon-shire, and and some in Denbigh-Land; but his chiefest Mannor-House was in the Commot of Cry­thin in Caernarvon-shire, which was a Royal Palace, now decay'd for want of Reparations. Also he builded there a Chappel in the Wor­ship of our Lady, and had License of the Pope for evermore to sing Divine Service therein for his Soul, and his Ancestors and Progenitors Souls always; and had Authority to give his Tythes and Offerings to his Cha­plain thereVid. an serving. starving; which Ednyfed Fychan was Son to Kyner ap lers ap Gwgan, ap Mar­chudd, which was one of the fifteen Tribes of North-Wales, and Son to Kynan ap Elfyn, ap Mor, ap Mynan, ap Isbwis Newintyrche, ap Isbwis ap Cadrod Calch Efynydd, Earl of Dun­stable and Lord of Northampton, ap Cywyd Cindion, ap Cynfelyn ap Arthuys, ap Morydd ap Cynnaw, ap Coel Godeboc King of Bri­tain, of whom King Henry the Seventh de­scended lineally by Issue-Male, and is Son to the said Coel in the thirty first Degree, as it is approved by old Chronicles in Wales. Which [Page 333] Coel was Son of Tegfan ap Deheufraint, ap Tud­ [...]wyl, ap Urban, ap Gradd, ap Rhyfedel, ap Rhydeirne, ap Endigant, ap Endeyrn, ap Enid, ap Endos, ap Enddolaw, ap Afalach, ap Afflech, ap Beli mawr King of Britain, of whom King Henry the Seventh descendeth by Issue-Male, [...]nd is Son to him in forty one Degree. Which Beli was Son to Monnogon King, ap King [...]axor, ap King Pyr, ap King Sawl Benissel, ap Rhytherech King, ap Rydion King, ap Eidol King, ap Arthafel King, ap Seissilt King, ap Owen King, ap Caxho King, ap Bleuddyd King, [...]p Meirion King, ap Gwrgust King, ap Elydno King, ap Clydawc King, ap Ithel King, ap Urien King, ap Andrew King, ap Kereni King, ap Porrex King, ap Coel King, ap Cadell King, ap Geraint King, ap Elidr King, ap Morydd King, ap Dan King, ap Seissilt King, ap Cy­ [...]elyn King, ap Gwrgan King (alias) Farf­ [...]rwch, ap Beli King, ap Dyfnwal King, ap Dodion King, ap Enyd, ap Kwrwyd, ap Cyrdon ap Dyfufarth Prydain, ap Aedd mawr, ap An­tonius ap Seisillt King, ap Rhegaw Daughter and Heir of King Lyr, and Wife of Henwin Prince of Cornwall. This Lyr was Son of Bleuddyd, ab Rhunbaladr brâs, ap Lleon, ap Brutus darian lâs, ap Effroc Cadarn, ap Mym­byr, ap Madoc, ap Locrine, ap Brutus which in­herited first this Land, and after his Name was called Britain, and had three Sons Locrine Kamber, and Albanactus. Locrine the eldest, parted the Isle with his Brethren, and kept half the Land for himself, and called it Loe­gria. Kamber second Son had the Land be­yond Severn, and named it Kambria, in English, Wales. Albanactus had Scotland, which he then [Page 334] called Albania after his own Name. Of which Brute King Henry the Seventh is line­ally descended by Issue-Male, saving one Wo­man, and is Son to Brute in five score Degrees.

How Owen Grandsire to King Henry the Se­venth, cometh of Beli mawr by Angharad, Mother to Ednyfed by Issue-Female, by Gittin, Owen, and Sir John Leiaf's Books.

THE Mother of Ednyfed was Angharad, Daughter of Hwfa, ap Cyner, ap Rhywallon, ap Dinged, ap Tudor Trefor, ap Mymbyr, ap Cadfarch, ap Gwrgenaw, ap Gwaethiawe, ap Bywyn, ap Biordderch, ap Gwriawn, ap Gwnnan, ap Gwnfiw frych, ap Cadell Dehurnlluc, ap Pasgan, ap Rhydwf, ap Rhudd Fedel frych, ap Cyndeirn, ap Gwrtheirn Gwrthenau, called in English Ver­tiger, by whom King Henry the Seventh, by the foresaid Angharad, Mother to Ednyfed Fychan, and Wife to Cyner ab Iers, ap Gwgon, is Son to the said Vortiger in thirty Degrees. Which Vortiger was Son to Rhydeyrn ap Deheu­fraint, ap Eidigant, ap Endeirn, ap Enid, ap Endos, ap Enddolau, ap Afallach, ap Afflech, ap Beli mawr, to whom King Henry the Seventh is Son by Angharad, Mother to Ednyfed Fychan in forty Degrees.

How King Henry the Seventh cometh of Beli mawr by Gwenllian Wife to Ednyfed Fy­chan, and Daughter to the Lord Rhys, called Arglwydd Rhys, by Issue-Female.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Tudor, ap Gronw, ap Gwenllian, Daughter to [Page 335] Rhys Prince of South-Wales, ap Gruffydh Prince, [...] Rhys Prince, ap Tudor mawr Prince, ap [...]adell Prince, ap Rodri mawr Prince of all Wales. This Rodri had three Sons, and di­ [...]ded the Principality of Wales between them [...] three Parts; to Merfyn his first Son, Prince [...]f North-Wales, all North-Wales, which died [...]ithout Issue; and Anarawd Prince of Powys, [...]nd Cadell Prince of South-Wales, of whom King Henry the Seventh descendeth, by [...]wenllian Daughter to Prince Rhys, called Arglwydd Rhys, Wife to Ednyfed Fychan; and [...]he said King Henry the Seventh is Son to Rodri mawr in the seventeenth Degree; which Rodri mawr was Son to Merfyn first King of Man, which wedded Essillt Daughter and Heir [...]o Cynan Dyndaethwy.

This Merfyn frych was Son to Gwriad ap Elidur, ap Handdear Alcwn, ap Tegid, ap Gwiar, [...]p Dwywc, ap Llywarch hên, ap Elidur Lydanwin, [...]p Meirchion, ap Grwst, ap Cenaw, ap Coel [...]odeboc King of Britain, as before. This Coel was King of Britain and Earl of Colchester, a [...]ight worthy King, to whom King Henry the [...]eventh is Son, by the said Gwenllian Wife to Ednyfed Fychan, in the thirty first Degree, by [...]he said Gittin Owen, and Sir John Leia's Books.

How Owen Grandsire to King Henry the Seventh cometh of Beli mawr, by Essillt Daughter to Cynan Dyndaethwy.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Gwenllian Daughter of Prince Rhys, ap Gruffydh ap Rhys, ap Tudor mawr, ap Engion, ab Owen, ap Howell Dda, [Page 336] ap Cadell, ap Rodri mawr, ap Essillt Daughter of Cynan Dyndaethwy and Heir, Prince of Wales, ap Rodri Moelwynoc, ap Idwal jwrch, ap Cadwalader Fendigaid King of all Britain, to whom King Henry the Seventh is Son in the twenty second Degree. Cadwalader was Son to Cadwallan King, ap Cadfan King, ap Iago, ap Beli, ap Rhun, ap Maelgwn Gwy­nedd King, ap Casswallan Lawhîr, ap Eineo [...] irth, ap Cynedda weledig, ap Edeirn, which wedded Gwawl, Ferch Coel Godeboc King, which Edeirn was Son to Padarn Peisrydd, ap Tegid, ap Iago, ap Genedawc, ap Cain, ap Gwr­gain, ap Doli, ap Gwrtholi, ap Dufu, ap Gor­ddufu, ap Amwerid, ap Omwedd, ap Diwe Brichwain, ap Owen, ap Affallach, ap Afflech, ap Beli mawr, to whom King Henry the Se­venth is Son by the said Gwenllian in the fiftieth Degree.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Gwenllian, Daughter to Arglwydd Rhys, Son to Gwenllian Daughter of Gruffydh Prince, ap Cynan Prince of North-Wales, Son of Iago Prince, ap Idwall Prince, ap Meuric Prince, ap Idwall Foel Prince, ap Anarawd Prince, ap Rodri mawr Prince of all Wales, to whom King Henry the Seventh is Son by Gwenllian Mother to the Arglwydd Rhys in the seventeenth Degree.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Tudor, ap Gronw, ap Gwenllian, Ferch Arglwydd Rhys, ap Gwladis, Ferch Rhywall [...]n ap Cynfyn Prince of Powys, and Angharad Wife to Cynfyn, Daughter and Heir to Meredith Prince of Powys, Son of Owen Prince of Powys and South-Wales, Son to Cadell Prince there. Which [Page 337] Owen ap Howell dda, had two Sons, Meredith and Eineon, and Owen their Father gave the Principality of South-Wales to Eineon his Son, and the Principality of Powys to Meredith his other Son. Which Meredith had Issue An­gharad, that wedded Cynfyn, by whom he was Prince of Powys, which Cadell was Son to Rodri mawr Prince of all Wales, Son to Mer­fyn frych, &c. to Beli mawr, as above written by Guttin Owen's Book.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Tudor, ap Gronw, ap Gwenllian, Ferch Arglwydd Rhys, ap Gruffydh, ap Rhys, ap Tudor, ap Eineon, ap Eineon, ap Howell Dda, ap Cadell, ap An­gharad, Wife to Rodri mawr, Daughter to Meyric ap Dyfnwal, ap Arthen, ap Seissillt, ap Clydawc, ap Artholes, ap Arnothen, ap Brothan, ap Seirwell, ap Ussa, ap Caredic, ap Cwnedda weledic, ap Edeirn, ap Padarn Peisrydd, which Edeirn wedded Gwawl ferch Coel Godeboc, Mo­ther to Cwnedda weledyc, &c.

How Owen cometh of Meuryc Lord of Gwent, by Morfydd's Daughter, Wife to Gronw ap Ednyfed Fychan.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Tudor, ap Morfydd, Ferch Meuryc L. of Gwent.

How Owen cometh of Rodri mawr, by Angha­rad, Daughter to Ithel Fychan, ap Ithel Llwyd, and Wife of Tudor ap Gronw, ap Ednyfed Fychan.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Angharad, ferch Ithel Fychan, ap Ithel Llwyd, ap [Page 238] Ithel Gam, ap Meredith ap Vchdrud, ap Edwin King of Tegengle in Flintshire.

How Owen cometh of Rodri mawr by Adleis, Wife to Ithel Fychan, Daughter to Ricart.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor ap Gronw, ap Angharad Ferch Adleis Wife to Ithel Fychan, Daughter to Ricart, ap Cadwalader, ap Gruffydh, ap Kynan Prince of North-Wales, ap Iago, ap Idwal Foel, ap Anarawd, ap Rodri Mawr, &c. All this by Gyttin Owen's Book.

How Owen cometh of Beli Mawr by Gwerfill Ferch Madawc, o'r hên dwr, Wife to Gronw ap Tudor, ap Gronw, ap Ednysed Fychan.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor ap Gwerfill Ferch Madawc o'r hên dwr, ap Iers, ap Madawc, ap Meredith, ap Bleddyn, ap Kynfin Prince of Powis, &c. and so to Beli Mawr.

How Owen cometh to Beli Mawr by the Mo­ther of the said Gwerfill Ferch Madawc.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Tudor, ap Gwerfill Ferch Madawc o'r hên dwr, ap Lleucu Ferch Angharad, Ferch Meredith, ap Madawc, ap Gruffudh Maelor Prince of Powis. This Madawc ap Gruffudh Maelor, builded the Abby of Vala­crucis, in Welsh, Manachlog Llan Egwestl, the Year of our Lord 12 [...]. and lyeth there bu­ried, and this Gruffudh Maelor was Son to Ma­dawc, ap Meredith, ap Bleddin, ap Cynfin, ap Gweristan, ap Gwalthfoed, ap Gwrydor, ap Ca­riadawc, ap Lles Llaw Ddeawc, ap Edwal, ap [Page 339] Gwnnan, ap Gwnnawc Farf Sych, ap Keidic, ap Corf, ap Cadnawc, ap Tegonwy, ap Teon, ap Gwinaf Daufreuddwyd, ap Powyr lêw, ap Bywdec, ap Rhun rhudd baladr, ap Llary, ap Casfar Wledic, ap Lludd, ap Beli Mawr King of all England and Wales, to whom King Henry the Seventh is Son this way by Ludd in 36 degrees.

How Owen cometh to Beli Mawr by the Mo­thers side of Gwerfill Ferch Madawc.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Tudor, ap Gwerfill Ferch Eva, Ferch Llewelyn ap Gruffydh, ap Gwenwyn­win, ap Owen Cyfeilioc, ap Gruff. ap Madawc, ap Meredith of Powis, ap Bleddyn, ap Cynfin, &c. to Beli Mawr.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor ap Gwerfill Ferch Eva, Ferch Margret, Ferch Meredith gôch, ap Meredith, ap Iers Fychan, ap Iers gôch, ap Me­redith ap Bleddyn, ap Cynfin, &c. to Beli.

Owen ap Meredith ap Tudor, ap Gwerfyll, Ferch Eva, Ferch Margret, Ferch Meredith gôch, ap Christin, ap Bledrws, ap Edwal Owen Bendew one of the fifteen Tribes of North-Wales, Son to Cynan Feiniard ap Gwalthfoed, ap Gwlyddien, ap Gwridor, ap Caradawc, ap Lles Llaw ddeawc, ap Edwal, ap Gwnnan, ap Gwnnawc Farf sych, ap Ceidio, ap Corf, ap Cadnawc, ap Tegonwy, ap Teon, ap Gwinau dau Freuddwyd, &c. and so to Beli.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret Ferch To­mas, ap Lhewelin, ap Owen ap Meredith Lord Iscoed, ap Owen, ap Gruffydh, ap Rhys Prince of South Wales, so to Rodri Mawr.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch To­mas ap Llywelin, ap Angharad, Ferch Arglwydd Sion, John of Hasson by William ap David ap Gruffydh. Dubium.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch Tomas ap Llewelyn, ap Angharad Ferch Margret, Ferch Philip, ap Ifor Lord Iscoed by William ap Gruf­fydh. Dubium.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch Tomas ap Llewelyn, ap Angharad, Ferch Margret, Ferch Angharad, Ferch Llewelyn ap Iers drwyndwn Prince of all Wales. This Llewelyn wedded Inet Daughter of King John, which was Son to Henry the Second, Son to Mawd the Em­press, Daughter to Henry the First, Son to William the Conquerour, Son to Robert Duke of Normandy.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch Tomas ap Elinor Ferch.....Lord Barre by Gyttin Owen, by information of Dr. Owen Pool, and Mr. Lingam's Wife by an old Pedigree.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch Tomas ap Elinor, ferch Elinor, Ferch Edward Longshanks King of England.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch To­mas, ap Elinor Ferch Elinor Ferch Elinor second to King Edward abovesaid. Dubium.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch Elinor Ferch Meredith, ap Owen, ap Gruffydh, ap Rhys Prince of South-Wales, by Madawc ap Llewe­lyn ap Howel his Books.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch Eli­nor, Ferch Catrin, ferch Llewelyn ap Gruffydh last Prnce of Wales.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch Eli­nor, Ferch Llewelyn ap Gruffydh, ap Tangwistl, [Page 341] Ferch Llywarch gôch, ap Lhowarch ap Pyll, ap Cynan, ap Einion ap Gwridor gôch, ap Helic, ap Glannawc, ap Gwgon Gleddyfrudd, ap Ca­riadawc Freichfras, ap Llir Merini, ap Einion irth, ap Cunedda wledic.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch E­linor, Ferch Caterin, Ferch Elinor ap Gruffydh, ap Tangwistl, Ferch Tangwistl, Ferch Llowarch, ap Bran, ap Dinawal, ap Efnydd, ap Alawe Alser, ap Tudwal, ap Rodri mawr: by Gyttin Owen.

Gwen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch Eli­nor Fychan, Ferch Simon Montford Earl of Lei­cester: by Gyttin Owen.

Owen ap Meredith, ap Margret, Ferch Eli­nor, Ferch Caterin, Ferch Elinor Fychan, Ferch Elenor, Ferch John King of England.

Hereafter followeth the antient Lineage of the said Owen's Mother Margret Wife to Me­redith ap Tudor.

Owen ap Margret, Ferch Dafydd Fychan, ap Dafydd Llwyd, ap Cyner, ap Gronw, ap Cyner, ap Iers, ap Hwfa, ap Cwmus, ap Cil­lin ap Maeloc dda, ap Gredef, ap Kwmus du, ap Cillin Ynad, ap Predur Teirnoe, ap Meilir Eryr, gwyr gorsedd, ap Tiday, ap Tyfodde, ap Gwybfyw, ap Marchwin, ap Branap Pill, ap Cerfyr, ap Meilir Meilirion, ap Goron, ap Cu­nedda wledic, ap Gwawl Ferch Coel Godeboc as before.

Owen ap Margret, Ferch Dafydd Fychan, ap Dafydd Llwyd, ap Cyner, ap Gronw, ap Cyner, ap Iers, ap Hwfa, ap Generis Ferch Ednowain Bendew, ap Cynon Finiaid, ap Gwarthfoed, ap [Page 342] Gwridr ap Cradoc, ap Lles llaw ddeuawc, ap Edwal, ap Gwynnan: and so to Ludd, ap Beli mawr, as before by Gyttin Owen.

Owen ap Margret, Ferch Dafydd Fychan, ap Dafydd Lhwyd ap Cyner, ap Llaysedd Daugh­ter to Sir William Twychet, Knight, by Wil­liam. Indub.

Owen ap Margret, Ferch Dafydd Fychan, ap Dafydd Lhwyd, ap Alis, Ferch Robert, ap Turstan Holland Capitain of Harlech: by Wil­liam.

Owen ap Margret, Ferch Dafydd Fychan, ap Dafydd Lhwyd, ap Alis, Ferch Margret, Ferch Alan Norris, Knight, by William. Indub.

Owen ap Margret, Ferch Dafydd Fychan, ap Angharad, Ferch Howell ap Meredith, ap Iers, ap Cadwgan, ap Llywarch, ap Bran, as before, &c.

Owen ap Margret Ferch Dafydd Fychan, ap Angharad Ferch Howell ap Meredith, ap Iers, ap Gwenllian, Ferch Cynan ap Owen Gwynedd, ap Gruffydh ap Cynan, &c.

Owen ap Margret, Ferch Dafydd Fychan, ap Angharad, Ferch Owen ap Bleddin, ap Owen Bre­gennwn, ap Madawc, ap Meredith, ap Bleddin, ap Cynfin Prince of Powis; these 3 by Gyttin Owen.

Owen ap Margret, Ferch Dafydd Fychan, ap Angharad, Ferch Gwladis, Ferch Llewelin gethni, ap Edwal, ap Gruffydh, ap Meuric, ap Cadhayarn, ap Gwrydd, ap Rhys gôch one of the 15 Tribes of North Wales; which was Son to Sandwr ap Iarddwr, ap Mor, ap Tegerin, ap Aelaw, ap Gredres, ap Cwmus du, ap Cil­lin Ynad, &c. to Coel Godeboc.

Owen ap Margret, Ferch Dafydd Fychan, ap Angharad, Ferch Gwladus, Ferch Mali Llwyd, Ferch Iers ap Engion, ap Geraint, ap Tegwared, ap Cynfawr, ap Madawc diffaeth, which were Rulers and Great Men in Pentraeth.

Owen ap Margaret, Ferch Nest, Ferch Jer­my, ap Gruffydh, ap Howell, ap Meredith, ap Engion, ap Gwgon, ap Merwydd, ap Golwyn, one of the 15 Tribes of North-Wales, Son to Tang­no, ap Cadfael, ap Lludd, ap Llen, ap Llaminod Angel, ap Pasgen, ap Urien Rheged, ap Meir­chion, ap Grwst, ap Cennaf, ap Coel godeboc King as before.

Owen ap Margret, Ferch Nest, Ferch Jer­my, ap Gwerfill, ferch Gwladus, Ferch Edwal Fychan as before.

Owen ap Margret Ferch Nest, Ferch Angharad, Ferch Gruffydh, ap Dafydd gôch, ap Gruffydh, ap Llewelyn Prince of Wales.

Owen ap Margret Ferch Nest, Ferch Angha­rad, Ferch Gruffydh ap Dafydd gôch, ap Dafydd, ap Gruffydh, ap Tangwistl, Ferch Llowarch gôch, ap Llowarch Holbwrch, ap Pill, ap Cynan, ap Gwridor gôch, ap Helic, ap Glannoc as before.

Owen ap Margret Ferch Nest, Ferch Angha­rad, Ferch Gruffydh, ap Dafydd gôch, ap Rhanullt, Ferch Rheinallt King of Man.

Owen ap Margret Ferch Nest, Ferch Angha­rad, Ferch Gruffydh, ap Angharad, Ferch Heylyn, ap Tudor, ap Ednyfed Fychan.

Owen ap Margret Ferch Nest, Ferch Angha­had, Ferch Gruffydh, ap Angharad, Ferch Heylyn, ap Adleir, Ferch Ricart, ap Cadwalader, ap Gruf­fydh, ap Cynan Prince. These 4 by Gyttin Owen.

Owen ap Margret Ferch Nest, Ferch Angharad, ferch Gruffydh, ap Angharad, ferch Heylyn, ap Adleis, [Page 344] Ferch Ricart, ap Cadwalader, ap Gruffydh, ap Cynan, ap Afandrec Wife to Iago, Daughter to Gwayr, ap Pill, ap Cynan, ap Cynddelw gam, ap Elgudi, ap Grwyfnad, ap Diwgludd, ap Tegawc, ap Cyfnerth, ap Madoc Madogion, ap Sauddl bryd Angel, ap Llylwarch hên, ap Elidor Ludanwin, ap Meirchion gûl, ap Erwst galedlwm, ap Cenaw, ap Coel godeboc King as before.

