THERE is not indeed, Gentlemen, any Undertaking that makes the Majeſty of a Prudent and Valiant Prince appear ſo worthy of Regard, as his acting in ſuch a manner, That by his Wiſdom and Valour, the people committed to his care, may be aſſured not to be aſſailed by foreign Arms, or miſerably out-raged without Revenge. Nor, is it in my opinion an Action any whit leſs generous and laudable to ſecure them from the Deceits of domeſtick Enemies, who then uſually do the greateſt miſchief, when they moſt craftily cover themſelves with the Veil of Benevolence and Charity, and counterfeiting themſelves full of Humanity, and greatly touched with Compaſſion for the Misfortunes of others, lay afterwards for them ſuch treacherous Snares, as can ſeldom or never be eſchewed without mortal danger. And indeed, what Advantage would it be to a man to come off ſafe and ſecure from the manifeſt Perils of War, and afterwards unwarily to fall into dangers, the more hidden they are, the worſe? And this indeed appears ſo much the more worthy of Compaſſion, as the Miſhaps of that Ship are to be judged more grievous and lamentable, which, having eſcaped many ſtorms at Sea, miſerably periſhes at her very entrance into the Port. The pious and prudent Fore-ſight therefore of our moſt excellent Vice-roy cannot ſufficiently be commended, who, having with wonderful and incredible Felicity accompliſhed the firſt, and defeated the Deſigns and Attempts of thoſe proud and cruel Fleets, which, infeſting our Seas and Coaſts, threatned us with Fire and Sword, and having likewiſe cleared the Highways and Roads of thoſe Robbers and Murderers, that diſturb'd the Kingdom, and prey'd upon the Villages, does at preſent make it his whole ſtudy diligently to prevent us, whom he has rendred ſecure in the enjoyment of our Fortunes, from being ill treated in our perſons by the miſuſage of Phyſick: Which, becauſe every one has need thereof, as it may, when kept within the limits of experience, and our (although weak) Reaſon, be perhaps of ſome help to the publick. So on the contrary, whenever it happens to decline to a ſiniſter path, it proves more dangerous and deſtructive to Mankind, than Diſeaſes themſelves. And no ſooner were the unhappy Accidents that had befaln ſome ſick perſons, and for which the Chimical Medicines were accuſed, made known to his Excellency, but he immediately ordered, That we ſhould with the greateſt diligence imaginable apply our ſelves to ſearch out a Remedy for ſuch Misfortunes, and alſo to preſcribe unto Phyſicians (where there is need) certain, ſecure, and ſolid Rules to be obſerved in their Practice.

But whenever, ruminating with my ſelf, I reflect upon the Numeroſity and Quality of the Difficulties there are in ſuch an Attempt, finding likewiſe as many in my ſelf, I remain confuſed and at a ſtand, either becauſe it ſo happens in all other affairs of great Conſideration, or that the nature of this Art not bearing it, it ſeems exceeding hard and difficult to give Laws to the things appertaining thereunto. I ſhould therefore rather chuſe, without any more ado, by my ſilence, to free my ſelf from trouble, did I not know, that I ſhould thereby contravene his Commands, whoſe not only Requeſts, but even Signs, I ought without any Reply, and with awful Reverence to obey: By which, as alſo by the Benefit that may perhaps thence redound to my Country, being incited, I willingly enter the Liſts.

Now to the end every Deliberation or Reſolution that is to be taken in this matter, may not prove altogether vain and unprofitable, I ſhall employ all the ſtrength of my weak Underſtanding; Diſcourſing, in the firſt place, of the Difficulties, whereinto, not only Princes and Magiſtrates, but alſo the wiſeſt and moſt intelligent Phyſicians have oftentimes fallen in giving permanent and certain Laws to Medicine, an Art, of its own nature in the higheſt degree uncertain, dubious, and inconſtant. Then afterwards, gradually and with ſober advice penetrating more inwardly, we will purpoſe (as far as the Nature of the thing will ſuffer) the way to make a good Phyſician and a better Chimiſt. Nor do I at preſent remember any other Remedy, that may be able and fit to repair the perpetual and almoſt fatal Calamities of Phyſick.

And to begin with the moſt ancient Memoirs, ſetting aſide how ſhort a time continued in India, Babylonia, and Aſſyria, their device of lodging the Sick on the moſt frequented Roads of the Country to have them cured by Travellers. In Egypt where all the Arts and more Noble Studies firſt came to light and flouriſhed, only the Kings, Prieſts, and ſome few of the chief Nobility were permitted to give Phyſick to the ſick, whence by Manethon were reckoned amongſt the Phyſicians of moſt profound Judgment Antotides, the ſecond King of the firſt Dynaſty, of the Tinites, who wrote ſome Books of Anatomy, and Toſoretrus of the third Dynaſty, which was that of the Memphitians. But afterwards in proceſs of time this Profeſſion grew common alſo with the Multitude, and ſo much was the Number of Phyſicians increaſed, that for every Diſtemper there was appointed a particular Phyſician, who was permitted to cure no other, as is teſtified by Herodotus, Father of the Greek Hiſtory, in theſe words; Medicine with them was divided, every particular Diſeaſe, and no more, having its Phyſician: whence all the Country is peſtered with Phyſicians. For ſome are appointed to cure the Eyes, others the Head, others the Teeth, others the parts of the Belly, and others internal and hidden Diſtempers. The Egyptian Phyſick remaining only amongſt private perſons, it is not eaſie to believe, how, falling from its ancient Splendor, it changed through the Lazineſs and Ignorance of the new Phyſicians, who were of ſuch ſmall parts, that, as the but-now-mentioned Herodotus ſaies, The chiefeſt of them at the Court of the great King of Perſia, when he had diſlocated his Foot, knew not how to cure it, but with their Arguments reduced him to a very bad condition. Therefore we ought without doubt to believe, That in Egypt the Phyſicians were, as Diodorus relates, prohibited to depart from the Precepts of the ancient Maſters; from which, if any one happened to ſwerve, and his Patient thereby grew worſe, he was ſeverely puniſhed for it. For, ſaies he, if after they had directly followed the acknowledged Laws of the ſacred Book, they ſail'd of curing the Patient, no Charge could be laid againſt them. But if they went contrary to the written Rules, they underwent the Judgment of Death. And really it was no ſmall good Fortune of Galens (to ſay nothing at preſent of Hippocrates and others) that he was not born in thoſe times, and in that Countrey: For he would not ſo eaſily have eſcaped Puniſhment, if contemning, as it were, the reverend Authority of the Law, he ſhould have had the boldneſs to utter theſe words, I obſerve this not only in the writings of Hippocrates, but in all the Books of the Ancients, that I am not eaſily drawn to believe what any one of them has left written, until I have firſt well examined by the Teſt of Experience and Reaſon, whether, what they have delivered, be true or falſe. And that he was well verſed in Logick, is ſeen by ſuch Weapons as he uſed to defend himſelf withal, as Commenting upon the Ancients, and reporting their Opinions intangled and obumbrated, to the end they might not contradict his own. A Cuſtom, which thoſe Phyſicians that tread in the ſame ſteps, have followed, and ſtill do follow, and which does in ſuch a manner deform his ſayings, and alſo thoſe of Hippocrates, that they oftentimes clearly appear to have written quite contrary to their firſt Determinations. And perhaps the Egyptians, deriding their own Law, acted maliciouſly in the ſame manner, according to the Proverb; Fatta la legge penſata la Malizia: No ſooner is the Law made, but ways are found out to evade it. And to ſuch a pitch peradventure did their neglected Boldneſs arrive, that their uſual falling preſently to Purgations, and for the moſt part with ill ſucceſs, forced them (their firſt Law being antiquated) to remedy it by publiſhing a new one, as Ariſtotle relates in theſe Words; The Phyſicians may after the fourth day ſtir the humors, but if they will do it ſooner, at their own peril be it. Which Simplicity, I believe found not many Abettors, if they conſidered, how often Diſeaſes happen, that on the very firſt day need violent Remedies. But what a Fool would that Phyſician have been, that ſhould have procured anothers Life with his own death?

The Grecians, who out-went all other Nations, as in Arts and Sciences, ſo likewiſe in Civil Prudence, having regard perhaps to ſuch inconveniences, would not impoſe any poſitive Laws upon Phyſick, or thoſe that profeſſed it, chuſing rather, that Infamy ſhould be the puniſhment of thoſe Phyſicians, by whoſe fault the Sick ſhould miſcarry: For ſaies Hippocrates, There is no penalty ſet upon the Practiſers of Phyſick, only in theſe Cities, but that of Infamy. Which to thoſe that take their Reputation to heart, is more grievous and tedious, than any other Torment. Which Cuſtom is manifeſtly ſhewn by Philemon, when he ſaies, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 .

That is to ſay, Only the Phyſician and the Judge are permitted to kill others without being put to death. This alſo pleaſed the divine Plato, who thus ordered in his Common-wealth; The Phyſician ſhall not be ſubject to any Penalty, if a Patient, taken in hand by him, dies contrary to his beſt endeavour. To which opinion Lucian comes very near, where he ſaies: By how much the Art of Phyſick is worthy of greater honour, and more beneficial to Life than others, by ſo much ſhould the Profeſſors thereof have greater Liberty; and it is convenient that it ſhould enjoy ſome priviledge, nor ought a Doctrine, conſecrated to the Gods, and the Exerciſe of the moſt intelligent men, to be reſtrained, or ſubjugated by any power, or brought under the ſervitude of the Laws, or under the fear and penalties of Tribunals. And altho' among the Grecians the Athenians alone prohibited Women and Servants the Study of Phyſick, yet is not ſuch a Statute worthy of much praiſe, not to ſay, it deſerves much blame; Becauſe, as hereafter ſhall be declared, the Underſtanding of worthy Women has been ſeen, contrary to their Expectation, to undertake the moſt ſublime Studies, and Nature has often granted to Servants Courage and Wit fit for a Philoſophick Liberty; therefore did they, not without Reaſon, a while after revoke this Law. Hyginus ſaying, That the practiſe of Phyſick was allowed to Midwives for neceſſity and decency ſake. Much leſs ought we to believe, that the Sottiſhneſs of Seleucus took place, for ſo we may well call his Law, whereby, as if it had been mortal Poiſon, he prohibited upon pain of Death, all the Sick Perſons of Locris to drink Wine, unleſs they had at firſt obtained a Licence from their Phyſicians: If any of the Epizephyrian Locrians drank wine contrary to the Phyſicians direction, tho' he eſcaped, Death was his puniſhment, becauſe he did contrary to what was preſcribed him. The Roman Commonwealth, which far excelled all Greece and the Barbarous Nations not only in Military Government, but alſo in Politicks, thought it not convenient to commit, without reſtraint, the Care of mens Lives to the Cuſtody of Phyſicians; and therefore by a Plebiſcitum, firſt made by Aquilius a Tribune of the People (whether it were Gallus, or another of that name, I know not) and afterwards recorded amongſt the Roman Laws it was decreed, that ſome puniſhment ſhould be inflicted on their Failings, whereby they might be rendred more circumſpect and cautious in their actings. We may nevertheleſs well believe, that this Law, or Plebiſcitum, altho' made, was never put in Execution, otherwiſe Pliny would have been to blame to cry out in this manner againſt the Phyſicians; Furthermore no Law puniſhes capital ignorance, no example of Juſtice done. To which he adds, They learn by our dangers, and gain experience by our Deaths: And at length concludes, Only the Phyſician is allowed to kill a man unpuniſhed. But there is ſomething yet in the ſame Author that touches more to the quick; The Ignominie of the Phyſician paſſes away, and Intemperance bears the blame, while they that periſh are accuſed of their own misfortunes- And for this reaſon, I ſuppoſe, did thoſe renowned Lawyers that were by command of the Emperor Juſtinian employed in compiling the Pandects, purpoſely paſs by that overſevere and cruel Sentence of Paulus upon the Cornelian Law againſt Murderers; If a man die of the Medicine given him for his health or the recovery of his Diſtemper, he that gave it, were he of Quality, ſhall be baniſhed; if of meaner Condition, let him be put to death. Which Sentence in the judgment of that great Soul of the Civil Law, Jacobus Cujacius, could not properly be reduced to the aforeſaid Cornelian Law; foraſmuch, ſaies he, as the Phyſician ſanandi, non nocendi animo dedit. And altho' the ſame Lawyers regiſtred both in the Inſtitutes and in the Digeſts, not only the aforeſaid Head of the Aquilian Law, but alſo the following words of Ʋlpian; Tho' the event of Mortality ought not to be imputed to the Phyſician, yet what he commits out of ignorance, is to be laid to his charge, neither is the Deceiver to go unpuniſhed under pretence of humane frailty. Yet were theſe Statutes nevertheleſs rarely executed, altho' not only Pliny, but very many alſo after him, renewing in a more bitter manner the ſame Complaints, brought Accuſations againſt them: Amongſt whom the moſt learned Angelus Politianus in an Epiſtle of his to Leonicenus writes thus; I have again bewail'd the folly of mankind, that has ſo long ſuffered beſotted Ignorance to reign, and all the while buys the hope of life from them, who are the real cauſes of certain death. Ludovicus Vives alſo cries out thus, Their Miſcarriages and Errors, ſpeaking of the Phyſicians, not only go unpuniſh'd, but are alſo recompenced with Fees. Baptiſta Mantuanus likewiſe has theſe words of them His, etſitenebras palpant, eſt facta poteſtas Excruciandi aegros, homineſque impune necandi. Tho' blind with ignorance, yet ſcotfree they The Sick torment, and men (unpuniſh'd) ſlay. And an Italian Satyriſt ſporting with the Title Doctor, ſaies to the ſame purpoſe of the Phyſician, Ma poiche un talci puo donar la morte Senza punizione, e ſenza pena, Forza • e, che fi gentil titol riporte. Since Doctors have free liberty to cauſe Our death, not fearing Puniſhment or Laws, Our Hangman may this noble Title bear.

And our Academick in his moſt choice Dialogue ſaies in like manner of Phyſicians; Hoc tamen ipſo ſecuri, quod nulla ſit lex quae puniat inſcitiam capitalem; immovero cum mercede gratia referatur. And another; Carnifici Medicus par eſt; nam caedit uterque Impune, & merces caedis utrique datur. Hangman and Doctor herein alike fare, Both kill unpuniſh'd, both rewarded are.

