THe sad and desperate condition his Majestyes sacred person is in, hath filled me with much greater anxiety and disquietness, then hath been usuall to me since these unhappy times: And it is not often that I think of any thing else, but what may or ought to be done in order to the preservation of it, as a Christian, as a Subject: For I believe both dutyes are inseparably conjoyned in this occasion. The inquisition after this led me into the consideration of Gods dispensation of times and seasons: and that as those are not to be neglected, wherein there is freedom for our active-duty; so neither these, wherein there is appearance of little else remaining, save only for others to be encouraged and revived by the passive. (And truly I doubt not but the divine goodness will act for our good ends, by our Christian readiness for sufferings.) And as it is thus with times, so also it is with persons: some are rather, or more decently qualifyed for this then that, at least to give example and authority to it.
These cogitations drew from me the considerations herein inclosed; which I have addressed to — because I assure my self much of your gentleness. I have already communicated them to [Page 4] a very learned, reverend and pious — but I will not adventure much further in it, untill I have also your sense of the expediency of the thing. For neither to the reputation of the matter, untill it be maturely considered of, nor to any person, would I be cause of inconvenience. And indeed, if it be so well encouraged by your self, and such others of like reputation, as it is by Him, it will become me afterward to be silent (as I conceive,) for I have a better Heart then a Head for this business. I professe I have a jealous eye upon the Scots and Presbyterians; who, I doubt not, would make malicious advantages upon any colourable defect of our Clergy. I shall adde this, that those of my profession are not idle, but are confident and vigilant. And truly it were a vile shame for us of all qualifications, if this excellent Prince should be lost, and we not able to excuse our selves, that no means was left unattempted for his preservation; Whom I beseech God to comfort and defend. To whose protection I also leave you, &c.
Feb. 11. 1647.
POST-SCRIPT.
I Think it gives weight and encouragement to this proceeding, both his Majesties late excellent Declaration to his Subjects; as also the Resolution of the Houses to exhibit theirs to the people. I heartily wish this were timely fitted for this conjuncture.
The Considerations inclosed.
THe streight durance his Majestyes sacred person is held under, the late Declaration of the Army, (with which the Commons have concurred,) to act without and against the King, puts it past all scruple, that the flagitious and execrable resolution of these men hath engaged them past retiring; and (which is yet worse) that they cannot but proceed to the deepest and utmost villanyes and impietyes.
There is not less question of this, then of what ought to succeed it; which is, that their impudence must be encountred with a Christian courage, zeal, and resolution superiour to it: otherwise 'tis a doubt not to be slighted, that these men, and too many others seduced by them, will have a seeming [Page 6] cause to believe themselves, that Theologicall truths are more controversiall, then those Astronomicall or Astrologicall, wherein lines and Images are only fictioned, to make Schemes for Sciences and Discourse. I am not altogether free of this scruple, though it looks so stupendiously irreligious.
Will not the whole frame of Christian verity be shaken (if not subverted,) in this Nation, when this so great a truth in it shall not be vigorously averred; That an established Magistracy is Gods immediate Minister; and ought not, cannot, with Christian profession, be deposed by those that owe obedience and allegiance to it? I am fully perswaded that it is so necessary a truth, that were it tyed to the stake, and the flames about it, even there ought we to offer our selves to vindicate it, and contend for it; or else adieu Christian-Protestant profession.
The seed of the Church was Suffering: And shall it be lost for want of suffering, after it is grown to such a perfection? The ancient Patterns must be imitated, if we expect the same benediction should preserve to us, what was so piously and gloriously planted by them. I think I mistake not my measure, this errour amongst men lyes not in the brain but in the heart: therefore Instructions want not, but strenuous Examples of Christian zeale; which (I perswade my self) will most daunt them. For those believe, what they want of us in truth, they supply in pertinacity.
[Page 7]All this considered, is it not now seasonable (I believe it was not so till now; but because the reasons are so obvious I will not trouble you with them) for a considerable number of our learned'st, gravest, and most pious Divines (though they exceed not the number of 20 they will be enough) in a grave and sober manner (for those tart reprehensions, of which every day there wants not store, suite not the weight of this business, being rather movings of spleen then sanctity) to present unto the Houses, That a Government established is Gods immediate Minister, and That an attempt to depose it is an high impiety against God, and his known truth plainly and expresly taught us in the holy Scriptures; That his Majesty is indubitably Gods Vicegerent over us, and that this allegiance we owe unto Him we have attested by the oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance; That not any of his Subjects can stretch forth their hands against Him and be guiltless; That they demand (according to the practice of the holyest Christians in all ages) a time and place to prove this great truth they now assert, by evidence out of the Scripture; and if this be not allowed them, then to declare, they refuse not to seal it by Martyrdome?
I do very readily acknowledge that the qúalifications for so great an ingagement ought to be weighty and serious; and that to rush into Martyrdome, [Page 8] (as long as God hath left us any justifiable humane means) may want as much of true Christian piety, as it may seem of prudence. God hath engaged our nature to many and severall dutyes and functions; and each hath its severall lawes and rules proper, whereby they are so set on work, that each may attain their due and proper ends: nor is the greatest means alwayes best, when there are others, though lesse, yet fitter. But if I mistake not, ventum est usque ad Triarios: we must bring up the Reserve. God hath in his just judgements (upon our Estates and Persons) permitted all our temporall endeavours to be dissipated and frustrated; we may say, Our Van and our Battel are routed: but if the courage of this our reserve fails us not, I hope we shall rally our selves again about it, & by the divine goodness have a faire day of it. This will awaken all, encourage the half-spirited, corroborate all honest & sincere minds. Me thinks I have reason too on my side, when I believe it will easily fall into this sequence. All the Clergy of England (with very little exception) will second so Christian an example. Besides most entire familyes will be engaged; and scarce will there be one but will have a share in it. For to this point the Presbyterians will frankly concurre: diverse reputed Independents (of whom I know some much valued by themselves) will be joyned unto you: and even in the Army the Impression of it [Page 9] will be notable. Nor can their present power prevent the expression of so universall a sense, so piously incited, and so well warranted.