Owen ap Margret Ferch Nest, Ferch Angharad, Ferch Marret, Ferch Tudor, ap Iers, ap Ewrgwnon, ap Cyfnerth, ap Rhuon, ap Nefydd hardd, one of the 15 Tribes of North Wales.

Owen ap Margaret Ferch Nest, Ferch Ang­harad, Ferch Margaret, Ferch Tangwistl, Ferch Madawc, ap Cyfnerth, ap Cyhelyn, ap Llywarch Fychan, ap Llywarch gôch, ap Llowarch Holbwrch, ap Pill, ap Cynon, ap Gwrydr gôch, ap Helic ap Glannoc, ap Gwgon gleddyfrudd, ap Cariadoc freich frâs, ap Glir Meirini, ap Engion yrth, ap Cynedda wledic, by Gyttin Owen.

Abstracted out of the old Cronicles of Wales, by Sir John Leiaf, Priest, Guttin Owen, Gruffydh ap Llewelyn ap Jermy, Fychan, Madawc ap Llewelyn ap Howell, Robert ap Howell ap Tho­mas, John King, with many others, at the King's Majesty's Costs and Charges. The Abbot of Llanegwestle, and Dr. Owen Pool, Canon of Harf, Over-seers.

APPENDIX.

Rex
omnibus, &c.

SCiatis, quod cum Lewelinus Princeps de Aberffraw & Dominus Snawerden, nobis concesserit & fir­miter promiserit, quod stabit provisioni venera­bilium Patrum Redulphi Cicestrensis Episcopi & Can­cellarii nostri, & Alexandri Conventrensis & Lich­field Episcopi, & dilectorum & fidelium nostrorum Richardi Mareschalli Comitis Pembroch, Johannis de Lascy Comitis Lincolniæ & Constabularii Cestriæ, Stephani de Segrave Justiciarii nostri Angliæ, & Ra­dulphi filii Nicholai Seneschalli nostri, una cum Idne­vet Seneschallo ipsius Lewelini & Werrenoc fratre ejus, Imano Vachan & David Clerico, quam ipsi fa­cturi sunt super congruis emendis nobis faciendis, de omnibus excessibus nobis & nostris, ab eo & suis fa­ctis & de restitutione nobis & hominibus nostris fa­ciendâ de omnibus terris & possessionibus nostris, & nostrorum per ipsum Lewelinum & Wallenses occu­patis, occasione Werræ inter nos & ipsum motæ; si­mul etiam de recipienda restitutione à nobis & no­stris, de omnibus terris ipsius Lewelini & hominum suorum per nos & nostros occupatis, occasione Werræ praedictæ, & de assignando David filio ipsius Lewe­lini & Ysabellæ uxori ejus primogenitæ filiæ & hære­redis. Willielmi de Breus, rationabili portione ipsam Ysabellam contingente, de terris quæ fuerunt præ­dicti Willielmi patris sui, & de refusione pecuniæ no­bis, facienda, pro praedictis excessibus congruè emen­dandis & portione prædicta assignanda; Provisa ta­men [Page 346] super hoc ab eisdem sufficiente securitate de fideli seruitio nobis præstando & de tranquilitate no­bis & regno nostro Angliæ, observanda. Ita quod dampnum vel periculum, nec nobis nec regno nostro inde possit evenire. Et si pendente provisione prædicta, aliquid de novo emerserit emendandum, idem Lewe­linus voluerit & concesserit, quod per prædictos pro­visores emendetur. Nos provisionem eorundem quam facturi sunt super omnibus præmissis, gratam habe­mus & acceptam pro nobis, & nostris sicut præfatus Lewelinus pro se & suis & in hujus rei testimonium has literas patentes inde fieri fecimus. Teste me ipso apud Salop septimo die Decembris & decimo sep­timo anno Regni nostri.

Rex,
&c.

LEWELINO Principi de Aberfraw salutem. Sci­atis quod recepimus in gratiam nostram, Gil­bertum Mareschallum & omnes qui fuerunt imprisii Richardi Mareschalli tam de Angliâ quam de Walliâ qui ad pacem nostram venire voluerunt & eis reddi­dimus omnes terras & tenementa sua quæ de nobis tenuerunt, & de quibus dissessiti fuerunt occa­sione guerræ motæ inter nos & prædictum comi­tem, & nobis remanent quieta quæcunque super nos & nostros per prædictum comitem, vel suos imprisios occupata fuerunt quæ vobis duximus signi­ficanda. Volentes quod vobis innotescant quæ penes nos acta sunt in hac parte, & quia per venerabilem patrem Edmundum Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum & Co-episcopos suos captæ sunt Treugae inter nos & vos sub firma spe tractandi de pace inter nos & vos formanda & fortius firmanda. Mittimus pro­pter hoc prædictum Archiepiscopum & venerabiles Patres Alexandrum Coventrensem & Lichfieldensem & Henricum Roffensem Co-episcopos suos ad partes Marchiæ; ita quod erunt apud Salop die Lunæ in Crastino sanctæ Trinitatis: Et rogamus vos quatenus sicut nostram desideratis amicitiam non omittatis quin [Page 347] in Crastino die Martis loco tuto & competenti, quem prædictus Archiepiscopus vobis significabit ipsi Archi­episcopo & Coepiscopis suis occuratis ad tractatum cum eis habendum super præmissis. In quorum e­tiam ore quædam quæ non duximus scripto com­mendanda posuimus vobis plenius exponenda; rogan­tes quatinus sicut decet taliter ea quæ reformatio­nem pacis respiciunt & quæ ipsi plenius in hac parte vobis explicabunt audire cum effectu & eisdem ad­quiescere velitis, quod non stet per vos quin firmum & stabile pacis vinculum inter nos & vos roboretur ad nostrum pariter & vestrum commodum & ho­norem.

Rex,
&c.

DIlecto & fideli suo Richardo Comiti Cornubiæ & Pictaviae salutem. Sciatis quod treugæ cap­tæ sunt inter nos & Lewelinum Principem de Aber­fraw per venerabilem patrem Edmundum Archie­piscopum Cantuariensem & Episcopos secum adjun­tos & quosdam alios fideles nostross propter hoc ad partes Walliæ destinatos duraturæ à festo Sancti Ja­cobi anno regni nostri decimo octavo usque in duos annos sequentes in hac forma. Quod omnes injuriæ & damnæ hinc inde facta infra ultimam treugam captam per venerabilem Patrem Henricum Roffen­sem Episcopum in media quadragessima proximo præ­terita pe [...] Dictatores ejusdem treugæ emendabuntur, quod omnes terræ hinc inde occupatæ per ultimam Guerram motam, restituentur his quibus postea sint oblatæ, homines etiam illi qui hinc inde recefferint à fidelitate dominorum suorum & se tenuerunt ex parte adversa libere revertantur. Ita quidem quod durantibus treugis prædictis in nullo occasionabuntur nec aliquid dampni vel mali eis fiet occasione præ­dicta. Adjectum est etiam in eadem provisione treuga­tum; quod si vos & dilectus & fidelis noster Radul­phus [Page 348] de Thorny nolueritis sub eisdem treugis com­prehendi bene placebit eidem Lewelino. Sin autem nihilominus, quod ad nos & alios fideles nostros eas firmiter observabit. Et sub tali conditione quod si forte tenere non velletis contra vos se defendet. Ita quod contra ipsum & defensionem suam nullum vo­bis faciemus nec facere porerimus per nos vel per ali­quem de Marchia vel alium interim consilium vel auxilium ad ipsum gravandum, & taliter sunt treu­gae prædictæ ex parte ipsius Lewelini juratæ & asse­curatæ & in adventu prædicti Archiepiscopi ad nos similiter ex parte nostra eas jurari faciemus & affe­curari, & ideo vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes, quatinus prædictis treugis sine difficultate aliquà ad­quiescentes eas teneatis & ex parte vestra eas teneri faciatis. Quia modis omnibus volumus quod eas te­neatis & firmiter observetis. Quid autem inde fa­cere proposueritis aperte responsum vestrum nobis sub festinatione scire faciatis. Teste Rege apud Westmo­nasterium tricesimo die Junii.

Radulphus Herefordensis Episcopus, Decanus He­refordiæ, Walterus de Clifford & Walterus de bello Campo iterum constituti sunt Dictatores emendarum, faciendarum & recipiendarum de interceptionibus fa­ctis, ut dicitur Lewelino Principi de Aberfraw, &c. & Morganô de Carleon quoad Castrum Carleon & eis­dem dictatoribus associati sunt Prior de Wenloc & Jo­hannes extraneus & debent convenire in crastino clausi Paschae apud vadum de Montgomery ad con­sequendum quod priore die ad hoc constituto debu­isset fuisse executum. Teste Rege apud Northamton sexto die Martii.

REX
omnibus ad quod præsentes literæ pervene­rint.

Sciatis quod concessimus bona fide & sine malo ingenio & ratas habemus & gratas treugas cap­tas apud Theokesburiam die Veneris in Festo Sancti Benedicti, anno regni nostri vicesimo per venerabilem Patrem Edmundum Cantuariensem Archiepiscopum in­ter nos & omnes homines & imprisios nostros apertos ex una parte, & Lewelinum Principem de Aberfraw & Dominum de Snaudan & omnes homines & in­prisios suos apertos tam Walenses quam alios ex alia parte duraturos à Festo Sancti Jacobi, anno eodem usque in unum annum completum. Ita scilicet quod tam nos & nostri quam praedictus Lewelinus & sui simus in eisdem terris & tenementis, hominibus & ho­magiis in quibus fuimus prædicto die captionis treu­garum istarum. Salva Morgano de Carleon restitu­tione sua tam de terris quam de bonis & Mobilibus suis quæ comes Gilbertus Mareschallus occuparerat, super eum infra treugas alias inter nos & ipsum Le­welinum ultimo captas. Siquid autem interim fue­rit foris factum per captionem terrarum vel castro­rum vel bonorum mobilium & manifestum de cap­tione terrarum vel castrorum illorum terræ; & castra statim reddantur non expectata aliqua correctione emendatorum treugæ, sed de bonis mobilibus ita cap­tis per ipsos correctores fiant emendæ, treugis nihil-ominus durantibus in suâ firmitate in forma præ­dicta. Ita quod hinc inde nulla namia capiantur pro aliqua interceptione facta infra treugas istas de bonis mobilibus, nec pro aliqua contentione ante captionem hujus treugae orta, sed per ipsos correctores fiant. Nul­lus etiam receptet in potestate suâ imprisios alterius inde emendæ sicut prædictum est durantibus treu­gis. Nullum etiam castrum novum firmetur in Mar­chia vel dirutum reficiatur durantibus treugis, & terræ sint communes secundum formam treugarum quæ ultimo capræ fuerunt inter nos & ipsum Lewelinum. [Page 350] Juraverunt autem in animam nostram ex parte no­stra in hanc treugam bona fide, & sine malo inge­nio fideliter observandam usque ad prædictum termi­num dilicti & fideles nostri Henricus de Aldithely, Johannes Lestrange & Henricus de Stafford, in cujus, &c. Teste me ipso apud Theokesburiam, undecimo die Julii, anno regni nostri vicesimo.

Sciant præsentes & futuri, quod ita convenit inter Do­minum Henricum Regem Angliæ illustrem ex una parte, & David filium Lewelini quondam Principis Nor­walliæ & Dominum de Aberfraw ex altera, apud Glou­cestriam die Martis proximo ante Festum Sancti Dun­stanni, anno regni ipsius regis vicesimo quarto, de Homagio ipsius David quod ipse offerrebat eidem Do­mino Regi pro jure suo Norwalliæ & de terris quas Barones ipsius Domini Regis scilicet Griffinus filius Wennuwan & alii Barones Domini Regis petebant versus ipsum David ut jura sua excepta de monte alto secundum quod continetur in scripto nuper confecto apud crucem Griffini per Seneschallos Domini Regis, quæ ad præsens excipitur ab arbitrio, salvo tamen in posterum jure Seneschalli Cestriæ in terra illa si quod habent. Scilicet, quod prædictus Dominus Rex ce­pit homagium præfati David de praedicto jure suo Not­walliæ, & quod tam idem Dominus Rex pro præfatis Baronibus suis de conscensu eorundem quam præfatus David pro se & suis & hæredibus eorum super omni­bus terris prædictis se submiserunt, arbitrio venerabili­um Patrum Ottonis Sancti Nicolai in Carcere Tulli­ano Diaconi, Cardinalis Apostolici sedis legati; Wi­gorniæ & Noriveci Episcoporum, & nobilis viri Ri­chardi Comitis Pictaviæ & Cornubiæ, fratris ipsius Domini Regis & Johannis de Monemue ex parte ip­sius Domini Regis, & venerabilis Patris Episcopi de Sancto Asaph Idnevet Vaghan, Eynguan Vaghan ex parte praefati David. Ita quod quomodo libet ab ipsis omnibus vel à majori parte eorundem, super præmis­siis fuerit arbitratum, utraque pars ipsorum stabit Ar­bitrio & illud in perpetuum firmiter observabit; & ad hæc fideliter sine fraude servanda Willielmus de Can­telupo [Page 351] de præcepto Regis juravit in animam ipsius Regis & idem David in propria persona sua corporate præstitit Sacramentum. Et insuper se submiserunt juris­dictioni & inordinationi præfati Domini legati quam­diu in Anglia legationis fungatur officio, ut partem contra præmissa venientem per censuram Ecclesiasticam mo­dis omnibus quibus melius viderit expedire, tam ad prædictum arbitrium observandum quam ad trans­gressionem contra illud perpetratam emendandam va­leat coercere, ordine juris observato. Dum tamen idem David vel sui, si forsitan contra prædicta venire praesumpserint prius coram dicto Domino legato vel aliquibus aliis ad hoc ab ipso deputandis & partibus merito non suspectis in confinio Marchiæ loco eidem David & suis tuto legitime communicantur, si ad hoc vocati venerint: Vel si legitimè vocati non venerint pro contumacibus habeantur nisi rationabile & suffi­ciens habeant impedimentum, finito vero praedictæ legationis officio sub forma præscripta & cohercioni & jurisdictioni Domini Cantuariensi Archiepiscopi & suc­cessorum suorum & Ecclesiae Cantuariensis se partes prædictæ submiserunt. Et sciendum quod per hanc pacem remanent Domino Regi & hæredibus suis om­nia homagia Baronum Walliae quieta, & remittuntur omnia incendia, homicidia, & alia mala tam ex parte Anglicorum quam Wallensium perpetrata; ita quod ad invicem plene reconcilientur. Salvo præfati David jure suo, si quod habet in aliis terris. Et si forte ali­quis prædictorum arbitrorum ante hoc arbitrium completum in fata decesserit, vel per impedimentum rationabile prædicto arbitrio faciendo non possit in­teresse; alius loco suo substituetur qui neutri partium merito suspectus habeatur: Ad hoc præfati Episcopus de Sancto Asaph Idnevet & Ignan & Griffinus filius Rotherich præstiterunt Sacramentum, quod quantum in eis est, prædicta fideliter observabunt & ab ipso David & suis modis omnibus quibus poterunt, facient observari: Ad majorem autem hujus rei securitatem factum est hoc scriptum inter ipsos Regem & David in modo Chirographi. Ita quod parti remanenti pe­nes ipsum Dominum Regem appositum est Sigillum [Page 352] ipsius una cum Sigillo prædictorum Episcopi de Sancto Asapho Idnevet, Ignan & Griffini, & parti pe­nes ipsum David remanenti appositum est sigillum Do­mini Regis: His testibus venerabilibus Patribus Ottone Sancti Nicolai in carcere Tulliano Diacono, Cardinali apostolicæ Sedis legato; Waltero Eboracensi Archiepi­scopo, Waltero Carleolensi, Waltero Wygornensi & Willielmo Norwicensi Episcopis; Richardo Comite Pi­ctaviæ & Cornubiæ fratre Domini Regis, venerabili Patre Episcopo de Sancto Antando; Seneschallis nostris Joanne extraneo, Edenyfet Watham, Griffino filio Rotherich, David Archidiacon de Sancto Asaph & aliis.

Rex.
DAVID filio Lewelini salutem.

Bene recoli­mus qualiter nos vobis nuper in mandatis dedi­mus, quod coram nobis apud Wigorniam comparere­tis ad providendum arbitros qui loco eorum qui pri­mo ad hoc electi fuerint & qui ad partes recesserunt transmarinas, justitiam secundum formam pacis inter & vos provise singulis conquerentibus exhiberent; & in arbitrio praedicto secundum formam debitam proce­derent & similiter ad justitiam recipiendam de por­tione uxorem vestram contingente de haereditate sua: Et similiter ad standum recto super his de quibus Se­nescallus de Monte alto & aliis de vobis sunt conquesti. Et quia ad diem & locum vobis præfixos non accessi­stis, sed literas vestras nobis misistis; continentes quod tres ex vestris ad nos loco vestro destinastis, ex quibus tantum unus ad nos accessit qui ad præmissa adim­plenda nullam potestatem habuit; unde quibusdam ex nostris visum fuerat quod hoc malitiose & ut sub­terfugium quæreretis per vos factum fuit. Nos ta­men hoc non credentes sed fidelitatem vestram adhuc magis probare volentes, vobis mandamus in fide qua nobis tenemini, præcipiendo quatinus omni occasione [Page 353] post pofita personaliter compareatis apud Salop, die Dominica ante Dominicam Palmarum coram fide­libus nostris quos illuc duxerimus transmittendos ad consentiendum in personas certas, ad procedendum in arbitrio prædicto loco eorum qui ad partes ttans­marinas recesserunt & ad faciendum in eodem arbi­trio id quod adhuc restat faciendum; & ad recipien­dam justitiam de portione uxorem vestram de hære­ditate sua contingente & ad standum recto Seneschallo Cestriae & aliis de vobis conquerentibus. Quod si personaliter ad hoc faciendum venire non possitis tales loco vestro mittatis qui plenam potestatem habeant hæc omnia nomine vestro faciendi Nos enim vobis & vestris per eos quos ibidem mittimus aut per nos­met ipsos salvum & securum provideri faciemus con­ductum. Teste Rege apud Wudestock decimo nono die Februarii.

Anno Domini millesimo ducentesimo quadrage­simo primo, die Dominica proxima ante inventionem Sanctæ crucis assignata, David filio Lewelini quondam Principis Norwalliæ & Marchionibus ad consentien­dum in arbitros sustituendos loco absentium & ad fa­ciendam & recipiendam justitiam secundum formam pacis conventæ inter Dominum Regem & dictum David comparuit Thudius Seneschallus ipsius David, Cancellarius & Philippus filius Ibor Clericus ex parte David procuratores; ostendentes literas ipsius David, in quibus dictus David promittebat se ratum habitu­rum quicquid per ipsos fieret secundum formam pa­cis supradictæ. Radulphus vero de mortuo mari & Rogerus Seneschallus Cestriæ & Griffinus pro se & aliis Marchionibus comparuerunt; petentes instanter quod secundum dicta restium productorum coram Domino Stephano de Segrave, & conjudicibus suis vicem Domini Regis gerentibus apud Salop eisdem exhiberetur justitiæ complementum. Sed contra pro­curatores præfati David asserebant dictos testes non esse receptos secundum formam pacis. Quare se­cundum dicta eorum non dicebat nec poterat judi­cari. Tandem continuata die & altercatione magna [Page 254] super hoc & aliis habitata inter partes, forma pacis prædictæ producta in medio visaque & perfecta loco absentium arbitrorum scilicet Domini Ottonis Sancti Nicolai in carcere Tulliano Diaconi Cardinalis, Do­mini Papae quondam legati in Anglia Wigornensis & Norwicensis Episcoporum subrogati sunt per Domi­num Regem de consensu dictorum procuratorum Episcopus Coventrensis, Johannes filius Galfridi & He­rebertus filius Matthaei, & Walterus de Clifford: Qui­bus data est eadem potestas quam haberent absen­tes si præsentes essent secundum formam pacis præ­dictæ & assignata est dies partibus à die Pentecostes proximo in unum mensem apud pontem de Mane­ford ultra Salop ad probanda hinc inde sive per productos testes; non obstante productione jam facta per alios & quolibet probationis genere sive per in­strumenta, sive alio modo quæ voluerunt & sibi no­verint expedienda; & illa die dabitur alia ad judicium audiendum secundum probata coram eisdem arbitris juxta formam pacis superius prælibatæ.

Rex.
DAVID filio Lewelini quondam Principis Nor­walliæ salutem.