And another Author, Si quaecunque ſua plectuntur crimina lege, Quas, Medici, maneant modo veſtra piacula poenas? Qui plerumque ipſo facitis medicamine morbum, Et diro ante diem aegros demittitis orco? Scilicet hoc vobis indulſit opinio, rerum Ʋna potens. Clades inferre impune per orbem, Mercedemque alieno obitu, laudemque parare. If to each Crime its puniſhment be due, What pain, Phyſicians, is enough for you? Who with your Drugs Diſeaſes frequently Do cauſe, and th' Sick before their time to dy? This hath Opinion, which the whole World ſways, Indulg'd to you, by others harms to raiſe Your ſelves, and by their deaths, to merit Praiſe.

And altho' Maximinus condemned to death all his Phyſicians, becauſe they had neither wholly healed him of his wounds, nor eaſed him of the pain, yet cannot the example of ſuch a Tyrant give vigor to any Law; nor was he leſs blamed for this, than for his other Cruelties, by the Writers of that Age, as alſo Alexander was deſervedly ſtiled cruel, for having unjuſtly cauſed Glaucias the Phyſician to be ſlain, through a ſuſpicion, that he had not been diligent enough in curing his deareſt Friend Hepheſtion. As on the contrary, the Clemency and Humanity of Darius Hyſtaſpes, King of Perſia, is highly commended, who freely permitted the Phyſicians, already condemned to dy, for having reduced him to a bad Condition, to be ſet at liberty by Democides a famous Phyſician of Crotona. But let not any one therefore believe, that the Phyſicians gained ſuch a liberty by tranſgreſſing their Rules; for it proceeded rather from the utmoſt neceſſity of the publick, and is, as it were an effect of the Art of good Government: for I am verily perſwaded, that even the memory of the Myſtery of the Medicine would have been utterly extinguiſhed, if Phyſicians had been proceeded againſt according to the rigor of Juſtice. And what man indeed, unleſs he were exceeding dull and ſtupid, or extreamly raſh, would ever have vainly ſpent his Time and Endeavours in the purſuit of an Art (if Medicine, which has not any certain and fixed Rule in its operations, may poſſibly be ſo called) in it ſelf diſpleaſing, and hard to be obtained, and in its Events very dubious? I ſay diſpleaſing, for what can be more offenſive and diſguſtful, than continually to converſe with ſick perſons, and daily to ſee and heal the Miſeries of others, and that many times without being any ways able to remedy them? It is alſo difficult to undertake, and always uncertain in its ſucceſs; becauſe in the curing of the Sick, not only the skill of the Phyſician, but alſo Fortune and Chance claim their ſhare: from whence aroſe this common Proverb; A Phyſician had need be born under a fortunate Conſtellation. And O how exceeding often does it happen, that contrary to all human expectation, as Celſus writes; Expectation is likewiſe fruſtrated, and that man dies, of whom the Phyſician was ſecure before. And Hippocrates himſelf, although eſteemed a moſt profound and skilful Phyſician, yet confeſſes, That he gained more Reproach than Commendations by his Profeſſion. And therefore it is exceeding difficult, or rather impoſſible always to judge, whether the unhappy ſucceſs of of diſtempers proceeds from the ſottiſhneſs of the Phyſicians, or from the Nature of the diſeaſe, or from ſome other internal Cauſe, into which no humane Wiſdom or Knowledge can penetrate. Moſt uncertain always and obſcure are the Symptoms of diſeaſes, eſpecially of the acute, according to Hippocrates: wherefore Celſus alſo ſaid; It behoves us alſo to underſtand, that in acute Diſeaſes the Symptoms of life and death are much more fallacious. Beſides that in the Bodies of Animals are wont to be ingendred poiſons, and that oftentimes preſently, by ſudden precipitation and Coagulation; and the man, whom not only others, but even Appollo and Aeſculapius themſelves would have judged moſt ſound and healthful, may have within him Impoſthumes, and other ſecret diſtempers, which, when he leaſt thinks of it, may be able to cauſe his death, and that at the very Inſtant when the Medicins are prepared: wrongfully therefore are the Remedies blamed, and not the evil quality of the diſtemper. And beſides this, ſome Medicines which are eſteemed good, and conducing to the Health of man, may oftentimes occaſion ſuch diſturbance within the Patients body, as may bring on his death, before we with our ſhallow Underſtandings can prevent it, as Celſus teſtifies. It will not therefore be the Phyſicians fault, if ſometimes his Patient grows worſe by his Remedies; nor can Laws ever determine any thing herein. But come, let us grant, that a method of Curing may by Law be preſcribed to Phyſicians, how can they be puniſhed for tranſgreſſing it? or how can the Crime be ſo clearly manifeſted, that they may be proceeded againſt in form of Law? And who does not ſufficiently know, how all Phyſicians are of contrary Sects, and perpetually diſagreeing in their Sentiments? Wherefore being either always ſtimulated by open Enmity, or which is worſe, by ſecret Envy, or elſe allured by the love and Benevolence of their own party, they will, without any reſpect to Truth, repreſent the matter to the Judge quite otherwiſe, than in Juſtice they ought, and make him, as the Italian Proverb has it, See the Moon in the Well acccording to their own deſire. Beſides that, the fear of puniſhment, which the Phyſician may eaſily incur, will always keep him ſuſpended and dubious in taking his Reſolutions, even when he intends to operate moſt effectually; and thus being terrified and confounded, he will, for fear of hazarding his perſon, in the greateſt Maladies ſtand, as it were, fettered, and with his hands bound behind him, or elſe, not to depart from the common opinion of the Vulgar, however falſe and contrary to the diſtemper, will oftentimes make uſe of vain and dangerous Remedies. A thing which, as it is well obſerved by Cardanus, is oftner wont to befal the Phyſicians of Princes, than any others, who not only for fear of Infamy, but alſo of greater Miſchief, forbear making uſe of great and unuſual Remedies. It will not be far from the matter to bring here an Example taken from the art of War, not much differing truly in the uncertainty of its ſucceſs, from that of Medicine. The Roman Magiſtrates rather pitied, than puniſhed the Errors of their Captains, and it is well ſeen to what a height the Empire of Rome aſcended thereby; as on the other ſide, every one knows to how wretched a Condition the Carthaginians were reduced, by always taking contrary meaſures. And this was yet nearer to our times manifeſted by the Venetians to their exceeding great damage, and with the almoſt Univerſal Ruine of their Republick, when they unjuſtly beheaded Carmagnuola for his careleſneſs, by which, Liviano afterwards being diſmayed, and following the Opinion of the unwary Proveditors, loſt the day at Vicenza, and was miſerably with his whole Army diſcomfited and cut in pieces. And perhaps the putting of Vitelli to death, was one of the principle Occaſions, that the Florentines betrayed by Baglione, ſadly afterwards loſt their liberty.

And here ſome one may not without reaſon object, That as well the Aquilian, as all the other Laws of the Romans, by us related, were not made for able Phyſicians, whether Methodical, Empirical, or Rational, but only for ſuch popular Empiricks, as are Quacks and Mountebanks; the Name of Phyſician being not only given to ſuch vulgar Empiricks, but even to thoſe alſo that were wont to caſtrate little Children, as may be eaſily ſeen in the Digeſts and Code, as well of Theodoſius as Juſtiman. And certainly it is to be believed, That in them alone the Ignorance of the Art took place, through occaſion whereof, the Laws againſt Phyſicians were ordained in Rome. But this fooliſh ſort of Phyſicians ought indeed to be ſeverely puniſhed for raſhly intermedling in a Myſtery of ſo great importance, as is the art of Healing, and blindly ordaining Remedies at the peril of their Patients Lives. Therefore I think it very wiſely enacted in many Countreys of Europe, that ſuch Fellows are under very great penalties forbidden to practiſe, tho' theſe Edicts are ſeldom or never executed. And indeed, with great reaſon does Anneode Roberti ſay of them, what Tacitus heretofore ſaid of Aſtrologers, That they are A Generation of people unfaithful to the Enquirer, and fallacious to thoſe that hope; always forbidden in our City, yet never expell'd. And the Compariſon of Roberti is but ſcarce enough, That the Knaviſh Aſtrologers do nothing elſe, but entertain the Curious with their Jargon, feeding them with moſt vain hopes; and the vulgar Empiricks do either with their ſilly Secrets, and idle pratling, hinder the Sick from taking Remedies of able Phyſicians, which Neglect coſts them their Lives; or elſe they do themſelves kill them with moſt pernicious Medicines.

And juſtly, perhaps, were thoſe paltry Knaves firſt degraded, and afterwards condemned in France, who, inſtead of curing King Charles the Sixth, reduced him with their Remedies to ſuch an Eſtate, that there was ſcarce any hopes of his Life. But in my opinion, that valiant King was not over-conſiderate, or too well adviſed, to hazard his Life in the hands of ſuch Quacks and Cheats; and he ſhould, at their firſt offering to cure his Diſtempers, immediately, and without Experimenting their Remedies, or regarding their promiſes, have puniſhed them for their Temerity and fooliſh boldneſs; if it were not the ill Will, and Craft of the ſpiteful Phyſicians of thoſe times, which made things go ſo ill with thoſe wretched Creatures.

But how ſhould it ever be poſſible for either the people, or Magiſtrates, who, for the moſt part underſtand little or nothing thereof, to ſettle the practiſe of Phyſick by firm and durable Laws, when the wiſeſt and skilfulleſt Phyſicians, who with long Study, and much practiſe have ſearched far into it, could never arrive thereunto? The Inventor, as 'tis thought, or at leaſt the moſt ancient Writer of Phyſick was Aeſculapius, and he, as teſtifies Hippocrates, or whoever elſe was the Author of the Epiſtle to Democritus, preſcribed many Rules to be obſerved in the practiſe of Healing; but ſoon finding them not to be exact, moſt gently diſpenſed with them. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , ſaies the Epiſtolizer of Aeſculapius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Therefore we may ſay with the Toſcan Lyrick, that he Solchi onde, in rena fondi, e ſ • riva in vento. Plows th' Waves, builds on the Sand, and writes i' th' Wind. Who vainly wearys himſelf with labouring after the eſtabliſhment of ſuch Rules. And if any one ſhall deſire to have this made clear unto him, I ſhall with the beſt ordered Diſcourſe I can, endeavour to demonſtrate to him the Reaſons thereof.

The Art of Medicine is at this day ſo greatly increaſed and advanced, that it ſeems to ſtrive for Superiority with the moſt illuſtrious and moſt noble Studies, its Juriſdiction to penetrate even into the moſt remote and extreme Confines of Nature; whereas it was at firſt reſtrained within the narrow Limits of a few Plants, as (to ſay nothing of others) is acknowledged by the ancient Interpreter of Homer, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 : whereunto agrees our Seneca; Medicina quondam pancarum fuit Scientia Herbarum. Thus in that pleaſant, and above all others, happy Age, —When Milk for food Had the Infant World, whoſe Cradle was a Wood. And then thoſe firſt men lived free from fear Of ſcorching Feavers, tho' as yet by Herbs, Or Phyſicks skill they unaſſiſted were. Either becauſe they had then little need of Phyſick, Firmis adhuc, ſolidiſque corporibus, & facili cibo, nec per artem, voluptatemque corrupto: Or, becauſe Medicine, as all other (even the greateſt) things here below was to take its riſe from very weak beginnings; men at that time uſing ſuch Remedies as they found out either by chance, or by obſerving the brute Beaſts, or by their own Induſtry. Whence it is rationally to be believed, That Agenor and Chiron, held by ſome for the moſt ancient of all Phyſicians, made uſe only of Plants in their Cures: The Tyrians preſerve their firſt fruits for Agenor, the Magnetians for Chiron, ſaid to be the firſt that ever practiſed Phyſick: For that by the uſe of Roots and Herbs they cured the Sick. And of Chiron, the Finder out of the Chironian Panacea, or All-heal, The healing Root was Centaure, ſo call'd From the fain'd Centaure Chiron, Saturn's Son, Who found it firſt on ſnowy Polion.

Euſtathius declares, That being wounded in the Hand, or as Pliny would have it, in the Foot, he found out the way of Curing by Herbs. And to ſay nothing of Mercury, who taught Ʋlyſſes, as Homer ſings the uſe of the herb Moly, This ſaid, from th' earth a Medicine Mercury Dig'd up, and taught the uſe thereof to me.

It appears, that Hercules, from whom the Herculean Panacea took its Name, cured only with Plants; as alſo did Iſis and Oſiris, and Apollo, and Arabus, and Cadmus, and Bacchus, by whoſe means, as Plutarch tells us, that moſt powerful and pleaſant Medicine, Wine, was firſt found out, and brought into eſteem; and the great vertue of Ivy of marvellous efficacy in repairing the Evils cauſed by the too exceſſive uſe of Wine, was made known to the World: Bacchus, ſaith he, was accounted an Excellent Phyſician, not only becauſe he found out the uſe of Wine, a moſt pleaſing ſort of Phyſick, but for that he alſo taught the uſe of Ivy, and caus'd his Followers, in the midſt of their Cups, to crown their Temples with it, as being that, which by its coolneſs repels the Vapors from the head. Herbs alone were likewiſe made uſe of by Aeſculapius, the Inventor of the Aſclepian Panacea, with which, as Nicander ſings, he Cured Iolas the Son of Iphicles, The Phlegyan All-heal firſt Paieon took, As on the banks it grew of a black Brook, Which he to cure Amphitruo's Grandchild us'd.

And as his Commentator relates, he was wont to uſe it in the Cure of his other Patients: Aſclepius was ſaid to make uſe of this herb (meaning All-heal) who was the Son of Korones the Siſter of Phlegys, the Phyſician Aeſculapius. And ſo did Amithaon and Melampus, who, as we read in Dioſcorides, made uſe of Hellebore in Curing the Daughter of Proetus, King of the Argives. Nor did Podalirius or Machaon uſe any thing but Herbs to heal the Wounds of the Grecian Army; and before the Trojan War, Medea, as Diodorus relates, cured with Herbs the wounds of J • ſon, Atalanta, Laertes, and the Theſpiades: Jaſon, Laertes, Atalanta, and they who were called the Theſpiades, all theſe they report were cured by Medea with certain Roots and herbs. And Tryphon, according to Plutarch, highly extolled and praiſed the Ancients, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . Whence they, having very often tried and proved their Medicines, gave, as Manilius ſings, the firſt beginning to the Art of Curing, Experience through divers chances brought Forth Art, the way firſt by example taught.

