CHAP. I. The estate of the Roman Commonwealth after Catiline's Conspiracy.

NEVER was the City of Rome in such danger since its be­ing sack'd and burnt by the Gauls, as it appeared to be in the Conspiracy of Cati­line. It is impossible, in the account Sa­lust gives of it, without horrour to [Page 2] reade of the Rage, the Madness, the Debauchery and Ambition of that Man, and yet at the same time his Address in managing a design that was to carry fire and sword ev'n into the very Bowels of his Countrey. But the wisedom and vigilancy of Cicero hindred its taking effect, and Ca­tiline was slain at the Head of those Troops he was leading against the City: But nei­ther this man's defeat or death was suffici­ent to settle so firm a peace in that City, but that still she lay exposed to the enter­prises which some more Ambitious Sena­tours than the rest were always forming against her Liberty. Nor could their In­clinations of that kind meet any where with greater temptation, since the Con­quest of that onely City must carry with it the greatest part of the Universe: In short, after the War of the Confederates, in which all the Armies of Italy, jealous of the power and greatness of Rome, had been in a great many Battels defeated, that part of the World, came to an absolute submissi­on: Half of Gaul, and all Spain received quietly the Pretors which were sent to govern them; the Coast of Africk as far as Aegypt, became subject to the Romans; and Aegypt her self preserved its Monarchy onely by the profession which her Kings made to respect in all matters the Authori­ty of the Senate. Syria was reduced to a Province, and governed by Roman Offi­cers, [Page 3] and after the defeat and death of Mi­thridates, all the Princes of the lesser Asia became Tributaries, and thought them­selves very happy to be supported by the credit of some of the Senatours. Greece, though it retained some appearance of li­berty became yet more reduced, for besides the rights of Conquest, she found her self under the obligations of Acknowledgment and Allegiance: In short, all that Coast, which stretches it self along the Adriatick Gulph up a good way into Germany, was filled with those powerfull Armies that made head against the Barbarians. And the defeat of the Corsaires which Pompey had driven into the Mountains of Cilicia established the Roman Empire over all the Mediterranean Sea: These Conquests had brought into Rome daintiness and plenty, and all curious Arts soon followed; Lear­ning became an ordinary Accomplishment even amongst men of the highest Quality. And almost all the Wits of that time were polished and pure, insomuch that that City never afforded so great men for War, Eloquence, Law, Poetry, and all other fine knowledge as at this time; so that it was the more unlikely that Ambi­tion should not find an opportunity to mingle her self among so many extraordi­nary Qualities. Those men who upon quitting the Charges they had exercised in Rome, went to receive those Honours in [Page 4] the Provinces which used onely to be al­lowed to Sovereigns that commanded great Armies, and disposed of Kingdoms, found it very hard upon their return home to re­duce themselves to the level of a private life, and forget the sweetness of Command and Power. Envy, as dangerous as it is common to all Republicks, ever took care to make way for it self upon these occasi­ons, and trouble the Quiet even of those who thought of nothing but peaceably en­joying the Honours they had gotten: It appeared for the most part amongst those who had less Desert, less Fortune, but more Ambition than the others; and their pre­tence was always the publick Good, when they had often no other end than the de­struction of every thing that hindered their own elevation. A noble Reputation, great Riches, and acquired Honours passed al­ways amongst them for Qualities dange­rous to the Commonwealth: And these Persecutions may have contributed as much to kindling the fire of Civil Wars, as that Ambition which Caius Julius Cae­sar, Aeneus Pompeius Magnus, the second Name was that of their Families. Caesar, and Pom­pey himself have been so much reproached withall, who never could have put them­selves at the head of their different Parties, but that they had really and indeed more merit than the rest. They were both of goodly Personage, Valiant, and equally desirous of Glory. Caesar had the advan­tage of Pompey in Birth, being of the most [Page 5] Illustrious Family in Rome; he disputed al­ready the prize of Eloquence with the most famous Oratours, and there was no­thing that appeared impossible for his great Genius to undertake. Pompey had great Riches, the favour of the Senate, and an established Reputation: He had been a General, as soon as he was a Souldier, and although he had never obey'd, was not to seek in the Art of giving Command; he had won Battels, and deserved the Honour of Triumph at an Age when others onely begin to make themselves taken notice of. It is impossible to tell exactly which of the two had the most repugnancy to Obey, Caesar would have no Superiour, and Pom­pey could not bear an Equal. The latter supported himself upon his extraordinary good Fortune, the other by his very great Merit. In short, they were both Brave, Generous and Magnificent. But the lustre of those many Triumphs which Pompey had obtained, was no inconsiderable ad­dition to his other great Qualities, so that he passed without contradiction at that time for the first man in Rome. Crassus onely found himself in a condition to dispute it with him as well by the Nobility and the desert of his Ancestours, as by his great estate, which accumulated to him the sirname of Rich. Of which some Judg­ment may be given from what he himself once said, that he ought not to be esteem­ed [Page 6] a wealthy man, who could not entertain an Army out of his own Revenue. Ne­vertheless, his own Estate amounted not to above 1500000 Crowns. six thousand Talents, but that brought him in a very considerable profit by the means of his Slaves, which some Authours say amounted in number to 40000. He had besides all this a great deal of Wit, and was very Eloquent: His good humour and Compliasance were per­haps the effect of his Policy. For when that Pompey, puff'd up by his Victories, fan­sied that it was necessary to his Grandeur to take upon him a haughty behaviour, and to communicate himself to very few; Crassus on the contrary was familiar with all the world, and employed his Reputation and his Eloquence at the Bar in the behalf of all such as would apply themselves to him: From whence arose that Plutarch. judicious and excellent Observation, That by the lustre of his Actions, Pompey, when he was absent, had the advantage of Crassus; but so soon as he returned to Rome, he lost it again by his manners. Nor was it onely Emu­lation which caused so great a misunder­standing between them. Crassus had other reasons to complain of Pompey in relation to the affair of Spartacus. This Spartacus was a Gladiatour or Fencer that had appea­red against the Romans at the head of forty thousand of his Companions, and had beaten three of their Armies. At last [Page 7] Crassus had the advantage to rout him with a great deal of hazard. Spartacus was killed in the fight, and six thousand Gla­diatours escaping from the Battel fell into the hands of Pompey, as he was returning with his Army out of Spain; who slew them all▪ and then sent word to the Senate, that he had cut up the very roots of that War. This hinder'd Crassus from Trium­phing, and forced him to sit down conten­ted with the honours of the Ovation, much inferiour to those of the Triumph: This Injury touched him very sharply, and though outwardly matters were brought to some Accommodation between them, and Crassus in the presence of the people made the first step towards it, by saying he thought it no shame to seek that man whom they had honoured with the Title of Great, the reconciliation was far from sincerity; for Crassus could not hide his re­gret, nor whenever Pompey was named in his hearing with the Title of Great, for­bear asking in a scoffing manner, how much he was taller than himself. Caesar, who thought himself at this time too young to become the head of a Party, embarqued himself in Crassus his interest, as well to balance the Credit of Pompey, as to assist himself with that of Crassus against his own Creditours, who at this time began to be importunate, and yet for all this there was little resemblance between their Inclinati­ons. [Page 8] Crassus was a good Husband, even to Avarice, and Caesar liberal to Prodigality. Either his love, or his State-Intrigues had already ruined him, and we may judge of his other Expences by the Present he once made to Servilia the Mother of Brutus, of a Pearl that cost six thousand Sesterces. These three men already began to give suspi­cion and jealousie to all the other Senatours, such as were Luctati­us, Catulus, Cal­phurnius, Bibulus, and Claudius, Mar­cellus, but above all the rest Tullius. Cicero, who en­deavoured as much as any to signalize his Zeal for the Commonwealth; and though he could pretend no great Authority from his Extraction, nor was much Ambitious to be thought a very great Souldier; yet the advantages of his Wit, the Charms of his Eloquence, and the happy discovery which he had made of Catiline's Conspiracy in the time of his Consulship, brought him into very great consideration: But besides that, this Action (of which he always in his Harangues took occasion to make men­tion, and very often too to very little pur­pose had occasioned some railery upon his Vanity: the Punishment of Corne­lius. Lentulus and other great Ones concerned in the Conspiracy, had created him many power­full Enemies. And it may be upon that occasion the Troubles of Rome were re­new'd.

CHAP. II. Caesar's design upon Cicero, and Cicero's reply to Metellus Nepos.