Whereby will appear their paucity. Upon good advertisement I am assured, that they believe they have the Hearts of the greater number of the people, so much hath their prosperity dazled them: But of nothing am I more certain, then that they have not the fourtieth man. And an expedient like this, to let both the people and them into a view one of another, I know not. And yet also would this be further prosecuted: This attestation would be sent into Scotland, and all the Protestant Churches and States of Europe (for with the others we communicate not.) And for it I know an expedient proper and of reputation.
If this progresse of it should fail, though improbably, which hath such a politick seemingness in it; yet in my opinion, it doth not at all vitiate the pious part of it: the means and end being throughout truly Christian. I say, if it should fail, yet I see not that any thing we can do or suffer, can more then answer the importunity of the occasion, and the necessity that lyeth upon us as Christians to do the utmost of our duty. How long, and with how many arts and subtletyes have these men abused and deluded the people with the pretensions of their candid intentions, only to preserve the Laws of the Nation and the Protestant [Page 10] Profession? But now that they are possessed of so great power, with what impudence do they confound those, and with what impiety do they subvert this? But since in this case both those do so well accord, were it not best to set this last-named in the front, and to draw up the Civil affair to it; and though we contend for both, yet to fight under the banner of this, in some such manner as I have stated it, and by your wisdom will be disposed into the best Order?
I shall adde such a consideration more, that if it stood singly, yet in my opinion would justify and quit the cost of any endeavour, or indurance. That is, the unparallell'd sufferings of this great Prince; to which I know nothing superiour, but his incomparable vertues. Believe me, multitudes of men are mistaken, if in the point of his temporall affairs, he had not been in a much better condition, (though I confesse not in a good one,) had he timely relaxed much of his constancy and sincerity towards the Rights, preeminencies and patrimony of the Church. Neither is our obligation but very great to Him; his sufferings being for our Lawes; so unquestionably is our prosperity mixed with his dignity. Now shall this great Personage suffer imprisonment, deprivation of Majesty, absence of all worldly comforts, and minutely hazards of life, for his magnanimous stedfastness to your and our advantages; and we not struggle for Him with [Page 11] our utmost endeavours? Life were inseparable from much infamy with such ingratitude. And truly in humane reason (the utmost imployment whereof God (I doubt not) expects at our hands) I know no guard for his life, but by some means or other to make it manifest how dear he is to his people, and their readiness to testify how inseparably united Gods truth is with the cause of his Majesty. This onely next under God must awe them, preserve Him.
I cannot refuse to believe that this cause, as to the Crown, will rise again: because I see not a bottom or foundation in humane reason for this surreptitious power to establish it self in the order it seems now to point at. Though I do also very fully confesse, that great mischiefs are easily under their power. But if these only were prevented, amongst which the safety of this sacred Person is of highest importance, we had no cause to repent of such pious endeavours. And should the cause of the Crown (with which Gods truth is so firmly combin'd) resuscitate without such Christian aides, little were it to the honour of the present clergy and those that now serve at the Altar: and if redemption come singly some other way, their share could be little looked after (of which truly none is more passionately tender then my self) nor were the Protestant Profession well vindicated: which (I doubt not to say) hath received a deep wound [Page 12] (but I hope not mortall) by the unchristian proceedings of these vile and detestable men amongst us.
This I have offered to your candour, prudence and piety, which truly I hold in great reverence; otherwise I would not thus have exposed my self to the censure of it. The weakness of the advice, at least the unskilfull digest of it, I shall readily acknowledge; but the sincerity and zeal of my heart for the cause to which it is directed, I shall never be ashamed of.
But after all this I shall make this conclusion; and I pray believe I am serious and sincere in it. Let me not be mistaken, that I should seem to reprove a slackness in those whom I think proper to take up this matter of themselves. Indeed I am not at all guilty of it. I doubt not but great numbers have been long since ready for this encounter; and perhaps disposing themselves to it, in a much better manner, then I have proposed. I have onely offered my opinion. Receive it I pray, as it is, I may affirme, in the weakest part of it not wanting some measure of a pious jealousy (as a Son of this Church) for this great verity taught and professed in it, and as a transport of that duty and care I have for the safety of this Gracious Prince, my Master. To which I shall adde, that I have had too much experience in this world to be ignorant of this frequent truth in affaires; That [Page 13] in good men there is alwayes a modesty accompanying them, that oftentimes they begin overlate; And it is almost proper to them neither to machinate, nor to be overhasty to encounter wicked designes. But, if I erre not, this is that point and article of time, wherein your Order are to manifest their full perswasion of this verity in Christian Religion; vindicate it as it is profest by the Church of England; answer the kindness and stedfastness of the King to the Clergy; protect that Life which was our Protection, and is in such imminent hazard for it: By all which (through Gods blessing) you may lay a foundation of reviving both in Church and State, that which now looks so cadaverously.
IT joy's me not a little, that in the late refusall of the Lords concurrence with the Commons House concerning the triall of his Majesty, you were there, and had an eminent share in it. The blood of our Familyes being mixed, it is a grief to me, I could not bear a part with you in so vertuous and commendable an action; yet a large part of contentment in it cannot be denyed me.
You are (unquestionably) on firm ground. If you stirre an inch from it, you fall. If you keep your station confidently, magnanimously, you are safe, undoubtedly safest; if coldly and with trepidation, you are ruin'd, lost. Are the dangers great? the occasion is much greater: and the whole affair is therefore great, because greatned by hazards of the highest nature to the publick, to your particular. I have bought experience at a dear rate: but into the bargain I have no very imperfect knowledge of these men. Let them but meet a well-grounded and justifyable zeal, greater then their misguided fury, you shall render them recollected: and you have begun a conquest upon them, when they perceive an engaged resolution. Let them but see there is a generosity and incredible courage prepared to stemme the torrent of their fury, they must, they will yield way to it.