But as Medicines were at firſt but few and ſimple, ſo alſo few and ſimple ought the Rules of Phyſick then to be: whence by reaſon of the Errors, whereinto Experience might eaſily fall, it was neceſſary, that ſuch Rules, altho' very few, ſhould frequently change, the firſt Medicines daily changing and growing better. Thus began the Art of Phyſick at the very firſt to manifeſt its Inconſtancy. But it did not long thus remain in the hands of ſimple perſons, ere Philoſophers began by degrees to put in their fingers; who at firſt, as is to be believed, were drawn thereunto by meer Curioſity, and a deſire of ſearching out the cauſe of Medicines; but by little and little advancing and going forwards, they arrived at length to this, that blaming, as inconſtant, and perilous, the ancient ſimplicity of Curing, they laid the firſt foundation of rational Phyſick. And although Euſtathius makes Podalirius the firſt Inventor thereof, yet it ſeems, by what Eriſimachus in Plato relates That this Honour ought to be attributed to his Father Aeſculapius; Our Fore-father Aeſculapius (as the Poets ſay, and I believe was the firſt that ever methodized the Art of Phyſick. And therefore the whole Art of Phyſick is governed by that God. And he had alſo ſaid before this, The knowledg of what agrees with the Body in reference to Fulneſs and Emptineſs, and he that diſtinguiſhes in thoſe things the good and bad agreement, he is the moſt skilful Phyſician. And he that makes ſuch a change, that for one Agreement there ſhall be another; and where there is not a Sympathy, which ought to be, knows how to cauſe one, and take away that which was there before, he is to be accounted a good Artiſt. For whatever Contraries there are in the body, ought to be made to agree one with another; Cold with Heat, Bitter with Sweet, Dry with Moiſt. Yet for all this, did not the Mutations and Uncertainties of Phyſick hereby ceaſe, but rather multiplied more and more: and as the Practitioners were various and diſagreeing, ſo it ſelf alſo became various, and divided (as it were) into a thouſand parts.

But in the mean time Rational Phyſick was in the ſtricteſt manner ſo conjoyned to Ph • loſophy, that it was (as Celſus avers) by the wiſeſt and moſt prudent Eſtimators of things adjudged to be a part thereof: and thus (it ſeems) it continued to the time of Herodotus, miſtakenly by ſome called Prodicus. Now he, as may be collected from what Plato relates in his Diſcourſe of the Gymnaſium, whereof he was Maſter, and firſt Miniſter, caſually falling ſick, through the neceſſity, he had at that time, applied himſelf with great fervency, and the utmoſt of his endeavours, to the cultivating of Phyſick, and joyning it to the Gymnaſtick, and preſcribing it ſome Rules, which he firſt found out by Reaſon and Experience, began (it ſeems) before all others to give it ſome form of Art. And then it came by little and little to loſe its ancient Familiarity with Philoſophy; altho' Celſus and ſome others are of opinion, that this firſt hapned through the means of Hippocrates. And from Herodicus it ſeems, that the now-mentioned Hippocrates, his Scholar Euryphontes, and others learn'd the cuſtom of treating ſeparately from Philoſophy, the things that belong to Phyſick. And altho' ſome thought this a very good act, and of great advantage to Phyſick, yet can it not but appear to him, who ſhall ſtrictly look into the truth of things, that grea • Harm enſued thereby. Foraſmuch as th • Philoſophers not at all regarding to meddle with Phyſick, and the Phyſicians diſcourſing groſly of its affairs, there remained little or nothing of Rational, but the Name. And to ſuch an height did that blameable Cuſtom arrive, that their Succeſſors pertinaciouſly ſet themſelves with all their might to defend it; and being obſtinate in their belief, endeavoured to make all others give credit to it. And Galen durſt ſay of Hippocrates, That he had certainly ſhewn great Wiſdom, in that he would never intermeddle, as Plato afterwards did, in inveſtigating the Nature and Generation of the Qualities of thoſe four firſt Bodies, whereof the whole Maſs of the World, with all things therein contained, is judged to have been framed and compoſed; ſaying, that ſuch a Diſpute belonged particularly to the Philoſophers, and not to the Phyſicians; who have then ſufficiently complied with their Duty, when they arrive to know, that the Healthfulneſs of Bodies is ingendred of the Temperament or Mixture of Heat, Cold, Moiſture, and Drought. But what could ever be imagined more hurtful and deſtructive to Phyſick, than this?

Thus in tract of time the Love of Wiſdom decaying by degrees in thoſe Phyſicians, that called themſelves Rational, the Conteſts about the ill-managed Phyſick ſprang up more fierce and outragious than before: for whereas at firſt their contraſting one anothers Sentiments, aimed only at clearing the Truth, now being wholly plunged into Factions, and obſtinate in their deſigns, they never ceaſed contending, brawling, and reviling one another, and railing in ſuch a manner, that the very firſt Maſters and Inventors of the Art were not ſecure from their Reproaches. Apollo eſteemed heretofore the God of Phyſick, was now ſcoffed at by the fooliſh people, and vulgar Troop of Phyſicians, who openly accuſed him of having been a Pratler, and a Boaſter; and above all they taxed him with Ingratitude; becauſe that having gained the Knowledg of Medicine from the Humanity and Courteſie of others, he afterwards demeaned himſelf ſo proudly and arrogantly, as if he had by his own Induſtry without any aſſiſtance firſt found it out. Thus this crafty Cozener, to gain the greater applauſe, and the more to advance his Glory, having learn'd the art from Glaucus, who was an old Fox, began to play his Pranks, and to act the Aſtrologer, opening a way to thoſe Tricks and Cheats, by which the Multitude have ever ſince been deceived. Others railed againſt Aeſculapius, who was himſelf alſo a God of Phyſick, for his Inconſtancy, and little Firmneſs in curing; and not a few Curſes were alſo beſtowed upon him for his inſatiable avarice: Foraſmuch as he firſt of all, as 'tis reported, profaning the venerable and ſacred Art of Phyſick, drawn by filthy Lucre to cure for a price, ſold to a ſick Prince a few Herbs and Roots for an infinite Sum of money, whereby he juſtly merited to be afterwards Thunderſtruck and burnt by Jupiter for leaving to poſterity ſo unfitting and abominable an Example. And beſides this they ſay, That in all ſorts of Jugling Tricks and Cunning Feats, he far out-ſtrip'd his Father Apollo, and was therefore afterwards believed by every body to preſide over Auguries and the art of Divination. They farther alſo add, That by a thouſand Impoſtures and ſubtil Artifices he perſwaded others, as he did his Father, That he could raiſe people from the dead; wickedly thinking thereby to procure to himſelf the Title of Divine. But to be brief, they in fine concluded, That Apollo knew little or nothing of Medicine, and his Son Aeſculapius much leſs: wherefore doubting, that he could not perfectly teach his Son his own Art, he cauſed him for a long time to be inſtructed therein under the Diſcipline of Chiron. And he, after he had ſpent ſo much Time and Study, grew ſo skilful, that in curing a little Tooth-ach he was in danger to loſe his Reputation, had he not in fine with a quick deliberation ſet himſelf to draw them, which if not performed, who knows what might have befaln the Patient. And for his great Maſter Chiron, how could he cure others, who was not able to cure himſelf; but being accidentally wounded by Hercules, reſolved wholly to reſign his Life and Immortality to Prometheus, and ſo bravely to rid himſelf out of all his Troubles? And hence we may plainly underſtand, what Truth there was in thoſe ſo wonderful and incomparable actions, which lying antiquity boaſts of them. Thus peradventure do the ſpiteful Contradictors fable of theſe firſt Maſters; and that I alſo may at preſent ſpeak, what I think, it does not ſeem to me very dubious, That the firſt Inventors of Phyſick among the Greeks were certainly but very ſmall Proficients therein; ſince that in after-ages, when the World with Time advanced in every Art and Study, their witleſs Diſcourſes about it, demonſtrated, that their skill was yet little enough. And altho' they gained a great deal of Fame and Reputation in all parts, yet ought we not therefore the leſs to perſiſt in our Belief, judging, that at the firſt appearance of Arts to the ſimple and growing World, the firſt Operations of Phyſick appeared wonderful and Divine Inventions. And this was much more eaſie for Phyſicians, than for any other Inventors; becauſe all their moſt conſiderable Miſtakes and Errors being, as one ſaith, buried in the ſame Grave with thoſe that were ſlain by them; and on the contrary, nothing appearing of them, but their Experiments, how mean ſoever, on the living by them cured, they might without any great oppoſition eaſily acquire immortal praiſe and honour. Beſides that, this certainly happens in the moſt wicked and infamous perſons, who as they are crafty and malicious, procure themſelves every where Favourers and Partakers; and being far from true Wiſdom, leave no Deceit or Cheat untried, whereby they may gain eſteem amongſt the Dregs of the people. It is therefore certainly to be judged, That they, whoſe Fame was ſo much trumpetted about, were moſt crafty Juglers and Mountebancks. It is not here my Intention to alledge thoſe numerous Examples, which I could bring both from ancient and modern Records; I will only not leave unrelated, how it was anciently reported, that Acron of Agrigentum once freed the City of Athens from a mortal Plague, by the great Lights and Fires, which he cauſed to be kindled therein. But that Fire alone cannot produce any ſuch effect, our own Eyes have certainly and ſufficiently taught us. The ſame thing is Hippocrates ſaid to have done in his time. And Toxares alſo had after his death Statues erected, and Sacrifices offered to him with other Divine Honours; becauſe that (as Lucian tells us) at a time when Athens was more than ever annoyed, and even diſpeopled by a raging Peſtilence, he is ſaid to have appeared to Architele, the Wife of a certain Areopagite, and to have aſſured her, That, if the Athenians would ſprinkle all their Streets with Wine, the Plague would preſently ceaſe; which they having done, it ſuddenly fell out, as he had promiſed. But here I find his uſual prudence wanting in Lucian, who fooliſhly believes it, and phancies, That this might proceed from the Vapors of the Wine, which, mixing with the Air, purged it, and freed it from thoſe peſtilential Qualities that infected it. But good God! if theſe Plagues ceaſed not, till that, after a long Deſtruction and Mortality of the people, the Malady had quite ſpent it ſelf; why muſt we ſay, That this hapned through the means of vain and helpleſs Remedies, and not rather through the weakneſs and diminution of the Evil? therefore it is certainly to be judged, that the moſt crafty and ſubtile Quacks, knowing that the Fury of the Diſtemper was already ſpent, and that it was in the wane, to gain themſelves Fame and everlaſting Renown, cunningly preſcribed a Remedy, that ſo the peoples deliverance might be rather attributed to them, than to the Nature of the Infection. An Artifice, which is even at this day continually practiſed by Phyſicians. But as for Aeſculapius, he may well reſt contented with that Glory, which, for his having been the firſt that taught the World the Art of Tooth-drawing, is rationally given him by the Roman Orator, when he ſaith; Aeſculapius was the firſt that invented the drawing of Teeth: Altho' the Cures wrought by him are ſaid to have been ſo rare and wonderful, and thoſe in ſo many different ways related, that as Sextus the Empirick wiſely reflects, they may hereby have been concluded to have been wholly Fabulous: For our Hiſtorians going upon falſe Suppoſitions, report, the Captain of our Science, Aeſculapius, to have been touched with Thunder, not contented with a Fiction, which nevertheleſs they variouſly transform. Steſichorus reports, That Aeſculapius aſcended to the height of his Glory by having, with his Medicines, reſtored to life ſome of thoſe that died at Thebes. But Polyanthus ſays, That Aeſculapius grew famous, for that ſome, who were by the anger of Juno ſtruck with Madneſs, did by his means recover their Senſes. And Parrhaſius recounts, That he gained his chief Repute by recalling Tyndarus from death. And Staphylus affirms, That his greateſt Renown was gotten by his joyning together, and enlivening the ſcattered Limbs of Hyppolitus, whom his frightned Horſes had torn into an Hundred pieces. But Phylarchus avers, That all his Eſteem and Honour was derived from his curing of their Blindneſs the Sons of Phineus. And Teleſarchus in fine will have him placed among the Gods, becauſe he attempted to raiſe Orion from the dead. But what Artifices, how loathſom and abominable ſoever, did he leave untried, to be held diligent and circumſpect in curing? He (ſaith Celus Rhodiginus) would (wherein he was alſo imitated by Hippocrates) even taſte the Excrements of the Sick, as if that were neceſſary to the finding out the Cauſes of Diſtempers; for which he was afterwards by Ariſtophanes in his Plutus wittily called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , or Excrement-eater, and we may better hit him home by ſaying with our Actius Sincerus, Eſſe idem poteris Merdicus & Medicus.

But above all, highly advantagious to Aeſculapius, were Riddles, Sorceries, Oracles, Sacrifices, and many other Superſtitions and jugling Tricks, which he made uſe of to impoſe upon the Belief of the ſilly multitude, feeding the Sick with certain hopes of their recovery, when he only held them in ſuſpenſe with his Talk. An uſual Cuſtom at that time of every one, who would with any Commendations practiſe Phyſick. And to ſay nothing of Medea, and many others, Melampus by ſuch fooliſh Artifices and Flim Flams, beſides the great Fame he obtained from a poor Fellow, as he was, together with his Brother, became moſt Rich Princes and Soveraign Lords of two parts of the Realm of King Proetus, marrying his Daughters, by him cured, whoſe names (ſaies Apollodorus) were Lyſippe and Iphianaſſa; but Aelian calls them Elea and Celene, who, either through the overmuch uſe of Wine, or by the procurement of the Queen of Cyprus falling mad, went together with their Siſter Iphinoe, who died before ſhe could be cured, feeding on Graſs, and lowing like Cows about the Valleys of Morea, and other Countreys. Of theſe Virgil ſaith in his Bucolicks; With Lowings vain th' Praetides ſtark mad, Fill all the neighbouring Fields, &c.