CAesar had had very strait Alliances with many of Catiline's Accomplices, which made him not altogether unsus­pected: But Cicero thought it not fit to insist much upon that point, lest his Cre­dit might become an Argument in favour of the other Offenders. Caesar had other Causes to be angry with the Senate, by reason of some dispute he had with them during the time of his being Pretor: He consulted with Metellus Caeci [...]ius. Nepos, Tribune of the People, to bring Cicero to an account of his Conduct; and Nepos, seconded by Calphur­nius. Bestia, the other Tribune, declared aloud; that he could not suffer that Cicero should have the liberty of speaking to the people in quitting his Consulship, in re­gard that he himself had Condemned Se­natours without hearing their Defences. It is true, that Cicero had done so by rea­son of the present danger, but it is true too, that he did it with the advice of the Senate: Nevertheless, when he presented himself to speak, the Tribunes opposed him, and onely would permit him to take the usual Oath; which was, That he had never done any thing to the prejudice of [Page 10] the Commonwealth: Cicero, who upon that occasion was very present to himself, contrived to turn all that Indignity they de­signed him, to his Honour, and swore that he not onely had not prejudiced the Common­wealth, but had saved the Senate, and the People of Rome. All the Assembly Ap­plauded the thing; and the next day Cicero complained to the Senate of the insolency of the Tribunes. To this Nepos made his reply, and in the heat of the dispute, Cice­ro, who never wanted an Answer, had an occasion of making a very good one: For Nepos, who mistook the extraction of Ci­cero, demanded of him very often, who was his Father? To which he replyed; If any Credit may be given to the behaviour of your Mother, that were a harder Que­stion for you to answer than me. After­wards, when the matter was put to a de­bate, the Senate judged that for the repu­tation of their Authority, they ought to stand by Cicero, and so made a Decree that no body should be called henceforward to account for the death of any of the Con­spiratours, and that they who should pre­sume to speak before the People, should be looked upon as Enemies to their Coun­trey: The Tribunes provoked by that De­cree, which ty'd up their mouths, and established, as they said, the Tyranny of Cicero, proposed to the People by the ad­vice of Caesar, to recall Pompey, who at that [Page 11] time Commanded a powerfull Army in Asia; the pretence was to put into his care the interests of the Commonwealth, which this new growing Tyranny seem'd to threa­ten. But Caesar's secret designs indeed were to unite himself with him: This Propo­sition entangled the Senatours, many of whom were Pompey's Friends, and the other afraid of his Army, so that they durst not openly oppose it; but were for finding out some one man, who upon that occasion would for their interests sacrifice himself to the hatred of Pompey: Marcus Porcius Cato. Cato offered him­self very frankly, and perhaps was drawn into it by the cunning of Cicero. Cato had been bred up in the Austere Maximes of his great Grand-father, Cato the Censor, and in the rigid Opinions of the Stoicks: Cicero knew his Character very well, and has defined it very pleasantly, that he was severe in his Manners, steady in his Con­duct, unalterable in his Opinions, pitiless towards Offenders, and no mincer of faults, believing that a wise man could never be deceived, and therefore never repented, and that the Vertuous onely were really happy, rich and handsome; in a word, of an excellent disposition, but sel­dom thought right, and one that spoke in the Senate, as if he had been in the Commonwealth of Plato, when he was in the midst of the corruptions of Rome. To speak truth, he was the onely man amongst [Page 12] them that heartily designed the real good of the Republick, and it was by that he justly acquired the reputation of his Ver­tue. He was at that time Tribune of the people with Nepos and Bestia; the princi­pal Authority of which charge consisted in putting stop to any thing which other Ma­gistrates might propose to the prejudice of the people: So he opposed in the Senate the Opinion of Nepos, and afterwards when that Tribune brought the matter before the people, and had gathered together a great many Souldiers in Arms to make the Law pass. Cato onely presented himself with Minutius. Thermus one of his Acquaintance, and looking upon those that threatned him, with an undaunted air, he went and seated himself between Caesar and Nepos. He told Nepos, That it argued very little Cou­rage in him to Assemble together so many men in Arms against one single, and with­out any; and afterwards when the Re­gister would have read the Edict, he tore it out of his hand. Nepos, who knew it by heart, would have pronounced it, but Ther­mus laid his hand upon his mouth. At which, Nepos gave the sign to his Soul­diers, when instantly, and in a moments time, Vollies of Clubs and Stones were flying round the place, the people ran away, and Cato had certainly been slain, had not Lucius Murena. Murena covered him with his Robe, and Conducted him into the Temple of Castor [Page 13] and Pollux: Upon which occasion this Action of Murena appeared the more ge­nerous in that he exposed his life for a man who not long before had accused him of Crimes to take it away. The people en­raged, returned a moment after in great numbers, and drove away the Souldiers of Nepos. Cato came back again upon the place, and exhorted the Romans, if they would ever, now to give Testimony of their Courage: In fine, the Law did not pass; and Nepos after a great many Threatnings thought fit to withdraw himself from Rome, and went to find out Pompey.

CHAP. III. Concerning Clodius, and the return of Pom­pey.

LOve, or rather that Debauchery which reigned in Rome, even to excess, came at last (as it usually does) to increase disor­ders, and furnish out new matter for the Spirit of Sedition and Revenge to work upon. Clodius a young man of a Noble Fa­mily, rich, and well accomplished, was one of those that affected to be thought well with the Ladies; and manag'd matters with so little discretion, that the scandal of the times did not spare him even in re­lation to his own Sisters, whereof he had three Married to Men of the best Quality, Martius sirnamed Rex, Caecilius Marcus Lucullus. Metellus Celer, Brother to Nepos, and Lucullus. He was at that time in love with Pompeia, Caesar's Wife, but that Lady was too closely guar­ded under the Conduct of Aurelia, a Wo­man of untainted Vertue, and Caesar's Mo­ther: Now the Romans observed a certain Festival, which they called the Feast of the Good Goddess, who was a Nymph, espoused of Faunus, wherein the Women onely had right of assisting at the Sacrifices, which they performed every year in the house of one of the Magistrates, from whence the men were obliged to with­draw [Page 15] themselves; one onely being enough to profane the Mysteries, should he be pre­sent: Clodius thought this opportunity might be favourable to him for the obtain­ing some moments conversation with Pom­peia, who then presided at the Ceremony, the Feast being kept at her House, by rea­son her Husband was Pretor. He disgui­sed himself in the habit of a Woman, and was introduced by a Slave, who imme­diately ran to give her Mistress notice. But she not returning so soon as was expected, Clodius rash and impatient, venturing far­ther into the House, was stopt upon the stairs by a Woman that belonged to Aure­lia, who knowing him by his voice, gave a great shriek, and Allarum'd the Compa­ny. The Feast was disturbed, the Myste­ries presently shut up and concealed, and the Women immediately upon search for Clodius, who having made his escape out of her hands who discovered him, had concealed himself in the Chamber of the Slave that first brought him thither, where at last he was found, and driven out of the House with Reproaches and Infamy. This adventure became the next days publick discourse, and every body was asham'd at the story. But Caesar resolv'd to take the wisest and most honourable course he could, and being unwilling, (as his Affairs then stood,) to make any man his Enemy, was contented, without declaring against [Page 16] his Wife, to put her away privately, and being afterwards asked the Reason, said, he did not believe her guilty. But that the Wife of Caesar ought to have preser­ved her self from the suspicion, as well as the Crime. Cornificius made a report of this matter in an Assembly of the Senate, who referring it to the consideration of the Vestals and chief Priests, they declared their Opinion that it was an Offence of the highest nature against the Gods and their Religion: It was then put to the Question for the exhibiting of Informations, and ap­pointing Judges; Upon this occasion, the whole City became divided, and the Ani­mosities of the Factions were renewed. Caesar upon the expiration of his Pretor­ship was to go and take possession of the Government of Spain, but was retarded by the Prosecution of his Creditours. Crassus who was his Friend, and wrought upon by the importunities of his Wife Tertulla, who no less loved Caesaer than Clodius did Pom­peia, became security for him in the sum of Eight hundred and thirty Talents. It was in this Government that Caesar viewing the statue of Alexander ▪ wept to think that he had done nothing great and memorable, at an Age wherein that Prince had Conquered almost all the World. And he gave in­deed sufficient marks and evidences of his Bravery and desire of Glory, for he redu­ced all those Nations to be Tributaries to [Page 17] the Romans, and collected together so vast a Treasure to himself, and in the name of the Commonwealth, as enabled him af­terwards to imitate that Alexander. Pom­pey was now returned home to Rome, cove­red with Glories for the defeat of Mithri­dates, and the Conquest of the greater part of Asia: He had upon his arrival in Italy, sent back his Troops to prevent such suspicions as might arise from his coming at the head of an Army, so that he obtained the honour of Triumph with a general Applause, and with so much more Splendour, in regard that he now Trium­phed over another third part of the World, after having received the same Honour for the Conquest of two parts before. The Triumph lasted two days, wherein were exposed the names of fifteen Conquer'd Provinces, eight hundred Cities, and a thousand Castles. The Gold, the Silver, and the Jewels that made up part of this publick Pomp, amounted to the value of two Millions of Gold: He made it appear by an account plainly stated, that he had improved the revenue of the Common­wealth twelve Millions, without mentio­ning what he had distributed amongst his Men of War, whereof the meanest Soul­diers share was a hundred and fifty Crowns. Amongst his Prisoners appeared the Son of Tygranes, the King of Armenia, with his Wife and Daughter. Zozima the Wife of [Page 18] King Tygranes himself. Aristobulus King of the Jews. The Sister of Mithridates, with five of her Children. The Ladies of Scythia, and the The Peo­ple of that Countrey, called now Georgia. Hyberian, and The Peo­ple inhabi­ting near the Caspian Sea. Albanian Hostages, with those of the King of A Neigh­bouring Province to Syria. Co­magena. But one disgustfull thing in his Family, troubled all the Joy which the lustre of so much glory might else have given him; his Wife Mutia had not seen Caesar with altogether somuch Caution as was requisite, and some people more officious than was necessary, had taken pains to give him notice of it upon his first coming down into Italy, so that immediately after his Arrival at Rome, he put her away. Be­sides, Pompey found an occasion not to be very well pleased with the Senate, for (in regard that those who demanded the Tri­umph, were not permitted to enter the City,) he had desired the Election of Con­suls might be deferred till after his Tri­umph was over, that he might be present to assist the Pretensions of Piso one of his Lieutenants, Cato opposed it, and persua­ded the Senate to reject the demand. But the People resolved to maintain the Au­thority of Pompey, and Piso was chosen Consul with The year after the foundation of Rome, 693. Messalla: Pompey afterwards solicited that all things done by him in Asia and elsewhere, might be confirmed and approved of. But all other matters were now set aside for the dispatching the business of Clodius, who desiring to know [Page 19] if the choice of the Judges were in the Pretor or the People: Pompey avoided the declaring himself upon that Point: but Messala, Crassus, Cato, Cicero, Lucullus, and all the honest Party were for the Pretor. Piso the Consul assisted by Curio at the head of all the young Men, appeared on the other side. And the matter was deba­ted with a great deal of sharpness. Cato inveighed against the Consul; Clodius, who was present, answered him with An­ger, and in his speeches uttered reproach­full Language against Lucullus, Hortensius, and Messala himself. In short, after a high and hot Contest both in the Senate, and before the People, Hortensius a Noble Senatour, and one not inferiour for Elo­quence to Cicero himself, proposed the Pub­lishing of the Edict by Fusius the Tribune. The People insisted upon their Right of chusing the Judges, and by the underhand management of Clodius, at last they were named. He alledged, that upon the day of the Festival of the Good Goddess he was not in Rome; and offered to prove it. Now Cicero had had an Intrigue with one of Clodius his Sisters, who thought to have Married him. But his Wife Terentia, a haughty and jealous Woman, quickly broke off that Correspondence, and made her Husband depose, that upon the very same day whereon Clodius pretended not to have been in Rome, he made him a visit [Page 20] at his House. This Action, the effect of a Womans Jealousie, was the Fountain of all that hatred which Clodius afterwards conceived against Cicero, and which, upon the rebound, affected, even the Republick it self, in obliging him to contribute so much as he did to the union of Caesar and Pompey. Now then, his Evidence being received with Honour; and the Judges demanding Guards for their safety, Clo­dius by his Cunning and Money carried the Cause, and of the fifty Judges that were appointed, thirty appeared and de­clared for him: Upon which occasion, Cicero told Clodius (who reproached him, for that the Judges would not credit him) they are the thirty who took your Money when they would not take your word, the other twenty were satisfied with mine: And Catulus seeing them returning from the place where they gave Judgment, Ral­lied them, saying, They had done wisely to desire Cuards, they might else have been robb'd of the Money they had gotten. This Decree of Judgment offended all the honester sort in Rome; and Cicero a­bove the rest, who had rashly drawn upon himself the hatred of a Man, of so great Credit, and one rash and violent, even to madness; so that from that time he thought to assist himself, by making a friendship with Pompey against Clodius, who meditated nothing but Revenge, and to [Page 21] bring it in some measure about, had con­trived under-hand to get himself the Tri­buneship. But considering he was of one of the first Families of the Patricians, who never were wont to be received in­to those charges, Metellus his own Brother-in-Law opposed his Design, and he lost it.