[Page 15]The case of the whole Kingdome hath long been a sad and a heavy one; but now at length it is a plain one too. Though your Lordships seem at present to appear most upon the stage, the Eclipse of the King hath very sensibly obscured the lustre and brightness of the Gentry also: And therefore it may be the easylier believed, that although the King at present hath very little attendance, and solemnity about his Person, his Interrment must be accompanied with the considerablest part of the Nobility and Gentry, and with the demolition of Kingship; and the mutation of Monarchy in this Commonweale, together with that of Nobility and Gentility, will be attended with that of the civill and sober distinction of all degrees.
It is not uneasy to be discerned (as elated as these men are with their Victoryes) that yet there is a kind of hesitation, and stop in their carriere. For now the time being come that they are to consider how they shall retain and rule what they seem to have gained, they begin to perceive that there is a wide difference between making a conquest over their fellow-citizens (of which their own unhappy differences will lay claime to the greatest share) and governing them contrary to their own appetites by so small a part of themselves: And that means are easilyer found and readyer at hand to discompose and disorder a State, then such as shall compose and rule it, especially when so [Page 16] differing to long-ingraffed customes and the inclinations of the people. Attack them then in this musing mood, though they do use an artificiall confidence that they act the sense of the people. 'Tis true, they are in some present awe of their power, or rather in a kind of present amazement at their boldness: An expedient must be used for the people to resume courage, and to declare their inclinations. I need scarce name who are the fittest to contrive the way, and give the onset. It can be none but your Lordships; none will begin before you, and there is none but will follow you. Make then a Declaration (by a competent number of you that are readyest at hand (for some hast must be used considering the Kings danger) the rest will speedily follow you) of your horrour and detestation to such a proceeding against your anointed King and lawfull Soveraign, (your Lordships will best order it:) Invite all the Clergy, all the Professours of the Law to make their severall subscriptions under their severall qualifications. Those in London are ready at hand, and will speedily follow you. Then the Countyes and Cityes will undoubtedly hasten their testimonyes. This occasion is so large, it incloses, comprehends all opinions: whatsoever ownes humanity, will be joyned to you. The paucity of these prodigious Regicides, Parricides, will quickly appear as Monsters not contained within the terms and limits of [Page 17] humane nature. Nor can the power and vigilancy of the Army hinder the progresse of this: or if they attempt it, they do half-work, it destroyes their pretensions and will irritate the people to a revenge. Send such a Declaration to the Generall and the Councell of Warr. Let them see there is a noble Confidence and resolution that will backe it and not be refused. Demand a stop of the proceedings, untill the people have delivered their suffrages by their subscriptions. They will own you as regardfull of them for preserving them from the imputation of so high a guilt of so unspeakable a crime, as these would impose upon them.
This proceeding (I acknowledge) is not ordinary, not exampled: but the occasion is altogether new, and so unimaginable, That (all the circumstances weighed) all historyes are silent, that the like thing ever entered into the heart of man, as this intended enterprise of these men of the Army: That a King and a free Monarch, the Protectour of our municipall Lawes, should, contrary to all Lawes, to our own Lawes, but yet with the impudent semblance of a packed Iury, be submitted unto a triall for his Life. To encounter this horrid novelty a way altogether new must be excogitated, and seconded with a courage and confidence above ordinary. Why may not your Lordships find it convenient to remonstrate to all Kings, Princes, States, Potentates and Nobility your [Page 18] disclaimure of so foul a matter; and desire their assistance, if it may be timely had, for the preservation of his sacred Majesties Life? For if that were but in a reasonable security, you need not doubt but that the Kingdome hath more then means enough to strugle for it self and recover its ancient Lawes and Government from such a vertiginous and giddy generation; who have the impudence to derive a title and authority for their proceedings from visions and revelations. Give but the people an honourable example they will follow you, and vindicate both you and themselves from being considered as such a silly generation, that they should suffer themselves, to be couzend out of their good, known, and established Lawes; and in the place of them, to be imposed upon by imaginations and Dreams.
I despair not of Gods wonderfull providence over his sacred Majesties Person and Life: but that suspends not our endeavours. He expects we should work with Him by those humane means he hath left us. It grieves me, I can do nothing else but rubbe my fingers upon paper: an imployment that fits not my Genius. Per force I must do it, or nothing. And because I would not be guilty of leaving any thing undone that I can do, I have applyed my self to it, and directed it to your Lordship. To whom I wish that all the advantages that ever happened to any noble endeavour may succeed, and rest.
THe conjectures of men are strangely various (yea of the same persons) concerning the safety or danger of the King, my Master: Some times their hopes, other times their fears prevail most. I should be much ashamed if I were the lest guilty of so universall an inquietude, in so justifiable an occasion, and arising from so good a ground, as a kindness and reverence they owe to their lawfull Prince. I frankely give you leave to think (nor do I value the inconvenience it could draw a long with it,) that there is not that honest expedient in the world to serve Him by, that I would not hazard my self in, to imploy for Him: nor do I know what earthly felicity it is, could be so welcom to me, as to advance a step, beyond any other, in my duty toward Him. But my present condition refuseth me the ability of any thing else, but that of invocating the favour of God for Him; and making my addresses to you, whom I take to be the figure that gives the denomination to the sequence of a great many cyphers that follow you: And therefore I do the rather believe that a person, that signifyes so much, will the better apprehend what weight and signification Reason and Religion have in all humane [Page 20] and Christian actions; and that these at last will make a Conquest upon all those, that act without their Commission.