Ex certâ quorundam relatione didicimus quod vos contra juramentum nobis præsti­tum quosdam fratres Griffini filii Madoc & etiam quosdam homines nostros de Keri, qui homagia nobis fecerunt vobis confeoderatis & ab obsequio & fide­litate nostra subtraxistis & fratres prædicti Griffini contra nos in terra vestra receptatis. Tres quidem de Seneschallis vestris in succursum eorum qui ex­pugnant dilectum & fidelem nostrum Radulphum de Mortuo mari destinastis cædes & incendia per vos & vestros in terra sua & terris aliorum fidelium com­mittendo, terras etiam quæ in curia nostra abjudi­catæ fuerunt Oweno Vaghan & nepotibus suis, eis contra justitiam deforciatis, non permittentes quod [Page 355] executio fiar de his quæ in curia nostra sunt consi­derata. Quandam etiam navem Cestriæ quæ in po­testate vestra applicuit Cartata blado & aliis victuali­bus arestari fecistis per vos & gentem vestram, in nullo his quorum bladum & victualia fuerunt inde satisfacientes super quibus non modicum admiramur & movemur; & multo fortius quod cum nuper mi­sissemus nuntios vestros solempnes usque Salop, ut pote venerabilem Patrem Henricum Coventrensem & Lich­fieldensem Episcopum, & dilectos & fideles nostros Johannem filium Galfridi, & Henricum de Aditheleg paratos ad emendas faciendas & recipiendas de in­terceptionibus factis, tam ex parte nostra, quam ex parte vestra, vos tanquam in contemptum nostrum prædictis fidelibus nostris non occurristis, nec per ali­quos de vestris in eorum occursum mittere curâstis, quod quidem ægre nos movet cum tot & tantas inju­rias quas longum esset enumerare contra nos & no­stros nullo modo attemptare debuistis: & ideo vobis mandamus quod prædictos fideles nostros tam fratres praedicti Griffini quam homines nostros de Keri quos à fidelitate nostra subtruxistis ad fidem nostram re­dire faciatis. Non impedientes quin prædictus Owenus Vaghan & nepotes sui secundum abjudicatum est in curia nostra terris suis gaudere possint & eas paci­ficè possidere. Id etiam quod contra dilectum & fi­delem nostrum Radulphum de mortuo mari & alios fideles nostros & etiam quod de navi illa Cestrensi at­temptâstis, sic emendari faciatis; quod nobis non re­linquatur materia injurias prædictas gravius ulciscen­di quod nollemus. Nec omitatis quin ci [...]ra festum Sancti Petri ad vincula nobis significetis qualiter dampna & injurias prædictas, quae nullo modo dissi­mulare poterimus nobis emendare volueritis. Teste Rege apud Merlebergh, quarto decimo die Julii.

Sciant præsentes & futuri quod ita convenit inter Dominum Henricum Regem Angliae illustrem ex una parte & Senanam uxorem Griffini filii Lewelini quon­dam Principis Norwalliae, quem David frater ejus tenet carceri mancipatum cum Owen filio suo nomine [Page 356] ejusdem Griffini ex altera; scilicet quod prædicta Se­nana manucepit pro prædicto Griffino viro suo quod dabit Domino Regi sexcentas Marcas, ut Rex eum & prædictum Owen filium suum liberari faciat à car­cere detineri. Et ut Rex postea judicio Curiæ suæ secundum legem Walensem ei & hæredibus suis ha­bere faciat super portione quæ eum continget de hæ­reditate quae fuit prædicti Lewelini patris sui & quam prædictus David, ipsi Griffino deforciavit. Ita si quod idem Griffinus vel hæredes sui per considerationem curiæ Domini Regis reciperent portionem quam se dicunt contingere de hæreditate prædicta, eadem Se­nana manucepit pro prædicto Griffino & hæredibus suis quod ipse & hæredes sui imperpetuum inde red­dent Domino Regi & hæredibus suis trecentas Marcas annuas. Scilicet tertiam partem in denariis & tertiam partem in bobus & vaccis, & tertiam partem in equis per æstimationem legalium hominum liberandas vice­comiti Salop, apud Salop, & per manum ipsius vice­comitis ad saccarium Regis deferendas & ibidem li­berandas, scilicet unam medietatem ad festum Sancti Michaelis & aliam medietatem ad Pascham. Eadem etiam Senana manucepit pro prædicto Griffino viro suo & hæredibus suis quod firmam Pacem tenebunt cum præfato David super portione quæ eidem David remanebit de hæreditate prædicta: Manucepit etiam Senana pro præfato Griffino & hæredibus suis, quod si aliquis Walensis aliquo tempore Regi vel hæredibus suis rebellis extiterit, præfatus Griffinus & hæredes sui ad custum suum proprium ipsum compellent ad satisfaciendum Domino Regi & hæredibus suis. Et de his omnibus supradictis observandis, dicta Se­nana dabit Domino Regi David & Rothery filios suos obsides: Ita tamen quod si de præfato Griffino & Oweyno filio suo qui cum eo est in carcere huma­nitùs contingat antequam inde deliberentur; alter prædictorum filiorum eidem Senanæ reddetur reli­quo obside remanente: Juravit insuper Senana ta­ctis Sacro-Sanctis Evangeliis pro se & praefato Grif­fino & hæredibus suis quod hæc omnia firmiter ob­servabunt. Et manucepit quod præfatus Griffinus [Page 357] idem jurabit cum à carcere liberatus fuerit, & super præmissis se submisit nomine dicti Griffini jurisdictioni Herefordensis & Conventrensis Episcoporum. Ita quod præfati Episcopi, vel alter eorum quem Do­minus Rex elegerit ad requisitionem ipsius Regis per sententias excommunicationis in personas & interdicti in terras eorum coherceant ad omnia prædicta & sin­gula observanda. Hæc omnia manucepit prædicta Senana & bona fide promisit se facturam & curatu­ram quod omnia impleantur, & quod præfatus Grif­finus cum liberatus fuerit, & hæredes sui hæc omnia grata habebunt & complebunt & instrumentum suum inde dabunt Domino Regi in formâ prædicta. Ad majorem siquidem hujus rei securitatem factum est hoc scriptum inter ipsum Dominum Regem & præfa­tam Senanam nomine præfati Griffini viri sui. Ita quod parti remanenti penes ipsum Dominum Regem appositum est sigillum præfati Griffini per manum præfatæ Senanæ uxoris suæ una cum sigillo ipsius Se­nanæ; & parti remanenti penes ipsam Senanam nomine præfati Griffini appositum est sigillum ipsius Domini Regis: De supradictis etiam omnibus complendis & firmiter observandis dedit prædicta Senana nomine præfati Griffini Domino Regi plegios subscriptos, viz. Radulphum de Mortuo Mari, Walterum de Clifford, Rogerum de Monte alto Senescallum Cestriæ, Mail­gun filium Mailgwn, Mereduc filium Roberti, Griffi­num filium Maddoc de Baunfeld, Howel & Mereduc fratres ejus, Griffinum filium Wennwen, qui hæc omnia pro præfatâ Senana manuceperunt & Cartas suas ipsi Domino Regi inde fecerunt. Actum apud Salop die Lunæ proxima ante assumptionem beatæ Mariæ anno ipsius Regis vicessimo quinto.

OMnibus hoc scriptum visuris
Rogerus de Monte alto Seneschallus Cestriae
salutem.

Sciatis quod ego me constituti plegium Senanae uxoris Griffini filii Leol [...]ni quondam Principis Norwalliae, & manu cepi [Page 358] pro ea erga Dominum meum Henricum Regem An­gliæ illustrem, quod omnia quæ conventionavit eidem Domino meo nomine præfati viri sui à carcere in quo David frater ejus eos detinet & pro portione quæ ipsum Griffinum contingit de hæreditate quæ fuit præ­dicti Leolini patris suis & quam præfatus David fra­ter ejus ei deforciat, Domino Regi firmiter observa­bit.

In cujus rei testimonium huic scripto sigillum meum apposui. Actum apud Salopesbury die Lunæ ante assumptionem Beatæ Mariæ, Anno regni ipsius vicesimo quinto.

Sub eadem forma fecerunt singuli plegii præscripti.

Sciant præsentes & futuri quod ego Mereducus fi­lius Howel, tactis sacrosanctis juravi quod ab isto die in antea omnibus diebus vitæ meæ ero ad fidelitatem Domini Regis Angliæ, & serviam ei fideliter & de­vote cum omnibus viribus meis & toto posse meo quandocunque indiguerit servitio meo, & treugam inter Dominum Radulphum de mortuo mari & me initam usque ad festum S. Michaelis anno Regni Re­gis Henrici vigesimo quinto ex parte mea fideliter observabo: & tam ad fidelitatem Domino Regi in perpetuum observandum quam ad treugas prædictas observandas usque ad terminum prædictum supposui me jurisdictioni Domini Herefordensis Episcopi, & Domini Coventrensis & Lichfieldensis Episcopi, vel alterius eorum, quem Dominus Rex ad hoc elegerit, ut si in aliquo contra prædictam fidelitatem Domini Regis, vel contra observantiam prædictarum treuga­rum venerit, liceat eis vel eorum alteri quem Domi­nus Rex ad hoc elegerit personam meam & omnes meos excommunicate & terram meam interdicere, do­nec de transgressione ipsam satisfecero ad plenum. Et fi forsitan infra praedictum Festum Sancti Michaeli in­ter prædictum Radulphum de mortuo mari & me nul­la pax fuerit formata, licet post festum illud bellum moveant prædicto Radulpho, non obligabit me prædi­ctum juramentum dum tamen erga Dominum Regem fidelitatem observam continuam, sicut prædictum est. [Page 359] Etsi bellum post prædictum terminum inter nos movea­tur, nihilominus Dominus Rex sustinebit quod ego & mei receptemur in terra sua sicut alii fideles sui. Ad prædicta autem observanda Domino Regi & hæredi­bus suis obligo me per juramentum prædictum, & per sigilli mei appositionem quod huic scripto appo­sui, ad majorem confirmationem prædictorum.

Actum in crastino assumptionis Beatæ Mariæ, anno regni Re­gis Henrici vigesimo quinto.
Sub eisdem verbis fecerunt Domino Regi chartas suas,
  • Owen filius Howell.
  • Mailgon filius Mail­gun.
  • Mereduc filius Mereduc.
  • Howel filius Cadwachlan,
  • & Cadwachlan filius Howel.
OMnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos præsentes li­teræ pervenerunt,
David, filius Leolini,
salu­tem.

Sciatis quod concessi Domino meo Henrico Regi Angliæ illustri filio Domino Johannis Regis: quod deliberabo Griffinum fratrem meum quem teneo incarceratum una cum filio suo primogenito & aliis qui occasione prædicti Griffini sunt in parte mea in­carcerati, & ipsos eidem domino meo Regi tradam. Et postea stabo juri Curiæ ipsius Domini Regis tam super eo, utrum idem Griffinus debeat teneri captus quam super portione terræ quæ fuit prædicti Leolini patris mei, si qua ipsum Griffinum contingere debeat, secundum consuetudinem Walensium. Ita quod pax servetur inter me & prædictum Griffinum fratrem me­um quod caveatur de ipsa tenenda secundum consi­derationem curiæ ipsius Domini Regis, & quod tam ego quam prædictus Griffinus portiones nostras quæ nos contingent de prædictis terris tenebimus in ca­pite de prædicto domino Rege. Et quod reddam Ro­gero de monte alto Seneschallo Cestriæ terram suam de Monthaut cum pertinentiis: & sibi & aliis Baronibus & fidelibus domini Regis scisinas terrarum suarum occupatarum à tempore belli orti inter ipsum domi­num Johannem Regem & prædictum Leolinum pa­trem [Page 360] meum, salvo jure proprietatis cujuslibet pacti & instrumenti super quo stabitur juri hinc inde in curiâ ipsius domini Regis: & quod reddam ipsi domino re­gi omnes expensas quas ipse & sui fecerunt occasione exercitûs istius. Et quod satisfaciam de damnis & in­juriis illatis sibi & suis secundum considerationem præ­dictæ curiæ vel malefactores ipsos, ipsi domino regi reddam omnia homagia quæ dominus Johannes rex pater ejus habuit, & quæ dominus Rex de jure ha­bere debet; & specialiter omnium nobilium Wallen­sium. Et quod idem dominus rex non dimittit ali­quem de suis captivis quin ipsi domino regi & suis remaneant seisinae suæ. Et quod terra de Engusmere cum pertinentiis suis in perpetuum remanebit domi­no regi, vel hæredibus suis, & quod de cætero non receptabo vilagas vel foris banniatos ipsius domini regis, vel Baronum suorum de Marchia in terra mea, nec permittam receptari; & de omnibus articulis su­pradictis, & singulis firmiter & in perpetuum obser­vandis, domino regi, & hæredibus suis, pro me & hæ­redibus meis cavebo per obsides & pignora & aliis modis quibus dominus rex dicere voluit vel dictare. Et in his & in omnibus aliis stabo voluntati, & man­datis ipsius domini regis & juri parebo omnibus in cu­ria sua. In cujus rei testimonium, præsenti scripto sigillum meum appendi. Actum apud Atrietum ju­xta fluvium Elvey de S. Asapho in festo decolla­tionis S. Johanni Babtistæ, anno prædicti domini re­gis Henrici vigesimo quinto.

Sciendum quod illi qui capti detinentur cum prædi­cto Griffino, eodem modo tradentur domino regi do­nec per curiam suam consideratum fuerit, utrum & quomodo debeant deliberari. Et ad omnia firmiter tenenda, ego David juravi super crucem sanctam quam coram me feci deportari. Venerabilis etiam pater Howelus episcopus de S. Asaph ad petitionem meam firmiter promisit in ordine suo, quod hæc om­nia prædicta faciet, & procurabit modis quibus po­terit, observari. Ednevet siquidem Waugam per præ­ceptum meum, illud idem juravit super crucem prædi­ctam. [Page 361] Actum ut supra. Præterea concessi pro me & hæredibus meis quod si ego, vel hæredes mei con­tra pacem domini regis, vel hæredium suorum, vel contra articulos prædictos, aliquid attentaverimus tota hæreditas nostra domino regi, & hæredibus suis incurratur. De quibus omnibus & singulis supposui me, & hæredes meos, jurisdictioni Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis, & episcoporum Londinensis, Herefor­densis, & Coventrensis, qui pro tempore præerunt, quod omnes, vel unus eorum, quem dominus rex ad hoc elegerit, possit nos excommunicare, & terram nostram interdicere, si aliquid contra prædicta atten­taverimus. Et procuravi quod episcopi de Bangor & de S. Asaph chartas suas domino regi fecerunt per quas concesserunt, quod omnes sententias tam excom­municutionis quam interdicti à prædictis Archiepis­copo, episcopis, vel aliquo eorum, ferendas, ad man­datum eorum exequentur.

Rex
omnibus, &c.
DAVID filius Lewelini quondam principis Norwalliae,
Salutem.

Noverint universitas vestra me spontanea voluntate mea pepegisse Domi­no meo Henrico Dei gratia Angliæ, quod ego & hæredes mei eidem domino regi, & hæredibus suis omnibus diebus vitæ nostræ constanter & fideliter serviemus, nec aliquo tempore contra eos erimus: Quod si forte evenerit, quod à fideli servicio suo, vel hæredum suorum, quod absit, recesserimus, tota terra no­stra erga ipsum dominum regem & hæredes suos in­curratur, & in usus eorum perpetuis cedat temporibus. Hanc autem pactionem & concessionem sigilli mei ap­positione roboravi, & ad majorem hujus rei declara­tionem venerabiles patres Bangorensem, & de S. Asaph Episcopi, ad petitionem meam praesenti scripto sigilla sua apposuerunt.

Actum apud Rothetan tricesimo pri­mo die Augusti.
ILlustri viro domino Henrico Dei gratia regi Anglo­rum, &c.
Abbates Haberconwiæ, & de de Kemere Cisterciensis ordinis inquisitores dati à domino Papâ,
salutem in Domino.

Mandatum domini Papæ recipi­mus in haec verba, Innocentius Episcopus, servus ser­vorum Dei, dilectis filiis Abbatibus de Haberconwiæ, & de Kemere Cisterciensis ordinis Kangorum diocesis salutem & apostolicam benedictionem. Ex parte di­lecti filii nostri nobilis viri David Principis Northwal­liæ fuit propositum coram nobis, quod cum inter ip­sum, quem parentes ejus in alumnum Romanæ Ec­clesiæ donaverunt, & charissimum in Christo filium nostrum regem Anglorum illustrem bellum longo tem­pore perdurasset, tandem postquam fuit in venerabi­lem fratrem nostrum episcopum de S. Asaph & col­legas ipsius de stando hinc inde eorum arbitrio su­per omnibus querelis juramento à partibus praestito concorditer bonis viris mediantibus conpromissum. Idem rex, non attendens quod pendente illorum ar­bitrio, sibi super hoc aliquid attentare non licebit in prædictum principem ex insperato hostiliter ir [...]uit ad præstandum, quod super prædictis de quibus conpro­missum fuerit & juratum, ac aliis ipsius regis, mandare per vim computit, & metum qui cadere poterat in constantem.

Cum igitur ea quae vi & metu fiant, carere debeant robore firmitatis, discretioni vestræ per apostolica scri­pta mandamus, quatenus inquisita super hoc diligen­tius veritate, si rem inveneritis ita esse, auctoritate nostra prædictum principem ab observatione sic ex­torti juramenti penitus absolventes, sententia, si qua occasione ejusmodi in ejus personam, vel terram ab aliquo forsan tota fuerit, juxta formam ecclesiae sine difficultate qualibet, sicut justum fuerit relaxetis. Te­stes vero, &c.

Datum Januae septimo calendas Au­gusti Pontificatûs nostri anno secundo.

Hujus igitur autoritate muniti vobis mandamus quatenus in vigilia S. Agnetis Virginis, apud Keyrus in ecclesia Guste­fend coram vobis compareatis, super contentis in Au­tentico dicto principi responsuri, si vobis videritis expedire.

Isti sunt ARTICULI intimati Do­mino LEOLINO Principi Walliæ, & populo ejusdem loci, ex parte Archi­episcopi supra dicti.

PRimo, quod propter salutem eorum spiritualem, & temporalem ad partes istas venimus, quas semper dileximus, ut plures eorum noverunt.

Secundo, Quia venimus contra Domini regis volun­tatem, cui etiam adventus noster dicitur plurimum dis­plicere.

Tertio, Quia rogamus eos & supplicamus eis pro sanguine Jesu Christi, quatenus venire velint ad uni­tatem cum gente Anglorum, & ad pacem Domini regis, quam eis intendimus, quanto melius poterimus procurare.

Quarto, Volumus eos scire quod in his partibus Domini non poterimus remanere.

Quinto, Volumus eos attendere quod post recessum nostrum non invenient aliquem, qui ita velit sua am­plecti negotia promovenda, qui vellemus, si placeret. Altissima vita nostra temporali corporum pacem ho­nestam & stabilem perpetuo procurasse.

Sexto, Quia si nostras preces spreverint & labores, statim intendimus eorum pertinaciam scribere summo Pontifici & Curiæ Romanæ, propter peccata mortalia, quæ multiplicantur occasione discordiae omni die.

Septimo, Noverint quod nisi citius ad pacem vene­rint aggravabitur eis bellum, quod non poterunt susti­uere, quia crescit regia potentia omni die.

Octavo, Noverint quod regnum Angliæ est sub spe­ciali protectione sedis Apostolicæ, & quod Roma­na [Page 364] Curia plus inter regna cætera diligere consuevi [...].

Nono, Quod eadem Curia nullo modo volet per­mittere statum regni Angliæ vacillare, quod sibi spe­cialibus obsequiis est devotum.

Decimo, Amarissimè plangimus hoc quod dicitur Wallenses crudeliores existere Saracenis; quia cum Saraceni capiunt Christianos, eos servant pecunia re­dimendos, quos Wallenses captos dicuntur illico ju­gulare quasi solo sanguine delectentur; immo quod est deterius, quos promittunt redimi, tradunt accepta pecunia jugulandos.

Ʋndecimo, Quod cum consueverit Deum & perso­nas Ecclesiasticas revereri, à devotione hominum vi­dentur multipliciter recessisse, qui in tempore sanctis­simo in redemptoris injuriam moverunt seditionem, homicidia & incendia perpetrantes, in quo eos nullus poterit excusare.

Duodecimo, Petimus ut tanquam veri Christiani ad cor redeant poenitentes, quia cœptam discordiam non possent continuare etiam si jurassent.

Tertiodecimo, Petimus ut nobis significent quibus modis velint & valeant turbationem pacis regiæ, læ­sionem reipublicæ, & mala alia emendare.

Quartodecimo, Ut significent nobis qualiter valeat ipsa concordia stabiliri, frustra enim pax firmari vide­bitur quæ tam assidue violatur.

Quintodecimo, Ut si dicant leges suas vel fœdera ex pacto inito non servari, nobis significent quae sunt illa.

Sextodecimo, Noverint quod etiam posito quod eis derogatum fuisset, quod nescimus, nullo modo licebit eis quasi essent judices in causa sua taliter majesta­tem regiam impugnare.

Septimodecimo, Quod nisi modo pax fiat, procedi­tur contra eos forsitan ex decreto militiae, sacerdo­ti, & populi convocati.

REveredissimo Patri in Christo Domino J. De gratia Cantuariensi Archiepiscopo totius An­gliae Primati, suus humilis & devotus filius Leolinus Princeps Walliae, Dominus Snaudon, salutem & filia­lem dilectionem cum omnimoda reverentia, subjectio­ne & honore, sanctæ paternitati vestræ pro labore vobis quasi intolerabile quem assumpsistis ad præsens pro dilectione quam erga nos & nostram nationem geritis, omni qua possumus devotione regratiantes vo­bis assurgimus; & eo amplius quod contra Domini re­gis voluntatem venistis prout nobis intimastis. Cæ­terum quod nos rogastis ut ad pacem Domini regis veniamus, scire debet vestra sanctitas quod ad hoc prompti sumus, dummodo idem dominus rex pacem de­bitam & veram nobis & nostris velit observare. Ad hoc licet gauderemus de mora vestra facienda in Wallia, tamen per nos non eritis impediti quin pax fiat, quantum in nobis est, quam optamus per vestram industriam magis quam alicujus alterius roborari. Et speramus nec per Dei gratiam erit opportunum propter nostram pertinaciam aliquid scribere Domino Papæ. Nec vestras paternas preces ac graves labores sper­nemus, sed eas amplectimur omni cordis affectu ut tenemur. Nec erit opus quod Dominus Rex aggra­vet contra nos manum, cum prompti sumus sibi obe­dire juribus nostris & legibus nobis ut præmittatur re­servatis.