CHAP. IV. Pompey makes the Consuls: He ruffles the Senate. The union of Caesar and Pompey.

AFter this, Pompey again began to soli­cite the Confirmation of all that he had done in Asia, and a reward for his Souldiers, for which he demanded the setting apart of certain Lands: He had already prevailed by his Credit in the Election of two Consuls, Metellus Celer, and The year of Rome, 699. Afranius, but quickly found himself mistaken in his Choice: Afranius, who was a man wholly given over to his Pleasure, never acquired to himself any Authority in the Senate; and Metellus drowned eve­ry thought of any new obligation he had to Pompey, in remembrance of the Dis­grace done to his Sister Mutia. Cato on the other side set all his Power against the Interests of Pompey, and Lucullus was for being revenged of him, for that he had [Page 22] deprived him of the Honour of Trium­phing over Mithridates: The ordinary me­thods upon these Occasions, was the gain­ing of the Tribunes. The People being always managed and guided by those Ma­gistrates set over them for the defence of their Privileges against the Senate, and it was upon this pretence the Tribunes usually supported themselves, their Authority well managed, being so highly respected, that they had power of Imprisoning even the Consuls themselves. Flavius one of these Tribunes, proposed the Edict or Law for the reward of the Souldiers. Me­tellus interposed with his Authority for the hindrance of it, till the Contest rising even to blows and bloudshed, the Tri­bune caused the Consul to be Arrested; and when the Senate in a whole body would have made themselves Prisoners with him, placed his Tribunal at the Prison door, and forbad them entrance. Upon which the Senate caused in another place the walls to be broken down, so that by these means it came to pass that private ha­tred, interest, and each particular passion, be­gan dayly to mingle themselves in Rome, dis­guised in the business of the Common­wealth. And by this example we may reasonably judge of all other such Quarrels; The constancy of the Senate began to shake the resolutions of the People, who evermore judge of all extraordinary Actions by their [Page 23] outward appearances. This Pompey quick­ly perceived, and made it his request to the Tribune, that matters might be ac­commodated, pretending Commission from Metellus for his so doing, which he that well understands the firmness and resolution of that Consul will find very hard to believe. Now Caesar had very good intelligence of all these disturbances, and of the reasons Pompey had to be dissatisfied, so that he now resolved either to improve his own Authority with the Senate, or take some handsome opportunity to quit their inte­rest: His services in Spain had deserved the Honour of Triumph, since it had been often allowed upon less occasions, inso­much that he demanded it, and declared at the same time his design was to pursue also the Consulship. Now these demands were inconsistent, for that the Law for­bids any one that demanded the Triumph entrance into the City, and required that whosoever sued for the Consulship, must doe it in his proper Person. Caesar there­fore sent his Letters to the Senate, desi­ring that he might be dispensed withall in respect of those Formalities. But Cato in his usual manner stood up for the main­taining of the Laws to their utmost rigour, and his Opinion prevailed above all others, so that then Caesar without any farther con­sideration resolved to renounce the Tri­umph, and came to Rome to solicite the [Page 24] Consulship. And as he very well under­stood the Credit of Pompey, and was not ignorant of his Quarrel to the Senate, this appeared no unfavourable juncture for him to engage himself into his Interests. Pom­pey on the other side was no less glad to gain a man of such extraordinary Merit, and the Friends of both Parties began to promise themselves no small advantages from the union, so that it was easily brought about, and their Alliance confir­med by mutual Oaths. When this was done, Caesar made it his business to bring Crassus into the League, who seeing his interest too weak to dispute it with two such Men, was easily persuaded to strengthen it by joining with theirs, and Caesar being made Judge of the Dispute between Pompey and him, managed the matter so well, that a perfect Reconcilia­tion was established between them, and all the Subjects of their former differences ut­terly forgotten. Now nothing could ap­pear outwardly an Action of more Honour, than the reconciling of two men, whose hatred might have produced so terrible effects as theirs: But that League which was called afterwards the Triumvirate was the first power that ever broke in upon the Liberty of Rome.

CHAP. V. Caesar's Consulship, and what follow'd.

THE first effect of it was the promo­tion of Caesar to the Consulship: he had two that stood against him; Luceius who was very Covetous, and very Rich, and Bibulus: Luceius was taken off by great Promises, and bribed to bring what voices he could for Caesar: The Senatours who supported Bibulus, made a voluntary Collection among themselves, and gave as much on their side: So that Bibu­lus was chosen with Caesar. Cato him­self being persuaded to believe that the Law which forbad all manner of Bribery on these occasions, ought never­theless at that time to give place to the interest of the Commonwealth. In a word, Caesar was chosen one, and from that time wholly apply'd himself to win the favour of the People, and the Argu­ment he wrought by, was the Agrarian Law; this Law was a Proposition for the disposal of such Lands as belong'd to the Republick in common, in favour of the poor Souldiers, and such of the People as had more than three Children. The People it is to be imagined were always very well pleased with this Proposition. For the most violent Mutinies that had [Page 26] ever hapned in the City of Rome, (such as those of the Tiberius and Caius, who strong­ly asserting that Law, were slain by the Se­natours. The name of their Family was Sem­pronius. Gracchi, and others) had been made upon this occasion, and Exam­ples are to be found of the like nature in all the Roman History. Caesar had besides taken very proper methods; for the Law was drawn in Terms so very just, that no Censure could find fault with it. He de­clared to the Senatours that he would think of doing nothing without their Authority, that he would not propose any of his Friends, or any body else that might be liable to suspicion as Commissioners for the disposal of it, but that they should be all Persons of Condition, such as had well discharged themselves of great Employ­ments, and were of known Reputation and Ability: This fair and cautious way of dealing left hardly any room for con­tradiction. But all this while the Senate had it in their Power, if they thought fit­ting to oppose this Law. So that from day to day the affair was adjourned: Till at last Cato pulling off the Mask, declared how it was not to be suffered that any thing of the present Estate should be changed, the Senatours all pronounced their Opinion to be the same, and Caesar complaining of the injustice and stubbor­ness of the Senate remitted the affair to the People, taking with him Pompey and Crassus, whose advice he asked concerning this Law: They both of them approved [Page 27] of it, and Pompey declared that if those who opposed it should come with their Swords in their hands, he would oppose his Sword and his Shield against them, so a day was appointed for the publishing of this Law. The People gathered together in great numbers, and spight of all oppo­sition to the company, drove Cato and Bi­bulus himself with stones and clubs from off the place; the Consuls Axes were broken in pieces, and the People approving the Ordinance, declared they would have all the Senatours swear to the observation of it. Almost all of them took the Oath except Cato, Metellus and Favonius, who nevertheless made shift to swallow it at last, to save the Fines that were setting on their heads: From this time Bibulus ne­ver durst venture to appear in publick, and Caesar declared that he would not call the Senate any more that year: He neverthe­less proceeded to pass several Edicts before the People in spight of those which Bi­bulus had caused to be fixed up against him, and Pompey, whom he already had by his discourse brought into an ill Opini­on with the People, as did appear from the Games which were celebrated in the honour of Apollo, where an excellent Co­median called Diphilus, speaking these Verses,