I can hardly perswade my self into (I think) the too common opinion, that the extraordinary successe and felicity that hath constantly followed your attempts (who as the saying is, seem to have hired fortune to serve you at day-wages) hath dazled that light of understanding that formerly was usuall to you. You cannot forget the advantages on the House's part, and the Infirmityes and wants on the Kings part at the beginning of the warre; and that the complication of many favourable accidents on the part of your affairs will challenge a share in the successe; yet is there a large roome too left for your merit in Martiall conduct; and you have cause enough to value your self upon a better foundation then the event of Battels, and successes in warre. Proverbiall wisdom is not the worse, because easilyest learnt; It seldom happens that the same man is Happy and Wise together. And if that lesson also be good, That Affliction makes men understand, it is the Academy in which I have been strictly disciplin'd for 7 years; so that I must either be an egregious Dunce, or no ill Counseller for you; there being a Person scarce to be found, that lyeth under so dangerous a temptation, of seeming prosperity, and therefore fittest to be advised and councelled to sobriety and [Page 21] wisdom. Of this I do assure you I do so little repine at your prosperity, and easy opportunityes of fixing your self securely in it, that if you do as much justify your love to the tranquility of the Nation by a discreet uniting the King and his people, as you have been instrumentall in their long separation. I shall prize your prudence, courage, industry, and sobriety, at as high an estimate, as the sufficientest wit can deliver it in language.
I doubt not, but both of us are easily agreed in this point, That successe legitimats not a quarrell, nor the power which supports it; neither are the Instruments of the calamity of a Nation thereby justifyed. We cannot but remember and observe, that it is no more then the filthyest and imperfectest creatures have heretofore effected; which have driven people out of their countryes; made desert, Ilands extremely fertile. Have not frogs and Locusts desolated Empyres? and other vermine ruined great Cittyes, and large Territoryes? By these means God magnifyes his own power and Justice: the Instruments remain but what they were, their nature and quality not changed. But in the acts of Gods Grace and favour to those who have been instrumentall in destructive practices, there is a mutation of qualityes; an ejection of those vicious, and an infusion of contrary graces; and those affects and appetites, which are necessary and [Page 22] connaturall, but misguided, are by his goodness guided to good ends. And thus was Saul from a furious persecutor transformed to a zealous Professour; from a destroyer of the Church to a Master-builder-up of it. No doubt but God in both had his ends by and upon S. Paul: and from my soul I wish it, that your case may have a similitude with his; that of him in the Spirituall affair, (which was the function to which he was separated) you may be a resemblance in the temporall; and from a destroyer (by Gods goodness) rendered a restorer. This in passage to those other considerations I intended to you.
That which weighs most, and lyeth heaviest upon mens hearts is, the fear of the Kings Person; that the whole Kingdome may lye under the imputation of the guilt of violence offered to it; and that a mutation of the form of Government shall succeed it. If this be the end aimed at, then my present endeavour is to demonstrate to you, how humanely impossible it is to attain unto it. First there is no example (the necessary circumstances observed) that encourageth such an endeavour. For examine all the Storyes of all States, and you will not find so much as one instance (I pray observe how I propose it) that ever any people within the fifth degree (I might double the proportion) as we of England are, or in the same degree so spacious a territory, were ever transformed from a [Page 23] Monarchy, to an Aristocracy, or Democracy. Some Cittyes and petty Principalityes have somtimes suffered a change to those Forms; and from thence have arrived (yet not without desperate, intestine seditions and vexations) to a great Puissance: The people growing up and increasing with the widening of the State, the Governing by multitudinous Councels through constant habit and practise hath not alwayes ill succeeded. But to attempt to introduce such a form (which is so vitrious and brittle, and so easily carried into distemper, tumult and multitude being scarce separable) upon such a huge masse of people, as we of this Nation are, and altogether unexpect and undesirous of it, the matter it self in reason will be found manifestly repugnant to, and not susceptible of, such forms; nor is there a pattern to be found, to give any light of direction for the managing of such a designe. Reasons may be seduced from the accidents happening this Parliament, which well weighed and pondered will afford matter more then enough to clear this question. Som-thing like an example may be produced (though rarely too) that large Monarchyes have been cantonized. But that (I think) few have any sealousy is intended.
The next considerable is, That the change from the ancient and long-established rule of Governing will demolish all the received rules of property. And if that inconvenience be, with difficulty [Page 24] provided for; yet the people will not expect other, but that with new Lords they must have new Lawes: And more then probable it is that the people will be shaken into such an apprehension of it, that they may fall upon the Heads of the enterprisers. We frequently see that people are hardly reclaimed from customs barbarous and unreasonable; how much lesse can our Nation (the best civilized the world hath known) be withdrawn from the love of Lawes, so prudently constituted, and under which they have so long continued, that the very desires of the people are assimilated into the nature of their Lawes. The people & the Lawes will alwayes be alike. Are their Lawes Monarchicall, so will be the affections of the people? Custom is a second nature, and in many things goes beyond it.
Upon what principle, upon what authority must such a proceeding be founded? It can be no other but, that the people have the right and power to depose an established Government, erect a new form arraigne the supreme Magistrate, and execute Him. Herein is all History silent; and it will not only be disclaimed by all those you call Cavaliers and Presbyterians, but also by a considerable number of Independents: the remainder then will amount to a slender body of people. So that whereas the pretence is, that the sence of the people is acted, nothing will prove to be a grosser mistake. But this embroilment in the State, especially upon [Page 25] this principle, will make all Kings partyes to the quarrell: Yea all States that administer Aristocratically, will be throughly engaged to defend their right of ruling. So that there is little question but that the greatest calamity that can befall a Nation will inevitably be drawn upon us, that is, a forrain invasion. And Trade (which nature seems to have designed our Nation most properly for) will be embarred by all Kings and those States. Nor can it be expected that permission will be given to those of our Nation to Trafick, who derive themselves from a State, from whence they shall bring the contagion of so destructive a maxime to those rules of governing, where they expect commerce. Yea even popular States will abhorre so prodigious a principle and proceeding; they having been urged by necessity to use a supreme Magistrate, though for time limited, yet exempt from question and triall: whereof the ancient State of Rome gives us frequent Examples. No man sure is so mad as to search our Chronicles for a president of this nature.