Et licet regnum Angliæ sit Curiæ Romanæ specia­liter subjectum & dilectum, tamen cum Dominus Pa­pa, necnon & Curia Romana audiverint quanta no­bis per Anglicos mala sunt illata, videlicet quod pax prius formata non fuit nobis servata nec pacta; de­inde devastationes, combustiones, & Ecclesiasticarum personarum interfectiones, sacerdotum videlicet & in­clusorum, & aliarum religiosarum personarum passim mulierum & infantium suggentium ubera & in utero portantium, combustiones etiam hospitalium & aliarum domorum religiosarum, homicidiorum in cœmiteriis, Ecclesiis, & super Altaria, & aliorum sacrilegiorum & flagiciorum auditu etiam horribilium, auditu Pagano­rum [Page 366] sicut expressius in aliis rotulis conscripta vobis transmittimus inspicienda.

Speramus imprimis, quod vestra pia & sancta pa­ternitas clementer nobis compatietur, nec non & Cu­ria supra dicta, nec per nos regnum Angliæ vacillabit, dum, ut promissum est, pax debita nobis fiat & ser­vetur. Qui vero sanguinis effusione delectantur ma­nifestum est factis. Nam Anglici hactenus nulli se­xui vel aetati seu languori pepercerunt, nulla Eccle­siae vel loco sacro detulerunt, qualia vel consimilia Wallenses non fecerunt. Super eo autem quod unus redemptus fuit interfectus, multum dolemus, nec oc­cisorem manu tenemus, sed in sylvis uti latro vagatur. De eo vero quod inceperunt guerram aliqui in tem­pore indebito, illud ignoravimus usque post factum, & tamen ipsi asserunt quod nisi eo tempore hoc fe­cissent mortes & captiones eis imminebunt, nec au­debunt in domibus residere, nec nisi armati incedere, & sic præ timore tali tempore id fecerunt. De eis verò quae fecimus contra Dominum, ut veri Chri­stiani per Dei gratiam pœnitebimus, nec erit ex par­te nostra quod bellum continuetur, dum sumus in­demnes ut debemus. Ne tamen exhæredemur & pas­sim occidemur, oportet nos defendere ut valemus. Cum verò injuria & damna hinc inde considerentur & ponderentur parati sumus emendare pro viribus quæ ex parte nostra sunt commissa, dum de praedictis injuriis & damnis nobis factis & aliis emenda nobis fiat. Et ad pacem firmandam & stabiliendam simi­liter sumus prompti debitis modis.

Quando tamen regales chartæ & pacta inita nobis non servatur, sicut nec hucusque sunt observata, non potest pax stabiliri, nec quando novæ exactiones & inauditæ contra nos & nostros omni die adveniunt. Vobis autem transmittimus in rotulis damna nobis illata & fœdera non servata secundum formam pacis prius factam. Quod verò guerravimus quasi necessi­tas nos cogebat; Nam nos & omnes Wallenses era­mus adeo oppressi & suppeditati & spoliati & in ser­vitutem redacti per regales Justicianos & Ballivos con­tra formam pacis & omnem justiciam amplius quam [Page 367] si Saraceni essemus vel Judæi, sicut credimus & sæpe denunciavimus Domino Regi nec aliquam emendam habere potuimus. Sed semper mittebantur justiciarii & ballivi ferociores & crudeliores, & quando illi erant saturati per suas injustas exactiones, alii de no­vo mittebantur ad populum excoriandum in tantum quod populus mallebat mori quam vivere. Nec opor­tet militiam ampliorem convocare, vel contra nos mo­veri Sacerdotium dum nobis fiat pax & servetur mo­dis debitis ut superius est expressum. Nec debitis san­cte pater omnibus verbis credere nostrorum adversario­rum; sicut enim nos factis oppresserunt & opprimunt, ita & vobis diffamant, nobis imponentes quæ volunt.

Ipsi enim vobis sunt præsentes & nos absentes, ipsi opprimentes & nos oppressi. Et ideò propter Deum fidem eis in omnibus non exhibeatis, sed facta potius examinetis. Valeat sanctitas vestra ad regimen Eccle­siae per tempora longa.

Primus Articulus est talis, Cum in forma pacis sic contineatur ut sequitur. Si vero idem Leolinus jus vendicaverit in aliquibus terris quas alii præter di­ctum dominum Regem occupaverint extra quatuor Cantredos prædictos, pleniariam sibi justitiam exhibe­bit præsatus dominus Rex secundum leges & consue­tudines partium illarum in quibus terræ illæ consistunt: qui Articulus non fuit observatus super terris Arwyst­ley & inter Dyvy & ductus fluviorum, pro eo quod cum Dominus Leolinus dictas terras vendicasset co­ram Domino Rege apud Ruthlan, & Rex sibi con­cessisset causam examinare secundum leges & consue­tudines Walliae ac advocati pretium fuissent introdu­cti coram Rege ut judicarent de dictis terris secun­dum leges Wallicanas; parte rea comparente & re­spondente adeo quod eo die deberet finaliter termi­nari ex præfixione Domini Regis qui apud Glover­niam existens diem prædictum partibus assignavit, li­cet sæpius in diversis locis coram justiciariis fuisset dicta causa examinata, & terræ ipsæ essent in pura Wallia. Nec unquam judicata fuit super eis nisi se­cundum leges Wallicanas; Nec Dominus Rex posset [Page 368] vel deberet prorogare nisi secundum leg [...]s Walliæ: Diem tamen ipsum motu proprio prorogavit & contra leges antedictas, & ad ultimo fuit vocatus ad loca va­ria ad quae non debuit evocari, nec justitiam obtinere potuit, nisi secundum leges Angliæ contra illud quod in dicto Articulo continetur. Et idem factum fuit coram justiciariis apud Montgomery, cum partes es­sent in judicio constitutæ & firmatæ, & dies datus ad sententiam audiendam, diem prorogaverunt leges me­moratas. Demum apud Londinum post multos labo­res & expensas varias Rex ipse justitiam sibi denega­vit, nisi vellet secundum leges Angliæ subire judicium in causa memorata.

Secundus Articulus non servatus est talis. Et omnes transgressiones injuriæ & excelsus hinc inde factæ pœ­nitus remittuntur usque in diem hodiernum. Iste Ar­ticulus non fuit observatus quia Dominus Reginaldus de Grey statim cum fuit factus Justiciarius, movit va­rias quæstiones & innumerabiles contra homines de Tegengl, & nos super transgressis quæ factæ fuerunt in tempore Domini Henrici Regis, & dicti Domini Leolini dum Dominum in partibus illis obtinebat un­de dicti homines multum timentes non audebant i [...] domibus suis permanere.

Tertius Articulus, Ubi dictus Rys Vachan filius Nefi filii Maelgon cum terra quam nunc tenet & cum post pacem initam fuit spoliatus de terra de Gene­verglyn, quam tunc tenebat cum hominibus & Ave­riis eorundem.

Quartus Articulus, Item concedit Dominus Rex quod omnes terras tenentes in quatuor Cantredis, & in aliis terris quas Dominus Rex retinet in manu sua, teneant eas adeo libere & pleniarie sicut ante gue [...] ­ram tenere consueverint, & eisdem libertatibus & consuetudinibus gaudeant quibus prius gaudere sole­bant, & cum contra istum Articulum dictus Reginal­dus consuetudines varias de novo introduxit, & hoc contra pacis formam supradictam.

Item Quintus Articulus, Controversiae & contentio­nes motae vel movendæ inter Principem & quoscun­que terminabantur & decidentur secundum leges [Page 369] Marchiæ de his quae emergunt in Marchia, & secun­dum leges Walliæ de rebus contentiosis quæ in Wal­lia orientur. Contra istum Articulum venit Dominus Rex mittendo Justiciarios usque ad Montgomery, qui ibidem judicare præsumpserunt homines dicti Leolini, vindictam ponendo super illos contra leges Walliæ, cum hoc vel aliud simile nunquam factum fuisset ibidem temporibus retroactis, quosdam incar­cerando, alios in exilium mittendo, cum ipse idem Princeps paratus esset de eisdem hominibus suis ex­hibere justitiæ complementum omnibus quærelantibus de eisdem.

Item Sextus Articulus. Item cum sit contentum in dicta pacis forma, quod Griffinus Vachan homa­gium faceret Domino Regi, de terra, de Yâl, & principi de terra de Edeyrnahu Justiciarii Domini in­troduxerunt in totam terram prædictam de Edeyrna­hu cujus cognitio causae ad Principem pertinebat sim­pliciter, & non ad illos Justiciarios; & tamen pro bo­no pacis princeps hoc tolerabat cum ipse Princeps pa­ratus esset eidem Dominae super hoc justitiam exhi­bere.

Septimus Articulus, ubi dicitur & licet idem Prin­ceps se nostræ ut dictum est supposuerit voluntati, nos tamen concedimus & volumus quod voluntas no­stra ..... ultra dictos Articulos se in aliquo non extendant. Contra istum Articulum exigebatur Au­ [...]um ad opus Reginæ in qualibet solutione facta Regicum ..... Aurum nunquam fuit exactum Wallen­sibus, nec in tempore Domini Henrici, vel alicujus alterius Regis Angliæ; quod Aurum exsolvit pro bono pacis, cum tamen nihil de hoc tactum fuit in forma pacis vel excogitatum: & nunc insuper exigitur à Principe Aurum ad opus Reginæ senioris matris vide­licet Domini Edvardi nunc Regis Angliæ, pro pace facta in tempore Domini Henrici nunc Regis Ang­liæ, cum nihil de hoc tunc fuerat dictum vel quo­quomodo excogitatum, videlicet duo millia Marca­tum & dimidium, & nisi dictæ Marcæ solverentur, min [...]batur dicta Regina quod bona ejusdem Leolini occuparet quæ invenire poterat in Dominio Regis, & [Page 270] homines suos capere vel venundare quousque dictam summam haberet ad plenum. Item cum invitâsset Dominus Rex dictum Principem adfectum Wiggor­niensem verbis blandissimis promittendo ei quod daret tunc consanguineam suam sibi in uxorem, & multis di­taret honoribus; Nihilominus cum illuc venisset in die desponsationis, ante missam petiit Dominus Rex unam literam consignari à Principe continentem inter cæ­tera, quod idem Princeps nullum omnino honorem in terra sua teneret contra Regis voluntatem, vel manu teneret ex quo possit contingere quod omnes fideles Principis ab eo commoverentur. Quam quidem lite­ram sibi sigillatam tradidit, computans per metum qui cadere posset in constantem virum, cum tamen in for­ma pacis, ut praemissum est, contineatur quod nihil ab eo deberet exigi, ultra quod in dicta forma conti­netur.

Item, Cum secundum eandem pacis formam consue­tudines eidem Principi confirmentur quibus usus fue­rat ab antiquo; ac idem Princeps & Antecessores sui, ex consuetudine diutina & obtenta bona de naufra­giis in terris suis provenientia consueverant recipere, & in suos usus convertere ad libitum: Justiciarius Cestrensis namium recepit super Principem pro bonis quæ recepit de naufragiis ante guerram contra dictam pacis formam per quam hinc inde erant remissa, & contra consuetudines ante dictas. Dato etiam quod hoc esset foris factum namium recepit tale, videlicet quindecem libratas mellis & plures equos ac homines suos incarceravit, & hoc ex propriis bonis Principis antedicti. Preterea, accipit scaphas de Banweys quæ venerant apud Liverpol cum mercandiis per mercato­res, & eas numquam deliberavit donec pecuniam pro eis accepit quantum volebat.

Item, Cum quidam homines de Geneurglyn quædam bona abstulissent ab aliis vicinis suis de Geneu [...]glyn, dum essent in Dominio Principis de Merpyreton homi­nes Regis de Llanbadarn prœdam fecerunt, & acce­perunt de terra Principis de Merpyreton, & cum ho­mines sui venissent illuc ad quærendum quare dictam p [...]ædam receperant, unum de eis interfecerunt, & [Page 371] alios vulnera [...]erunt, & quosdam incarceraverunt. Et cum in dicta pacis forma contineatur quod in Marchia deberent emendari quae in Marchia committebantur, tamen dicti homines Regis homines Principis audire noluerunt alibi quam in Castro de Llanbadarn, & hoc contra pacis formam antedictam, super quo hactenus nullam justitiam habere potuerunt. In istis Articulis injuriatus Dominus Rex Principi & suis, & etiam in multis aliis: Et licet Princeps tam per se quam per suos petivisset saepius à Domino Rege quod pacis for­mam supradictam erga se & suos faceret observari, in nullo tamen extitit observata sed omni die de novo Justiciarii & Ballivi Domini Regis in partibus illis in­jurias injuriis, & varia gravamina cumulaverunt; pro­pter quod mirum non debet videri alicui si Princeps præfatus assensum præstitit illis qui guerrare cœperunt, cum in his fides quam in animam Domini Regis sibi Dominus Robertus Tibetot juraverat in nullo servaba­tur, & maxima & principaliter cum Princeps fuisser præmunitus à personis fide dignis quod Princeps fo­ret à Rege capiendus in suo primo accessu apud Ruth­lan, & etiam fuisset captus si Rex illuc accessisset post Natale sicut proposuerat.

Nec gravamina & alia quasi innumerabilia, sancte Pater, considerantes, nobis affectu paterno compacia­mini, & pro salute animæ Domini Regis, & nostræ, & etiam multorum aliorum, ad pacem bonam utrius­que populi laboretis fructuosè.

Cum Dominus David primo venisset ad Dominum Edwardum tunc Comitem Cestriæ, ac homagium si­bi fecisset, idem Dominus Edwardus eidem Davidi duas Cantredas, videlicet de dyffryn-Clwyd & Cywo­nant cum omnibus suis pertinentiis dedit plenarie, & literas suas patentes super hoc fieri fecit, tandem etiam donationem eidem invocavit, postquam creatus est in Regem, & etiam illum Davidem in possessionem illa­rum Cantredarum induxit corporalem.

Demum Domina Gwenlhian de Lacy mortua, tres villas quas in dictis Cantredis tenuit quoad vitam quæ ad ipsum Davidem spectabant ratione D [...]nationis su­pradictæ [Page 372] Dominus Rex sibi abstulit minus justè contra tenorem Chartæ suæ.

Item, Cum dictus David ex donatione Domini Re­gis prædicti villas de Hope & Eston obtineret in Wal­lia, de quibus nulli respondere tenebatur nisi secun­dum leges Wallicanas; tandem Justiciarius Cestrien­sis fecit ipsum ad instantiam cujusdam Anglici Willh. de Vanabel nomine ad comitatum Cestriensem super dictis vilulis ad judicium evocari. Et licet dictus Do­minus David petivisset multoties quod injuriose contra eundem non procederetur in dicto comitatu, pro eo quod ibidem respondere nullatenus tenebatur super villis prædictis quæ sitæ erant in Wallia, sed potius tractaretur, hoc sibi plane denegavit.

Item, Idem Justiciarius Cestriensis in gravamen di­cti Domini Davidis nemus suum de Lleweni & Syl­vas suas de Hope fecit succidi tam per villanos de Ruthlan, quam per alios, cum idem Justiciarius in ter­ris prædicti Domini Davidis nullam omnino haberet jurisdictionem, & non contenti quod meremium ibi­dem quærerent ad ædificia exigenda tam apud Rode­lanum quam alibi in patria, sed nemus destruendo meremium ibidem sectum ad vendendum in Hyber­niam transtulerunt.

Item, Cum idem Dominus David quosdam Fortani­cos de terra Domini Regis qui in nemoribus latitabant cepisse [...], ac suspendio tradidisset, idem tamen Justici­arius ipsum Davidem penes Regem accusabat, ac si ipse dictos malefactores defenderet & manuteneret, quod verisimile non erat cum ipse David dictos latro­nes suspendi faceret & occidi.

Item, Cum esset cautum in forma pacis quod Wal­lenses deberent in causis fuis tractari secundum leges Wallicanas, istud tamen circa dictum Davidem & suos homines in nullo extitit observatum.

De premissis vero gravaminibus & aliis petiit idem David aliquam emendationem vel secundum leges Wal­liæ, vel consuetudines, vel etiam ex gratia speciali; & hoc etiam petiit à Domino Rege, quorum neu­trum potuit aliquatenus obtinere: Et cum hoc præ­munitus fuit à quibusdam à Curia Domini Regis, quod [Page 373] in primo regressu Domini Reginaldi de Gray de Curia idem David esset capiendus ut filii-sui capiendi pro obsedibus esset, insuper spoliandus castro suo de Hope, & etiam sylva sua ibidem succidenda. Ideo cum idem David multum laborasset pro Domino Rege prædicto in diversis guerris tam in Anglia quam in Wallia, & exposuisset se & suos variis periculis & injuriis, ac amisisset nobisiores de suis & fortiores, ac multos ni­mis, nihilominus de dictis gravaminibus & aliis nullam omnino justitiam, emendationem, seu gratiam potuit obtinere. Propter quae gravamina & pericula, timens mortem propriam aut filiorum suorum, vel incarcera­tionem perpetuam, vel saltem diutinam, quasi coactus & invitus incepit prout potuit se & suos defensare.

Hæc est forma quam Dominus Rex Angliæ promisit hominibus de Ros, antequam ipsi fecerunt sibi ho­magium, & illam formam eis promisit inviolabi­liter observare, videlicet,

Quod ipse Dominus Rex concederet unicuique eo­rum jus suum, & jurisdictionem suam, & etiam Do­minium, bonæ memoriæ Domini Henrici quondam Re­gis Angliæ, secundum quod prædicti homines de Ros referent ipsos haberent temporibus præedicti Henrici.

Item, Promisit prædictus Dominus Rex supradictis hominibus quod non darentur nec ad firmam poneren­tur; quibus articulis concessis præfatis hominibus ho­magium fecerunt Domino Regi, & ipse eis promisit ore proprio dictos articulos observare. Hoc non ob­stante quidam Cementarii redeuntes ad villam de Ruth­lan, de loco ubi ipsi operabantur, obviaverunt cuidam nobili transeunti cum uxore sua per viam regiam super pace Domini Regis, qui Cementarii per vim proposue­runt auferre à prædicto nobili suam uxorem, & quia ipse nobilis defendit suam uxorem ne ab ipso auferetur, prædicti Cementarii prædictum nobilem interfecerunt. Ille autem cui plus opponebatur dictum homicidium perpetrasse, cum quibusdam sociis suis capti fuerunt; Et cum parentela prædicti interfecti petierit justitiam à Domino Justiciario Cestriensi de morte consanguinii [Page 374] eorum, illi de parentela ipsius interfecti fuerunt incar­cerati, & interfectores fuerunt à carcere liberati.

Item, Quidam homo interfecit quendam nobilem qui videlicet filium Goronu de Heylyn nutriverat, & interfector captus fuit: Et cum quidam de parentela prædicti interfecti peterent justiciam de eorum consan­guineo à Domino Justiciario Cestriensi, quidam eorum capti fuerunt, & interfector fuit in Castello Domini Regis liberatus, & adhuc est ibi, denegata justicia prædictae parentelæ.

Item, Quidam nobiles vindicaverunt jus in quibus­dam terris, & de mobilibus suis obtulerunt Domino Regi magnam summam pecuniæ pro justicia habenda per rationem & veredictum proborum & legalium ho­minum de patria; quæ quidem terræ adjudicatae fue­runt, prædictis vendicantibus totam terram prædictam cum omnibus ædificiis biadis, & aliis bonis in ipsis con­tentis, Dominus Reginaldus de Grey; & sic amise­runt primo pecuniam quam pro terra pacaverunt, & postea terram.

Item, Jurisdictionis nostræ est quod nullus extraneus extirparet sylvas nostras, nisi prius habita licentia no­stra; hoc non obstante, proclamatum fuit apud Redo­lanum quod liceret unicuique Anglicano extirpare syl­vas nostras sine nostra licentia ad libitum eorum vo­luntatis, & quod nobis fuit prohibitum dictas sylvas nostras extirpare.

Item, Terras quas probi homines à Domino Davide filio Leolini bonæ memoriæ habuerunt per donationem prædicti Davidis abstulit prædictus Justiciarius à præ­dictis probis hominibus.

Item, Quando aliquis ad villam de Ruthlan veniret cum mercandiis suis, si refutaret illud quod Anglicus eidem offerret pro suis mercandiis, statim duceretur ille Wallensis ad castrum, & emptor ibidem haberet rem quam larginaverat, & Dominus Rex haberet pre­tium dictæ rei, tunc Castellam dictum Wallensem spo­liatum & atrociter verberatum deliberabant, pacatis prius Portario Castri quatuor denariis. Si vero aliquis Wallensis emeret aliquam rem in villa de Ruthlan, Anglicus qualiscunque superveniret, & rem venditam [Page 375] dicto Wallensi auferet ab ipso pro minori pretio quam dictus Wallensis solverat pro eadem.

Item, Contra promissionem Domini Regis prædictis hominibus de Ros, ipse dedit territorium villæ de Maenam in Penmayn & Lhysfaen.

Item, Taurus cujusdam probi hominis deprehensus fuit in pratis Domini Regis apud Ros, & captus, & Dominus ejus vocatus fuit ad placitum usque Rodola­num, & fuit condemnatus in quinque libris occasione dicti tauri; bis adivit Londinium pro justitia petenda, & nullam fuit assecutus, & in illis duabus vicibus ex­pendidit prædictus homo tres libras.

Item, Quidam nobiles de Cantreda de Ros emerunt officia pro certa summa pecuniæ; pacata pecunia, me­ritis suis non exigentibus, Dominus Justiciarius Cestren­sis abstulit ab eis eorum officia.

Item, Quidam rusticus Goronow ab Heylyn condem­ratus fuit in 17 l. bonæ & legalis monetæ juris, ordine non servato.