The People gave a general Applause, and made the Player repeat it over and over Now this made Pompey think it convenient to enter into a stricter union with Caesar, by the Alliances of Consanguinity. So he Wedded Iulia the Daughter of Caesar, who was very Beautifull, very Vertuous, and lived very well with him; Caesar took also to Wife Calphurnia, the Daugher of Lu­cius Piso, whom they designed Consul for the year ensuing, with Gabinius a Creature of Pompey's. In short, all that Pompey had done in Asia was confirmed and approved of, and the Government of all Gaul and Illyria was given to Caesar for five years, with the command of four Legions.

CHAP. VI. The pursuit of Caesar's Consulship. The Af­fair of Vettius; Clodius admitted into the popular Order. The Banishment of Ci­cero.

THIS manner of proceeding extreme­ly Allarum'd the Senate, every one laught at them publickly for their idleness, and negligence, and at the head of those Acts where used to be inscribed the names of the Consuls, some body or other instead of Caesar and Bibulus, wrote onely Caius Caesar, and Iulius Caesar, which were onely two names, belonging to one man; besides the Affair of Vettius appeared greatly to in­crease suspicion, which was thus. He de­clared that Bibulus, Lucullus, Domitius and Curio had endeavour'd the persuading of him to murther Pompey; indeed he did not name Cicero, but gave very shrewd signs of him, by saying, That a certain man of consular Dignity, very Eloquent, and a Neighbour to Bibulus, had told him that they never stood in more need than now of a man bold and enterprising as Servilius, who kill'd Metius, when he as­pired to the Tyranny. Hala, or the He who drove the Tarquins out of Rome. Ancient Brutus. Adding more­over, that Bibulus had given him a Dag­ger. This last deposition appear'd but as a mere jeast to the Senate, as if Daggers had been so very scarce at Rome, that no [Page 30] man could furnish himself with one, but at the hands of a Consul: Besides, Bibu­lus himself had given Pompey notice to be­ware of some Treason which threatned him; it came to pass too, afterwards, that Vettius named Paulus, for the chief of the Conspiracy, and it is very much to be believed that there were some more parti­cular reasons than ordinary that moved him to it. Cicero says it was Caesar, who had a mind to bring a reproach upon Curio, a young man of great expectations, but utter­ly opposite to his interest. In short, the Se­nate committed Vettius to Prison, upon pretence that he had worn Arms contrary to the Law in that case provided. So that every body according to their own incli­nation gave their particular account of this business: But all disputes of that nature were quickly ended by the fate of Vettius, who died in Prison, and being one of but obscure condition, there was no body who took very great pains to enquire how he came by his end. The management of Cicero in all this business began to render him very much suspected to the Triumvi­rate, and he had lost his reputation with them utterly by a discourse which he made against Caesar in pleading for Caius Antonius, who had been his Collegue in the Con­sulship. Caesar thought it not by any means worth his while to contend with Cicero in ill Language and Railing, and therefore [Page 31] took another way to revenge himself, and the very same day wrought the People to give their consent for the Adoption of Clodius. This man who laboured by all means imaginable for the ruine of Cicero, aspired (as was said before) to the charge of the Tribuneship, and to take away the objection against that pretence, of his be­ing of the Family of the Patricians, had procured himself to be Adopted by a man among the People, called Flavius. Now it was necessary that the People should confirm this Adoption by their Approba­tion, and this was brought to pass wholly by the Authority of Caesar. Cicero was too-sharp sighted not to discern easily whi­ther this matter tended; but was suffici­ently convinced when he saw Clodius made Tribune of the People: He appealed for Protection to the Senate, and laboured underhand among the order of Knights, with whom he was in very great esteem, in regard that he had once fallen out with Cato himself, for the supporting of the Farmers in their Rights of the Common­wealth, who were almost all of them be­longing to that order. But his strongest hope was in the Friendship of Pompey, with whom he had always preserved a very strict Alliance: But Pompey had al­ready sacrificed every thing of that kind to the inclinations of Caesar and Crassus, whom Cicero had mortally offended by [Page 32] that eternal itch which he had to be jeasting. Pompey assured him nevertheless of his Pro­tection; and Caesar offered to make him his Lieutenant General: 'tis true, he had a very good stomach to that employment: But Pompey advised him not to leave Rome, and Clodius found too a device now to delude him with false hopes of Reconcilement, by the means of his Sister, (whom some of Cicero's Friends entirely governed) to the end that he might be confounded, and born down, e'er he could think of any measures for his defence: In short, all the world conspired to deceive him, the pier­cing judgment and delicacy of Apprehen­sion, upon which he was wont so much to value himself, became absolutely unser­viceable upon this occasion, and he knew not what was contrived against him till it was too late, and impossible to avoid it. Clodius by the distributions of Corn, which he made of his own free gift among the Poor, began to get ground in the good Opinion of the People, and afterwards forbad the Censors to set the mark of Infa­my upon any man, without the consent of the Senatours, and Roman Knights. At last, which was the principal movement of all, he proposed the Law for enquiring into all such as had caused any Roman Citizen to be put to death, without ha­ving time given him to make his defence. And now every one began to see the dan­ger [Page 33] which threatned Cicero; all his wonted constancy forsook him, and he went up and down the City, soliciting his Cause from House to House in a mourning Robe, with his Beard grown long, and his hair unregar­ded, attended by Roman Knights, to the number of twenty thousand, all bearing him company, and beseeching in his behalf: Besides, a great many young men of Noble Families, who had learnt of him the rules of Eloquence, and amongst the rest the very Sons of Crassus. But Clodius, followed by a number of armed Souldiers, insulted over him, and reproached him with the meanness of his behaviour, till it almost came to the throwing of stones and dirt at each other. But the respect which was always had to the Office of Tribunes, their Persons being held as Sacred, hindred any of Cicero's side from returning the injuries that were offered, yet nevertheless the Senatours were of Opinion to order a general habit of mour­ning; but Piso and Gabinius, who were Con­suls, hindered the debate from coming to any conclusion, and Clodius summoning them to appear before the People, all that Piso said, was, That he took no delight in Cruel­ty, but Gabinius condemned the Consulship of Cicero. His onely retreat now was to the favour of Pompey, who was indeed able to have done him good service, as well by the Alliance he had with Clodius, as also by his Authority with Gabinius, who depended absolutely upon him: But Pompey would [Page 34] have nothing to doe in the matter, and when Cicero came to prefer his Cause to him, made his escape by a back door to avoid seeing of him. He found himself now re­duced to the last necessity of taking up Arms for the defence of his life, which he might easily have done, and would have found a great many followers. But War was not his Province, or as he said himself, Not being able to bear the bloudshed of his Countrey-men, and Fellow-Citizens, he resolved upon the advice of Cato and the rest of his Friends, to withdraw himself: so taking a little statue of Minerva, which he had in his House, he carried it to the Capi­tol, and made a Dedication of it there, with this Inscription, To Minerva the Guar­dian of the City. So immediately left Rome, and went into Sicily. After this retreat, Clo­dius caused Cicero to be banished by the Votes of the People, forbidding any one to receive, or give him entertainment within five hundred miles of the City. After this he caused his Palaces both in the City and the Countrey, to be demolished, and Dedicated the ground whereon that in the City stood, to the Goddess Concordia, which was a proceeding never till then used towards any man, who had not been declared a Traitor to the Commonwealth. In short, he omit­ted nothing which might express all that it was possible for hatred and revenge to in­spire.

CHAP. VII. The departure of Caesar for the Gallick War, and the return of Cicero.