The consideration of Scotland will have a large share in this affair: for the Regall Rule can receive no diminution, much lesse alteration here, but that it must make a notable impression on that State; and can have no other event but a disunion of the Nations; the union of which hath ever been so much considered and vehemently desired by all [Page 26] our prudentest Princes, and by the most fortunate Martialists of them, (with so much fruitless losse of blood) often attempted, yet afterward by Gods providence so happily effected, and in a most peaceable manner, to the universall contentment of all sorts in both Nations. 'Tis not possible there can be an union of Nations, where there is a dissimilitude in the nature and form of Government; for they will perpetually strive one with another. Nor can a violence upon the person of the King but prepare a way to let Scotland into a quarrell undeniably just, and unavoidably necessary, for the losse of their Liege Lord and lawfull Soveraign, and unconsulted with. To this consideration of Scotland I'le joyn that of Ireland. 'Tis apparent that the Army will have more then their hands full (if Scotland slept) with the vexations and difficultyes that will arise here at home. For of the Commons house (which you call) the representative of the people, an eighth part remains not, with any countenance for the Army; nor those neither doth the awe of the Army retain united to one sense: Take also into the reckoning those who have been expelled the House for adhering to the King in this warre, which at least will be four or five parts more: the remaining part of the Lords have disclaimed to have any share in such proceeding. So that by this Index of the Nation you may see the Spirit [Page 27] of the whole body of it, the Nobility, Gentry, all persons of distinction, and all of any competent subsistence: and I am perswaded, (besides the unsuccessfull triall that hath been made of some persons practised and learned in the Laws,) even those of your late selected Iury or Iudges for the Kings triall, will fail the promoters of it. Indeed all things refuse them; and doubtless so will you too: when calmly and recollectedly you shall cast your eye upon so horrible a spectacle, you cannot let it long rest there. We then thus turmoil'd and disquieted, Ireland will be left to it self; or rather worse, a prey to a forrain Nation: a large Kingdome, the fertilest soile of the Northern parts of Europe, happy beyond England for number and conveniency of Ports and Havens: so that inevitably with it the destruction of the Empire of this Nation over the Seas, and the cessation of trade must ensue; and after it, unspeakable misery and poverty to our Nation, and eternall infamy to the causers of it.
Very considerable also is the fashion and shape of the proceeding, which (they say) is intended against his Majesty; so ugly, monstrous, and deformed, that when it appears upon the stage to act, the horrour of it will irritate the whole Nation to revenge. What? (for it is not otherwise apprehended) that a Councell of Warre of that Army, that professe to act under and by the authority [Page 28] of the two Houses, should impose Rules to judge by, and Iudges for those rules too, upon those whom they have professed to be their Legislators; and that for the triall (by their own acknowledgement) of the dignifyedst Person of the Kingdome; therefore not more then any other submittable to an arbitrary power and extra-judiciall proceeding. Who is it that after this can expect security of life, or quiet possession of any thing he hath? It is said (but who almost can believe it?) that a title is derived from Revelation and inspiration: If it were but talk, it were but ridiculous, and would be thought so simple, that it would not be condemned as guilty of malice; but to act under such a notion, were a plain confession that all other titles are insufficient. Nay if it be but mingled with any other pretensions, the pestilent quality of it would poison all the rest: and, believe it, the dropping of such expressions, by the unsoberest of those that call themselves of your party, hath incredibly discredited those who are indeed well-advised. Away with it then, as that which will bring the certainest and suddenest destruction; as that which will enrage the whole Nation to a furious vindication of themselves, from being considered as such a silly generation of people, that should be cousened out of their good, known, and established Lawes; and in the place of them suffer themselves to be imposed upon by imaginations [Page 29] and Dreams, which every morning must be declared to be the foregoing nights legislative power. The people do already take themselves to be scornfully mocked, that they must be stigmatiz'd with the defamation of so impious an act, as a violence offered to the life of their sacred and anointed King; and that the act of so slight a part of their Trustees must redound to their shame; who shunning the light of established Rules, which would have guided them, (the paths they expected they should have walked in) do in this so palpably wander from their trust, and the sense of those who trusted them; and that so inconsiderable a part of them should set up a figment of fancy to be idolized. Consider the Commons House (if yet it may be so called) allow (which cannot be refused) the Knights to be the Representatives of the Shires, which truly is the main of the people, you shall not find Knights for the tenth County in England, I am perswaded, not a farre smaller proportion: Is it then possible that men shall believe against sense and evident demonstration, that the people incline to you; nay that they are not diametrically opposite and bent against you? We read that God, as an expression of his gracious favour to his Church, hath promised, that Kings and Queens shall be nursing Fathers and Mothers of his Church; But that his Church should set up new forms, or any forms [Page 30] of triall, to execute their own Kings and Queens, is monstrous and unknown to Religion, is lesse then an idle dream, 'tis the fiction of a dream, and so it will be esteemed not deducible out of the sacred Scriptures; defamatory to the Christian profession, and the nearest way to introduce Paganisme or Mahumetanisme, their Prophet practising such delusions. So that hereby as Christians is all Europe engaged, as Protestants all of our beliefe either in this or other Nations.
The last consideration that impedes the mutation of the Government is the person of the King: which we find doth unavoidably mixe it self with all the former considerations; so that the discourse of the one, will not be without the aide of the other. Yet this following hath somewhat more in it. 'Tis This King, such a King, so conspicuously vertuous and sufficient; therefore (it must be acknowledged) that hath a right apprehension and clear vision of the true Interest of Kingship, which is the peace and prosperity of his people; A Prince of undaunted resolution and clear courage, therefore not vindicative, and farre above base revenges. Example me, in any one person, of any vindication, or disrepect, or injury, that the King can be charged with.