Item, Goronow filius Heylyn accipit ad firmam ter­ritorium de Pennmaen & Lhysfaen à Magistro Godfri­do M. pro certa pecuniæ summa, usque ad finem qua­tuor annorum, quo facto Dominus Robertus de C. cum equis & armis, & cum viginti quatuor equitibus venit ad inequitandum prædictum Goronow occasio­ne dictae terræ, ita quod sic non fuit securus transitus nec usque Rodolanum, nec usque ad Justiciarios nisi cum forti Warnistura de sua parentela & etiam de suis amicis.

Item, In reformationem pacis ultro factæ & firmatæ inter Dominum Regem, & suos ex una parte, & Do­minum Principem & suos ex altera expressè contineba­tur; quod omnes injuriæ & transgressiones factæ ex u­traque parte penitus remitterentur; hoc non obstante, oppositum fuit contra quosdam nobiles quoddam fore factum tempore guerræ, & statim capti fuerunt, nec potuerunt à carcere liberari antequam ipsi pacarent sedecem Marcas,

Item, Cum Causae debent tractari & terminari secun­dum legem & consuetudinem terræ nostræ, compellun­tur homines Cantredæ nostræ ad jurandum in causis [Page 376] prædictis contra suam conscientiam, nec aliter jurare patiuntur.

Præterea nos coustavimus trecentas Marcas eundo ad Dominum Regem pro justitia p [...]tenda in praedictis Ar­ticulis, ibidem morando, & ad propria redeundo; & cum nos credebamus habere plenam justitiam de sin­gulis Articulis praedictis, Dominus Rex transmisit ad partes nostras Dominum Reginaldum de Grey, cui di­ctus Dominus Rex totam terram ad firmam concessit, ad tractandos homines prædictæ Cantredæ prout suæ placeret voluntati; qui compulsit nos jurare per manum suam cum deberemus jurare per manum Domini Regis, & ubi Crux Domini Regis levari deberet, quod Crux prædicti Reginaldi levaretur, in signum quod ipse erat verus Dominus. Dictus vero Reginaldus in suo adventu ad partes Walliae vendidit quibusdam servientibus Do­mini Regis officia sua, quæ prædicti servientes prius eme­rant à Dom. Rege pro 23 Marcis, & illa officia non de­berent vendi nisi cum dominium dominorum mutaretur.

Item, Dominus Rex dedit Maredudo filio Madoc Magisterium satellitum pro suo servitio, Dominus Re­ginaldus de Grey abstulit ab eo suum officium, nec à Domino Rege assequi potuit aliquam justitiam.

Item, Unus de consilio prædicti Reginaldi nobis di­xit ore tenus, scilicet Cynwricus Fychan, quod in ad­ventu praedicti Reginald ad partes Walliae, viginti qua­tuor homines de probioribus hominibus cujuslibet Can­tredæ caperet ad incarcerandos ipsos perpetuo vel de­capitandos: Propter ista gravamina, & alia quæ di­ctus Reginaldus nobis fecit, & etiam propter minas quas ipse nobis intulit, videlicet quod si mitteremus ali­quos nuntios ad Curiam Domini Regis pro justitia pe­tenda decapitarentur. Multa alia damna nobis allata, & injuriae factæ; & quando mittebamus ad Curiam Domini Regis, nuntii non permittebantur nec ausi fue­runt intrare, sed expendebant multa inutiliter; ob ista gravamina aestimabamus nos esse liberos à juramento fa­cto Domino Regis coram Deo.

Item, Bled yn Seis & Anjanus filius Genaf de Ros quoddam malefactum fecerunt temporibus David filii Lewelini, & Henrici Regis, de homicidiis factis tunc [Page 377] satisfactionem & emendam satisfacere monstraverunt; Et modo de novo Reginaldus de Grey vellet & coge­ret illam emendam renovare, donec oportuit ipsos ter­ras proprias relinquere.

Item, Census & obventiones quos solvimus de vete­ri moneta per medietatem unius anni ante adventum novæ monetæ, cogerunt nos reddere eis novas mone­tas pro veteri & hoc sub eodem numero.

Ista sunt gravamina per Dominum Regem & suos Justiciarios illata Rheso parvo de Yystrad Tywy.

Primum est, Postquam dictus Rhys dedit & conces­sit Domino Regi castrum suum apud Dynefowr post ultimam pacis formam; qui dictus Rhesus tunc tempo­ris erat in tentilio Domini Payn de Gadfry, eodem tem­pore interfecti fuerunt sex nobiles viri Domini Rhys, de quibus satisfactionem nec justiciam umquam habuit quod fuit eis damnum & gravamen.

Item, Johannes Giffard calumniavit eum Rhesum super hæreditatem propriam apud Hirwryn, quicquid Rhesus inquisivit à Domino Rege legem patriæ suæ, aut legem comitatus Caermardden, in quo comitatu Antecessores dicti Rhys solebant habere leges, quando fierent in unitatem Anglicorum, & sub eorum domi­niis; quod idem Rhys nullas leges habuit, & suam terram prædictam totaliter amisit; vellent ipsum in­stringere in Comitatu Herefordiensi, ubi numquam antecessores ejus responderunt.

Præterea in terris præfati Rhesi talia gravamina fue­runt per Anglicos facta, maxime pertinent ad Eccle­siasticos, videlicet in Ecclesia Sancti Davidis quæ vo­catur Llangadawc fecerunt stabula, & meretrices collo­caverunt, & omnia bona quæ in ea continebantur omni­no asportaverunt, atque totos domos combusserunt; & in eadem Ecclesia juxta aram percusserunt Capellanum cum gladio ad caput ejus & eum reliquerunt semivivum.

Item, In eadem patria Ecclesiam Dyngad & Eccle­siam Llantredaf spoliaverunt & combusserunt; cæteras­que Ecclesias in partibus illis omnino spoliaverunt cal­cibus, & libris, ac omnibus aliis ornamentis & rebus.

Gravamina Lewelini filii Rhys, & Howeli fratris ejus per Dominum Regem illata sunt hæc.

Postquam in formam pacis inter Dominum Henri­cum tunc temporis Regem Angliæ & Dominum Prin­cipem apud Rhydchwnna, tunc præfatus Rex conces­sit, & per Cartas suas confirmavit præfato Principi homagium prædictorum Nobibium exos. So long as. Prædicti Nobiles fuerunt fideles & constantes cum præfato Prin­cipe, juxta eorum donationem & Cartarum suarum confirmationem: Edwardus nunc Rex Angliæ prædi­ctos Nobiles dehaereditavit, denegando eisdem omnes leges & consuetudines Walliæ; ita quod non habue­runt terras suas nec per legem, nec per gratiam.

Ista sunt gravamina, damna, seu molestiæ per Anglicos illata filiis Maredudi filii Oweni.

Primum est quamquam Dominus Rex concessit praedictis Nobilibus suas proprias hæreditates post pa­cis formam, videlicet Geneur'glyn & Creudhyn; praefatus verò Rex, contra suam donationem & pacis formam, terris supradictis antedictos Nobiles dehaeri­ditavit, denegando eidem omnes leges & consuetudi­nes Walliæ, & Angliæ, atque Comitatus Caermar­dhyn.

Secundum est quod præfatus Rex in suo comitatu de Cardigan, per suos Justiciarios antedictos Nobiles compellit, ut ipsi traderent judicium super ignobiles ac subditos Patriæ, & quod tales homines è Comisso judicium super ipsos opponerent, ubi numquam ante­cessores eorum ab Anglicis talia sustinuerunt.

Tertium est, quod Justicarii Domini Regis Curiam eorum Nobilium abstulerunt, compellendo homines suos proprios coram eis satisfacere, quia de jure coram prædictis Nobilibus deberent satisfacere.

Quartum est, quod quoddam Naufragium in terris antedictorum Nobilium fuit, qui quidem Nobiles bona Naufragii receperunt, sicut antecessores eorum fecerunt, & hoc non fuit eis prohibitum per aliquos [Page 379] ex parte Regis: Antedictus vero Rex contra eorum consuetudinem & legem, occasione illius Naufragii eosdem damnavit in octoginta Marcis sterlingorum; atque bona quæ in Naufragio continebantur omnino asportaverunt.

Quintum est, quod nullus nostrum in Comitatu Uffegd de Cardigan ausus esset venire inter Anglicos propter timorem carceris & nisi fuisset propter peri­culum Nobilibus Metropd. nihil contra honorem Do­mini Regis moverent.

Significant vero quod omnes Christiani habent le­ges & consuetudines in eorum propriis terris; Judæi vero inter Anglicos habent leges, ipsi vero in terris suis, & eorum antecessores habuerunt leges immuta­biles & consuetudines, donec Anglia post ultimam guerram ab eis leges suas abstulerunt.

Memorandum de quaerelis omnium Nobilium virorum de Ystradatuy eisdem latis ac factis per Rogerum de Clyf­ford, & Rogerum Crosc [...]l vicem Domini Rogeri de Clyfford gerentem contra privilegium, justitiam, & consuetudinem praedictorum virorum de Ystratuy, ut dicunt & probant.

Primus Articulus est quod cum dicti Rogeri co­gerunt dictos homines de Ystradatuy reddere sibi pro consuetudinibus suis viginti Marcas sterlingorum, & post solutionem dictæ pecuniæ cito fregerunt in hunc modum, quod posuerunt super 17 viros judicantes se­cundum jus Angliæ; quod numquam fuit consuetudo nec privilegium dictæ patriæ.

Item. Madecus filius Bledyn condemnatus fuit in quatuor Marcio injustè.

Item. Lewelinus Rufus condemnatus fuit in quin­que Marcis & 17 averiis contra privilegium & consue­tudinem patriæ.

Item. Quod ipsi Rogeri fecerunt forestam super terram propriam virorum patriæ: Et propter pedem unius Cervi inventum in ore canis alicujus, tres homi­nes fuerunt spoliati omnino.

Item. Michael ab Ygustyl condemnatus fuit in decem solidis pro facto patris sui, quadraginta annis elapsis.

Item. Cogerunt parentes Ennii à Strabonis ad red­dendum suum relevagum in vita sua.

Item. Quod ipsi posuerunt super nos omnes satelli­tos de Anglicis, quod numquam fuit nostra dimidietas.

Item. Dati fuimus Domino Mauritio de Crumy, & venditi fuimus Domino Rogero de Clyfford, quod numquam fuit super parentes nostros.

Item. Relicta Roberti de Monte alto petiit, à Do­mino Rege tertiam partem terræ de Monte alto in Ward, & dijudicata fuit coram Domino Rege quod numquam dicta terra fuit in Ward data.

Hi sunt Articuli quæstionum illati ab hominibus de Penlhyn, injuste per Constabularium Albi Monasterii & suos cives.

Primo. Cynwric filius Madoci fuit spoliatus ab eis tempore pacis octo libris, & quatuor bobus, & blado laboris unius aratri, per duos annos & valore trium librarum à tribus hominibus ejusdem; affir­mat etiam quod solvit 16 libras per octo in valore, & majorem habuit injuriam imponendo manus in ipsum quam totum quod amisit, quia tunc erat Con­stabularius Domini Principis apud Penllyn: Non fuit alia causa dictae spoliationis nisi quia dicebatur inve­nire 24 garbas de decimis in domo cujusdam hominis dicti Cynwrici.

Item. Adam Preco condemnatus fuit in septem so­lidis & octo denariis, & Equa valoris unius librae, im­ponendo manus in ipsum & liberando latronem dictæ equæ, quia ipse venerat ibidem cum dicto latrone capto.

Item. Ednevot ab Gruffydh condemnatus fuit in 27 s. nec fuit causa nisi quia vendidit equam unam ad unum miliare citra villam, sicut solebant à tempore quo non extat memoria, quando veniebant ad nua­dinas.

Item. Adaf Ddu condemnatus fuit in 30 s. eo quod duo boves quos proposuerat vendere in foro Albi [Page 381] Monarterii exibant villam ipso connivente, & captus fuit & detentus usque ad solutionem 30 s. nec ipsi bo­ves exierant nisi de Plateo qua stabant usque ad aliam Plateam.

Item. Biryt filius Gwyn, condemnatus fuit in quin­que solidis, & in carcerem ductus; eo quod percus­sit unum bovem indomitum ipsum calcantem in foro.

Item. Yorwerch ab Gorgonon condemnatus fuit 70 s. eo quod evaserat quondam de carcere eorum tempore guerrae, & in tempore pacis inventus fuit in dicta villa, & hoc contra formam pacis initæ inter Do­minum Regem, & Dominum Principem.

Item. Duo famuli Kenwric ap Gruffydh condem­nati fuerunt in duabus Marcis, eo quod dicebant ipsos non solvisse toletum postquam solverant.

Item. Caducanus Niger famulus Constabularii de Penllyn captus fuit & condemnatus in 6 s. & 4 d. eo quod nolebat recipere veterem monetam pro nova.

Item. Gruffydh ap Goronow tercinarius Domini Principis spoliatus fuit uno bove valoris 11 s. & 8 d. & postquam arraveret Constabularius cum dicto bove per septem menses,A Servant solvit dictus Gruffynus pro dicto bove, 40 d.

Item. Howel ab David spoliatus fuit per satel­lites albi Monasterii duobus solidis extra villam, eo quod denegaverat prius munera ut solent satellites pe­tere.

Item. David ab Gronow ab Eynion spoliatus fuit 30 s. eo quod quidam Cives albi Monasterii dixit, quod quidam de Penlhyn, qui mortuus fuerat, denegaba­tur ei in quibusdam rebus.

Item. Duo famuli Y bongam capti fuerunt & con­demnati in duabus libris, eo quod posuerunt manum in quendam latronem qui spoliabat eos in villa per no­ctem, & liberaverunt latronem.

Item. Eneyon filius Ichael captus & verberatus fuit, & spoliatus duobus bobus valoris, 24 s. & 6 d. nulla alia de causa, nisi quod boves ipso connivente moverunt se de platea ad aliam plateam.

Item. Adaf ap Ychael condemnatus fuit in duabus libris pro una libra, & ipse posuerat in juramento cu­jusdam civis de albo Monasterio quod non tenebatur nisi in una libra pro Principe, nec voluit jurare, & ideo spoliatus fuit una libra.

Item. Guyan Maestran spoliatus fuit 5 s. eo quod dicebat quod quidam Mercator de Ardydwy teneba­tur eis in quibusdam rebus, cum ipse nec erat de dicta Balliva: Item condemnatus fuit in 8 d. quia dicebant ipsum vendere quasdam oves extra villam cum ipse non vendiderat.

Item. Famulus Lewelini ab Gwyn spoliatus fuit sep­tem ovibus, & 5 s. & suo pallio, eo quod dicebant ipsum esse de Domino Griffydh ab Gwyn cum ipse non erat.

Item. Iorwerch ab Meylir captus fuit & condem­natus in 15 s. cum pallio, eo quod denegavit dare munus satellitibus quod petebant, ipsi finxerunt eum in villa pernoctare.

Item. Cives albi Monasterii rapuerunt à Madoco Rufo filio Ychael unum bovem valoris, 11 s. & 6 d.

Ista omnia facta fuerunt per Henricum Gambe [...] dicti loci Constabularium, cum aliis innumerabilibus Articulis.

Item. Ybicre captus suit in negotio Domini Prin­cipis, & condemnatus in 5 s. absque aliqua causa.

Hæc sunt gravamina Goronow filii Heylyn, viz.

Quod quidem Villanus dictus Coronon vocatus fuit ad Curiam Domini Regis occasione indebitæ causæ. Tunc dictus Goronow venit ad suum villa­num defendendum, & petiit pro ipso veritatem à Do­mino Justiciario, aut Legem qua utuntur homines suae patriæ; omnibus autem his eidem denegatis, di­ctus villanus condemnatus fuit in 27 libris, & tribus obolis: Tunc dictus Goronow adivit Londonium pro justitia habenda, & expendit quinque Marcas & qua­tuor Solidos, & promissa fuit sibi justitia, & nullam fuit assecutus.

Item. Quidam Nobilis fuit interfectus, videlicet qui nutriverat filium dicti Goronow, & ille inter­fector [Page 383] captus fuit & deportatus fuit apud Castrum de Ruthlan: Tunc dictus Goronow & quidem de paren­tela interfecti petierunt justitiam de interfectore: Tunc denegata eis justitia, quidam fuerunt incarcerati, & ille interfector fuit in Castello liberatus. Tunc dictus Goronow iterum adivit Londonium propter supradicta gravamina ad justitiam petendam, & expendit, 20 Marcas, 3 s. 4 d. Et Dominus Rex promisit eidem plenariam justitiam, & nullam fuit adeptus cum per­venit ad patriam suam.

Item. Tertio ex defectu justitiæ oportuit dictum Goronow adire Londonium occasionibus supradictis pro justitia petenda, & expendit illa vice 18 Marcas, 6 s. 8 d. bonæ & legalis Monetae; & tunc simpliciter promisit Dominus Rex eidem justitiam perhibere; & quando credebat habere justitiam, tunc venit Regi­naldus de Grey, & dixit aperte quod ipse deberit tra­ctare totam patriam per chartas Domini Regis, & abstulit totam Ballivam à dicto Goronow; quam sibi Dominus Rex concessit, & vendidit illam Ballivam ad voluntatem suam, & tunc petiit dictus Goronow justitiam à Domino Reginaldo de gravaminibus supra­dictis, & nullam fuit adeptus.

Item. Dictus Goronow recepit terram, videlicet, Penmaen & Llysfaen ad firmam de Godfrido Merlyn, usque ad finem quatuor annorum pro certa pecuniæ summa. Tunc Robertus de Cruquer venit cum equis suis & armis ad quærendum dictam terram per vim, & quia dictus Goronow non permitteret auferre di­ctam terram ab eodem usque terminum præsigna­tum, tunc vocatus fuit ad Curiam dictus Goronow illa occasione; Tunc venit Reginaldus de Grey, cum viginti quatuor equitibus armatis ad proponendum capere dictum Goronow, vel ad eundem decapi­tandum; & quia viderunt quod non possent implere suum propositum illo die, vocaverunt dictum Go­ronow crassino die apud Ruthlan, & tunc dictus Go­ronow habuit consilium ita quod non deberent adire dictam Curiam: Iterum dictus Goronow vocatus fuit adplacitum apud Caerwys, & non ausus fuit adire di­ctum placitum nisi per conductum Domini Episcopi [Page 384] Asaphensis, quia dictus Reginaldus & sui complures ibidem erant armati.

Item. Propter ista gravamina de quibus nullam habuit justitiam nisi laborare & expendere duas libr. quatuor Marcas, & 9 d; & quia non ausus fuit in pro­pria persona adire Curiam, misit quendam nuncium deportantem duas literas, unam ad Dominum Regem, & aliam ad fratrem Lewelinum, ad signandum Do­mino Regi quod amitteret totam patriam, & dictum Goronow quia non observavit illud quod eisdem pro­misit; & quia nullam possent homines de Ros & Ar­glifeld assequi justitiam, & quia noluit corrigere sive emendare ista gravamina propter hoc amisit totam patriam.

Supplicant sanctitati vestræ, Domine Archiepiscope Cantuariensis totius Angliæ Primas, Nobiles viri de Tegengyl, & vobis demonstrant quod cum prædicti Nobiles fecerunt homagium Domino Edwardo Regi Angliæ, ipse Rex eisdem promisit quod eosdem im­munes observaret & indemnes, tam in bonis, liberta­tibus, juribus, jurisdictionibus, privilegiis quibus usi fuerunt tempore Henrici Regis per suum obtentum privilegium; ex quibus privilegiis fuerunt postmodo spoliati.

Imprimis. Juribus & consuetudinibus patriæ fue­runt spoliati, viz. prædictus Edwardus compellendo quod ipsi procederent in causis secundum legem An­glicanam, cum secundum tenorem privilegii sui se­cundum legem Wallicanam procedere debuissent, viz. apud Trêf Edwyn, & apud Ruthlan, & apud Caer­wys; & optimati de patria fuerunt manu capti quia ipsi provocabant quod ipsi procederent in causa apud Trêf Edwyn secundum legem & consuetudinem Wal­licanam secundum tenorem privilegii.

Secundo. Quia unus Justiciarius duceret in causis peragendis, alius suus prædecessor in irritum revoca­ret, viz. in causa Davidis Reginaldus de Grey reci­tavit processum quem suus Antecessor ratum habuit, & etiam approbavit.

Tertio. Quod fi unus Nobilis de patria fuisset pro­pter calumniam sibi impositam captus, quod non re­mitterent eundem pro cautione fidevissoria evadere,Surety. quod facere debuissent.

Quarto. Quod tres unius Nobilis deducti ad Ca­strum fuerunt de Flynt, propter parvam accusatio­nem, unà cum Averiis suis, nec potuerunt de Castro devenire, nec dilationem obtinere donec unusquisque dedit unum bovem Constabulario de Flynt, & donec solverunt tres libras Kynwrico Seis pro dilatione ha­benda.

Quinto. Reginaldus de Grey terras virorum de Merton dedit & concessit Abbati de Basingwerk ordi­nis Cisterciend. contra legem Wallicanam, & patriæ consuetudinem; & contra formam pacis initæ inter Dominum Lewelinum Principem & Dominum Re­gem, viz. 16. Catatatas terræ.

Sexto. Mirantur Nobiles & optimati patriæ pro eo quod Dominus Rex fecit ædificare Castrum super terram & possessionem magnatum, & mandavit Domi­nus Rex Justiciario suo quod ipse solveret eque bo­nam terram illis spoliatis & adhuc aliquam terram, nec suæ terræ æstimationem sunt consecuti in Flynt.

Septimo. Reginaldus de Grey non permitteret pos­sessores sylvarum uti sylvis suis, donec ab eisdem pretium & præmium fuisset consecutus, & aliis ru­sticis gratis permitteret sylvam prædictorum abscidere, cum non debuissent secundum patriæ consuetudinem & legem Wallicanam.