AS we may justly call these Proceedings the Preludes of Civil War, in regard they were effects of the Union of Pompey and Caesar, which according to the Opinion of Cato, ruined the Foundations of the Ro­man Liberty. It will be necessary that we now come to particulars. Caesar left Rome at this time, and indeed with something more haste than was ordinary. In regard he was threatned to be called to an account of his Conduct during his Consulship; some Tri­bunes of the People whom he had gained to his Party, opposed the business, in regard he was then absent upon the Service of the Commonwealth, yet could not carry it so, but that his Questor or Treasurer was con­demned. Caesar was then beginning the War against the Gauls, whom he afterwards Conquered, Pompey remaining alone at Rome with an absolute Authority, for Crassus ap­peared wholly taken up with increasing his own private Fortune, and improving its Revenues; Cicero was Banished, and Lu­cullus, who was the onely man capable of disputing the first Post, by his merit, and the great Actions he had done, had setled himself in a private retreat, where he en­joyed all those pleasures of Magnificence, [Page 36] and perfect living, upon which the Proverb was afterwards grounded of Lucullus his Meal. Now this opportunity put it into Clodius's head (who was as vain and extra­vagant as was necessary for such a Project) to establish his Reputation upon the Ruine of Pompey's. The happy success of his De­signs hitherto, and the favour of the Peo­ple, made nothing appear impossible to his hopes. So he immediately took off Cato upon pretence of sending him against Pto­lemy King of Cyprus. Claudius thought him­self injured by that Prince; because, when he was a Prisoner among the Corsaires, he sent him onely two Talents to pay his Ran­some: This Ptolemy was very rich, and ha­ving gotten intelligence that the Romans would declare War against him, put him­self to Sea with the best part of his Trea­sure. Clodius apply'd himself next to the business of Pompey, setting the Sons of Ty­granes, over whom Pompey had Triumphed, out of Prison. Gabinius would needs oppose this mad proceeding, but Clodius guarded by armed Slaves, whom he had drawn out of the Mountains of Tuscany, attack'd him up­on the place, broke the Axes which were carry'd before him, as Consul, and woun­ded a great many of those that followed him. Now Pompey saw by this, that it was high time for him to take other measures, and upon consideration could think of no man so fit for the purpose, as Milo, who was then too Tribune, a man fond of any [Page 37] undertaking, wherein there appeared a pros­pect of Preferment; besides, he was Cicero's Friend, and stout to the last extremity: Pompey resolved too to have Cicero recalled, and to that end used his best interest with his Friends: To this design, Clodius opposed himself, and was seconded in it by his Bro­ther Appius, and Metellus Nepos, who was chosen Consul for a little while, and had been an ancient Enemy of Cicero's: The other Consul Lentulus, whom Clodius hated; for that he had been against him in the affair of Pompeia, declared himself openly for Cicero, as did all the Senate. Upon this, Quintus follows with all diligence the cal­ling home of Cicero his Brother, and Milo was to publish the Proclamation: There­fore as each of these two Parties supported themselves under the Authority of one of the Consuls, the Sedition grew to be very terrible. Now the Romans were wont to be very expensive in the Pomp of their Fu­nerals, and amongst many other shews, used to exhibite those which were called the Fu­neral Sports, where after a barbarous man­ner the Gladiatours fought to the utmost earnest, and slew one another in honour of the dead person, whose Memory they Cele­brated: Appius had upon this occasion a great number of these to pay those last Offices of Duty to one of his dead Relations. Clodius assisted by these Gladiatours, threw himself among the People that were gathered toge­ther for the recalling of Cicero: Upon which [Page 38] arose the most horrid disorders imaginable: many of the People were killed, the Tri­bunes were wounded, and Quintus was al­most overwhelmed with the bodies of the dead, so that the People, unprepared for such a surprisal, separated themselves and fled. But after a day or two Milo seised upon Clodius, and carried him before the Pretors, to answer for those violences, Me­tellus forbad the Pretors to take any cogni­sance of the matter, so that at last Milo ga­thering together the trustiest of his Friends, and being guarded by the Gladiatours of Pom­pey, fiercely Conducted Cicero's Brother into the publick place. This Tribune indeed seemed as if made on purpose for the oppo­sing of Clodius, for he was every way as mutinous as he, but at the bottom was stouter, Clodius upon this returns, where it wanted but a hairs breadth of coming to a downright Battel, but that after a little bloud drawn as well on one side, as the other, Clodius was beaten off, and Mark An­thony, who was young, and at that time in Cicero's Party follow'd him with his Sword in his hand, and had certainly killed him, had he not made his escape into the house of a certain Bookseller, who concealed him under his Books. So that Cicero's Friends remaining Masters of the Field, caused a De­cree to be passed for his return, and there appeared at that time so good an understan­ding between the Senate and the People, that of four hundred Senatours, there was [Page 39] none but Clodius, who was not for him; we may see in his works the Glory and Pomp of his return, with what an Air he spoke, and after what manner he treated those that had injured him, how he transported himself against Piso, Gabinius, and even poor Clodia too, whose Reputation he Massacred after a most merciless manner in the defence of Cae­lius. But this being little to our present purpose, let it suffice to say, that as he had too much wit not to take warning by Exam­ples past, he took care to reform his Con­duct and his Manners; he therefore applyed himself wholly to Pompey, whom he fin­ding leagued so absolutely with Caesar, durst not attempt the breach of their Alliance, judging very well (as he himself has expres­sed it) that it would have been but folly to have hoped it, and insolence to have propo­sed it; He therefore sent his Brother into Caesar's service, and maintain'd that way an honest and fair Correspondency. In short, he took all the measures of an exact Courtier, as well (as he himself afterwards acknow­ledged) in respect of their present Union, as of the Division that might in time happen between them.

CHAP. VIII. Cicero unites himself with Pompey, who is cho­sen Consul with Crassus. Their union with Caesar after the first Triumvirate.

UPon this return of Cicero, there arose so great a want and scarcity in the City, especially of Corn, that the People were ga­thered together twice, and almost ready to stone the Consul, threatning to fire the Tem­ple of Concord where the Senate was assem­bled; Clodius besides exaggerated their mad­ness, by laying all to Cicero's charge, so that that night they demanded the distribution of Corn from Cicero, with great noise and cla­mour, and the next day again at the very door of the Senate-house, which obliged him to propose, that Pompey might be Commissio­nated to manage the Provisions of Rome, with an absolute Authority, both by Land and Sea for the space of five years. Nor could he better acquit himself of the obligations he had to Pompey, than by putting into his hands the whole strength of the Common­wealth, and in consideration of the present exigency, his advice was approved of. But it was believed, and Clodius took upon him to declare it publickly, that the want of Corn was no better than a design contrived be­twixt them both, for the bringing about that purpose, since immediately, upon putting the business into Pompey's hands, there ap­peared [Page 41] all the Plenty imaginable, and the Authority remained in him five years. In the mean time, as Caesar's Conquests establish­ed him great reputation at Rome, so his Hu­manity, and other excellent qualities, abso­lutely gain'd to him the hearts and affecti­ons of the Souldiery under his Command; neither did the business of his Wars abroad employ him so much, but that he had an eye too towards his affairs at home. He took care to send Magnificent Presents to the La­dies, and all those that were in any Autho­rity; the Voluntiers, who went with him into Gaul, were entertained by him with a thousand obligations, and returned home full of the Praises of his Generosity. He re­turned afterwards to Winter in Italy, a great part whereof, by the name of the Cisalpine Gaul, was under his command, which is at present all Lombardy entire, comprehending Piedmont, Milain, the State of Venice in Italy; in short, all as far as the River Rubicon. Pom­pey, Crassus, and almost all the Magistracy of Rome went to visit him at Lucca, where he then resided. They went attended with These were a sort of Officers like our City Ser­jeants. Lictors, to the number of Six and twenty; Twelve whereof carried the Axes before the Consuls, and the rest waited upon the other Magistrates according to their quality and rank. It was in this place that the Trium­virate took new measures for their more strict union, and the strengthning their Au­thority: They resolved that Pompey and Cras­sus should demand the Consulship for the [Page 42] following year, and that Caesar should hold his Government five years longer. So that this Union, which they disguised under the name of Friendship, was, in effect, no other thing, than each Man's private Ambition; and therefore we ought the less to wonder, if the same reasons that united them now, were now the causes of their division afterwards, when each of them began to think he was strong enough to set up for himself. Now this resolution of theirs alarm'd all those of the Senate who wished well to the Publick; and Cornelius Lentulus Marcelli­nus. Marcellinus, one of the new Consuls, talked very highly upon the occasion, demand­ing of Pompey and Crassus, in presence of the People, if they pretended to the Con­sulship, to which Pompey reply'd fiercely, that he would doe as he himself thought best; but Crassus answer'd in more modest terms, saying, That he should proceed according to what he judged most for the advantage of the Republick. This Dispute (as was usu­al on the like occasions) was improved al­most to blows. And the Senate gave or­ders for a common habit of Mourning to be worn, as in cases of a Publick calamity, and the reason they gave for it was, that the Proceedings of the Triumvirate were dangerous to the Government Established, and contrary to Law. Indeed, as for Pom­pey, he found out a way to give sufficient marks of the Nature of his Ambition. He had been affronted, to the last degree, by Clodius, in the business of Ptolemy King of [Page 43] Aegypt. This Prince having been driven out of his Kingdom by the Rebellion of his Subjects, was come to Rome to demand as­sistence, and great Intrigues were set on foot for the Command of such an Expedition, for Ptolemy offer'd very large Capitulations; Lentulus, the then Consul, and Pompey, were those who pursued it most warmly, and seem­ed to have the strongest Interest: But Clodi­us, who loved neither the one nor the other, opposed them both. So that when the Peo­ple were assembled upon that occasion, he appeared, follow'd by those sort of Men, who Cicero call'd Clodius's Working-tools, (it may be, because they had helped him to demolish his Palace) and there interrup­ted the discourse of Pompey with shoutings and clamours; and on the other side, when ever Clodius offer'd to speak, Pompey's party were as noisie as their neighbours, and sung out lewd Lampoons against Clodius and his Sister. This Clodius took occasion to re­venge, not unpleasantly; for, turning about to those who were of his side, he begun to ask of them, Who was the most effeminate Commander in Rome? they answered, Pom­pey. Who was the Ladies Captain? Pom­pey. Who starved the People? Pompey. And yet, Who had a mind to go into Aegypt? Pompey. And then, when he demanded of them, Who they would send? they an­swer'd, Crassus: who indeed, for all the friendship between him and Pompey, had privately managed his own Interest that [Page 44] way having Clodius for him among the Peo­ple, and Cato in the Senate. Clodius indeed took care to be well paid for his pains; but Cato proceeded out of down-right honesty, and opposed Pompey for no other reason, than that a Sybill had Prophesied, That there should come a King of Aegypt to ask assist­ence of the Romans; That they ought to re­ceive him as a Friend, but not to send him back with any Troops. Cato had a high dis­pute with Pompey upon this subject; and Pompey, after having hinted at Crassus, with­out naming him, declared, That there were those who designed against his life, but that he should take care to guard himself better than young Scipio had done, who was put to death by Carbo. In fine, Pompey, through all this business, managed himself but very in­differently, and was outragious against Clodi­us. These things happened before the Inter­view at Lucca. But Pompey seeing he had need of the People, and Clodius having a de­sign upon the Office of Edilis, their particu­lar Interests brought them soon to a better understanding; Pompey promised Clodius to assist him in his pretensions, and Clodius, in favour of Pompey, hinder'd the holding of the Comitia, for the Election of Magistrates (for so the Assemblies of the People were called.) The design was to reduce the State of Rome to that which we call an Interreg­num, which is that, when the choice of Con­suls failed, the most Illustrious of the Sena­tours should take the charge of the Govern­ment [Page 45] by turns, each whereof had the power of naming Consuls when it was his day; and as the manner was extraordinary, the usual course of the Law was herein often dispen­sed withall. The business succeeded accor­ding to their wishes; Domitius, onely assisted by Cato his Brother-in-law, presented himself to the People, in competition with the two Triumviri, but they having filled the place with those Souldiers which the young Cras­sus, Caesar's Lieutenant, had brought on pur­pose out of Gaul, a slave of Domitius, that carried a Flambeaux before him, was killed upon the spot, the Master himself hardly escaping, and Cato received a wound in his Arm:The year of Rome 699. so Pompey and Crassus were chosen, but Pompey onely stood charged with the hatred which so unjust and violent a proceeding did really deserve.