I'le give you many instances of his placability and readiness to be reconciled (let me in a short parenthesis give you this advertisement; Revenge is [Page 31] to be doubted from the people, not from the King; He alone must be, can be, your security; upon such a Prince you may rely:) A Prince of exemplary devotion and sobriety, therefore dear to all persons so qualifyed. 'Tis This King, during whose happy dayes, (no lesse then 17. years,) in which he quietly possest and ruled the Sceptre, such an inward tranquillity was joyn'd to such a security from without, and both accompanied with such an opulency, that no period of like time, with the like felicity, have the former ages delivered over to us. And it is no impertinent question to ask; whether ever any other Nation ever enjoyed the like. I am perswaded (and that upon no ill grounds of conjecture,) were it in the power of the Nation to elect out of the Catalogue of all their Kings, the Spirit of which of them they would have rest upon this; if they wished Him the fortune of Henry the V. yet they would not refuse his own vertues, for the most signall of any of the former. So notable an impression doth the memory of the peaceable part of his Reigne make upon the affections of his people: And such an horrour and aversion hath the disquiet thereof wrought in them to any other form of rule, that they look upon their tormentours as Salamanders, that only live and are cherished by the flames, that have scorched them. Is it not now high time then to stop and make a halt? [Page 32] Is there not enough done to satiate the vanity and quench the thirst after military renown, when you have vanquished your Compatriots and fellow Cittizens, and under such a Prince?
Look upon the brink of what a dreadfull precipice you are; and let this last, and those other considerations be seriously revolv'd by you: to which being added those weights which your own judgement can cast into the scales, undoubtedly you will see that there is a wide distance between making a conquest over a people, (of which their own differences will lay claim to the greatest share,) and governing them contrary to their own appetites by so small a part of themselves; and that means are easilyer found and readyer at hand to desolate and disorder States, then such as shall compose and rule them, various to long ingrafted customs, and their own inclinations. Invisa Imperia nunquam retinentur diu. Hated rule is never long-lived. Me thinks you cannot well avoid the observation that the most perspicacious and sagacious persons of your party, who with a wonderfull stedfastness and undismayedness have kept company with you in your counsels and affairs, and in the greatest hazards (for you have not alwayes been without such,) do herein, and in this action, and in this highest time of your power and prosperity, not only make a stop, but avowedly withdraw themselves, and [Page 33] declare against it; no doubt but very evidently foreseeing the fatality of such an enormous and unparallell'd attempt. But the imagination that some have, that this designe will be carried on by dispatching the King out of the way, excluding the Prince and Duke of York (both now out of the realm) and setting up the Duke of Gloucester, untill the people are better seasoned by this new fashion of Government, is such a mockery, that it cannot be believed but the most purblind understanding will see all the shapes of the designe, when it stands but behind so slender a thred. This will not do the feat; nor will the people of this age be so deluded: wherein there are but too many (for the publick peace,) that understand Arts and policyes of State, or, at least, would have it so thought.
Upon the prospect of these foregoing considerations, (and there want not others important) draw a short state of the whole affair; and it will be thus, or little otherwise. At the present, you of the Army stand high; but naked, unloved; the bulk of the people that assists you, small; they are, to speak of, all in one cluster, the Army; and that not all ripe for such designes: through the Kingdome they are so thinly disseminated, that the appearance of them by the eye is scarcely discernable; and lastly, to deal frankly with you, (because their temper in your affair will make a notable impression,) for the greater number a [Page 34] vertiginous and giddy generation, that will never suffer quiet to themselves, you, nor others. The opposites to these are the most prudent-constituted form of Rules the World hath known; a vast number of people wedded to it; the matter therefore irreconcileable; no example friendly to you; all Potentates made partyes against you; the certain disunion of Scotland with England; the dammage and infamy for the losse of Ireland; the defamation of Christian Religion, more especially of the Protestant Professours; and lastly the person of a most Excellent Prince, loved, reverenced, and desired by the generality of his people. Besides all these, and others that are obvious to the commonest understandings; trust me, no mortall man can have a prevision of the future vexations which such a Regicide, such a Parricide will bring to the persons, affairs and designments of the Army; if a prognostick may be made by the rules of Reason, by the constant course of humane actions, by the conjunction of the present affairs of this Kingdome. It is the certain expectation of all sober men, that Iacob followed not Esau closer by the heel, then the Armyes destruction will that of such an inhumane act of violence upon the sacred Person of this King. What then, in the name of God, is it that hinders you, answerable to reason, suitable to duty, and agreeable to piety, from making hast to joyn your self to the Law, and to agnize that Prince, [Page 35] whom the lawes and ordinance of God have set over you? Obey then the municipall Law under which you were born, that hath nourished and cherished you; restore it, promote it all you can; reverence that Prince, into whose custody God hath committed both the Lawes and your self; who, I doubt not, will find it most conveniency to imploy your self, and the soberest of your party, in the eminentest administrations under Him: And verily I wish it. Nor do I think it in any degree reprehensible for you, or any other to observe the Physicians rule, Accipe dum dolet; take this opportunity of the present anguish of the King and Kingdome; restore it to its former habit of quiet and peace. There is none that will grudge you such sober commodity, as may arrive to you by it. But with such manner of discourses I will not detain you, least I should thereby mis-leade you into a false opinion of me. My principles, according to the temper of these times, are very remote from self-safety; or to imploy ungenerous flatteryes for it. Know this assuredly, that I firmly believe, that an established Magistracy is Gods immediate Minister, nor can it be deposed by those that owe obedience and subjection to it, without the highest guilt of impiety; And that this is a verity so