Octavo. Cum homines de Cyrchynan fecerunt pa­ctum cum Domino Rege, quod cum ipsi concederent dimidietatem cujusdam prati, ad hoc quod Dominus Rex non permitteret sylvam prædictorum abscidere Howelo filio Gruffydd præsente, & most modum Re­ginaldus de Grey prædictum pratum infirmavit, viz. concedendo aliis quod absciderent sylvam prædicto­rum, & eosdem dimidietate prati sui spoliando.

Nono. Filius Kynwrici ab Goronow fuit captus apud Ruthlan culpa sua minime præcedente, nisi vel­let pignus suum acquietare à quadam muliere▪ Redeem the Gage. & Con­stabularius de Ruthlan fecit eundem detradi in car­cerem [Page 386] injuriose, nec potuit exinde deliberari donec prædictus fuit condemnatus ultra suorum bonorum hypotheca. Value.

Decimo. Cum Ballivus de Ruthlan erat in convi­vio apud villam Four Hutmus de Limayl quendam virum Nobilem crudeliter vulneravit in præsentia Ballivi supradicti; cujus vulneris occasione prædi­ctus Hutmus fuit in octo libris condemnatus; & quum ille cui injuria fuisset facta petere voluisset præ­dictas libras, eundem fecit detrudi in carcerem una.

Ʋndecimo. Nuntii Reginaldi de Grey proposue­runt facere illud quod erat absurdum & dissonum ju­ris secundum Canonicas sanctiones; videlicet petere ab eisdem quod ipsi ararent Reginaldo de Grey, & quod ipsi seminarent illam araturam; & illi fuerunt Nuntii, viz. Kynwricus Seis & Hutmus de Limayl, quod prædictus vero Kynwricus in præsentia omnium de patria juravit, nisi omnes de patria ararent quod ipsi infra tempus pœniterent, & ipsi multum timu­erunt metu qui potuit cadere in constantem vi­rum,

Duodecimo. Quod Præcones de Tegeyngl emerunt officium Præconiae pro 30 Marcis à Domino Rege, & postmodum Reginaldus de Grey prædictos præ­cones tam pecunia quam præconia spoliavit contra legem & consuetudinem Anglicanam.

Tertiodecimo. Septem Nobiles fuerunt interfecti minus juste ab Anglicis, & adhuc parentes prædi­ctorum aliquam satisfactionem non habuerunt, cum illi malefactores fuerunt capti; & postmodum præ­dictos malefactores remiserunt prædicti Constabularii impunitos.

Quartodecimo. Constabularius unus de Ruthlan de­tradit duos Satellites Domini Regis in carcere, pro eo quod ipsi tenuerunt aliquem Anglicum qui grave delictum commisit hominem alium vulnerando.

Isti omnes Articuli in præmissis nominati, fuerunt perpetrati contra prædictorum virorum libertatem, jurisdictionem, & privilegium, & contra legem & con­suetudinem Wallicanam; videlicet, quod non erant [Page 387] Ausi eorum quærelas Domino Regi per suos nuncios denuntiare, propter metum Reginaldi & timorem, qui metus potuit cadere in constantem virum: quia prædictus Reginaldus sua voce Dilvada fuit protesta­tus;Openly. quod sin inveniret nuntios prædictorum quod eos­dem decapitaret prout nobis ex parte unius ex consi­lio suo fuit certive intimatum. In tantum quod lin­gua non potest proferre, nec penna scribere in quan­tum prædicti homines de Tegeyngl fuerunt aggra­vati.

Conqueritur vobis, Domine Archiepiscope Cantua­riensis totius Angliæ Primas, Lewelinus filius Griffini filii Madoci de Constabulario de Cruce Oswaldi Re­gis, & de hominibus ejusdem Villæ qui praedictum Lewelinum tertia parte cujusdam Villæ quæ vocatur Ledrot, & Curia patris sui, sine observatione juris patriæ suæ vel consuetudine inequiter spoliarunt.

Præterea. Prædictus Constabularius & sui complu­res eundem Lewelinum communi pastura, qua præ­dictus Lewelinus usus fuit temporibus retroactis, or­dine juris patriæ minime observato, spoliarunt, & in 70 libris occasione prædictæ pasturæ condemnaverint. Cæterum Dominus Rex Angliæ concessit quasdam li­teras cuidam Bastardo, scil. Griffino Fychan ab Cyn­lhaeth, ad litigandum contra eundem Lewelinum pro toto Dominio suo obtinendo▪ quarum literarum occa­sione idem Lewelinus expendit c c l. sterlingorum le­galis usualisæ monetæ.

Iterum. Prædictus Constabularius compulsit præ­dictum Lewelinum ad mitrendum duos suos Nobiles ad eos suspendendos ad prædictum Constabularium quicquid viri Nobiles suspendi minime debuissent, quam suspensionem nollent parentes prædictorum ho­minum sustinuisse pro ccc libris sterlingorum. Post­midum prædictus Constabularius incacerravit bis 60 homines prædicti Lewelini nulla præmissa ratione, nisi quod quidam gareo emisit quandam vocem, nec po­tuerunt evadere suum carcerem donec quilibet eorum solvit decem solidos pro sua deliberatione.

Item. Quando homines prædicti Lewelini veni­rent ad forum ad suos boves vendendos, prædictus Constabularius faceret boves deduci ad Castrum, nec postmodum boves restitueret, nec pretium solveret venditori: Præsertim idem Constabularius & sui ce­perunt jumenta prædicti Lewelini ad terram suam propriam, & de eisdem jumentis fecerunt suam volun­tatem.

Præterea. Justiciarii Domini Regis compulserunt prædictum Lewelinum ad tradendum quandam vil­lam filiis Eneoni filii Griffini; qui quidem prædictam villam, nec à se, nec à prædecessoribus fuerunt con­secuti, ordine juris patriæ suæ in hac parte minime observato.

Idem. Prædictus Constabularius abstulit equum Ballivi prædicti Lewelini sine aliqua ratione, nec sibi aliquid debebatur; nec adhuc praedictus Ballivus satis­factionem aliquam est consecutus.

Caeterum. Quando prædictus Lewelinus volebat adire villam quae vocatur Caerlleon cum literis Do­mini Regis ad comperiendum ibidem in die sibi assig­nata; filii Griffini filii Gwenynny & Armigeri Domini Rogeri Starainge ex consilio Rogeri eundem Leweli­num & suos incarcerarunt in sui injuriam & suorum non modicam læsionem; quam injuriam & læsionem nollet prædictus Lewelinus & sui sustinuisse pro ccc Marcis sterlingorum; nec ab eisdem potuit evadere donec invenit pro se sufficientem cautionem.

His & aliis receptis in scriptis accessit, Archiepisco­pus ad Dominum Regem; supplicans ei humiliter ut gravamina suppradicta dignetur avertere, & ea cor­rectione debita terminare: Et saltem pro tanto ha­bere excessus Wallensium excusatos: Qui respondit Wallenses in injuriis sibi illatis esse excusabiles, quia omni tempore paratus extiterat omni facere justitiam conquerenti: Quo audito, Archiepiscopus Regi iterum supplicavit ut permitteret Wallenses pro suis grava­minibus exponendis & remediis afferendis ad ipsum habere accessum liberum & regressum: Qui respon­dit quod libere permitteret eos ad se accedere sed & redire; si secundum justitiam regressus eorum meritis [Page 389] responderet. Quibus auditis accessit Archiepiscopus ad principem Walliæ in Snawdoniam ut tam ipsum quam Davidem fratrem suum & cæteros Wallenses ad aliquam humilitatis regulam ipsorum animos incli­naret; per quam posset qui ipsorum nuntius regiam clementiam ad ipsos admittendos in gratiam inclinare. Post varios autem tractatus respondit princeps; quod paratus erat voluntati regiæ se supponere duobus præ­suppositis, salva scilicet conscientia sua qua populo suo assistere tenebatur; salva etiam condescentia status fui. Quæ cum Archiepiscopus retulisset Domino Regi, respondit Dominus Rex quod nullum alium de pace volebat cum Principe ac subditis suis habere tracta­tum, nisi quod ipsi supponerent se in omnibus regiæ voluntati: Et cum constaret Archiepiscopo Wallenses nullo modo velle se regiæ voluntati supponere, nisi præcite in forma eis tolerabili & accepta, tractatum habuit ex permissione Domini Regis cum magnatibus tunc præsentibus, qui omnes consenserunt in Articu­los infra scriptos, quos per fratrem Johannem Wal­lensem inscriptos principi & suis Archiepiscopus desti­navit.

Primo. Quod Dominus Rex de quatuor Cantredis & terris ab eo datis, Magnatibus suis nullum vult ha­bere tractatum, nec etiam de Insula Anglesey.

Idem. De tenentibus eorum Cantredorum si ad suam pacem venerint, proponit facere prout condecet Regiam Majestatem, credimus tamen quod aget cum eis misericorditer si ad pacem venerint, & ad hoc proponimus una cum cæteris amicis efficaciter laborare, sperantes efficaciter exaudiri.

Item. De facto Domini Lewelini nullum potuimus aliud habere responsum nisi quod simpliciter & absolute conformet ad Domini Regis voluntatem; ut credimus firmiter quod Dominus Rex cum eo aget miserecor­diter, & ad hoc intendimus cum totis viribus laborare cum cæteris amicis exaudiendis ut confidimus cum effectu.

Primo. Quod proceres hanc formam gratiæ regiæ conceperunt; ut videlicet Domino Lewelino se Regiæ gratiæ submittente, provideatur ei per Regem hono­rifice [Page 390] in mille libratis sterlingorum de aliquo honori­fico comitatu, in aliquo loco Angliæ; ita tamen quod prædictus Lewelinus ponat Dominum Regem in Seysina Snaudonum absolute, perpetue & quiete. Et ipse Rex filiæ Principis secundum condicestiam sui proprii San­guinis providebit, & ad hoc sperant se posse Regis ani­mum inclinare.

Item. Si contingat Lewelinum ducere uxorem & habere de ea puellam masculam, intendunt impe­trare Proceres à Domino Rege, ut proles illa succe­dat perpetuo haereditario Lewelini in terra masculo­rum liberorum videlicet Comitatu.

Item. De populo Principi immediate subjecto tam in Snaudon quam alibi providebitur secundum Deum p [...]out complete saluti ejusdem populi & honori; & ad hoc est Regia clementia satis prona, populo deside­rans consolabiliter providere.

Primò. Quod si ad honorem Dei & suum juxta crucis assumptæ debitum velit in terræ sanctæ subsi­dium proficisci, providebitur ei honorifice secundum condescentiam Status sui, ita tamen quod non redeat nisi per Regiam clementiam vocatus: Rogabimus etiam Dominum Regem, & speramus efficaciter ex­audiri, ut provideat proli suæ.

His omnibus motu nostro subjungimus Wallensi­bus omnia pericula imminere longe gravius quam eis diximus oraculo vivæ vocis; scribimus dura valde sed longe durius est obrui vi & armis, & in fine totaliter extirpari, quoniam omni die pericula nobis imminen­tia aggravantur.

Item. Longe difficilius est omni tempore in guer­ra esse in angustia cordis & corporis vivere, & sem­per in insidiis malignari, & cum hoc vivere & mori in peccato mortali continuo & rancore.

Item. De quo doleremus valde si ad pacem mi­nime veniatis, indubitanter timemus contra vos de­bere sententiam Ecclesiasticam intolerabiliter aggra­vari pro excessibus vestris; de quibus non poteritis vos aliquatenus excusare in quibus invenietis misericor­diam, si ad pacem veniatis & de his nobis respondeatur in scriptis.

Reverendissimo in Christo Patri ac Domino J. Dei gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi ac totius An­gliæ Prrimati suus in Christo devotus filius Lewelinus Princeps Walliæ, Dominus Snaudon, salutem cum desideriis benevolentiae filialis ac reverentiis multimodis & honoribus.

SAncte Pater, sicut vosmet consuluistis, ad gratiam Regiam parati sumus venire sub forma tamen nobis secura & honesta: Sed quia fotma contenta in Articulis nobis missis minime secura est & honesta prout nobis & consilio nostro videtur; & de qua multum admirantur omnes audientes, eo quod plus tendit ad destructionem & ruinam populi nostri ac nostram, quam ad nostram honestatem & securitatem, nullo modo permittet consilium nostrum nos in ea con­sentire si vellemus; alii quoque Nobiles & populus nobis subjectus nullo modo consentirent in eandem ob indubitatam destructionem & dissipationem quæ inde eis possent evenire.

Tamen supplicamus vestræ sanctæ parternitati qua­tenus ad reformationem pacis debitæ, honestæ, & se­cutæ, ob quam tot labores assumpsistis, proinde labo­retis, collationem habentes ad Articulos quos vobis mittimus in scriptis: Honorabilius enim est & rationi magis consonum ut de Domino Rege teneamus terras in quibus jus habemus, quam nos exhæredare & eas tradere alienis. Datum apud Garthcelyn.

Primo. Quod licet Dominus Rex de quatuor Can­tredis & aliis terris ab eo datis magnatibus suis, ac de Insula Anglesey nullum voluerit habere tractatùm, tamen consilium Principis non permittit, si contingat aliquam pacem fieri, quin tractetur de premissis; eo quod isti Cantredi sunt de puro Principis tenemento, in quibus merum jus habuerunt Principes & præde­cessores sui à temporibus Cambri filii Bruti, tum quia sunt de principatu, cujus confirmationem Princeps [Page 392] obtinet pro bonæ memoriæ Octobonum sedis Apostolicæ legatum in Anglia,Pope. consensu Domini Regis & sui Pa­tris ad hoc intervenienti, sicut patet Chartas eorum inspicienti, tum quia etiam equius est quod veri hære­des teneant dictos Cantredos de Domino Rege pro pecunia & servitiis consuetis, quam eos dari extraneis & Advenis, qui & si fuerunt regere aliquam tamen per vim & potentiam.

Dicunt etiam comiter omnes tenentes de omnibus Cantredis Walliæ quod non sunt ausi venire ad volun­tatem Regis, ut de eis disponat secundum Regiam Ma­jestatem.

Primo. Quod Dominus Rex nec pacta, nec jura­menta, nec Chartas servavit ab initio versus Domi­num suum Principem & ipsos,

Secundo. Quia regales in Ecclesias & Ecclesia­sticas personas inivit crudelissimam tyrannidem.

Tertio. Quod non tenentur ad prædicta, cum sint homines Principis qui etiam paratus est de dictis te­nementis Domino Regi obedire per servitia consueta. Ad id quod dicit quod Princeps veniet simpliciter & absolute ad voluntatem Domini Regis: Respon­detur quod cum nulli de dictis Cantredis ausi sint venire ad talem voluntatem propter causas prædictas, nec comitas eorum permittat Principem venire ad di­ctam voluntatem modo prædicto.

Item. Quod proceres regni procurent ut Domino Principi provideatur in mille libratis in aliquo loco Angliæ; dicatur quod illam provisionem non debet acceptare cum sit procurata per dictos proceres, qui nituntur ad exhæreditationem Principis, ut habeant terras suas in Wallia. Item idem princeps non tene­tur dimittere hæreditatem suam & progenitorum suo­rum in Wallia à tempore Bruti, & etiam sibi confir­matam per Romanæ sedis Legatum, ut dictum est; & terram in Anglia acceptare, unde linguam, mores & leges ac consuetudines ignorat; ubi possent etiam sibi quædam malitiori imponi ex odio inveterato à vici­nis Anglicis quibus terra illa privaretur in perpe­tuum.

Item. Ex quo Rex proponit privare Principem sua pristina hæreditate, non videtur probabile quod Rex permitteret ei habere terram in Anglia ubi nul­lum jus videtur habere. Et si etiam non permittere­tur Principi terra sterilis & inculta jure hæreditario ab antiquo & debita in Wallia; nullatenus permitteretur eidem in Anglia terra fertilis culta & habundans.

Item. Quod dictus Princeps ponat Dominum Re­gem in Seysino Snawdon absolute, perpetue & quiete: Dicatur quod cum Snawdon sit de appendiciis princi­patus Walliæ, quem ipse & antecessores sui tenuerunt à tempore Bruti, ut dictum est; consilium suum non permittit eum renuntiare dicto loco, & locum nimis sibi debitum in Anglia receptare.

Item. Populus Snawdon dicit, quod licet Princeps vellet dare Regi Seysinam eorundem, ipsi tamen nol­lent homagium facere alicui extraneo, cujus linguam, mores, legesque penitus ignorant. Quia sic posset contingere eos in perpetuum captivari, ac crudeliter tractari, sicut alii Cantredi circumquaque per Balli­vos Regis ac alios regales alias tractati fuerunt, cru­delius quam Saraceni; prout patet in rotulis quos vo­bis, miserunt sancte pater. Ista sunt dicenda pro Da­vide fratre Principis. Quod cum voluerit terram sanctam adire hoc faciet voluntarie & ex voto pro Deo non pro homine, unde invitus non peregrinabitur Deo dante; Qui coacta servitia Deo novit displicere. Et si contingat ipsum in posterum terram sanctam adire bona ductus voluntate, non propter hoc deberent ipse & hæredes sui in perpetuum exhæreditari; immò potius præmium obtinere. Præterea quia Princeps, & sui causa odii, ad aliquos concipiendi, vel lucri captandi non moverunt guerram alienas terras in­vadendo; sed suam propriam hæreditatem jura li­bertatesque, necnon suorum defendendo; Dominus­que Rex & sui odio inveterato, & causa lucrandi ter­ras nostras guerram fecit: Credimus in hoc justam guerram nos fovere, & speramus in hac Deum nos velle juvare, ac in Ecclesiarum devastatores divinam ultionem convertere, qui Ecclesias funditus destruxe­runt ac combusserunt, sacra ex eis rapuerunt, Sacer­dotes, [Page 394] Clericos religiosos, claudos, surdos, mutos, in­santes, ubera lactentes, ac debiles & miserabiles perso­nas, ut usque sexu occiderunt; & alia enormia per­petrarunt, sicut in dictis rotulis vobis transmissis conti­neatur: Unde absit à sancta paternitate vestra senten­tiam aliquam fulminare in alios quam in illos qui præ­dicta perpetrârunt. Nos enim qui regalibus prædicta passi fuimus, speramus à vobis super præmissis paternum solatium, & remedium obtinere; & in prædictos sa­crilegos eorumque fautores, qui nullo super his privi­legio defenduntur, animadvertere; ne præ defectu dignæ correctionis seu ultionis in eos exercendo prædi­cta mala in perpetuum per alios trahantur in exemplum.

Mirantur etiam quamplures in terra nostra, quod consuluistis nobis dimittere terram nostram propriam, & alienam adire inter hostes nostros comersando; quia ex quo non possumus pacem habere in terra quæ no­stra est ipso jure nostro, minime poterimus in aliena terra inter hostes nostros pacifice conservari: Et licet durum sit in guerra & insidiis vitam ducere; durius ta­men est funditus destrui, & ad nihilum, nisi Deus a­vertat, deduci populum Christianum qui nihil aliud quærit nisi sua jura defendere; Unde necessitas ad hoc nos cogit, & inimicorum cupiditas non offendit; & vos, sancte pater, coram nobis dixistis, quod vos sententia­stis in omnes qui impediunt pacem causa odii vel lucri; sed manifestum est qui sunt illi qui guerrant istis causis.

Timor enim mortis, & incarcerationis, vel perpe­tuæ exhæreditationis, nulla observatio fœderum pa­ctorum vel chartarum, tyrannica dominatio, vel multa alia consimilia cogunt nos esse in guerris; & hoc Deo & vobis ostendimus, & petimus à vobis paternum ad­jutorium, ut patet in literis nostris.

Ad hoc multi alii in regno Angliæ offenderunt Re­gem & tamen nullos exhæredavit in perpetuum, ut dicitur; unde si aliqui ex nostris ipsum offenderunt injuste, dignum est ut satisfaciant prout possint sine exhæredatione; & sicut in vobis confidimus, supplica­mus quod ad hoc laboretis sancte pater: Nam etsi nobis imponatur quod fregimus pacem, tamen illi ve­rius fregerunt qui nullum fœdus vel pactum nobis ser­vaverunt; [Page 395] qui nullam emendam de quærimoniis nobis fecerunt, ut patet in rotulis.