CHAP. IX. Pompey and Crassus get themselves Invested in Governments. The Cause of Division between Caesar and Pompey.

TO pass over the variety of matters which happen'd at Rome, during the five last years of Caesar's Government, and which have no relation to the subject in hand; besides, that the repetition would be tedious, and that it may be, in some mea­sure, guessed at, by what we have said of the Intrigues about Elections, the strug­lings and hostilities before: It seemeth e­nough at present in gross, and without the order of time, to take notice, that Pompey acquitted himself in what he promised Clo­dius, even to the hazard of his life. Since in the Assembly for the Election of Ediles, he had a Man killed so near him, that his Mantle was cover'd with the bloud. He revenged himself signally upon Cato, who, when he demanded the Pretorship, Pompey caused his pretensions to be thrown out; and named, in prejudice of him, one Vatinius, who was one of the worst and most obnoxi­ous Men of that time. And in process of time too he brought it about, that Ptolemy was established in his Kingdom by Gabinius, with a powerfull Army, and all this merely by his own Authority, in spight of the Sy­bills Prophecy. Gabinius was afterwards cal­led [Page 47] to an account for it when he came back to Rome, but by his Money and Pompey's fa­vour, he escaped a Condemnation, which he could never have avoided, had his miscar­riages been severely prosecuted. These things [...] now may see plainly have no relation to the Civil War, otherwise than as they discover the Power and Ambition of Pompey, which will much more appear in what is to follow, and belongs to the subject in hand. Now Crassus and he seemed to affect a great deal of moderation, in regard of those Govern­ments, which, according to Custome, were to be allotted them, upon the expiration of their Consulship; but yet, nevertheless, ma­nag'd matters otherwise under-hand, by the Tribunes of the People, who were to pro­pose for them Syria and Spain, with Africk or Libya, as it was then called. To each of these Governments Armies were to be added, with full power and authority to make Peace and War at discretion; which gave opportunity too to Caesar's Friends to mention his five years. The whole affair, being privately a­greed upon between the Triumviri, passed against all objection; Pompey got Libya and Spain, and Crassus, Syria, with power to make War upon the Parthians; so that their Uni­on did still support it self, in appearance, though it were really already ruined in the foundation, at least between Pompey and Caesar; nor need we seek for other reasons for it, than the Jealousie, which the Emulation, of those two great Men, raised of each other. Pompey [Page 48] had seen himself, for many years, at the head of the rank of Romans, and, to give him his due, it was not without Justice, for he had enlarged the Roman Empire farther than any other had done before him. He had Trium­phed over three parts of the World; over Africk, by the defeat of Domitius in Libya; over Europe, by that of Perpenna in Spain, and over Asia, after having vanquished King Mi­thridates, one of the most formidable Enemies Rome ever had, and all this too without the least disgrace. From this high degree of Glory he lookt down upon all other Romans as his Inferiours. And therefore, as he knew the Merits of Caesar, and the advantages which accrued to him from his Illustrious Birth and Education. He could not, without much regret, see, that his great actions in the Gal­lick War began to put him in a condition of disputing, even with himself, for Glory got­ten in Arms. On the other side, Caesar ha­ving received, both by Nature and Educati­on, all those qualifications that go to the Composition of a Great Man, had too much fire, to hear with patience, any Man's Pride, that affected to appear above him, and therefore, whenever he had an occasion of shewing his abilities, he made so good use of it, that he quickly found himself in a condition to ease Pompey of that advantage, by which he thought he deserved so very much above all other Romans. And Fortune too was as indulgent to him now, as she had been to Pompey before; but she utterly [Page 49] abandoned Crassus, who could never rise up to the least pretensions, for he was defeated, and lost his life in the Parthian War; and the death of that Triumvir, who, while he lived, was as a check upon the other two, left them now an open field for their Ambition and Emulation to work in.

CHAP. X. The death of Pompey's Wife Julia. The Mag­nificent Shews he gave the People. The death of Clodius.