plainly held forth to us by the sacred Scriptures, (as an ordinance imployed by God, for the manifestation of his power and goodness in the conservation [Page 36] of humane communion and society,) that the conscientious sufferers for it may expect a Crown of Martyrdome by it. That this Government is a Monarchy, and his Majesty the right and lawfull King, hath not a colourable objection to gainsay it. Read the Act of recognition 1 Iacobi calmly done by the whole Parliament, and unanimously pursued by the whole Nation, at a season and opportunity that might have encouraged pretences, if any could have been found. How happens it [...]hat the lawfullness of Regall rule is questioned? Search the Scriptures: God it is that owns their Charter; He it is that gave it them: Per me Reges regnant, (Prov. 8.15.) not per nos: tis no plurality they hold by. Where Salomon speaks in the person of the eternall Wisdom, thereby to advertise us of (no doubt) greater reverence and circumspection. God himself appoints Moses the first Prince of the politick State of the Iews; after him Ioshua, &c. Is it the title and hereditary succession of Kings you look for? See then, God himself chuseth Saul; afterwards guides the lot; lastly, follows the publication and acknowledgement of the people. Afterward God rejects that Dynasty, and by especiall command fixeth David; whom, by like appointment, Salomon succeeds: and from him continued that family in the rule, in the eldest son of that Family. Yet is the person so sacred, so delicate, that no violent hand must come [Page 37] near to approach it. Wherein are the Scriptures more plain and expresse then in this particular, Touch not mine Anointed? David, before he was a King, and persecuted by a King, who can (saith he) stretch forth his hand against the Lords Anointed, and be guiltless? 1. Sam. 24.5.6. Multitude of texts there are that both justify the dignity, and enjoyn reverence to the person. And conformably it hath been the avowed doctrine and practise of the Church in all ages, even under Heathen Princes. 'Tis an argument too copious for a paper to contain the reasons and instances for it; rather indeed it is too manifest to be disputed. Hath not God coupled the fear due to Himself, with the duty of reverence toward the King? Prov. 24.21, 22. My Son, Fear thou the Lord and the King (in conjunction:) meddle not with them that are given to change. Mixe not with such machinators: for a like end shall be to the offendours against both, Destruction.
Sir, my conclusion shall be very plain, because you may thereby be the better assured of my sincerity in all the rest. The ancient constitutions and present Lawes of this Kingdome are my inheritance and Birth-right: if any shall think to impose upon me that which is worse then death, which is the profane and dastardly parting from these Lawes, I will chuse the lesse evill, which is Death. I have also a right in Kingship, the Protectour [Page 38] of those Lawes; This is also, by a necessity and conjunction with that other, dearer to me then life. And lastly, in This King is my present right; and also obligations of inestimable favours received from him. I would to God my life could be a sacrifice to preserve his. Could you make it an expedient to serve that end, truly I would pay you more thanks for it, then you will allow your self for all your other merits, from those you have most obliged, and dye
POST-SCRIPT.
I Adde this Post-script. When with the most unheard of and highest violation of all Lawes humane and divine, of Morality and Sanctity, both upon the person of the King and municipall Lawes of the Kingdome so execrable an Act is perpetrated, let the profit of it to the Actours be summed up, it amounts to nothing more then this, That a King is escaped out of their present possession; but the succeeding King obliged by all the tyes of Religion, Nature, Duty, and Honour; encouraged with all the irritations of this Nation, Scotland, and Ireland; fortifyed by the Interests of all Christian Princes and States to animate and aide him, for his revenge upon the Actours. I am not guilty of so implacable and inveterate malice, as to wish that the contrivers of this villany might pursue a counsell that shall draw such sharp revenges and infallible destruction upon themselves: But truly I think that those who have been, or are their veryest Friends, and who have any light of understanding or motions of conscience, will never forgive them so outragious [Page 40] a folly, madness, and wickedness. I must confesse the present proceedings torment me with terrible apprehensions: but truly I cannot make my self believe, that God will permit the Devil to draw Christian Protestant Professours unto the consummation of so detestable and impious a Fact. God of his infinite mercy prevent it.
Enclosed in a Letter, thus.
THis short Letter hath no other errand, but to excuse that longer which is inclosed. I pray read it over, though it comes from a person that is not proper to apply himself to you; and using an instrument (a penne) not suitable to my Genius. But believe it, 'tis the extremity of this present occasion extorts it from me. God guide you, and recall you, if you are engaged in this horrid proceeding. I rest,
A Letter written to his LADY the day before his suffering.
MY greatest care in relation to the World is for thy dear self: But I beseech thee that as thou hast never refused my advice hitherto, do thou now consummate all in this one. And indeed it is so important both for Thee, Me, and all our Children, that I presume passion shall not overrule thy reason, nor my request. I beseech Thee again and again, moderate thy apprehension and sorrows for me; and preserve thy self to the benefit of our dear Children, whom God, out of his love to us in Christ Iesus, hath given us: And our dear Mall (in the case she is in,) and our comforts in that Family depend entirely upon thy preservation. I pray remember that the occasion of my Death will give Thee more cause to celebrate my memory with praise, rather then to consider it with sadness. God hath commanded my obedience to the fifth commandement; and for acting that duty I am condemned. God multiply all comforts to thee. I shall leave Thee my dear Children: In them I live with Thee; and leave Thee to the protection of a most gracious God. And I rest
Another written the same day He suffered.
MY eternall life is in Christ Iesus. My worldly considerations in the highest degree Thou hast deserved. Let me live long here in thy dear memory, to the comfort of my Family, our dear Children, whom God out of mercy in Christ hath bestowed upon us. I beseech Thee, take care of thy health. Sorrow not unsoberly, unusefully. God be unto Thee better then an Husband; and to my Children better then a Father. I am sure, He is able to be so; I am confident He is graciously pleased to be so. God be with Thee, my most vertuous Wife; God multiply many comforts to Thee and my Children, is the fervent prayer of
A Letter to Mr. E.S. from a reverend and grave Divine.