But a Remedy was found out for their Madneſs by Melampus, who, as Dioſcorides will have it, cured them with Black Hellebore; altho' Galen on far better Grounds, judges that it was White Hellebore which wrought the Cure. This Medicine Melampus firſt learn'd from the Sheep, ſaith Theophraſtus, or rather from the Goats, which, as Pliny writes, he kept, who purge themſelves by feeding on Hellebore. Altho' ſome are of opinion, that Melampus cured thoſe diſtracted Ladies, not with Hellebore, but with the Milk of Goats, firſt fed therewith; and others ſay, that it was not Melampus the Goatherd, who reſtored them to their Senſes, but another Melampus called the Soothſayer. And Polyanthus, as it is related by Sextus the Empirick, and Eudoxus a moſt ancient Geographer in Stephanus attributes this to Aeſculapius. But however this be, it is not to be doubted, but Melampus, after many long Ceremonies accompanied with Sacrifices, and other Superſtitions, cauſed theſe diſtracted Ladies to be firſt waſhed in that famous Fountain of Arcadia, called Clitorius; wherefore in memory thereof there were engraven in Marble thoſe witty Verſes, related by Iſogonus a moſt ancient Writer, concerning Waters.

Wherefore after this, a Debate aroſe amongſt Writers, differently judging of this Cure: Some attributing it only to the Sacrifice and Bath, others to the Hellebore; but certainly, as far as we can perceive, that both the Medicines were made uſe of by Melampus: Pythagoras ſaying thus in Ovid: Who once has quench'd his draught at Clitro's Well, Flies Wine, and drinks unmixed water ſtill. Whether the water bear a ſecret Feud To Wine, or as the Shepherds there report How Amithaon's Son, when from the Harms Of raging Madneſs, he by herbs and Charms Had free'd, he flung th' Infections of their mind Into the Well, where it has ſtill remain'd behind.

To which Cuſtom, the Homer of Ferrara perhaps had reſpect, when he made Aſtolfo ſeveral times waſh his mad Orlando in the Sea, before he gave him to drink the Liquor he had received from Heaven to cure him.

But Melampus not content with theſe ſilly Tricks only, to render his Cures more famous and remarkable, brag'd, as may be ſeen in Syneſius, that he was skilled in the Interpretation of Dreams, proceeding thence to Soothſayings, and giving all men to underſtand, That Apollo had endowed him with the Art of Divination, and that he having bred up in his houſe certain Serpents, they had in the dead of the Night, when he was aſleep, lick'd his Ears, whereat he, ſuddenly waking for fear, found at Day-break, that he underſtood the Language of all Birds. As Apollodorus, relates, ſpeaking of Melampus. Not any Art then had ever, I believe, ſo much Commerce with Lyes, Fraud, and Superſtitions, as the Myſtery of Phyſick, which ſo manifeſtly appears to every one, who has but the leaſt Inſight therein, that it is not neceſſary for me at preſent to trouble my ſelf any farther about it. Yet will I not forbear to glance a little at the ſtrange and ridiculous Ceremonies, which the Ancients uſed in gathering of Plants, to the end that by the ignorant people their Medicines might be eſteemed more wonderful and regardable. Piony could not be gathered in the day-time, for fear of loſing preſently their Sight, if they ſhould chance to be ſeen by a Jay. He that would dig up Mandrakes, was obliged to have a care of a contrary Wind; and before he began to dig for it, he made about it three Circles, and afterwards pluck'd it out of the ground, holding his Face towards the Weſt; but while he pulled it up, another was to go round about him, skipping and ſneering, and uttering, I know not what, undecent and obſcene Speeches; as Theophraſtus relates in theſe words, They who go about to cut the Mandrake, let them take care of a contrary wind, and make three Circles firſt with a Sword, then let them dig looking to the Weſt.

But with far greater Ceremonies was the Baara, which ſome will have to be nothing elſe, but the very ſame Mandrake diged up by the Ancients. They firſt threw upon it the menſtruous Blood or Urine of Women, then having removed the Earth from round about it, they tied a Dog to the Root, who, being called by his Maſter, in running, pluck'd it up, and preſently fell down dead. This is thus related by Joſephus the Jew; That part of the Valley which encompaſſes the City to the North, is called Baaras: That place bears a Root of the ſame Name: In Colour it is like the flame of Fire; and in the Evening caſts forth a kind of Lightning. It will not be touched by thoſe that go about to pull it, but flies away; nor is there any way to ſtop it, but by caſting upon it either the Ʋrine or Menſtruum's of a Woman. And then alſo it is death to them that handle it, unleſs by fortune the perſon that carrys the Root, ſo carrys it, that it may hang down out of his hand. But it is taken up another way without any danger, and that is this: They make a Circle about the Roots, for the hidden part of the Root is the ſhorteſt; then they tye a Dog to it, who, when the Maſter calls him away, eaſily pulls it up: But the Dog immediately dies, as being a kind of Revenge for offering violence to the Root, for after that, there is no danger to any body that takes it up.

An Account much like to this is given by Elian in his Hiſtory of Animals, concerning the digging up of the Cynoſpaſtus.

The name of the Plant is Cynoſpaſtus, which is alſo called the Bright-ſhine. Now you muſt know, that all day this Plant is not to be ſeen, but at night it ſhines like a Star, and glitters like Fire. Therefore marking the place diligently in the day time, they go away, and come again the next night, and then ſeeing the mark which they left there. But the Root is neither to be cut nor pull'd up; for they report, That the firſt, who, through ignorance of its Nature, touch'd it, ſoon after periſhed, Therefore they take a Dog that has been kept hungry for nine days together; which done, they bring the Dog to that part of the Root next the earth, and then faſten the Dog and the Root together, with a Rope tyed with a ſtrong Knot: then returning a good diſtance off, they throw upon the ground ſeveral morſels of Meat, which the Dog ſmelling, and preſs'd by hunger, pulls with all his force to get at the Meat, and ſo at laſt plucks up the Root. But if it happen, that the Sun ſee the Root, the Dog dies immediately, and they bury the Dog in the ſame place, uſing certain ſacred Ceremonies over the dead body of the Dog, as having died for their ſakes; for then they may be bold to touch and handle the Plant, and carry it home; where, as they report, they make uſe of for many profitable Advantages.

Nor leſs vain and ridiculous were the Superſtitions, uſed by the Ancients in digging up the Panacea, as Theophraſtus relates. And of Ellebore and many other Plants there is ſuch a number of Fables reported as well by the ſame Theophraſtus, as by Dioſcorides and Pliny, that if I would relate them one by one, I ſhould ſcarce come to an end.

But above all to be admired were the moſt tedious and vain Ceremonies, uſed by the Prieſteſs of the Iſle of Lemnos, in gathering the ſealed Earth, as they are related by Galen, who being an Eye-witneſs, made an Elegant Deſcription thereof. To which Artifices alſo the moſt witty Arioſto alluding, introduces the chaſt Iſabella, making the drunken Saracen believe, that ſhe had a never-ſailing Secret for the rendring a man invulnerable, and to gain the more Credit to her aſſertion, envelloping it in abundance of Cautions and Conditions in this Diſcourſe to Rodomont: I know where an herb grows, which I have ſeen, VVhich being boild with Ivy and with Rue Over an eaſie Fire of Cypreſs-wood, Then preſs'd between a ſpotleſs Virgins hands, A Liquor yields that hard'ns ſo the skin, That neither Fire nor Steel can do it harm. Three times anoint your body with this Oyl, And you ſhall be a month invulnerable. But then the Vertue ceaſes, then again You muſt again anoint, &c.

But leaving theſe things to perſons more at leiſure than my ſelf, and returning to our former Diſcourſe, it is almoſt incredible, how the firſt Inventors of the Art were ſlandred and back-bitten by the Envy and Malice of thoſe Phyſicians, who more than the reſt wounded the Reputation of Melampus, giving out, that he was the firſt, who, to the Ruine of the World, brought forth the evil and troubleſom uſe of Purges; and that, if it fell out well for him in the Cure of Proetus's Daughters, it was more by good Luck, than any prudent Fore-ſight of his. But to let alone Melampus for the preſent, and to return from whence we digreſſed, it is likely, perhaps, that long before Herodicus's Medicine was ſeparated from Philoſophy, ſince we read in Herodotus, the Prince of the Grecian Hiſtory, That there were exceeding ancient Schools of Phyſick in Cyrene and Crotona, to which the often by us mentioned Democides gave very great Repute, by whoſe means, as the ſame Author relates, the Crotonians gained the Honour to be eſteemed the moſt excellent Phyſicians in the World. But it is to be believed, that Empirical Phyſick was at firſt taught in thoſe Schools; and that likewiſe there divided into different Opinions, cauſing divers Factions. The ſame thing alſo hapned in Rhodes, in Coos, and Gnidos, where Eurifontes, or whoever elſe it was, publiſhed thoſe famous Sentences, that were afterwards called Gnidian, which Hippocrates oppoſing in his Writings, there aroſe the firſt Conteſt, that was ever ſeen upon paper betwixt Phyſicians, or at leaſt the firſt that afterwards came to our Knowledge. And as for the other Diſputes of thoſe times, Hippocrates gives us an Account of ſome of them in theſe words; In acute Diſeaſes ſo various are the Sentiments of Phyſicians, that often times what one preſcribes, as moſt helpful, others forbid as harmful: And for this reaſon the Art of Phyſick ought to be eſteemed very like to that of Divination, becauſe the Phyſicians behave themſelves juſt like to Soothſayers, ſome of which will have the ſame Bird, if appearing on the right hand, to be an Augury of good Luck; but if on the left, of bad. But others again hold the contrary. Now whoſoever deſires to be more fully informed concerning ſuch Diſputes and Conteſts among Phyſicians, let him read the Comment of Galen upon the aforeſaid Teſt of Hippocrates, and I queſtion not, but he will there find abundant ſatisfaction. Nor ought we here to paſs by unobſerved what Hieronymus Cardanus ſuſpects, that the Book, which goes under the name of Hippocrates, concerning the bringing forth of Children in the ſeventh Month, is, as he ſaies, Forſan Eurifontis, nulla ex parte Hippocrate inferioris, ſi ex unguibus Leonem, ut in Proverbio eſt, cognoſcere mihi conceſſum eſt. Hippocrates then muſt needs have rallied all his Forces, when he contended with one, between whom and himſelf there was, if we may believe Cardan, In value none, or little difference.

And perhaps with ſeveral others, of no leſs parts than Eurifontes; of whom by reaſon of all-devouring time, which has Conſum'd their bodies, and their Works conceal'd, I cannot at preſent give any account. But the famous Hippocrates publiſhed his Works in that place, who, although he ſhewed ſo much Virtue, as made ſome think, that Nature and Art ſtrove together to perfectionate in him the Idea of a moſt skilful Phyſician, yet could they not render his Doctrine ſo clear and warrantable, but that it was ſifted, depreſſed, and confuted firſt by Diocles, and afterwards by Pliſtonicus, by Praxagoras, by Erophilus, by Philotimus, by Eudemus, and chiefly by Chryſippus, and his Scholar Eraſiſtratus, who was held in ſuch eſteem for Phyſick, that he was by many able men judged equal to Aeſculapius. And certainly from thoſe few Fragments, which by ſome, who have written againſt him, have been preſerved out of his many Works, it is ſufficiently clear and manifeſt, That Eraſiſtratus was no leſs a moſt ſubtil Philoſopher, than a moſt Excellent Phyſician. He was exceedingly free in philoſophizing, and ſo great a lover of the Truth, that he often preferred it before his Grandfather Ariſtotle, & his School, openly ſaying, that the Peripateticks had eſtabliſhed nothing ſolidly about Natural Things. Wherefore his Opinions were for ſome Ages received with greot Eſteem and Veneration by Philoſophers and Phyſicians of more than ordinary worth. And altho' they did not uſe much Blood-letting (which is wont not a little to diminiſh the Eſteem of Phyſicians amongſt the Vulgar) yet their Fame never ſtaggered, inſomuch that even in the time of Galen and afterwards, their Sect was held in far greater Repute, than any other. Yet was not all this ſufficient to reſtrain the Rage of other Factions, that roſe up againſt it under the Standards of Neſitheus an Athenian, of Cienus, called alſo Pruſias, and of many others, all eſteemed in their times excellent Heads, and Founders of divers other ancient Sects of Rational Phyſick. In the mean time the never ſufficiently praiſed Empedocles, no leſs ſublime a Poet, than Philoſopher, doubting, that he ſhould not otherwiſe be able to infuſe into Acron his Scholar, evident and indiſputable Arguments for the Mutations of Nature, wholly forſook the Rational, and with his utmoſt Endeavours applied himſelf ſolely to advance the moſt ancient Empirical Phyſick; which was afterwards brought to perfection by Philinus, Serapion, and other moſt famous Phyſicians, whoſe Followers always ſtrove to ruine, and reduce to nothing all the other Sects. Nor muſt I conceal, that ſome are of Opinion, That Acron gave the firſt Beginning to Empirical Phyſick, whilſt others ſay, That Philinus the Son of Erophilus, and ſome yet, That Serapion was indeed the Inventor and Founder thereof:

Thus by degrees were the different Companies of Phyſicians multiplied, every one with all his force contending to defend his own Party, and overthrow the reſt, when in the time of Pompey the Great, there ſprang up with Aſclepiades another moſt famous, and moſt illuſtrious Faction. This not only aſcended to a ſublime degree of Eloquence, as ſome vainly think, but prevailed much alſo both in Philoſophy and Phyſick, as may well be gathered from the Writings of Celius Aurelianus, and others, who report ſome of their Sentences.

But I my ſelf am at laſt grown weary of turning over ſo great a variety of Factions and Schools; which ſince I have purpoſed to recount, paſſing over at preſent the leſs Famous, I ſhall only touch upon the more conſiderable, as I have hitherto done; and in the mean time I muſt beg your excuſe, if to bring my intent, I ſhall be ſomewhat long in my Diſcourſe. I ſay then, following my begun Harangue, That not far from, or even in the very time of Pompey the Great, againſt both the Empirical and Rational Phyſick, ſtarted up Themiſon with his new Inventions, who, as he rejected the Sentiments of all others, ſo would alſo give his School a different Name, calling it from his brief, clear, and well-ordered Diſcourſe, Methodical.