POmpey had now for some time done all that was in his power to diminish the re­putation of Caesar's Conquests, obliging the Magistrates not to publish any Letters they received, till he had fore-stalled the credit of them, by spreading false and disadvantageous reports. This gave great cause of trouble to all those who foresaw the miseries that must attend a Rupture between two so extraordi­nary Men; and what augmented their fears more, was the death of Iulia Pompey's Wife, which happen'd at the same time: Pompey loved her even with passion, which one would have thought might have been of con­sideration enough to have healed differences between the Father and the Son-in-law. For Iulia had Wit as well as Virtue, and always a great ascendant over both their dispositions. The People of Rome gave sufficient testimo­ny [Page 50] of the respect they bore her, by publick demonstrations of their sorrow; and when Pompey would have carried her Body to one of his houses near Alba, the People opposed it, and bore it into the Field of Mars, where they paid it the last Rites of Funeral with all Magnificence: From this moment Pom­pey resolved to think of nothing but his own particular advancement; and, for the resto­ring of himself to the favour of the Peo­ple, caused a stately Theatre to be builded, which he dedicated to them by Plays, and other magnificent Shews; which were not at all pleasing to Cicero, as appears from one of his Epistles: It was reported too af­terwards at Rome, That that Theatre was not built at the expences of Pompey, but that Demetrius, one of his Freed-men had defray'd the charge of it, as a piece of gratitude and acknowledgment for the Immense fortune he had raised under his Master, so that Pompey himself reap'd little advantage from that un­dertaking. The spirits of the People too were sharpened against him, by the extreme violence which he used, in raising those Troops which were to follow Crassus, at the time when that General departed upon his unfortunate Expedition against the Parthi­ans: For it was a thing disapproved of at Rome, and approved by one of the Tribunes, who, when he could not hinder it, uttered such horrible Cursts and Imprecations against Crassus, as it was believed called down that misfortune upon his head, which cost the [Page 51] Romans, a Hundred thousand Men, and Cras­sus himself his own life, as well as his Son, whom Cicero takes occasion to mention with an extraordinary Character. In the mean time Pompey, whose Government was now expired, took other measures, and pretended, upon the disgusts he had received, to with­draw himself from any Administration in the Republick, so that the Government fell into horrible disorders. And the pretensions to publick Offices grew to such excess, that it was apparent, upon the creation of Ediles, there were deposited Eight hundred Talents for the packing of Suffrages, and the City of Rome was eight entire months without any Magistrates. The fury of those Factions, under the names of Clodius and Milo, produ­ced nothing but daily Murthers, till no body durst walk the streets but Armed; which gave occasion to those of Pompey's party to in­sinuate, that his retirement was prejudicial, and a loss to the Publick; and, at the same time proposed, that he might be sent for back, and made Dictatour: Pompey explained himself very modestly upon the matter; and when the business was mentioned to him, onely said, that it was his opinion the Re­publick stood in need of the Authority of some wise and moderate Man. And such an Authority appeared indeed the more ne­cessary upon the death of Clodius, which happened too at the same time; which, as it is a matter has been variously reported, and which Cicero has endeavour'd to disguise, [Page 52] with all the arts of his Eloquence, we shall here give such an account of, as seems to come impartially nearest the truth. Milo pretend­ed to the Consulship, and Clodius to be made Pretor, at the same time; and as they were two Men, whose Interests were Incompa­tible, they always sought, by the best means they could invent, or lay hold on, to ruine one another. Milo was to take a Journey to A Little Town not far from Rome. Lavinium, where he was Dictatour, and he departed from Rome in his Chariot, with his Wife and Family, but well guarded by a great number of his slaves. In his way, he was to pass by a Countrey-house that belon­ged to Clodius; near this house they both met Clodius on horseback and well attended. The Quarrel was begun on both sides by the slaves, who, having exchanged several blows with each other. Milo alighted out of his Chariot, and with his Sword in his hand de­fended himself vigorously; Clodius in the scuffle received a wound upon his head, which brought him to the ground. He was quickly taken up by his slaves, and carried into his house, whither Milo followed him: Appian says, it was to excuse himself to him, but that were ridiculous to believe, consider­ing the violent hatred that had long been be­tween them; it may be more reasonably con­jectured, that it was to satisfie himself of the condition of his wounds, or to give him more if he thought them not enough: In conclu­sion, when he found him expiring, he went back to Rome, to prevent what might be ag­gravated [Page 53] to his prejudice. The People all entertained the news with unexpressible sor­row, for Clodius was extremely beloved by them. So that when his Brother Appius cau­sed his Body to be brought to Rome, and Vibulli­us. Rufus and Munati­us. Plancus, the Tribunes, exposed it all bloudy, as it was in the publick place, there arose an implacable Mutiny; They ran to Milo's house to set it on fire, but he repulsed and killed several of the Assailants; the rest returned back to the place, where they pulled to pieces all the Seats of the Ma­gistrates, made a The Ro­mans, since the time of Sylla, bur­ned the Bo­dies of their Dead, in­stead of Bu­rying them. Funeral Pile of them, and set fire to it with so much fury, that all that stately building where the Senate used to as­semble, was burned with the Body of Clodius; after this the Mutineers dispersed themselves all over the City, where, under pretence of searching for the Friends of Milo, they com­mitted the most insupportable Violences. Milo behaved himself in all this affair with his usual fierceness. He sent for a great number of his slaves out of the Countrey for the Guard of his Person, and had the bold­ness to offer himself to the People to be Judged. Caecilius the Tribune, by consent, was to be his Accuser, and he had well as­sured himself of his Judges. But the Peo­ple, more transported than ever, fell upon the followers of Milo, who had much adoe to save himself, with Caecilius, and Murthers were renew'd again all over the City.

CHAP. XI. Pompey sole Consul. Caesar secures himself of the favour of the Roman People.

THese things happened under the Consul­ship of In the year of Rome 701, there were two Fami­lies which bore the Name of Domitius; one sirna­med Eno­tarbus, and the other Calvinus. Domitius Calvinus, and Valerius Messala. For Pompey perceiving the name of Dictatour to be very odious, had caused them two to be chosen, and fortifi'd himself with that Authority which the Senate had given him, to defend the Magistrates and their Judgments with Troops allotted him for that purpose; Nevertheless this appeased not the publick disorders. Cornell­us. Scipio, Hypseus and Milo, pretended all at the same time to the Consulship, and carried on their respec­tive Interests with a strong hand; so that there was every day to be seen three Armies upon the place: Milo, whose violent proceed­ing had accumulated to him the publick ha­tred, was, at last, accused by Appius; and al­though Cicero himself undertook to defend him, his fear of Pompey's Souldiers, who sur­rounded him as he was pleading, put him out of his Oration: And the Insolence of Milo, who came before the Judges with a face full of Threatnings and Menaces, caused him to be condemned; so he was Banish'd: and when Cicero afterwards sent him that Dis­course of his, which we now have amongst us, and which passes for the choicest of his Works: his Answer was, That it was happy [Page 55] for him that Cicero was out in his harangue, for that he had not else fared so well at Marseiles▪ for that was the place of his Exile. Now the Friends of Pompey took upon them afresh to solicite his pretensions; And those necessi­ties which the State of the Common-wealth then lay under, appeared no small argument for him with the Senate; but the name of a Dictatour would not be heard of: So that Ca­to thought fit to propose an expedient, which was, That the power of a Dictatour might be conferred upon him, but under some gent­ler Title; so Pompey was declared sole Con­sul: New Troops were allotted him, and a Thousand Talents yearly for the maintenance of them; the Government of Spain was con­tinued to him for four years longer, and he sent Deputies thither to Rule in his stead. He strengthned himself too with the Illustri­ous Alliance of the House of Scipio, by Mar­rying Cornelia, a Lady of no less Accomplish­ments than Beauty; she understood, even to excellent performance, all manner of Musick; nor was a stranger to Learning and Philoso­phy, being Mistress of Geometry, and the other parts of the Mathematicks; and all this too without the least Impertinence, or Wo­manish affectation. So that Pompey thought he had nothing now more to be afraid of, and that it would be henceforth an easie work to overthrow the Fortunes of Caesar; who, on his side, was by no means negligent of what so nearly concerned him. Some Tribunes of the People had proposed, the causing of him [Page 56] to be elected Consul with Pompey; but he desired them, by Letters, to reserve their good Inclinations of that kind for a design he had to demand a second Consulship, when the employ he was at present in should be expi­red. In the mean time, to gain the good will of the People, he caused a new Market to be set up at Rome, the place whereof cost him a Hundred thousand Sesterces: He gave also to the Romans certain Plays, and a Pub­lick Feast, in acknowledgment of the Ho­nours they had done to his Daughter Iulia. He desired the Knights, and such of the Se­natours as were his Friends, that they themselves would Exercise and Instruct the Gladiatours, and sent them Rules and Direc­tions accordingly. Giving order at the same time, that those Gladiatours, who pleased not the People in their Combats, should be turn­ed out, and others, more agreeable, put in their places: The Grandeur of his Mein, his extraordinary Generosity, and the greatness of his Actions, had entirely engaged to him the affections of his Souldiers, who all lo­ved him, even to adoration; he caused their Pay to be doubled, and the Corn which used to be distributed among the Troops, by regu­lated proportions, was now given to them without stint or measure. Again, on the o­ther side, a great many of the Senatours stood obliged to him for considerable Sums of Mo­ney, which he had lent them without any Interest; he entertained, with Magnificence, all such as served under him, even to those [Page 57] slaves whom he loved: and his Army was a perfect refuge to all manner of Criminals, and such as were burthened with Debts, a great many whereof he discharged at his own proper expence; but to those who stood engaged for mighty sums indeed, he used to say, That one Civil War would make all even. In a word, all stranger Princes, and the best Cities tasted of his Munificence by considerable Presents. And all this done at the expence of the Gauls. So that it was not improperly observed by one, who said, That Caesar conquer'd the Gauls with the Ro­man Steel, and the Romans with the Gallick Gold. Pompey's Friends, to be sure, were not now backward to make their reflexions up­on the occasion of these Liberalities, and to exaggerate the danger that might thence threaten the Commonwealth. Nevertheless, Caesar resolved once more to try, if it were possible, to preserve the Friendship of Pom­pey, and before his last Marriage offered him his Neice Octavia, and demanded Pompey's Daughter for himself, but Pompey thought fit­ting to make choice of an Alliance with Sci­pio, whom he caused afterwards to be join­ed with him in the Consular dignity for the last five Months; and as he very well knew that Caesar was beloved by the Peo­ple, his business was to establish his Interest among the Senatours. These two Factions have been always opposite, under the Ti­tle of the Nobility and the Populace; And their division had produced very terrible ef­fects, [Page 58] especially in the Sedition of the Gracchi, and afterwards in the Wars between Cajus. Mari­us and Corneli­us. Sylla: The People usually prevail­ed by their Numbers, but the Senate by their Authority; and it is, without doubt, that Union of Pompey with the Senate, which has caused Caesar's Party to be so much de­cry'd; and the advantages of Pompey, in all Writings, to be celebrated with so much Passion; that, under the Reign of one of the most terrible of Caesar's Nero. Successours, there lived an Lucan. Authour, who durst publish a Work, which we have now amongst us, wherein he has most barbarously violated the memory of that Great Man.