Primo auditis rescripsit Archiepiscopus Wallensibus in hæc verba:

IN nomine Domini, Amen. Cum nos frater J. per­missione divina Cantuariensis Ecclesiæ minister hu­milis totius Angliæ primas, scientes nostro incumbere officio, pro vobis Domine Leweline Princeps Walliæ [...]ac subditis vestris exponere nos & nostra spretis via­rum incommodis & periculis, vestram adjuverimus præsentiam oves erroneas reducturi; & speculatoris fungentis officio vobis mysteriæ vivæ vocis diximus pe­ricula quæ genti vestræ videbamus luce clarius immi­nere, subjunctis remediis eorundem; teste optantes altissimo juxta pontificale debitum cuilibet vestrum Ecclesiam minimo de corpore nostro pontem facere ad salutis littora reducendo. Tandem vestris auditis pre­cibus & angustiis eas ut necessitatis vestræ nuntius præ­sentavimus regiæ majestati, quem ab olim ad pœniten­tes adversarios introitum scimus esse propitium; ut quidam de vestris & aliis ut nobis certis constat indi­ciis ipsius clementia abutantur. Tractavimus insuper cum magnatibus & proceribus Angliæ præsentibus de modifacione gratiæ regiæ ipsorum assistentia nostris vo­bis supplicationibus impretranda, cujus modificationis seriem per servum Dei fratrem Johannem Wallensem vobis misimus in scriptum, una cum consilio nostro quod vobis secundum Deum salubrius videbatur; vos autem deliberationem vestram nobis in quadam remi­sistis cedula per eundem, cujus cedulæ pernitiosas late­bras vobis paterno affectu præsentibus aperimus. Pri­mò igitur dictis vos juri nolle cedere quatuor Cantre­darum, quia progenitores vestri à temporibus Cambri filii Bruti in eisdem juris plenitudinem habuerunt; sed ne simpliciores in vobis de successu hujusmodi glorian­tur, salva in omnibus pace vestra, vobis licet inviti ip­sius radicem originis ex gestis Britonum & Anglorum ad memoriam revocamus. Dispersis enim olim Troja­nis pro eo quod Paridis adulterium defensarunt; fate­mur [Page 396] progenitores vestræ multitudinis interpositis quibus­dam seditionibus fugæ sibi præsidium assumpsisse; & utinam non maneat in eis hujusmodi contagii memoria qui sic libera matrimonia parvipendunt ut spurios & incestu genitos à successione hæreditaria ut dicitur non repellunt, quin potius uxores legitimæ Howeli da patro­ciniæ, contra Evangelium dato repudio fama teste, vel potius infamia repelluntur; qualiter demum Brutus Dianae præsagiis non sine Diaboli præstigiis per Ido­latriam immolato Cervæ Venatitiæ obtentis, Insu­lam Britannicam pervaserit per famosas histotias de­claratur; pervaserit inquam inhabitatam Insulam, agentibus statura proceris quarum peremit fortissimum Corineus. Gentibus inquam de boreali prasapia qua non solum . . . . . . . . verum etiam Scythiam trans Danubium ab occidente nostro per Aquilonis latera us­que in Orientales terminos occupavit. Quam ergo quæsumus fecerunt vobis injuriam Angli & Saxones e­jusdem generis, si vos processu temporis ab usurpato Dominio perturbarunt: Cum scriptum esse noveritis, vae qui prædaris in omne prædaberis. Non oportet autem simplices in radice adulterina processu Idolola­triae, & usurpationis spoliis gloriari. Progenitores in­super vestri moderniores, cum enervati deliciis sibi non sufficerent defensandis, obruentibus eos Scotis & Pictis, denegato etiam eis Romani imperii præsidio postulato, ad Germanorum refugium convolârunt, qui venientes repudiarunt, hostes usque in præsentem diem suarum labores manuum manducantes. Ex his causis quum sedet sola à vobis insula olim populo plenâ, ve­stro proscribente Jeremia, quia Prophetæ tui viderunt tibi vana & stulta; Item prædictorum juribus Can­tredorum confirmationem legati frivole allegatis, cum non fuerit intentionis suae jura Regia, seu etiam jura civilia & Canonica, sicut nec potuit enervare: Pro crimine enim lesæ majestatis, in quod vos incidisse dicimini, juxta quod scribitur sexta quæstione. Se­cunda paragrapho; Si quis cum militibus, & 22. Quæst. ultima capitulo de forma fidelitatis. Omne perit jus hæreditarium & expirat: In Cantredis igi­tur prædictis in quibus ab olim Domino Regi jus dici­tur adquisitum, & in Snawdon ac cæteris quae tenetis [Page 397] [...]re hæreditario, nihil potestis sicut nec subditi vestri, [...]t ex præallegatis videtur, nisi ex sola regia clementia [...]ræstolari. Dicitur demum quod populus non vult ad [...]ratiam regiam convolare, quia Dominus Rex, nec [...]cta, nec juramenta, nec chartarum fœdera Principi [...]onservavit. Et nos quærimus ex cujus vel quorum [...]ud sit judicio declaratum, nisi per vos qui in causa [...]opria judicium usurpatis, & per singulas lustrales pe­ [...]odos pacem infringitis, innocentes jugulatis, incen­ [...]ia facitis, munitiones regias pro viribus vastatis; ac [...]omini Howell da quitalia injuriarum remedia in lege [...]a quam vidimus instituit, autoritate quam ei Diabo­ [...]s delegavit. Præterea in regem impungitis, dicen­ [...], quod regales Ecclesias & personas Ecclesiasticas [...]udeli vastavit tyrannide, & consumunt; Ad quod ta­ter respondemus, quod Dominus Rex prædicta mala [...]ec fieri mandavit, nec rata habuit, quin potius nobis [...]btulit ultronei, quod quam citò aderit oportunitas [...]cclesiarum proponit dispendia resarcire; quod differt [...]sque ad sedatam guerræ tempestatem, ne si prius fie­ [...]t destruerentur iterum per latrones. Præterea timetis [...] Anglia honorem suscipere, ne consequenter vobis oc­ [...]asionata malitia auferatur, cum tamen fateamini quod Dominus Rex nullum suum exhæredaverit inimicum; [...]uod frustra vos timere credimus, si legaliter vivere [...]os & vestri didiceritis, & non a pari cum domino [...]estro contendere vel certare. Mores vobis & popu­ [...]o vestro causamini incognitos; & nos è contrario opi­ [...]amur quod expediret vobis omnibus in modum alium & mores penitus transformari. Cum enim sitis sicut [...]æteri homines donis Dei gratuitis adornati, sed in ve­ [...]tro Anglo devoramini; ut nec Ecclesiam juvetis con­ [...]ra hostes fidei militando; Nec Clerum studio sapien­tiae, exceptis paucissimis, decoretis; quin potius ma­ [...]or pars vestrûm torpet otio & lasciviis, ut pene ne­ [...]ciat mundus vos esse populum, nisi per paucos ex vobis qui videntur ut plurimum in — mendicare. Deinde [...]cribitis quod creditis altissimum vos juvare pro justitia decertantes; utinam inquam altissimus juvet vos salu­briter & dirigat ad salutem. Sed ne ruinas aliquas Anglorum ex inconsideratione sua provenientes vestris [Page 398] velitis meritis arrogare curetis ad vertere qualiter qui i [...] cœlis habitat fatuos sublimat & elevat ad modicum ut perpetuo allidat; sic certe olim populus Dei electu [...] ante harum repertam civitatem pro unius Anathema­te Consortis versus in fugam quosdam suorum perdidi [...] bellatorum: Sic certe quater centena millia bellatorum duodecim tribuum Israel in suo numero & fortitudine confidentes ab unius tribus modico populo, occisis ex 40 millibus bellatorum, per vices varias sunt confusi: Cum tamen purgato unius Anathemate, prædicta Civi­tas finaliter deleta fuerit per illos, qui prius confusi fuerant, & per lacrymas placato Domino cum jejuniis, oblatis Sacrificiis, tribus illa quæ prævaluerat prius, per prius confusos quasi totaliter sit deleta; sic certe ali­ter flagellat Dominus filios quos recipit, & aliter quos decernit ut arbores steriles extirpare. Ista vobis scri­bimus in cordis amaritudine ab his partibus recedentes, nec prenidicare intendimus salubriori consilio, si vobis cœlitus destinetur, nec latere vos volumus quod nullum per vos invenimus excusationis sufficiens remedium, quo obstante minime debeatis in excors Irnam incidisse pernuntiari: Dudum latet in Oxon consilio contra pa­cis regiæ turbatores, viam autem pacis aliam invenire non possumus, nec adhuc in spe sumus aliud obtinen­di. Sed si nobis aliquid consultius videatur agendum, vobis numquam claudemus gremium, nec auxilium de­negabimus opportunum. Dat. apud Ruthelan 18 Ca­lend. Decemb. Ann. Dom. 1282.

Lewelinus autem princeps Walliæ prædictus spretis omnibus oblationibus & pacis formis post scriptis, in­vasit hostiliter terram Domini Regis Angliæ destruen­do eam incendio & rapina, nec non homines terræ il­lius ad se trahendo, & à bonitate pacis regiæ sepa­rando. Qui tamen princeps infra mensem illum igno­minosa morte primus de exercitu suo occisus est, per familiam Domini Cadmundi de mortuo mari, filii Do­mini Rogeri de mortuo mari; & totus exercitus suus vel occisus, vel in fugam conversus in partibus Montis Gomerici die Veneris proximo, ante Festum S. Lucæ, videlicet 3. Id. Decemb. sub Anno Dom. 1282. In — decima litera dominicali D. currente.

A TABLE OF THE Most Remarkable Things in this BOOK.

A.

  • ABerffraw destroyed by the Irish, page 57.
  • Adelred King of the West-Saxons vanquished by the Britains, 15.
  • Adelred married Emma Daughter of the Duke of Nor­mandy, and the reasons of it, 70. The consequence of the Marriage, 71. Flies with his Wife and Children into Normandy, 75. Returns, ibid. His Death, 78.
  • Aedan ap Blegorad having slain his Competitor Conan, is proclaimed Prince of North-Wales, 69. Is slain with his four Sons in Battel, 79.
  • Alan the 2d. King of Little Britain assisted Cadwalader, 9. Advised him to obey the Vision, 11.
  • Alfred King, an Encourager of Learning, and Founder of the Ʋniversiity of Oxford, 32. Routs the Danes, ibid. Makes them forswear the sight of English Ground, 33. He caused the Laws of Dyfnwal Moelmut and Queen Marsia to be translated into English, &c. 43.
  • [Page]Alfred proposed to be sent for to be King over the En­glish, 85. Opposed by Earl Goodwyn, 68. Had his Eyes put out, ibid.
  • Anarawd Prince of North-Wales succeeds his Father Rodri, 37. Dyes, his Issue, 45.
  • Anglesey destroyed by the Men of Dublin, 46. Ravaged by Madoc ap Meredith Prince of Powys, but all his Men were cut off, 175.
  • Arthur King of Britain, his Sepulchre found in the Isle of Afalon, 206. The Inscription upon it, 207.
  • Arthur eldest Son to King Henry the Seventh, created Prince of Wales, and Dies at Ludlow, 324.
  • Athelstane, tho' a Bastard, the worthiest Prince of the Saxon Blood, 48. His Victory over the Danes, Scots and Normans, ibid. Removes the Britains to Cornwal, Dies, 49.
  • Aulase and all his Danes received Baptism, 49. Swears never to molest England, 66.

B.

  • BAldwin Archbishop of Canterbury, the first that made his Visitation in Wales, 208.
  • Bede his Education and Writings, 16.
  • Bible, how, when, and by whom translated into Welch, 326.
  • Blethyn and Rhywalhon Princes of North-Wales asist Edric against the King of England, 101. A Rebellion formed against them by Meredith, and Ithel ap Gruffydh, ibid. Battel wherein Rhywalhon and Ithel were slain, Blethyn murdered Rich. 104.
  • Britain, how and when forsaken by the Roman Forces, 1. Invaded by the Scots and Picts, ibid.
  • Britains, their sad Complaints to Aetius thrice Consul, 2. The Reasons of their weakness, 3 and 4. Their Mes­sage to the Saxons, 5. The Britains of Stratclwyd and Cumberland settle in North-Wales, 38.
  • Brochwel once Prince of Powys a great Defender of the Monks of Bangor, 23.
  • Bruce de William, Lord of Brecknock under pretence of Friendship, barbarously murders Sitsylht ap Dyfnwal, his Son and followers, 204.
  • Bruce Sir Edward, his Letter to Sir Griffydh Llwyd, 312, and 313.

C.

  • CAdelh Prince of South-Wales dyes, his Issue, 44.
  • Cadelh takes Caermardhyn, and beats the Normans and Flemings, 165. Like to be murdered, 170. Gone upon Pilgrimage, 171.
  • Cadwgan murdered by Madawc, 138.
  • Cadwalader the last King of Britain of the British Race, 8. Retires to Alan King of Little Britain, ibid. Learned in a Vision to go to Rome, and there shorn a Monk, 10.
  • Cadwalader with his Brother Owen Gwynedh from North-Wales in conjunction with several South Wales Lords made an horrible slaughter of the Normans and Fle­mings, and drove them out of South-Wales, 157, 158.
  • Cadwalader forced to flee from his Brother Owen to Ire­land, 163. Returns with Irish Forces, concludes a Peace with his Brother, made Prisoner by the Irish, rescued by his Brother, 164. Escapes out of Prison, 171. Flies to England, ibid. His Death and Issue 200.
  • Canterbury redeemed by the Citizens from being burnt by the Danes for 3000 l. 73. Betrayed afterward to them and burnt, 74.
  • Caradoc King of North-Wales fights and is slain by the Saxons, 21. His Pedigree, ibid.
  • Celibacy enjoyned to the Clergy in a Synod held at Lon­don, 127.
  • Christian Faith pure in the British Church, 221.
  • Charles Duke of York created Prince of Wales, 328.
  • Charles eldest Son of King Charles the First created Prince of Wales, 328.
  • Civil War in Wales, and Edwal Son of Meyric the indi­sputable Heir set up in North-Wales, 67.
  • Clare, Earl of, possessed himself of divers Strong-holds in Cardigan, 177.
  • Clynnoc fawr an Abby in Arfon, 11. When and by whom built, 12. Endowed by Prince Anarawd, 39.
  • Cnute the Dane chosen King, and his Cruelty to the En­glish Hostages, 75. Returns to England, ibid. The Northumbers submit to him, 76. Besieges London, is Routed by Edmund, ibid. Combats Edmund, agree and divide England between them, 78. Generously puni­shes Edmund Ironside's Murder, ibid. Marries Emma Edelred's Widdow, 80. Requires a Subsidy of the En­glish, ibid. Made a pompous Journey to Rome, 82. [Page] Makes the Scots do him Homage, ibid. Dies, and is succeeded by his Son Harold Harefoot, 83.
  • Conel prognosticating the Norman Invasion, and Success. 100.
  • Commotions in England, 158.
  • Con [...]n, War between him and his Brother Howel, 22. Dies, 23. His Pedigree, ibid.
  • Conspiracy against William the Conqueror by the English and the Welch detected, and the Conspirators exe­cuted, 104.
  • Constable, Walter, marries Nest's Daughter, and has the Lordship of Brecknock, 116. A strange Passage re­lated by him to Henry the First, concerning Gruffydh ap Rhys, ibid.
  • Crogens, used as a Term of reproach by the English to the Welch, 223. No reason for it, 224.
  • Cynric Prince Owen's Son slain, 162.

D.

  • DAnes begin to disturb England, 20, 21. They prevail and Winter in England, 28. They take and destroy Winchester, 30. Kill Osbright and Elba Kings of Nor­thumberland, 31. Slew Edmund King of the Angles, ibid. Fought five Battles with Ethelred, ibid. They won London and Redding, 33. Routed by the West-Saxons, 34. Are defeated by Alfred and received the Christian Faith, 37. They harrass North-Wales, 39. Defeated by the Armorican Britains, ibid. Forced to rise from before Exeter, and spoil the Sea-Coast of Wales. 41. Receive a great overthrown, 42. They grow powerful, not only in England but also in Ireland, 44. Thrice overthrown by the English, 45. Cruelly over­thrown by Tottenhale, 46. Routed by King Edward, 48. Driven out of the Kingdom by King Edmund, 52. Force the English to pay the Dane-Gelt, 65. Make a terrible Havock in Wales, and had Tribute paid them, 66. Make fresh devastations in Wales and England, 70. They are massacred by the English, 71. Force the English Nobility to buy their Peace for 30000 l. 72. They beat Wolfkettel, 73. Slew Ethelstan and ran­sack'd the Country, 74
  • Dafydh ab Owen ki [...]l'd his Brother Howel in Battel, and g [...]ts to be Prince of North-Wales▪ 195. Secures [...]is Brother Maelgon, reduces Anglesey, and banishes his [Page] Brethren, 202. Sends a Band of Welch to accom­pany King Henry into Normandy, ibid. Is dispossest by his eldest Brother's Son Lhewelyn ap Iorwerth, 213. Ʋngrateful to Prince Lhewelyn for his Liberty, 224.
  • Dafydh ap Lhewelyn Prince of Wales did Homage at Glo­cester to the King of England, 259. Is excommuni­cated by the Bishop of Bangor for detaining his Brother Gruffydh in Prison, whom he refused to deliver at the King's Request, 260. Submits to the King of England, 262. Ca [...]ols the King to detain his Brother Gruffydh Prisoner, ibid. Engages the Pope on his side against the King, but he proves false, 264. Fights the English often with various Success, ibid. Dies without Issue, 268.
  • Davids, St. burnt by the West-Saxons, 21. Destroyed by the Danes, 45. Again by the Danes, 69. Destroyed by Strangers, 107. The Cathedral sacrilegiously robbed, 111. Made subject to the See of Canterbury, 125.
  • Dunstan, St. Bishop of Canterbury, his Prediction and Death, 61.

E.

  • EAster, the Britains and Saxons quarrel about the Ob­servation of it, 18, 19.
  • Edgar, advanced to the Kingdom in his Brother Edwin's room, 56. He wasts North-Wales, and agrees for a yearly Tribute of 300 Wolves, ibid. Regulates drinking Vessels because of the Danes excess, 57. Rowed in his Barge by six Kings on the River Dee, 59.
  • Edgar Edeling proclaimed King, forced into Scotland, 101. Received to King William's Mercy, 103.
  • Edmund King of England's Death, and the uncertain manner of it, 53.
  • Edmund Ironside slain by Edric's Son, 78.
  • Edwal Foel and his Brother Elis fight the English, and are slain, 49. Their Issue, ibid.
  • Edward sent for from Normandy and made King, 86 The Confessor's death, 98.
  • Edward I. King of England invades Wales, and prevails, 283. Insists upon Prince Lhewelyn's submission without reserve, 292. Sets Prince Lhewelyn's Head upon the Tower of London, and puts his Brother David to death, 299. Subdues all Wales, ibid. Kept his Christmas at Aber-Conwey, 307. In necessity, would taste no Wine [Page] for the satisfaction of his Soldiers, 308. Cuts down all the Woods in Wales, and builds Beumaris-Castle, 309.
  • Edward of Caernarvon first Prince of Wales of the English Blood, 301. Received Homage at Chester of all the Free-holders of Wales, 310. Goes farther into the Coun­try to the same purpose, ibid.
  • Edward eldest Son to King Edward II. created Prince of Wales, 313.
  • Edward eldest Son to King Edward III. created Prince of Wales, 313, His Character and Death, 314.
  • Edward Son to Henry VI. created Prince of Wales, 323. Murdered, ibid.
  • Edward eldest Son to King Edward VI. created Prince of Walts, murdered, 223.
  • Edward VI. inclined to favour the Welch, 323.
  • Edward Son to Richard III. created Prince of Wales, 324.
  • Edward Son to Henry VIII. created Prince of Wales 325.
  • Edwyn King of England vitious, dispossess'd and dies, 56.
  • Egbert sole M [...]narch in Britain, 25. Calls the Country England, ibid. He fights the Danes, 26.
  • Eincon invites the Normans into Wales, and persuades them to stay, 112
  • Elfleda, Mercian Queen, her Valiant Acts both against the Danes and Welch, 46. Her death, 47. Left a Daughter Alfwyden disinherited by King Edward, ibid.
  • Ethelwulph King of the West-Saxons paid Peter-pence to Rome, 29. Learned and devout, ibid.
  • Eyes of several pluck'd out a barbarous Custom, 155.
  • Ethelbald King of Mercia invades Wales, 16. In con­junction with Adelred, overthrow the Britains, ibid.

F.

  • FLanders a part of it drowned prejudicial to the Welch, 128.
  • Flemings settled in part of VVales, 128.

G.

  • GAllio routs the Scots and Picts, 2. Builds a Wall cross the Land, ibid.
  • Gam, Sir David, imprisoned by Owen Glyndyfwr and re­leased 321. Revolts from Owen, ibid. His answer in France to Henry V. concerning the French Army, mor­tally wounded at Agincourt, Knighted and died, 322.
  • [Page]Gavelkind, that Custom in Wales, 22.
  • Geoffrey of Monmouth made Bishop of St. Davids, 171.
  • Glamorgan Lordship described, 314. The best of it Fitzha­mon the Chief of the Normans kept to himself, 115.
  • Godwyn, Earl, rebels against King Edward, 89. Invades the Land, and is reconciled to the King, 90. Dies suddenly sitting at the King's Table, 91.
  • Gray, Reginald, Lord of Ruthyn taken Prisoner by Owen Glyndyfwr and ransomed, 316, 317.
  • Gruffydh ap Lhewelyn declared Prince of North-Wales, 84. His Country invaded by the English and Danes, and routed by him, 85. Reduced all Wales under his sub­jection, ibid. Routs Howel Prince of South-Wales at Pencader, ibid. Taken Prisoner by the Irish under the command of Iago ap Edwal, and recovered by his own Men, 87. Overcomes and slays Gruffydh ap Rhyderch and his Army, &c. ibid. Concludes a Peace with Ha­rold King Edward's General, 94. His Palace at Ruthlan burnt by the English, ibid. Prince Gruffydh murdered by Harold's Contrivance after he had reigned 30 years, 95.
  • Gruffydh ap Conan confirmed in the Principality of Wales, 109. Refused at first an accommodation with King Henry, at last sues and obtains Peace, 141. Caressed by the King, and promised to deliver up Gruffydh ap Rhys, 143. Dies 158. His Issue, 159.
  • Gruffydh the Son of Rhys ap Tudor laid claim to South-VVales, 143. Flies to North-VVales, 143. Wished with his Brother Howel to withdraw into South-VVales, 144. Forced to bid open defyance to the King of En­gland, ibid. The Flemings and VVelch Lords joyn to­gether to oppose him, 145. He takes Caermardhyn, 146. Invited to the Government of Cardigan-shire, ibid. Suc­ceeds, 147. War at Aberystwyth, 148. Invidiously dispossess'd of his Estate, 154. Dies, 158.
  • Gruffydh Son to the Lord Rhys succeeded his Father, 116. Plagued with his Brother Maelgon, 219. A hopeful Prince, dies, 222.
  • Gruffydh ap Conan ap Owen ap Gwynedh buried in a Monk's Cowl, the Superstition of it, 221.
  • Gruffydh Prince David's Brother endeavouring to make his escape out of the Tower of London, breaks his Neck, 263. His Body recovered and conveyed to Conwey and honourably buried, 270.
  • [Page]Gruffydh Llwyd Knighted by King Edward I. rebels, 311. Treats with Sir Robert Bruce for Succours against the English, with his Letter to him, ibid. Over-runs North-Wales and the Marches, and is taken Prisoner, 313.
  • Gurmundus a Norwegian from Ireland, invades Britain, 7.
  • Gwenwynwyn worsted by the English, 218. Refuses Ho­mage to Prince Lhewelyn, 222. At last consents to it, 223. Detained Prisoner at Shrewsbury, 225. Set at Liberty, re-gains his Country, 228. Revolts from Prince Lhewelyn and is dispossest, 242.