But this alſo did the moſt Eloquent Antonius Muſa, the Scholar of Themiſon, no leſs by his own Learning and Induſtry, than by the Authority of Octavius Caeſar, cauſe, Proteus-like, to change its Form. Yet was it not long for all this, ere the Methodical Sect got up again by the aſſiſtance of Vectius Valens, Phyſician to the Emperor Claudius, and Gallant to his Wife the Empreſs Meſſalina. Afterwards it mounted to an exceeding height, being in a great meaſure reſtored by Theſſalus, Phyſician to Nero, who would therefore have arrogated to himſelf all the Glory of inventing it, as may be ſeen in that Epiſtle, which he writes to the ſame Emperor, wherein he begins to ſay thus; I having now eſtabliſhed a new Sect, which alone has firſt diſcovered all Truth: foraſmuch as all thoſe, who have heretofore practiſed Phyſick, could not find out any thing that was available either for the curing of Diſeaſes, or the preſerving of Health. And in fine, this Sect was not long after compleated, and brought to perfection by Soranus of Epheſus.

But of how happy a wit, and of what profound Knowledg the Inventors of this ſort of Phyſick were, with the whole Company of innumerable Followers, we may partly perceive by what is related in thoſe Books of Celius Aurelianus, that are come to our hands; and alſo by what Galen, and other Authors have written of them, tho' ſparingly enough. And certainly Themiſon was ſufficiently commended by Pliny, and his Name adorned with the glorious Adjunct of Chief Phyſician. And Theſſalus by his Sagacity and Adviſedneſs wrought himſelf ſo far into the good Grace and Favor of the Emperor Nero, a Prince (tho' extream cruel, yet) very intelligent, that he became his intimate and familiar Friend; and got ſo much the better of the Phyſicians, his Contemporaries, that he deſerved to have engraven on his Sepulchre that famous Inſcription 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 . And a famous Phyſician of our time, altho' a Rational and Galeniſt, could not (as it is related by Proſper Alpinus) forbear in ſpeaking of him, to ſay thus much to his Commendation, I could wiſh the Books he wrote de Communitatibus & Synchreticis, were now extant: for by the Fragments which ſome have cited, he appears to be a moſt acute and learned Author.

But whither I do find my ſelf tranſported, without having made mention of the moſt famous Clinias of Marſeilles, who, in deſpite of Theſſalus, and all other Methodiſts, gave beginning to another ſort of new Phyſick, never before heard of? And why amongſt ſuch an heap of Phyſicians do I let paſs the moſt wary Charmis, who was alſo of Marſeilles, and Founder of another new and ſtrange way of Curing. This man was endowed with ſuch high and noble parts, that he introduced his new and marvellous Doctrine into Rome with moſt happy Preſages, and to ſuch an height arrived the Belief of his rigorous and ſtrange Inventions, that in a ſmall time the chief of the Senate were at his diſpoſal. They governed Fate, ſaith Pliny of the ſaid Phyſicians, Into which City ſuddenly Charmis got, coming from Maſſilia, and not only condemned the former Phyſicians, but alſo perſwaded his Patients to bathe in cold water in the midſt of winter: (O the Efficacy of the Art of Medicinal Perſwaſion, to which all other force of Eloquence muſt of neceſſity give place) He plunged his ſick Patients into Lakes of cold water; and we have ſeen ancient perſons of Conſular dignity ſhivering and chattering with their teeth, even to oſtentation. Thus ſprang up, and continued Phyſick until the time of the moſt curious Claudius Galen of Pergamus, whoſe Fame is known to every one. He, joyning to his natural diſpoſition, Geometry, Aſtronomy, Logick, and all other Sciences, which he judged either uſeful, or neceſſary to a Phyſician, and being encouraged by the perſwaſions of his Father, who, as he himſelf tells us, was ſtimulated thereunto by various Dreams and Viſions from the Gods, underwent moſt grievous fatigues by reaſon of his continual Labours and Watchings, undertaking long and difficult Voyages, ſubject to many, and thoſe not ordinary Dangers, that he might attain to a more than uſual Eminence in that Art, wherein he cauſed himſelf to be inſtructed by the moſt famous Maſters of thoſe times, if we will give credit to his own Relation about it. But he indeed was not crafty and malicious, as ſome other Greek Phyſicians, but ſincere, and of very great Morality. In matters of Philoſophy he would never tye himſelf to the opinions of any other, always declaiming againſt that Cuſtom, as blameable, and unworthy a Philoſopher; and proteſted, That in following the documents of Hippocrates (whom he always regarded as the chief and principal Maſter of the Art) that he did not look upon his words, as proceeding from a credible Evidence, but from a Demonſtrator only, that is, That he did not give any Credit to the ſayings of Hippocrates, but to the Reaſons brought by him. And therefore, where he could conveniently do it, he failed not now and then maliciouſly to diſcover ſome of his blemiſhes; blaming him ſometimes, as no great Obſerver of the propriety of Language; and other whiles as extremely dark, and obſcure, ſaying, That he often entred into Labyrinths without knowing the way out again, and that by his tedious and vain Stories he ſometimes repeated the ſame thing over and over again, not obſerving the ordinary Method of Diſcourſe: and in fine he forbore not to ſay, That he was mean, and pittiful, and confuſed in his Talk. Nay, ſo great an affection he always bore to Truth, that where it was convenient for him to do it, he ſnarles, and carps at as well the ancient Phyſicians, as thoſe of his own time, altho' they were of very great Repute, and notwithſtanding ſome of them had been before very highly extolled by himſelf for their skill and Knowledge. He unmeaſurably jeers Aſclepiades, calling him the VVonder-talking Phyſician, Emptypate, teaſty, and obſtinate, ſaying, That he underſtood Logick and Philoſophy as much as the Aſs and Ox do playing on the Bag-pipe, and that he was ſometimes plainly out of his wits. He accuſes Archigenes of words, ſaying, That he often roams about, never keeping to his matter; and that he is always childiſhly buſying himſelf in the idle Toys of Definitions. He exceedingly beſpatters Herophilus, whom he calls Cozner, Jugler, and riotous fellow. And in the like manner he deals with Eraſiſtratus, affirming him to be obſcure and confuſed in his Sentiments. But this is nothing to the Blows he gives Theſſalus and Julianus; calling the firſt Mad-man, and Theſſalian-Aſs, ſaying, That he was bred up by his Father amongſt Women, who carded Wool; and giving the ſecond, whom he makes another Therſites, the Title of Apiſh-fellow, and brazen-fac'd Conjurer, likening him in fine to Aeſops Aſs. And ſo far did he ſuffer himſelf to be tranſported with this vain blaſt, that he brake forth at laſt into moſt horrid and impious Blaſphemies, fooliſhly depriving GOD of his Omnipotency, and ſharply reprehending Holy Moſes for having attributed it to him; ridiculouſly ſcoffing at the Doctrines of Moſes, and our ever bleſſed Redeemer CHRIST JESUS, and impudently daring to equallize the Obſtinacy of the Medicinal Sects to the laudable and invincible Conſtancy of the Chriſtian Saints; and yet Galen lived in an Age, when there was ſcarce any place in the World, but was continually illuminated by the Miracles, which were every where wrought by the Teachers of our Holy Religion: Nor could he but have heard of that moſt famous Victory, obtained by Marcus Aurelius over the Marcomanni through the moſt fervent Prayers of the Chriſtian Legion, called afterwards from the Effect, that followed their Petitions, Legio fulminans: whence it proceeded, that by the Imperial Edict a ſtop was put to the cruel Perſecution of the Chriſtians, and ſevere Penalties appointed to be inflicted on thoſe that ſhould accuſe them, or inform againſt them; upon which account alſo was erected that famous Turret or Column in Rome, which reſerving even to our days the Records of ſignallized Virtue, is admired by all amongſt the Wonders of that glorious City. This Conradus Geſner Conſidering, could not (however unreaſonably partial for him) forbear ſaying; Raſhly and impiouſly does Galen refuſe the Schools of Chriſt and Moſes, as founded upon no Demonſtration, as if the Miracles which are both numerous and divine, of which we read both in the old and new Teſtament, did not exceed all Demonſtration. Nor doth he here make a ſtand, but proceeds with many other very grave Expreſſions to reprove him. But to return from whence the zeal of Piety and Religion had tranſported me. After Galen, But few or none ſo far advanc'd in Fame. Few or none of any great repute were ſeen in Phyſick: foraſmuch as within a little while after the true and perfect Method of Philoſophy, which already began by degrees to decay, fell totally from its priſtine ſplendor, and ſwerving from its right path, thoſe Baſtard-philoſophers ſet at naught the true Knowledge of the Cauſes of Natural Events, and contenting themſelves only with ſimple Logick, or to ſay better, with witleſs Sophiſtry, fooliſhly followed the phantaſtical Chimera's of Terms, and prattle, wherewith caſting, as we uſe to ſay, duſt in the eyes of the Multitude, they made them think Glow-worms to be Lanthorns, and would make every one believe, That they knew all, when in Natural things, it cannot certainly be affirmed, that they knew any thing. But in fine this vain ſhadow of Philoſophy, ſinking together with the Majeſty of the Roman Empire gave the laſt plunge, drawing with it alſo Phyſick, as may be ſeen in the Books of Oribaſius, Paulus, of Aetius, Alexander Trallianus, Actuarius, Philotheus, and other Authors, who ſcarce did any thing elſe, but collect, compile, and ſometimes unskilfulfully tranſlate the Writings of others. But in them we may yet ſee, altho' not ſo much at large, the uſual Conteſts of the Art, eſpecially in Trallianus, who, being bolder than the reſt, more than once manifeſtly oppoſes Galen, and beſides, prude •• ly enough avers, That it is indeed a wicked thing, not to contradict Galen, when the Truth requires it.

And it has always been obſerved, that as men have been more or leſs addicted to Philoſophy, proportionably more or leſs frequent have been the Conteſts and Wranglings of Phyſicians; which is a manifeſt ſign, that theſe Controverſies proceeded from mens more or leſs examining the defects of the Art.

But at laſt through the extreme Negligence of the Greeks, who took no care to copy them, together with the choiceſt pieces of Philoſophy, and other Sciences, were loſt the moſt excellent Volumes, till that time extant of Phyſick; which were in the time of Galen grown to ſuch a number, that the very Reading, as he tells us, of the good and uſeful Books of Medicaments would have employed a man all the days of his life. And the ſame diſaſter did then happen to the Books of Phyſick, as the Great Bacon of Virulam obſerves to have befaln thoſe of Philoſophy, which being carried along by the rapid ſtream of time, as by an over-flowing River, the lighter only ſwam on the top, whilſt the weightier, and thoſe of greater value ſank down to the bottom. Thus together with Philoſophy did Phyſick remain depreſs'd, when the Arabians, who having forſaken their ancient Faith, to follow the impious doctrines of Mahomet, and rebelliouſly withdrawn themſelves from the Juriſdiction of the Roman Empire, had with victorious arms taken and ranſack'd very many rich Provinces of Aſia, Africa, and Europe, finding by chance amidſt the prey and ſpoil they got in Greece, ſome Books, applied themſelves with more than ordinary fervor, to the Study; and lighting on the Works of Ariſtotle, and ſome of his Commentators, as alſo on thoſe of Hippocrates, and Galen, they equally attended to profit themſelves both in Philoſophy and Phyſick: But being ſomewhat of a ſervile and ſuperſtitious temper and diſpoſition, they durſt ſcarce ever look into the Book of Nature, and ſearching therein for the Truth of natural Things, curiouſly examine and enquire, whether, what they had themſelves experimented, did punctually agree with what thoſe learned men had before deſcribed; but like a poor flock of Goats, they unwiſely, if not madly followed them as Guides, blindly retaining all the parts of Phyſick, and eſpecially Anatomy, juſt as they found it: whence through the fault of the Tranſlators, or perhaps of the Originals themſelves, they ran into many Errors. Notwithſtanding from thoſe ſmall and dusky Lights of Philoſophy they contracted ſo much Spirit, that they dared ever in matters of very great import to front both the Grecian Maſters; on one ſide, to ſay nothing of other matters, reſtraining the uſe of Phlebotomy, and on the other as much enlarging it by letting even Children blood, little or nothing regarding that Galen and Hippocrates had manifeſtly taught the contrary; againſt whoſe Sentiments alſo they uſed Purgations, where there were no Inflammations, the Humors in the Diſtempers being yet crude. Beſides this, they made uſe of Sena, Caſſia, Manna, Tamarinds, Rheubarb, and other new Drugs not heretofore known to the Ancients. They invented new ways of compounding Medicines, and having, I know not whether from Egypt, or elſewhere gotten ſome Volumes of the moſt ancient Chimiſtry, endeavouring according to their ability to reſtore it, they enriched the Shops with many ſtrange and unuſual Compoſitions; and ſome of them alſo with the ſame Art attained to philoſophize about the things appertaining to Phyſick. Whence their Prince Avicen departed ſo far from the ſteps of Galen, as occaſioned Pietro Meſſia (not without reaſon) to ſay; That the Practiſe and manner of curing uſed by Avicen, is ſo far different from that of Galen, and the Ancients, that it ſeems quite another thing.

But the Arabians not content to have deviated from the path, kept by the Grecian Maſters, often alſo aſſaulted Galen with the ſame Weapons of Reproaches and Contumelies, as himſelf had formerly uſed to vilifie and diſgrace the moſt ancient Phyſicians. And amongſt the reſt Avicen in Terms certainly villanous, and barbarous, ſaies, That the diſcourſe of Galen is contrary to that of Hippocrates, and that it is full of infinite Errors, and impudent Lyes; and that he caſt his Eyes only on the Branches and Sprigs, never prying into the Roots of Sciences; that he had little or no Wit, or Sagacity in any thing; and that profeſſing himſelf a Philoſopher, he nevertheleſs uſed childiſh and vulgar Reaſons. Whereupon that famous Galeniſt Valleſius exclaims thus; Avicen in many things on purpoſe differs from Galen, contradicting him arrogantly, not only in contemplative, but practical Opinions.