I Hope this paper will find you upon your recovery. You have my dayly and hearty prayers for it; not so much for your own sake (for I doubt not but it would be much better for you, in regard of your self, to be dissolved and be with Christ) but in the behalf of the Church, your friends, and poor Family: to which notwithstanding be assured, God will be mercifull, howsoever he disposeth of you, either for this life, or for a better. But if you live (as I pray and hope you will) you shall do very well to write the life and death of that Noble Lord and Blessed Martyr, who professed at his death, that he dyed for the fifth Commandement: & to dye in the defence, & for the testimony of any Divine truth, is truly and properly to be a Martyr.
That which I can contribute towards this work is, to communicate some few observations I made of him and from him, before and after his Condemnation. I was severall times with him, and alwayes found him in a very chearfull and well-composed temper of mind; proceeding from true Christian grounds, and not from a Roman resolution only, (as his enemyes are pleased to speak [Page 44] of him.) He told me often, It was the good God he served, and the good Cause he had served for, that made him not to fear death: adding, he had never had the temptation of so much as a thought, to check him for his engagement in this quarrell: for he took it for his Crown and Glory; and wished he had a greater ability, and better fortune to engage in it.
After his Condemnation, and the afternoon before his suffering, we were a great while in private together: when, bewailing with that sense which became a true (and not despairing) penitent, the sins of his life past; the greatest he could remember was his voting my Lord of Straffords death: which though (as he said) he did without any malice at all, yet he confessed it to be a very great Sin; and that he had done it out of a base fear (they were his own words) of a prevailing party: adding, that he had very often and very heartily repented of it, and was confident of Gods Pardon for it. Then he told me, he had a great desire to receive the Blessed Sacrament (so he called it) before he dyed the next morning: asking what Divine of the Kings party I would recommend to him. I replyed, that (though many were more worthy, yet) none would be more willing to do him that service then my self. Which he accepting very kindly, told me he durst not desire it, for fear it might be some danger to me. After this, [Page 45] and some conference in order to his preparation, both for his viaticum and his voyage, the Sacrament and his death; he desired me to pray with him. Which after I had performed, and promised to be with him by seven the next morning, I left him for that time to his own devotions.
The next day I was there at the time assigned: and after some short conference in order to the present occasion, he desired me to hear him pray: which he did for half an hour in an excellent method, very apt expressions, and most strong, hearty, and passionate affections: First confessing and bewailing his sins with strong Cryes and Tears; then humbly and most earnestly desiring Gods Mercy through the merits of Christ only. Secondly, for his dear Wife and Children, with some passion; but for her especially, with most ardent affections: recommending them to the Divine providence with great confidence and assurance; and desiring for them rather the blessings of a better life, then of this. Thirdly, for the King, Church, and State; and lastly, for his enemyes, with almost the same ardour and affection. After this sending for my Lord of Norwich and Sr. Iohn Owen, I read the whole Office of the Church for good Friday: and then, after a short Homily I used for the present occasion, we received the Sacrament. In which action he behaved himself with great humility, zeal, and devotion. And being demanded after we [Page 46] had done, how he found himself; he replyed, very much better, stronger, and chearfuller for that heavenly repast; and that he doubted not to walk like a Christian through the vale of death, in the strength of it. But he was to have an agony before his passion, and that was the parting with his VVife, eldest Son, Son in Law, two of his Uncles, and Sr. T: C: especially the parting with his most dear Lady; which indeed was the saddest Spectacle that ever I beheld. In which occasion he could not chuse but confesse a little of humane frailty; yet even then he did not forget both to Comfort and Counsell her, and the rest of his friends. Particularly, in blessing the Young Lord, he commanded him never to revenge his death, though it should be in his power: the like he said unto his Lady. He told his Son he would leave him a Legacy out of Davids Psalmes, and that was this, Lord, lead me in a plain path. For, Boy, (said he) I would have you a plain honest man, and hate dissimulation.
After this, with much ado I perswaded his VVife, and the rest to be gone; and then being all alone with me, he said, Doctour, the hardest part of my work in this world is now past, meaning the parting with his VVife. Then he desired me to pray preparatively to his death, that in the last action he might so behave himself, as might be most for Gods Glory, for the endearing of his Dead Masters memory, his present Masters [Page 47] service; and that he might avoid the doing or saying of any thing which might savour either of vanity, or sullenness. This being done, they were all carried to Sir Robert Cottons House; where I was with him, till he was called unto the Scaffold, and would have gone up with him, but the Guard of Souldiers would not suffer me.
‘Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saints. Psalm 116.15.’
‘The righteous shall be in everlasting remembrance: He shall not be afraid of any evill tidings; His heart is fixed, trusting in the Lord. Psalm 112.6.7.’
‘Rejoyce ye in that day, and leap for joy; for behold your reward is great in Heaven, for in the like manner did their Fathers to the Prophets. Luke 6.23.’
‘I saw under the Altar the souls of them that were slain for the word of God, and for the Testimony which they held. And they cryed with a loud voyce, saying, How long O Lord, Holy and True, dost thou not avenge our bloud on them that dwell on the earth? And white robes were given unto every one of them and it was said unto them, that they should rest yet for a little season, [Page 48] untill their fellow-Servants also, and their Brethren, that should be killed as they were, should be fulfilled. Revel. 6.9, 10, 11.’
‘They overcame Him by the bloud of the Lamb and by the word of their Testimony, and they loved not their lives unto the death. Revel. 12.11.’
‘I heard a voice from Heaven, saying unto me, write; blessed are the dead which dye in the Lord, from henceforth, yea, saith the Spirit, that they may rest from their labours; and their works do follow them. Revel. 14.13.’