H.

  • HArold succeeds Canute his Brother in England, 83. Dies, and is succeeded by Hardi Canute his Bro­ther, 85.
  • Harold's favour with the King, envied by his Brother Tosty who barbarously murder'd his Men at his House in Hereford, and his Saying, 7. Made King, 98. Slain, 100.
  • Hasting a Dane invades France, 40. His Policy to obtain Limogis, 41. His Cruelty, ibid.
  • Henry I. his partiality in favour of the Normans, 127. Makes his Brother Robert Prisoner, and puts out his Eyes, 128. Kind to Cadwgan the Father of Owen, 132 Invades Wales with three Armies 140. Overcomes the French King, 151. Lost his Children at Sea, and marries, 152. Invades Wales, in danger ibid. Agrees with Meredith ap Blethyn and returns, 153. his Death and Successor, 156.
  • Henry II. sends the Flemings into West-Wales, 173. In­vited to the Conquest of Wales, ibid. Repulsed, and in danger of his Life, 174. Concludes a Peace with Prince Owen, 175. Quarrels and concludes a Peace with France, 187. Invades VVales and brings Prince Rhys to do him Homage, 188. Invades VVales again with a most potent Army, 190. Returns without any thing memorable, and for Revenge puts out the Eyes of the Hostages, 191. Makes a third Expedition into VVales to as little purpose, ibid. Passes thro' VVales, receiving Homage of Prince Rhys in his way to the Con­quest of Ireland, 198, 199. Returns thro' VVales and inclined to leave it in a peaceable Condition, 199, 200. Engaged in a Civil War against his Son Henry, 201. Makes a Peace with France, and his Children forced to submit, 202. Dies, 209.
  • [Page]Henry III. King of England invades Wales, and is wor­sted 251. In [...]ades Wales again 254. Makes Henry of M [...]nmouth his General against the Welch, but with in Su [...]ess 255 Laments the death of the Earl of Pembrock 256. In [...]ades Wales, and makes Prince David to submit 261, 2 2 Invades Wales 263. Fights the Welch with no success, and invites the Irish into Anglesey 265. Oppresses Wales, and returns dissatisfied 269, 270. Item 274. Wasts the Borders 275. Requires a Subsidy to subdue Wales 276. Dies 280.
  • Henry, eldest Son to Henry IV. created Prince of W. 318.
  • Henry IV. makes unmerciful Laws against the Welch 319.
  • Henry Duke of York created Prince of VVales 324.
  • Henry VII. grants the VVelch a Charter of Liberty, and directed a Commission to enquire into the Birth and Quality of his Grandfather Owen Tudor 325.
  • Henry VIII. incorporates the VVelch with the English 326.
  • Henry eldest Son to King James created Prince of VVales 328.
  • Howel Dha preferred to be Prince of all VVales 50. His Laws ibid. Goes to Rome to have them confirmed 51. His Death and Issue 53.
  • Howel ap Ievan expelled his Ʋncle Iago, and took the Government of VVales upon him [...]9. At last agree 60. Kills Edwal Fychan, and the Reasons of it ibid. Overthrows the Danes 61. Invades England, and is slain 62. He is succeeded by his Brother Cadwalhan, who was quickly slain 63.
  • Howel and Meredith, Prince Lhewelyn's Murderers invite the Irish Scots into South-VVales 82. Slew Rhydderch, and take the Government 83. Meredith slain by the Sons of Conan ap Sitsylht ibid. Howel attempts the recovery of South-VVales, is overcome and slain by Prince Gruffydh near Tywy-Head 87.
  • Howel ap Grono driven out of Rydcors Castle by the Nor­mans, 126. Basely betrayed to them, and murthered, 127.
  • Howel ap Owen Gwynedh won the Castle of Ewyas, 167. with his Brother Conan quarrel with their Ʋncle Cad­walader, besiege and take the Castle of Cynfael from him, 168. makes Cadwalader his Prisoner, and possesses his Land, ib. he lost all his Country to Cadelh, Meredith, [Page] and Rhys ap Gruffydh, who put the Garison of Llan­ [...]hystyd to the Sword, 169.

I.

  • IAgo ap Edwal recovers his Right to North-Wales, 82. Slain in Battle against Gruffydh ap Lhewelyn, 84.
  • Ifor sent into Britain with an Army, by his Father Alan, 13. Routs the Saxons, ibid. Marries Ethelburga, [...]en­twyn's Cosin, and succeeded him in the West-Saxon Kingdom, 14. Founded Glastenbury-Abby, ib. Dyed at Rome, 15.
  • John, Arch-Deacon of Llanbadarn dies, and is canoni­zed, 160.
  • John K. of England in his way to Ireland through Wales, discharged a Criminal that murther'd a Priest, 226. Famished Will de Bruce, and Maud his Aunt at Windsor after his return, 227. The reason of his Cruelty and Disaffection to Priests, ib. Marches with a great Ar­my into VVales, and returns without Success, 229, 230. Makes a second Expedition, ib. Orders Foulk Viscount Cardyff to subdue those that oppose in South-VVales, and they at last do him Homage, but quickly revolt, 231, 232. makes an Expedition into VVales, 229. Makes a second and third, and hangs the Welch Pledges, reconciles himself to Rome, and engages in a Civil War with his Barons, 237. Dies, and is succeeded by his Son Henry, 242.
  • Iorwerth ap Blethyn revolts from the Earl of Salop, 124. Basely used by K. Henry for it, the reason of it, 125. delivered out of Prison 133. Forbids Owen and Ma­dawc to retire to his Estate, 134. Beset and slain by Madawc and Llywarch ap Trahern 137.
  • Joseph Bishop of Llandaff dies at Rome 88.
  • Ireland molested with Locusts 42.
  • Ithel King of Gwent slain 28.

L.

  • LHewelyn ap Sytsylht makes himself Prince of all VVales 79. His good Government ib. Slays Meu­ric that rebelled against him with his own hand 80. suppresses another Rebellion 81. Basely slain ibid.
  • Lhewelyn P. of North-VVales takes David ap Owen Pri­soner 217. Receives Homage of most of the Welch [Page] Lords 222. Conquers Gwenwynwyn's Country 225. Makes an Expedition into South-VV. and Maelgon flees 225, 226. Marries Joan King John's Daughter 224. Sues and obtains Peace of the King by the means of his Wife 231. Animates the Lords of North-Wales to joyn with him in a Revolt against the King 233. Dispossesses the English of all their Holds in his Coun­try 237. Takes Shrewsbury, though excommunicated by the Pope 238. Subdues Cardigan and Carmarthen 240. Reconciles the [...]onds in South-Wales 241. Sub­dues Powis 242. Refuses Assistance to King John against the Dauphine ibid. Makes Rynald Bruce, who had revolted, submit to him [...]43. Receives the Submission and Allegiance of the Flemings in Dyfed ibid. Subdues the revolted Flemings again 246. Makes his Son Gruffydh submit ibid. Complained of to the King of England by young Rhys, adjusts Mat­ters with him 247. Seizes the Castle of William Marshal Earl of Pembroke in Wales, and occasions a War between them 247, 248. Worsts the Eng­lish Army, pays Homage to Henry III. 249. Destroys the Marches 252. Makes a Descent upon England 253. Being joyned by the Earl of Pembroke against King Henry, routs his Army 254. Makes an In­cursion into the King's Territories 255. Makes peace with the King 256. Sets his Son Gruffydh at liberty ibid. Buries his Princess Joan 257. Forced to quit the Siege of Ruthlan 258. Makes the Welch do Homage to his Son David ibid. Dies, his Character and Issue [...]59.
  • Llewelyn ap Gruffydh, and Owen Gôch his Brother, de­clared Princes of North-Wales 269. Quarrel, and Owen with his Brother David, made close Prisoners 271. Recovers the In-land Country of North-Wales from the English 272. Wastes Cheshire ibid. Beats the Irish by Sea 273. Desires peace with the King, but fails 277. Kind to Sir Roger Mortimer 278. Makes a Peace by the Popes Mediation with the King 279. Refuses to attend upon King Edward's Coronation 280. The Reasons for his refusal 281. An Accident made him pliable 283. Severe Condi­tions of Peace imposed upon him 284. Married to Elianor Earl Montfords Daughter at Worcester 285. Reconciled with his Brother David and joyn against [Page] the English 286. Offers to submit to the King con­ditionally 292. Sends a Letter to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and the general Answer of the Welch to his Proposals 293, 294, 295. Betrayed in Buellt and killed 297.
  • London besieged by the Danes 65.

M.

  • MAhael dispossest of his Inheritance by his unnatu­ral Mother Nests means, and how 115.
  • Madoc ap Meredith Prince of Powis sticks to the English Interest 173.
  • Madawc reconciled to King Henry 138. Taken Prisoner by Meredith ap Blethin 139. Has his Eyes pulled out by Owen ibid.
  • Madawc ab Owen Gwynedh sails into America 196. Plants a Colony there ib.
  • Maelgon disturbs South-VVales 228. Beaten by his Ne­phews Rhys and Owen 229.
  • March, Earl of, marries Owen Glyndwr's Daughter 318. Consented by indenture to divide England between Owen, Piercy and himself 318.
  • Maud the Empress lands in England, and is received at Arundel 162.
  • Meredith ap Owen possest of all Wales 64. Dispossest of North-Wales 67. And routed by Edwal ap Meuric their new Prince 68. Died without Issue Male 69.
  • Meredith ap Owen made Prince of South-Wales 96. Slain in Battel against Caradoc ap Gruffydh 102.
  • Meredith and Rhys ap Gruffydh prevail in South-Wales 171. Meredith's Death and Character 172.
  • Merfyn frych is made King of Wales 24. is slain 27.
  • Merlyn, Ambrose, and Sylvester, their Time, Country, and Prophesies 10, 11.
  • Morgan Hên dies, an Hundred Years old; his Marriage, Estate, and Issue 58.
  • Morgan ap Owen kills Robert Fitz-Gilbert and his Son 157. slain 175.
  • Morgan ap Cadogan repents of his Murder committed 156.
  • Murders committed 156. Item 163.

N.

  • NEwmarch, a Norman, obtains the Lordship of Breck­nock, and marries Nest, Daughter to Llewelyn ap Gruffydh 115.
  • Normans twice decimated and put to death in England 86. They waste and plunder Dyfed 103. They seize upon the Lordship of Glamorgan 113. The Names of the Adventurers ibid. They possess themselves of several Lordships in Wales 117. Divers of them slain in Cardigan ibid. Routed again by Cadwgan ap Blethyn Prince of South-Wales, and their Castles de­stroyed 118. Slaughter'd divers times by the Welch, and forced to quit the Country 119, 120.
  • Northumberland invaded by the Scots 109.

O.

  • OFfa King of Mercia makes a Ditch from Sea to Sea 20. his death 21.
  • Owen ap Edwyn a Traytor to his Country 121. Made Prince of Wales by the English, but soon lost it 122. his Death and Pedigree 126.
  • Owen the Son of Cadwgan enamoured of Nest the Wife of Gerald, King Henry's Lieutenant in Wales 129. steals her away ibid. flies into Ireland 135. returns and wasts the Country, in conjunction with Maradoc ap Riryd 133. his Men slay an English Bishop the cause of Cadwgan his Fathers being dispossessed of his Estate 135. forced to flee into Ireland with Ma­dawc ibid. returns, and is reconciled to the King 138. divides Madawc's Estate between himself and Meredith ap Blethyn 139. flees for fear of King Henry into North-VVales 140. reconciled to the King 141. Owen is brave and Knighted in Normandy 142. imployed by King Henry against Gruffydh ap Rhys 148. slain by Gerald 149.
  • Owen Gwynedh succeeds Prince of North-Wales 160. mightily concerned at the Death of his Son Run 165. takes and rases the Castle of Mould 166. pulls out his Nephew Cunedah's Eyes, and castrates him 170. being provoked invades Llandhinam 193. dies, his Character and Issue 194.
  • Owen Cyfeilioc and Owen Fychan dispossess Iorwerth Gôch of his Estate in Powis 192. Cyfeilioc dies, leav­ing his Estate to Gwenwynwyn his Son 217.
  • [Page]Owen Glendwr his Family, Education, and Employment 315. opposed by the Lord Ruthyn without Redress, takes up Arms, and makes him Prisoner 316. pre­vails, takes the Earl of March Prisoner 317. re­takes Aberystwyth Castle 319. Summons a Parlia­ment at Machynlleth 320. Secures David Gam upon a suspicion of a design he had to murder him 321. burnt his House, and his Verse upon it ibid.

P.

  • PAtent of Lands granted in Wales to the Earl of Port­land 302. Commons address upon it 303. King's Answer 304.
  • Peckham, John, Archbishop of Canterbury endeavours a Reconciliation of Prince Llewelyn and his Brother with the King 286. his Remonstrance to the Prince and People 287, 288, 289, 290. Solicites the King on behalf of the Welch 291. Sends Articles to the Welch 292. Excommunicates the Prince of Wales and his Adherents 297.
  • Peace in general between England and Wales, except with Prince Rhys, who was forced to comply with the King 176. Ʋnjustly dealt with 177.
  • Powis, Prince of, removes his Seat from Pengwern to Mathraval 20. An account of it while a Principality and a Lordship, with the several Divisions and Pos­sessors thereof, whether of British or English Blood, 175, to 185.

R.

  • REbellion in the North, caused by Earl Tosty's In­solence 97. Appeased 98.
  • Rhydderch seizes upon South-Wales 82.
  • Rhydderch and Rhys the Sons of Rhydderch ap Iestyn put in their Claim to South-Wales 88.
  • Rhys Brother to Prince Gruffydh taken by the English, and put to death at Bulendun 91.
  • Rhys ap Owen and Rhydderch ap Caradoc joyntly govern South-Wales 105. The latter dies 106. A Rebellion against the other ibid. Invaded also from North-Wales, flies, pursued, and slain 187.
  • Rhys ap Theodor allowed Prince of South-Wales, as lawful Heir 107. A Rebellion formed against him, flies into Ireland, returns and defeats his Enemy 110. [Page] Suppresses another Rebellion 111. Slain near Breck­nock in a Fight against the invading Normans and his own rebellious Subjects 112.
  • Rhys ap Gruffydh Prince of South-Wales takes Llanymd­dyfri Castle 177. Subdues Cardigan 178. Gives Hen­ry II. Hostages to observe the Peace made between them ib. Besieges Carmarthen, then forced to quit it 179. Possessed himself of divers Lands belonging to Foreigners in Wales, as did others according to his Example 189. Takes Aberteifi Castle and razes it 191. Subdues Owen Cyfeilioc 197. Brings the Lords of South-Wales at Enmity with K. Henry to do him Ho­mage 203. Makes a great Feast at Christmas at Aber­teifi, where the Bards of North-Wales and South-Wales strive for the Mastery 205, 206. Takes advantage upon King Henry's death to enlarge his Country 209. His Family diminishes 210. Made Prisoner by his own Sons 211. Escapes 212. Takes two of his Sons Prisoners 214. Enlarges his Conquest, and defeats the English and Normans 214, 215. Dies, his Cha­racter and Issue 216.
  • Rhys Fychan takes Lhanymdhysri Castle 227.
  • Rhys ap Gruffydh ap Rhys prevails in South-Wales 239. Does Homage to Henry III. 145. Dies 147.
  • Rhys ap Meredith unfaithful to his Country 304. Knighted by King Edward; revolts [...]05. Defeated, taken Pri­soner, and executed 306.
  • Rhythmarch Archbishop of S. David dies 122.
  • Richard King of England's feasts in the Holy Land 210. Taken Prisoner in Austria ibid. Died of his Wounds received at Chalons in France 219.
  • Richard of Bourdeaux created Prince of Wales 315.
  • Robert Cyrthois rebels against his Father in Norman­dy 110.
  • Robert Earl of Salop rebels against Henry I. 122. En­gages the Welch in the Quarrel 123. Seeks Aid of Magnus, Harold's Son, and fails; banished with his Brother Arnulph into Normandy 124.
  • Robert de Belissimo a great Disturber of the Welch com­mitted to perpetual imprisonment by King Henry 139.
  • Roderic Molwynoc succeeded Ifor, Anno 720.15. Dri­ven by the Saxons out of the Western Countries to his Inheritance in North-Wales 17. dyed soon after 18.
  • Roderic the Great, Prince of VVales 27. Beats the [Page] Danes out of his Country [...]3. Fight [...] the English, an [...] with his Brother Gwyriad it slain 34. His Pedigre [...] and Division of Wales between i [...] three Sons ibid his Imprudence herein 36.

S.

  • SAxons, their Answer to the British Message 5. They first repel the Scots and Picts 6. Enter into League with the Scots ib. They incroac [...] upon the Britains 19 [...]
  • Scots and Picts invade Britain 1.
  • S [...]ward, Earl, his Saying upon his Sons being slain in Battel 19. His soldierly Temper at his [...]ear [...] 92.
  • South Wales invaded twice in one Year by Ie [...]af and [...] Princes of North-Wales [...]5. They quarres, and [...] Consequence of it 57. Embroyled [...] between Rhy [...] ap Gruffydh and Rhys Fychan, and the former sup­ported by the English 235, 236.
  • Stephen King of England agrees with the King of Scot [...] 157. Ravages Scotland 160. Suppresses Injurie [...] ­ons at home, and [...]ou [...]s the Scots by his Lieutenants 161. Besieges Arundel Castle in vain 162. Takes Lincoln, is defeated and taken Prisoner ibid. Ex­changed for Earl Robert, and overthrown a second time at Wilton 163. Wins the Battel of Farendon agrees with Henry the Empress's Son, and dies 172.
  • Stewards, the Family, and their Original 91, 92.
  • Sulien Archb shop of S. Davids dies 111.
  • Sulien a learned Man of Llanbadarn dies 165.
  • Swane the Dane wasts the Isle of Man. Lands in North-Wales 68. Kills Edwal Prince of the Country ib. His Success in England, and esteemed King hereof 74, 75.
  • Swane King of Denmark invades England, and takes York 102. forced to fly ibid.

T.

  • TRahern Fychan strangely hanged 217.
  • Trahern ap Caradoc made Prince of North-Wales 105. His Country invaded from Ireland by Gruffydh ap Conan the right Heir ibid. They fight, and Tra­hern with his Cosins worsted and all slain 108.
  • T [...]bute, paid by the Prince of Wales to the Kings of Eng­land 48.
  • Tudor Vaughan ap Grono his Family, would be s [...] [...] [Page] Knight, and his Reasons for it to King Edward III. who confirmed the Honour of it 314.

V.

  • VOrtigern invites the Saxons into Britain 5.
  • Vortimer repels the Saxons 7.

W.

  • WAles wasted by the Merci [...]s 24. by King Egbert ibid. Divided into three Provinces 27. Inva­ded by the English 52. Forcibly managed by Ievaf and Iago Princes of North-Wales only 56. Afflicted by the Danes, and a Murrain 65. Gives Hostages to pay the antient Tribute 95. Seldom governed by the right Heir 109. Wasted by the English as far as Anglesey 121. Embroiled with Civil Divisions 151. Item 153, 154. In great scarcity 276. annnext to the Crown of England 300.
  • Walwey King Arthur's Nephew his Tomb found, whose Body was of a prodigious length 110.
  • Welch quarrel amongst themselves 22. Ibid. 23. They defeat the Mercians at Conwey, and call it Dial Rho­dri 38. Disable the Danes and English that invaded them, then fall out among themselves 61. Too late see the folly of foreign Aid 114. Miserably slaughter'd 130, 131. Being at peace from abroad, they fall to their wonted Method of destroying one another 208. Complain to their Prince of their Oppression from the English 272. Beaten by the English 279. Worst the English 297, 298. Beaten in Buelht ibid. Revolt because of an heavy Tax from Edward I. every where 306. Beat the English 307. Take the King's Car­riages ibid. Routed by the Earl of Warwick 308. Beat the Marchers, but are at last overcome, and their Leader Madoc made Prisoner 309.
  • Welch Minstrels reformed, whereof were three sorts 159.
  • William Duke of Normandy claims the Crown of Eng­land 98. Lands at Hastings, and defeats the English 100.
  • William I. goes with an Army on Pilgrimage to S. Da­vids 100.
  • William Rufus invades the Welch without Success 118. Item 120. Killed 122.
FINIS.

BOOKS Printed for and sold by ROBERT CLAV [...]

THE plausible Arguments of a Roman Catholick, answered by an English Pro­testant, in the Welch Tongue. Price 4 d.

The Church-History clear'd from the Roman Forgeries and Corruptions found in the Councils and Baronius, in Four Parts; from the beginning of Christianity, to the end of the Fifth General Council. By Thomas Comber, D. D. Dean of Durham. 40.

An Historical Vindication of the Divi [...] [...] of Tythes, from Scripture, Reaso [...] [...] Opinion and Practice of Jews, Go [...] [...] Christians in all Ages; to which is added a Discourse concerning Excommunication. By Tho. Comber, D. D. Dean of Durham. 40.

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