After him followed Averroes, who not only blames, and vituperates Galen, but alſo ſeverely reproves his own Countryman Avicen, exceedingly wondring at his having taken for his Guide a Grecian Babler, who was not of parts ſufficient, ever to arrive at the Knowledge of Natural things. Whereunto he adds, That Galen was ſo weak and unskilful a Logician, that Syllogiſms framed by him, were often found falſe in their principles, and faulty in their figures, and that his diſcourſe was like to the idle Talk and Quibbles of Buffoons and Jeſters. Nor were the Arabians leſs contentious, and divided among themſelves, than the Greeks had formerly been, altho' they did not after the manner of thoſe, ſeparate themſelves into parties, as may be eaſily diſcerned in the Works of Rhaſis, Avicen, Averroes, and other their Writers. And thus they went continually on, philoſophizing, and advancing in their Studies, when by the command of the Caliph, and other Mahometan Princes, their Schools were all ſhut up, and good Learning prohibited; and this by reaſon of the barbarous Government, they having long obſerved, that the Sciences, eſpecially Philoſophy, opening the Eyes of the peoples Mind, made them eaſily perceive the ridiculous Forgeries, and childiſh Simplicities of the Alcoran: Wherefore with Philoſophy, Phyſick alſo decayed in an inſtant among the Arabians, and all Literature gave up the Ghoſt. But before this came to paſs, by the means and diligence of the Emperor Charles the Great, the Arabian Authors together with thoſe few Greeks, which were then publiſhed in Arabick, were Tranſlated into Latin, however barbarous and unpoliſh'd, ſuch as was uſed in thoſe moſt unhappy times. And thus in afflicted and deſolate Italy began the interrupted, and decayed Studies of Phyſick to riſe up again. But how violently then of a ſudden the Conteſts and Diſputes of the Italian Wits were awakened, he that is deſirous to know, may read in Pietrod' Albano, Gentile da Foligno, Taddeo, and Nicolo Fiorentini, Dino, and Tomaſſo dal Garbo, Giacomo da Forli, Ʋgoda Siena, Giacomo delle Parti, and may other Writers.

But afterwards the purity and elegancy of the Latin Tongue being in more quiet times arrived at firſt in our moſt delightful Countrey of Italy, and then in the other provinces of Europe, and the mellifluous Greek Language coming about the ſame time from Greece, then for the moſt part ſubjugated and harraſſed by the Ottoman Princes, Phyſicians began by little and little to read the Greek Authors in their primitive Idiom, faithfully tranſlating them from their Original into Latin. And then more fiercely than ever ſprang up the Conteſts of Phyſicians, which grew exceeding hot between thoſe, who on the one ſide would follow their Galen and Hippocrates, and others, who on the contrary in defence of the Arabians vigorouſly oppoſed the Grecian Authors. And becauſe there are yet to be found in the hands of the Curious ſome of their detracting Writings, I have thought it not amiſs, out of one of them, intituled, Nobilis Socii Salodienſis praecertatio pro Arabum, & proborum medicorum tutela, as briefly as I may, and by way of Abridgment to rehearſe ſome things, which may ſerve as a Sample of the reſt.

This Treatiſe, altho' it undertakes the defence of the Barbarian Phyſicians, yet appears not in the leaſt to be barbarouſly written; and the Author thereof ſeems to me to be an able man, and very well ſeen in the Doctrines of Galen and Hippocrates, whereof joyning together many Sentences, he with exquiſite artifice frames long, and well-ordered diſcourſes. He begins ingenuouſly, and with a mind free from paſſion, induced, as he ſaies, by the love of Truth alone to contend with certain Phyſicians of his own Time, who, either to ſhew themſelves skill'd in the Learning of the Greeks, or through the over-much affection they bare the Grecian Authors, or to let others ſee, that they walked not in the common Road, made it their profeſſion to oppoſe, as the Proverb has it, the Pandects, and vilifying, and contumeliouſly treating the Arabian Phyſicians, endeavoured on the contrary with the higheſt praiſes to extol the Grecians unto Heaven. And it ſeems, that their firſt Motive thereunto, was only the ſecret ill Will, Anger, and Spight, which they bore towards moſt barbarous and foreign Nations; which they ſo far improved, that contrary to the expreſs Laws of good Manners, and the precepts of their own Maſter Hippocrates, they impudently belched forth againſt them the greateſt Villanies, that the Malice of ſuch ſilly Wretches could invent, calling them now Cheats, anon Shallow-pates, and often branding them with like Imputations. Having prefaced in this manner, he proceeds to his diſcourſe, what is by theſe men in behalf of the Greeks objected againſt the Arabian Phyſicians: viz. That the clear and overflowing Fountain of Phyſick was at firſt preſerved pure and without mixture by its Authors, but falling afterwards into the hands of theſe, ſoon became troubled and muddy; and that thoſe were the true Maſters and Inventors of that Art, and theſe Barbarian Caitiffs only Tranſlators, who without taking any pains, vainly boaſted of other mens Works, as if they were their own. Then going on, he ſaith, That they accuſed the Arabians, for that in tranſlating the Greeks from their Originals, not well comprehending their Sentiments, they filled their Writings with Confuſion and Contention; and in Concluſion, he adds, That the Cenſurers of his time, proſecuting the Followers of the Arabians, as ſtanding upon moſt weak and unſure Foundations, or being only covetous after mony, accuſed them for inventing ſo many, tho' rich and coſtly Syrups.

But the aforeſaid Author, deſirous by a ſtrict Examination of them, to refel theſe Accuſations, brought againſt the Arabians, firſt explains the meaning of that Saying, to wit, That the Greeks were indeed the Maſters, and the Arabians no more but Scholars, and Tranſlators in phyſick. Hereby, ſaith he, they either mean, that the Greeks were of all Nations the firſt Inventors thereof, and the Arabians only Builders upon the old foundation, which, as he tells us, needs farther Confirmation before it be granted, ſince he manifeſtly proves by the Authority both of the Greeks themſelves, and of the Latin Writers, That they, to wit, the Greeks, firſt learn'd it from the Aegyptians, or ſome other people; or elſe their opinion is, That the Greeks by putting the laſt hand to it, brought it to ſuch a degree of perfection, that it is impoſſible to advance it any higher. And this ſaid, he fell again anew to diſtinguiſhing, telling us, That hereby they intended, either that by every one of the Greeks, phyſick was raiſed to the utmoſt height whereunto it poſſibly could arrive; or that they had all of them contributed their aſſiſtance thereunto; or that ſome one amongſt ſo many Maſters had performed this Exploit. The firſt he avers to be manifeſtly falſe, and to have been in many plac • s confeſs'd ſo to be by their Prince Galen himſelf. The ſecond, he ſaies, can never be granted to be true, by many and evident reaſons demonſtrating it to be moſt falſe, which were it otherwiſe, yet would it be exceeding difficult, nay even impoſſible ever to learn from the Grecian Maſters the moſt confuſed Art of Phyſick; there being ſo many Volumes differently written by them, that a man cannot run them over with his Eye, much leſs attentively ſtudy them, tho' he ſhould employ therein every day of his life. It remains then to ſay, That one alone amongſt ſo many Greeks has brought Medicine to its chiefeſt Splendor, and foraſmuch as we are aſſured by the Authority of Galen, that all others before him were often entangled and miſled: and therefore, as being imperfect, and without much Knowledg, not greatly to be regarded. This moſt magnificent Honour and dignity muſt be attributed therefore to the moſt profound and more than human Wit of Claudius Galenus of Pergamus, eſteemed commonly the chief amongſt all the Grecian Maſters; and that, not only by the Univerſal Conſent of his Partizans, but alſo in his own proper Judgment, which he was not aſhamed in many places vaingloriouſly to affirm. Here our Cenſurer, loſing his patience, makes his Avicen briskly enter the Liſts againſt Galen. He introduces the Greek, expoſing his reaſons, and declaring his honourable Quality, and this he does in Galens own Words, collected and tack'd together out of his own Writings, in which he extremely glories of his Birth, Education, Studies, extraordinary progreſs in the Encyclopaideia of all Sciences, and divine Knowledg in phyſick, relating in fine, what he with Grecian, and infinite Brags, vauntingly tells us of his own Qualifications. On the contrary with ſimple, modeſt, and humble words he declares the Life, Manners, and Studies of his Avicen: and as he makes the Arabian far exceed the Greek in Birth, and good Qualities, ſo not at the firſt glance alone, but by penetrating farther into the matter, he will plainly let us ſee, which of the two excels in Knowledge. And here he begins ſtrictly to ſift and examine Galens Works: And altho' he tells us, That he will elſewhere clearly and diſtinctly diſcover his Errors and Impoſtures, promiſing to collect them into one entire Volume, yet ſince he judges it neceſſary to his preſent purpoſe, he proceeds to give an account of ſome of the greateſt and moſt conſpicuous, ſaying, That however groſs and palpable they are, yet will not the Galeniſts diſcern them, when for the leaſt Straw that lies in their way, they preſently take ſnuff, proudly vilifying and reproaching poor Avicen.

He ſays then, That Galen, however eſteemed a moſt profound and acute Philoſopher, yet in that part of Philoſophy which is deſervedly held to be of greateſt import, and value, to wit, the Moral, he had as little Judgment and Underſtanding, as a Blind-man has in Colours; and that this was the reaſon he ſo little practiſed it. Firſt he demonſtrates him to have been moſt ungrateful to his parents, and not being aſhamed to lay open to the whole World the Faults and evil Qualities of his Mother, ſaying, That ſhe was ſo proud and peeviſh, that often falling into exceſs, ſhe uſed unmercifully to outrage her Servants; and that ſhe behaved her ſelf more frowardly, and croſs-grainedly to her Husband, than ever did Zantippe to the moſt patient Socrates. Hereto he adds, That he is extremely vain-glorious, and an unmeaſurable Boaſter of his own Excellencies: and this may without any other proof be eaſily learnt from his writings, he having filled them all with Praiſes and Encomiums of himſelf. And indeed, what greater vanity, and preſumption can there be, than to affirm, as he doth, That none can fully comprehend the meaning of Hippocrates without the aſſiſtance of his moſt profound Comments? and that he alone had given phyſick its ultimate perfection? and that the Gods, as if they were concerned, and zealous for his Honour, had taught him many Medicines, as he brags, when he treats of the Nerves of the Eyes, and of the Cure of wounded Nerves in general? and that he could diſcourſe for a whole day on the moſt obſcure and difficult Queſtion, having often done it to his great commendation, when taken on a ſudden?

But of what Honeſty, Conſtancy, or Juſtice, can he ever boaſt, having, as he himſelf tells us, given a ſick Child a Medicine, which according to his own Doctrine, and Opinion, muſt have undoubtedly kill'd him, as it did? Certainly he cannot but be infinitely blamed for ſo doing by any one, that has the leaſt ſenſe of Humanity and Compaſſion. Nor does it any whit avail him to cover this barbarous action with light excuſes, as that he did not herein follow his own Inclinations, but was forced thereunto by fear; ſince he ought, couragiouſly reſiſting, and refuſing ſo to do, to have acted according to Juſtice and Reaſon.

But our Author, having thus ſhewn him to be blame-worthy for his want of Morality, proceeds to acquaint us with his Learning, ſaying, That he was as well skill'd in Logick, as a Tortoiſe in flying, or a Cow in dancing. For ſetting himſelf, at his beginning, to divide Words into ſignificative, and inſignificative, and alledging for the latter the common Example of Blictri and Syndapſus, he immediately ſubjoyns, that theſe are no words. And beſides this, all Logicians acknowledging rationality to be the ultimate difference that conſtitutes man in his Eſſence, he on the contrary ſtifly holds, that Babes are not rational, but in time will be; which in good earneſt is to ſay, that they are not true Men, but hereafter will be ſo: which moſt notorious Error he fell into, for that ſeeing them prattle confuſedly, the Sot had not the Wit to conſider, that Rationality did not neceſſarily imply Diſcourſe in actu, but in potentia only, as the term is. Nay, what is more, this great man could not arrive to comprehend, That Rational and Irrational are terms abſolutely contradictory; and therefore he fooliſhly and childiſhly affirms, That the Brute Beaſts, which are all of them undoubtedly void of Reaſon, are more or leſs partakers thereof, calling man Rational only by way of Excellency, or per 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 , as he has it. And from this 〈◊〉 •• ves another Error, no leſs groſs 〈◊〉 •• excuſable, nay, perhaps greater than 〈◊〉 • ormer: That Aſſes, altho the dulleſt and ſluggiſheſt of all Beaſts, have yet full and perfect knowledg of this moſt difficult Aphoriſm of the Phyſicians, Contraria contrariis curantur. But who, for Gods ſake, is there among the Logicians, which does not fully approve the ſaying of Ariſtotle, That from Truth follows only Truth; whereas from Falſity Truth and Falſity do equally proceed? And yet the moſt acute Galen, manifeſtly oppoſing it, gives us cauſe to believe that he did not ſufficiently underſtand it. But what praiſe did he gain by that his moſt ingenuous Invention of the fourth Figure, gloriouſly found out by him to the ſhame of Ariſtotle, and the other Maſter in Logick? Certainly it has by all Logicians been diſapproved, and with reaſon rejected, as confuſed and unfit for Diſputation.

From theſe frivolous Toys of Logick our Cenſurer proceeds to examine him in matters of greater import, ſuch as is Natural Philoſophy. And he thinks Galen to be in Philoſophy more thick & muddy than puddle-water; and this he manifeſts by many proofs: whereof I ſhall rehearſe only a few, not to deviate too far from my principal intent. Galen then ſays, and conſtantly affirms, that Plants have full and intire Senſe, and an internal principle of Motion within themſelves; that Motion cannot be comprehended of us by the corporal Senſes, but by Reaſon only; that Crabs and Beetles have no heads, thoſe Animals only in his opinion, having an Head, which have ſoft Eyes, and not thoſe, whoſe Eyes are covered with an hard and criſtalline ſhell; and yet the contrary is manifeſtly ſeen in Graſhoppers, Locuſts, and ſuch like Creatures. Beſides this, he ſays, That the Head is not made by the Brain, that in Volatils the Neck and Feet are equally diſtant from the Heart; that the brain in Animals has need of ſomewhat to move it, which are the Feet, and that the Feet on the contrary have need of Senſe, which is given them by the brain; and that the one without the other is of no uſe or value; not obſerving, that Eels, Lampreys, and ſuch like Fiſh, altho' they have no Feet, have yet Brains. And here the wary Champion of the Arabians opportunely retorts upon Galen the ſame Weapons wherewith the other thought to have wounded Avicen: And ſince, ſaith he, mention begins to be made of the Brain, before we leave that diſcourſe, we ſhall add, that Galen (in the ſame manner as they reproach'd Avicen) wanted Brains himſelf. But how expert Galen was in Philoſophy, any one may eaſily diſcern from his diſcourſe concerning Hair; he obſerving, that the Hairs of the Eye-lids and Eye-brows are always at a ſtay, and do not encreaſe and grow, as do thoſe of the Head, and other parts of the Body, and willing to give a reaſon thereof, ſaies, That, as it happens in dry and barren grounds that the Graſs does not grow for want of ſufficient Moiſture, ſo the Hairs of the Eye-lids and Eye-brows by reaſon of the little or no Nouriſhment, which they draw from the other parts, cannot come to any great length. Now who in God's Name, does not ſee, that, if this were the cauſe thereof, the Hairs of the Head muſt much leſs increaſe and grow, as being rooted in an harder and drier skin, than that of the Eye-lids? And it appears to our Author, that the nouriſhment of theſe Hairs inſenſibly exhales and evaporates through the exceeding ſmall Pores of the Eyes. The moſt ſharp-ſighted Galen likewiſe ſaies, That provident Nature has given us Hair for an Ornament to our Body: But if it were ſo, to what purpoſe do they grow in thoſe parts, which Modeſty obliges us not to name? Beſides that Nature would greatly have injured Women by depriving them in ſome parts thereof. And in fine, Galen, contrary to the Opinion of all Philoſophers, holds, That Flame, beſides its natural Motion, which is always upwards, has alſo another which makes it ſometimes encline downwards; not conſidering, that Flame never has any ſuch Motion, but when it is forced and conſtrained thereto by Art.

Nor does the Cenſurer of Galen ſtop here, but paſſing on, examins his Doctrine, where it ſeems of greateſt weight, that is, in things appertaining to Phyſick. And here he proves, That altho' Galen ſeriouſly employed all his Induſtry and Wit therein, yet he penetrated ſo little into it, and committed ſo many Errors therein, that it would be impoſſible to reckon them up diſtinctly. And ſetting aſide how much his ill Nature obliged him to leave no way untried, that he might obſcure the Fame of the Great Hippocrates, ſaying, That he obſerved not the ſigns of the Pulſes, nor made any mention of many Feavours, with other like frivolous and vain Objections, wherewith he does not ſo much, as in the leaſt, raſe his skin, altho' he thought to have grievouſly wounded him; that which ſeems to be moſt important, is, that ſetting himſelf deſignedly to comment on the Writings of Hippocrates, he ſeems in many places not to underſtand them, often and in many places entangling himſelf, as the Cenſurer diſtinctly ſhews, tho' I, not to be over-tedious, paſs them over. He ſometimes refutes the Diſcourſe of Hippocrates, but afterwards giving himſelf the Ly, elſewhere commends it, thus manifeſtly ſhewing his little Firmneſs and Conſtancy.

He brags moreover, That he had given certain and ſure preſages for the Knowledg of all Diſeaſes: but if others will, yet his moſt cautious Reprover will not in the leaſt believe him herein. For from thoſe few Cures, which, that his Fame might thereby live for ever, he relates himſelf to have performed, it is manifeſtly ſeen, that he never aim'd aright, but was rather greatly miſtaken in the Knowledg of the Diſtempers, and their Cauſes: as in that of the Wife of Boetus, and of the Youth, to whom, contrary to the advice of Hippocrates, he fooliſhly gave Meat in the Augmentation of his Feavor, to the Patients mortal danger. But peradventure he ſhewed himſelf more ſilly, and mad-man-like, when to regulate the Cure of certain Diſeaſes, he fooliſhly ſought after the Interpretation of idle Dreams. But above all his other Follies that ſeems the greateſt, which he committed in Curing the Wife of Boetus; and it is a wonder, that he met not with that Eternal diſgrace and Reproach, which he but too much deſerved for having ſhewn himſelf ſo childiſh and ignorant, running perhaps into as many Errors, as he diviſed Medicines.

And finally this ſage Writer concludes againſt Galen, That if the great Number of his Volumes were ſifted, there would in this vaſt Bulk be found more Bran than Flower; all that he writes, being paltry Stuff, and idle Prattle, full of vain and high Boaſtings, often intermix'd with digreſſions and Tales, void both of Wit and Senſe; and that they are in fine a confuſed Miſcellany of unwarrantable Doctrines, wherein he often enough repeats over the ſame thing, altho' he openly proteſts, that he would never do it. I paſs over many other, even infinite Errors, whereof Galen is found guilty by his ſubtil Accuſer, becauſe I think enough has been ſaid to make it eaſily comprehended what, and how great were the Conteſts between the Followers of the Arabians, and thoſe of the Greeks.

But whilſt the Diſputes of the Phyſicians were proſecuted with the greateſt heat, on a ſudden roſe up the moſt ingenious Theophraſtus Paracelſus, who, renewing the moſt ancient Method of Philoſophy, which had for a long time been laid aſide, began attentively to read the great Book of Nature, that he might therein learn the reaſon of Natural Evenements. He, intermixing Chimiſtry, wherein he was very skilful, with Phyſick, and therewith, as with an uſeful and fit Inſtrument, ſearching into the choiceſt of Natures Secrets, very ſucceſsfully undertook to cure the moſt deſperate Diſeaſes with Remedies which he had found out by his Knowledg in this Art. It cannot eaſily be believed, to what an height within a certain ſpace of time his new Sect arrived, either through the new and moſt curious way opened by him to true Philoſophy, or through the agreeable Pleaſantneſs and Efficacy of his powerful Medicines, or through his happy ſucceſs in Diſeaſes till that time thought incurable. And the Fame of his skill being now generally ſpread over Germany, France, and other Provinces of the Chriſtian World, his Doctrines were fervently embraced by men well verſed in Sciences. And without doubt the advance of his Glory would have been greater, had he not purpoſely wrapt up and concealed his Doctrine in obſcure Aenigmes, and ambiguous Allegories uſual with Chimical Authors. What and how great were afterwards the Conteſts and Debates, as between thoſe that were only Galeniſts and only Paracelſians, ſo between thoſe who may be called Paracelſo-Galeniſts, and Galeno-Chimiſts, is peradventure ſo well known to every one, that I may well forbear to ſay any thing thereof. And tho' the Galeniſts had enough to do with their extern Enemies, yet were they not, as the Books of that Age teſtifie, very well united, but oftentimes turned their Animoſities upon themſelves, biting and tearing one another, like ſo many mad Dogs.

But whilſt Paracelſus happily introduced vital Anatomy both into Philoſophy and Phyſick; the Anatomy alſo of Animals was again brought to light out of the Ruines of Oblivion, wherein it had for a long time lain wholly buried. And the firſt Reſtorer thereof was Andreas Veſſalius of Bruxells, a man certainly worthy of Immortal Fame. He, queſtionleſs a greater Anatomiſt than Herophilus, having accuſtomed himſelf from a Child to diſſect Rats, and other ſmall Creatures, being come to years of more maturity, by degrees ſearch'd into the ſeveral parts of human Bodies, and relying upon no other Teſtimony, but what was given him by his own Eyes, and his own Hands, clearly manifeſted to every one, in what great Errors the ancient Anatomiſts had lived, and above all, Galen, whom he taxes with an hundred and an hundred Faults. It is ſtrange and wonderful to hear, how unmeaſurably he was therefore perſecuted and outraged by the Phyſicians, his Contemporaries; and how the Diſputes in Phyſick thereby more and more increaſed, there being ſome, who would right or wrong defend and maintain the moſt evident Faults of their Maſter Galen, not at all regarding, that they thereby thwarted and went againſt his firſt and principal Sentiment, who rather choſe to incur the danger of Erring with his own Senſes, than blindly to give credit to what he had found related concerning human Bodies by the ancient Anatomiſts, whom he ſometimes, tho' wrongfully, blames for their Obſervations about the Entrals of men, becauſe he had ſeen it otherwiſe in thoſe of Monkies.

But amongſt the fierce and implacable enemies of Veſſalius, that famous Pariſian Phyſician Jacobus Silvius would needs ſignalize himſelf, and deſirous to contend with him, violently aſſaults him, changing his name Veſſalius into Vaeſanus, that is, mad, ſtiling his book a moſt unworthy, villanous and perplex'd Miſcellany of Errors, and an abominable Dream of filthy and wicked Inſtructions. Then turning to the Readers, he with Prayers and Proteſtations exhorts and conjures them furiouſly to tear it in pieces, and burn it. He beſeeches alſo the Emperor then being, ſeverely to puniſh the Author, whom he terms a Monſter of Folly and Ingratitude, an Exemplar of Inſolence and Villany, baſely born, and worſe educated in his Court, ſaying, It would be a deed of Charity, if he totally made him away, and ſtrangled him, that he might not with his poiſonous and peſtilential Breath to infect and corrupt the Remainder of Europe. Now what more, I pray, could he have done, had poor Veſſalius been guilty of High-Treaſon not only againſt Monſieur Galen, but even againſt Caeſar himſelf; or if he had betrayed and ſold Buda, or Alba Regalis to the Turks; or if his Writings had been like to thoſe of Philip Melancthon and impious Luther? yet ſo far did the Calumnies and Diffamations of the envious Silvius, and other raſcally Galeniſts prevail with the Emperor, who was in all things elſe a moſt juſt Prince, that in fine Veſſalius unfortunately loſt his Favour, and was baniſh'd the Court. Thus was that Saying verified, which Diocleſian, not yet advanced to the Purple, often had in his mouth; Saepe bonus, ſaepe cautus decipitur Imperator. Not long after it appeared, that the Frowardneſs and Spite of Silvius paſſed into Andreas Laurentius, which made him thus alſo break out againſt the innocent Veſſalius; Againſt this man let us, as they ſay, put on the Lyons skin, and tame all thoſe monſters, which he has brought forth out of a Spirit of Contradiction, ſo let him undergo the due reward of his Arrogancy and Ingratitude againſt his Maſter Galen. And perhaps that our Reader of Phyſick, who put into his printed Concluſions theſe moſt elegant words, The Circulation of the Blood, together with Harvey the Author, we utterly reject and explode; would, if it had been in his power, have done as much for the great Harvey with the King and Parliament of England.

But other learned men little or nothing regarding the diſgrace befaln Veſſalius, but rather as is uſual with all great and generous Souls, in whom it is always ſeen, that Difficulty whets deſire. being rendred more couragious and eager by the oppoſition, ſet themſelves with their utmoſt endeavour to follow the ſame Track, ſuch as were Felix Platerus, Gaſper Bauhinus, Gabriel Fallopius, Volcherus, Coiter, Realdus Columbus, Fabritius de Aqua pendente, Adrianus Spigelius, and many other moſt skilful and induſtrious Anatomiſts, who ſeemed to have arrived to the higheſt pitch of that Art, nothing remaining for a farther ſearch. When behold Gaſper Aſellius and William Harvey (who by the univerſal Conſent of all learned men is reckoned amongſt the greateſt, and moſt expert Anatomiſts of our, or former Ages) publiſhed their new and glorious Inventions, being followed by the nobleſt Company of Phyſicians that ever were in the World, of whom I muſt not omit the moſt famous, as Joannes Heurnius, Giovanni Picchetti, Thomas Wharton, Ludovicus Bilſius, Nathanael Heighmore, Francis Gliſſon, Thomas Bartholinus, Regnerus Graaf, Carlo Fracaſſati, Richard Lower, Lorenzo Bellini, and many others, whom for brevity ſake I paſs over, all worthy of immortal praiſe and Renown. Yet muſt I not but make mention of the moſt ingenious Marcellus Malpighius, The chiefeſt glory of Felſinian ſtreams. who thirſting after Honour, does ſo accurately practiſe Anatomy in Plants, that nothing more can be deſired in that Art. And in my opinion, it may freely be confeſſed, that within the narrow compaſs of a few years there have been more Wonders diſcovered in the bodies of Animals, than were formerly known in the long courſe of five and thirty Ages: without my taking the boldneſs to ſay, That the finding out alone of the Circulation of the Blood, firſt diſcovered in this our Italy, which has always (O great Infelicity of ours) Fruitful in bringing forth, in cheriſhing ungrateful— of her Children, and afterwards fully eſtabliſhed and divulged in England, far exceeds the Invention of all Antiquity put together. But of the Queſtions, Quarrels, Contentions, Debates, Diſputes, and Skirmiſhes, that did thereupon ariſe amongſt Phyſicians, I do at preſent forbear any mention; becauſe I well know, we do ſtill with our Eyes behold them. And perhaps it is manifeſt to every one, how that Primeroſe, Pariſani, and Riolanus Junior (who was in all things elſe an acute Anatomiſt) pertinaciouſly maintaining the Non-circulation of the Blood, being ſcoff'd at, and baffled by the moſt famous Scholars of Europe, were forced at laſt ſhamefully to recant their Follies; and that Vopiſcus Fortunatus Pemplius, having firſt briskly oppoſed the Circulation of the Blood, being afterwards convinced and refuted by the Great Renatus des Cartes, and John Wallis more accurately publiſhing his Works anew, he finally ſang this famous Palinody; At firſt the Invention pleaſed me not, as by my Diſcourſes and Writings I have publickly teſtified: But the more I laboured to refute and condemn it, the more I condemn, and refute my ſelf; his reaſons being not only ſo perſwaſive, but compulſive. I know very well, that there are at this day ſome, who, conſidering the reproach and diſhonour that befel Primeroſe and Pariſani, and ſeeing all thoſe learned men, which either publiſh Books in Print, or with eſteem read Lectures in their Univerſities, unanimouſly do admit of theſe Modern Diſcoveries, and therefore not daring in the preſence of Scholars to contradict any of them, do yet amongſt thoſe, who are wholly ignorant of Anatomy, covertly mutter and murmure, impudently preſuming to ſay, That ſo many different things cannot any way be in the bodies of Animals; that, if they were there, their Galen was not ſo ſimple or fooliſh, but that he, long before theſe Modern Inventors appeared in the World, would diſtinctly have diſcerned and deſcribed them: foraſmuch as being moſt accurate and ingenious, and having given all Phyſick its laſt and perfect Complement, it is not credible, that he ſhould in this alone have ſo groſsly erred: wherefore it is not neceſſary for us to beat our Brains about theſe new Inventions in Medicine, ſeeing we ought to rely upon his Labours, and ſatisfie our ſelves with a full underſtanding of his Sentiments, Reaſons, and Oracles, ſo they call his moſt Witleſs and vain Expreſſions. And in fine they conclude, That we ought blindfoldly to believe Galen, and ſome other ancient Authors, even tho' our Senſes ſometimes oppoſe, that theſe are often wont to deceive us, which thoſe men will not do, who, having ſpent their whole life in Study and Experience, have all along been by every one reputed as the Gods of Phyſick.

But for my part, I ſhall not, to convince, and undeceive them, give my ſelf the trouble manifeſtly to ſhew them (as I could well do) that do give more credit to authority & reaſons, than to our Senſes, is the moſt fooliſh Obſtinacy that could ever fall into the mind of man: foraſmuch as I imagine that to get clear of ſuch Straits, they would reject the cleareſt Demonſtrations of the Modern Philoſophers. I ſhall therefore only briefly let them know, how little they underſtand the very Sentiments of their Maſters. And perhaps they never much regarded that moſt true Saying of their own Ariſtotle; That we ought to give credit to Reaſon, if the things of Reaſon agree with Experience: Nor yet that other Saying of the ſame Author; That to forſake the Guidance of our Senſes, to be blindly led by Reaſon, is a great Argument of the weakneſs of our Wit. And was not Galen alſo of the ſame mind? See here his own Words; all thoſe are rather to be eſteemed fooliſh, than wiſe, who being able fully to comprehend, and perceive things by their Senſes, will yet avow, that we cannot learn but by Demonſtrations alone. And in another place the ſame Author ſaith; The Doctrine of thoſe that rely upon the Sayings of others, is tyrannical, and full of Confuſion and Debates. And in Gods Name let them read alſo the ſame Sentiment in their Avicen; and if they be not yet ſatisfied, let them go, and learn of the Prince of Divines, Joannes Scotus, where he ſaith, That all thoſe who will not credit their Senſes, juſtly deſerve to be burnt. And let them know farther, that whoever has the leaſt ſpark of Reaſon, of what Sect ſoever he be, muſt needs ſay, as doth that great Light of Galenical and Hippocratical Phyſick, Nicolaus Leonicenus; We ought not ſo far to foregoe our own Judgments, as always to follow the foot-ſteps of others, and to be certain our ſelves of nothing: For this would be to ſee with other mens Eyes, to hear with other mens Ears, and ſmell with other mens Noſes, and to underſtand with other mens Intelligence, and to believe our ſelves no other than meer ſtones, to commit all things to the aſſertions of others, and not to believe our ſelves able to make any true diſcuſſion in doubtful matters

And another of Galens Followers exceedingly condemning this ſame pertinacy, relates a very pleaſant adventure, to wit, That a certain publick Reader, long time verſed, and grown old in the Books of Ariſtotle, being one day by chance preſent at an Anatomy, and clearly ſeeing, that the Vena cava takes its Original from the innumerable Threds or Roots which are in the Liver, full of wonder and aſtoniſhment,

As one that never beheld a thing incredible. confeſs'd indeed, by what his Senſes ſhewed him, the Vena cava muſt deſcend from the Liver; but that he ought not therefore by crediting his Senſes to contradict his Maſter Ariſtotle, who conſtantly affirms, all the veins in mans body to have their beginning from the Heart; becauſe, ſaid he, it is much more eaſie for our Senſes to be ſometimes deceived, than for the Great and Soveraign Ariſtotle ever to have faln into any Error. And ſo much Power had his Obſtinacy over him, that being in the company of certain learned men, ſhewn by one of them a little Suet about the Heart, which melted by the faint heat of a Candle, to defend his Ariſtotle, by whom this is denied, he durſt to ſay, that what he ſaw, was not Fat,

And certainly pleaſant enough is that alſo which is related by the moſt famous Redi, that one, who was deeply read in the Writings of the Peripateticks, becauſe he would not be compell'd to confeſs, that the Stars, and other new things diſcovered in the Heavens by the great Galileo, were true, refuſed the aſſiſtance of the Teleſcope; and that another, yet more obſtinate, would not condeſcend to ſee him open one of thoſe little Frogs, which in Summer are ſeen in the duſty High-ways, for fear of being obliged to confeſs, that they are not engendred in the inſtant of the Drops being incorporated with the Duſt. But where ſhall I have room to relate the Diſputes and Conteſts which grew up in Rome about the Medicinal Doctrine of that famous Phyſician Proſper Martianus? Who being endued with uncommon Learning, and prudent Sagacity, and gloriouſly employing the utmoſt of his Ability and Induſtry in ſearching into the Doctrine of Hippocrates, manifeſtly ſhews, that Galen oftentimes either did not, or would not comprehend the true Sentiments of that venerable old man. And Petro Caſtelli, avouching the ſame thing, tells us beſides, That Galen took the ſame courſe in explaining the moſt learned Opinions of the divine Plato: Galen either underſtood not, or would not underſtand Hippocrates or Plato, to give the greater eſteem to his own Writings. Then he defends the moſt wiſe Old Man from his Reproofs and Taunts, eſpecially about the Cauſes of Feavers, conſtantly affirming, not only that Hippocrates never preſcribed the letting of Blood in Feavers, but where the exceſſive internal Inflammation required it, as was alſo before him fully obſerved by Hieronymus Cardanus; but farthemore aſſerting, That according to the Doctrine of Hippocrates, a Feaver is one of thoſe Diſtempers, which in nowiſe admits of Phlebotomy. Theſe and other good and ſound Doctrines the learned Martianus wiſely manifeſting, revived with them the decayed, and almoſt extinguiſh'd Sect of his dear Hippocrates.

But I know not how I have hitherto forbore to mention one, who, altho a woman, deſerves yet to be reckoned amongſt the greateſt Scholars, I mean the Lady Donna Oliva Sabuco, She childiſh ſports, and Female Exerciſe Ev'n from her tender years did ſtill deſpiſe To ſpin, or to the Needle ſet her hand, Of maſculine learning ſtudious, ſhe diſdain'd.

Now ſhe being abundantly furniſhed with more than maſculine Wit, and Underſtanding, couragiouſly imployed both her Brains and Mind in the Inveſtigation of Natural things; and advancing in her Studies, ſhe ſet her wits upon things of greateſt uſe, and to the end Spain, and the Whole might receive ſome benefit thereby, ſhe wonderfully gave beginning to a new and moſt ingenious way of Curing. And writing a Letter to the moſt auguſt Monarch Philip the Second, of Eternal and Glorious Memory, ſhe thus diſplays her Wit. It is as plain as the light of the Sun, That the ancient Phyſick was in an Error, according as it is read and practiſed in its principal Fundamentals, for that the ancient Philoſophers and Phyſicians neither underſtood or reach'd the true nature upon which Phyſick is founded, and from whence it draws its original; of which, not only the underſtanding Chriſtian Phyſicians may be Judges, but alſo thoſe that have any proſpect into other Faculties, being perſons of Wit and Judgment. And a little after. He that cannot comprehend or underſtand it, let him leave it to others that are to come, or let him believe Experience, and not the ancient Phyſick. Therefore my Petition is juſt, that theſe my Followers may be approved for one year, ſince they have tryed the Rules of Galen and Hippocrates for theſe 2000 years, and have found the Effect ſo inconſiderable, and the Ends ſo uncertain, as is to be ſeen every day, and was lately obſerv'd in the paſt Epidemic Catarrhs, Spotted Feavers, Small Pox, and Peſtilences, and many other Infirmities; in the Cure of which, that ſort of Phyſick is ſo ineffectual, that ſcarce two in a thouſand live out the natural Limits of life; but all die violent deaths of ſome Diſeaſe or other, without any Remedy from ancient Phyſick.

And in her Dialogue of True Phyſick: You cannot deny (Mr. Doctor) but that the Phyſick you uſe, is uncertain, various, and fallacious, and that its End and Effects are falſe and dubious, whereas we ſee the ends and effects of other Arts to be certain, and true without variation; as in Arithmetick, Geometry, Muſick, Aſcrology, &c. which bring to paſs the end and benefit which they purpoſe. Which end fails, as you ſee in Phyſick, being ſo deceitful, uncertain, and various. Whence it muſt follow, that this Art fails in its firſt grounds and foundations, becauſe it produces not fruit conformable to what it propoſes; ſo that when we expect Currans, and delicious Apples, it brings forth nothing but Galls and Medlars.

And a little further, maintaining the ſame Opinion, ſhe ſaies; You cannot deny, Mr. Doctor, the Inconſtancy of Phyſick, and how many alterations have been made in it, and that the Art was for a long time forbidden in Rome, where thoſe wiſe people gave no credit to it, nor would ſeek for Cure from the hands of the Phyſician, for the reaſons I have ſaid, which are of great efficacy. Neither did the Saracens, nor thoſe of China admit Phyſicians. And thoſe grave and ancient Authors themſelves Cry out, that Life is ſhort, Art long, Judgment difficult, and Experience dangerous. And Hippocrates, That no certain and perfect aſſurance in Phyſick can be attained to. Nor can you deny, Mr. Doctor, but that they were men as we are, or that their Sayings were not above the Condition of Men, but that they ſpoke according to Nature, which aſpired no higher than what the common ſenſe of man could reach. Therefore, ſaies Pliny, there is no Art in the World ſo inconſtant as that of Phyſick, which changes every day.

The Lady Donna Oliva goes on farther, whoſe excellent parts is not my intent now to ſum up, and reckon, ſince the doing thereof would hold me over long. I ſhall content my ſelf therefore to mention, that ſome of the moſt famous Authors have laid claim to many things, falſely boaſting, themſelves to have been the firſt Diſcoverers of them (as about the manner, which Nature uſes in diſtributing the Aliment to all the Parts of an animated Body) whereof ſhe had full knowledge long before, and gloriouſly publiſh'd them in her Books.

After her there aroſe in our Italy a new Syſtem of Rational Phyſick, which was the laudable Invention of that famous Philoſopher, and Doctor in Divinity, Thomas Campanella. He never practiſed Phyſick, but yet would ſearch into the moſt ſecret Arcanum's thereof: And as it was eaſie for his more than ordinary Wit to ſeparate his Philoſophy from the vulgar, commonly taught in the Schools: ſo alſo he wanted not skill with ſpecious Doctrines to eſtabliſh another Invention of Rational Phyſick, from whence again followed many various Diſputes and Contentions in the Art.

But O how far were they in our days out-ſtrip'd by that Great Hermes of the lower Germany, John Baptiſt van Helmont, who, being endued with more ſublime and noble Parts, attempted a great Enterpriſe, whence Debates and Oppoſitions mightily increaſed. He, accompanying the Vivacity of his Wit with a ſingular Morality, and curiouſly applying himſelf to Chimiſtry, wholly bent his Studies to the ſolving of Natural Bodies, and ſparing no ſort of Pains or Charge, ſurmounted to ſuch an height, that leaving far behind him the glorious ſteps of Paracelſus, he never ſtopt, till he had happily arrived to finiſh a wonderful, and never-before-heard-of Syſtem of Rational Phyſick.

And in like manner have we ſeen in our Days the famous Thomas Willis with his new Syſtem of Rational Phyſick advancing apace along the path of Immortality and Glory: Nor is it eaſie to believe, with what Diligence he endeavoured to collect all that he deemed neceſſary for ſo Noble a Work; nor yet what Pains he took, what Watchings he underwent, and what Eagerneſs he uſed to bring it to its entire Perfection. Nor was leſs Trouble undergone, or leſs Induſtry uſed in a like Uundertaking by Silvius, famous for the innumerable Multitude of his Followers, as Gliſſon Helvetius, Meſſonier, Travagino, and other illuſtrious Scholars of this Age: Many of which, I know not for what reaſon, have not yet publiſh'd their Conceptions. I ſay nothing at preſent of thoſe able men who yet ſweat at the work, and hope, by the Aſſiſtance of the Modern Anatomiſts, and new Natural Philoſophy, to bring about their generous Deſigns concerning various Syſtems of Rational Phyſick. And I paſs by alſo thoſe who ingeniouſly empty themſelves in deviſing Syſtems of Experimental and Methodical Phyſick, but ſuch as greatly varies, and differs from that of the Ancients. But how much the Quarrel of Phyſicians are thereby encreaſed, to the overturning and obſcuring all Medicine, is not neceſſary to be named at preſent, ſince we plainly ſee it before our Eyes. Wherefore if the moſt Eloquent Pliny were living in theſe our days, he would certainly more angrily than ever cry out; Mutatur Ars quotidie toties interpellis, & ingeniorum flatu impellimur, not indeed by the Wits of Greece, now lying idle, and ſervile under the Yoak of the Barbarians; but the moſt famous ones of England, and other Provinces, by him in his time eſteemed Barbarous.

But I now at laſt ſee my ſelf encompaſs'd about with a moſt innumerable Troop of Phyſicians, by whom Phyſick is divided into ſo many Factions, and ſhivered, as it were, into ſo many pieces, that it is impoſſible for the Wit of man to part it into more. And theſe are all men, who will not follow the ſteps of either Greek, Latin, Barbarian, or other Foreign Writer, whether Ancient or Modern, nor be always tied to the Sentiments of any; but being free, and diſengaged, ſwiftly over-run the moſt vaſt Kingdoms of Nature, and then oppugning the moſt difficult and obſtin • te Diſeaſes, with Arms gotten by their own Labours •• d not borrowed, or taken from the Arſenals of ot ••• s, nor unskilfully managed, know how to render their Names eternally illuſtrious by their glorious Undertakings. Thus crediting nothing but what they perceive by their own Senſes, or have approved by moſt certain Experience, they will look into all, penetrate all, and with a curious Eye narrowly examine all, not allowing any Reaſon for vendible, but only what agrees with the Sagacity of their own Underſtanding. And thus being contrary to all Sects, and not wholly Enemies to any of the Sectators, they proteſt, that they herein follow the ſteps of Hippocrates and Galen more, than their moſt obſtinate Defenders. And foraſmuch as I think it pertinent to our purpoſe, to ſee whether ſuch a Liberty ought to be permitted them: I beſeech you, Gentlemen, at our next Meeting to hear their Reaſons, ſince what I have already ſaid, may ſuffice for the preſent.