CHAP. XII. Pompey's Laws. Curio goes over to Caesar's Interest.

THE first appearance of Division began from Pompey, by the two Laws which he published during his Consulship, the first whereof was for an enquiry into the miscar­riages of Officers in the executing their Charges, for the twenty years last past, that is, from his first Consulship, down to that which he then held. Hereupon Caesar's Friends remonstrated that a Law of that kind might be injurious to several illustrious Men; and more particularly to Caesar, who had within that time been Consul. At that name he cryed out that it was shamefull for them to imagine that such an Ordinance could in any manner have regard to a man of Caesar's Merits and Vertue, and that his Friends did him the greatest injury to sus­pect it, so that no alteration of that Law could be admitted, and many persons were condemned upon it, amongst the rest, Hyp­seus, Memmius, Sextus, and Gabinius himself: yet afterwards when Memmius in his turn accused Scipio, Pompey's Brother-in-Law, Pom­pey was not ashamed himself openly to ap­pear against that very Law of his own ma­king to bring off Scipio by his Authority. The other Law of Pompey, or rather an Ar­ticle of the Precedent was, That no man [Page 60] being absent, should be admitted to demand any Employment, these Laws being appro­ved of, were forthwith engraved upon Cop­per Tables, and carried to the publick Trea­sury, after which formality, no change or alteration in them was to be admitted; Pom­pey was for an exception in favour of Caesar, but in regard that it was contrary to Form. Marcus Marcellus, who had succeeded Pom­pey in his Consulship, no way respecting any such exception, after giving notice that he had matters to communicate of the highest importance, proposed, that since the Con­quest of Gaul was now completed, some body might be sent to succeed Caesar, and at the same time that he might be excluded from demanding the Consulship; This De­claration allarum'd all Caesar's Friends; Ser­vius Sulpitius the other Consul, declared him­self of the contrary Opinion, and the Tri­bunes Caius Caelius, and Vibius Pansa op­posed the Decree. Pompey too was at a loss how to distinguish handsomely upon this Subject. He said indeed it was great Injury to Caesar to propose a thing of that Nature, at least before the Kalends of March, since till that time came his Government of Gaul was not expired, upon which, when it was asked of him what was to be done, if they met with opposition, it signifies no­thing says he, whether or no Caesar obey the Decrees of the Senate, since he will find those that shall oppose him; but it was an­swered again, if he will be Consul, if he [Page 61] will keep his Army? To which Pompey re­ply'd, If my Son should provoke and rebell against me, what would you advise me to? This discourse sufficiently discovered how Pompey stood affected as to Caesar's Interest: For all this, matters were managed with all Artfull and fair Conduct and Intrigue, till the Election of the new Consuls, who were Emilius Paulus, and Calidius Marcellus, a Kinsman of Marcus. This affair at that time wholly employed the Senate, and stopt the course of any other business. Every one expected with impatience how the two Consuls would declare themselves; the first had been pretty well secured by a Present from Caesar of fifteen Talents, with which he built himself a sumptuous Palace, and called it after his own Name, but Callidius was Cae­sar's Enemy, and being carried on by the same Spirit with his Kinsman Marcus, fol­lowed also his Methods, and renewed the old Propositions. We have already taken frequent occasion to mention the privileges of the Tribunes of the People, who were ten, Curio and Marcus Anthonius were of the number for this year. Curio was in great esteem both for his Quality and his Abili­ties, being one of the ablest men which Rome could at that time boast of for Elo­quence and Pleadings at the Bar, he had great Parts and equal resolution, but stood charged with abundance of Debts, both in his own Name, and for many of his Friends, among the rest for Anthony, for whom he [Page 62] had entered into Securities. He had been one of the most violent against Caesar's Inte­rest: But Caesar, who knew well enough where his shoe wrung him, quickly found the way to give him ease, and bring him over by furnishing him with means to quit himself of those encumbrances. Curio af­terwards made use of a management that was very refined, forbearing to declare him­self of Caesar's Party, that he might the bet­ter enter into the Counsels and Designs of his Enemies, and after that, he sought an opportunity to break with Pompey. For this Design he demanded that the charge of over­seeing the reparation of the High-ways, might be conferred upon him, which he at the same time knew well enough would be deny'd, so that upon the refusal of it, he made known his resentment, and afterwards when the Consul made his re­port to the Senate touching the Govern­ments, he praised his Zeal and his Opinion, adding, that it was but Justice that Pompey and Caesar should be called from their Go­vernments both together.

CHAP. XIII. Curio declareth himself against Pompey. Cae­sar returns the Legion that Pompey had lent him.

THE Spirits of this Age were two re­fined not to apprehend at first sight the meaning of this Proposition. All that were Pompey's Friends began to grow very uneasie to Curio. Appius one of the Censors, and who had been raised to his Authority by Pompey, threatned to expell him the Se­nate, and proposed it in one of the Assem­blies. Curio submitted to every thing that might be Decreed particularly against him­self, but would abate nothing where Caesar's Interest seem'd to be struck at, and the Consul Paulus withstood the Affront that was like to have been offered him. Curio imparted upon this his Proposition to the People, who received it so well, and with such Joy, that they covered him with flow­ers, and in that manner accompanied him home to his House: He himself afterwards in an Assembly of the People, when they ordered that Caesar, though absent, should have power to demand the Consulship. This obliged Pompey to leave Rome, under pretence of going to his Government, but he went no farther than to one of his Coun­trey houses, where falling sick, he wrote to the Senate that he was ready to give up all [Page 64] all his Employments when Caesar would ever consent to part with his, and that he would confirm this upon his return to Rome. Curio took him at his word, and told him it was his duty to begin what he proposed, and that he would engage on Caesar's part, that the Example should be followed. The busi­ness was then put into debate, but came to no conclusion, onely it was ordained that two Legions should be drawn out of the Troops of Caesar and Pompey, to go into Syria against the Parthians, this was onely done to weak­en Caesar's Army, for Pompey at the beginning of the War had lent him a Legion of his. Appius was sent into Gaul to draw out this Legion, and to oblige Caesar to give another of his own, who though he easily discer­ned the reason of this order, by no means in the least opposed it, but surrendred both the Legions to Appius, and at the same time ordered two hundred and fifty Drachma's to be given to every Souldier. Cicero at this time came back to Rome from his Govern­ment of Cilicia, where he pretended for his great Exploits to have merited the Honour of Triumph. His absence had hindered him from taking either Party in these diffe­rences, and his present Pretensions obliged him to be a Mediatour between both, so he made some Propositions for an Accom­modation, but they would not be hearkned to, for that Appius was returned, and had published abroad, that Caesar stood very ill in the Opinion of his Army, that he knew [Page 65] little or nothing of their Inclinations, and that they would certainly come over to the Senates Party, whenever they recovered this side of the Alpes. This relation gave Pom­pey great confidence, so that he rejected all Projects of the least Accommodation; Ci­cero could not be heard, and when he after­wards asked him what Powers he had where­with to oppose Caesar, Pompey's answer was, that he need onely to stamp with his foot, and that the Earth would bring him forth an Army. Many of the Senatours began already to talk very meanly of Caesar, and Cato himself haughtily declared that he would bring him to an account of his Acti­ons, and that he should be treated as Milo had been used before him.

CHAP. XIV. Caesar sends a letter to the Senate; They declare War against him. Anthony and Curio the Tribunes of the People go to find out Caesar.

CAesar had written several times to the Senate to beg them, that they would have some regard to the services he had done the Republick: He proposed alter­nately that he might either be continued in his Government as Pompey had been, or that he might be permitted in his absence to de­mand the Dignity of Consul, and when this Proposition was rejected, he requested again that Curio's expedient might be admit­ted of; but in these his last Letters he pro­posed the surrendring up the Government of Illyria, with two Legions, which Cicero ur­ged afterwards in Argument for a Peace; but as we observed before, his endeavours, became altogether unprofitable, and Caesar upon the news he received of the ill success of his pretensions, repassed the Alpes with the third Legion, and marched to Ravenna, from thence he sent Fabius, one of his Lieu­tenants, with Letters to the Consuls, who were Cornelius Lentulus, and Clodius Marcel­lus, newly chosen: Lentulus refused to reade his Letters, but Anthony, and Quintus, Cassius, Longinus, the Tribunes, obliged them to be read before the Senate; they contained a Catalogue of Caesar's Services, and an assu­rance [Page 67] that he would send back his Troops when ever Pompey should disarm. Lentulus would by no means admit of any delibera­tion upon these Letters, onely told the Se­nate, that upon condition they themselves would be vigorous upon this occasion, he was ready to serve the Republick with the utmost hazard of his life, but if they suffe­red themselves to be remiss and negligent, he knew very well there was another would take party with Caesar. Scipio declared at the same time that Pompey was ready to Sa­crifice himself for the interests of the Se­nate, if they would stand by him, but if they once appeared to be slow or irresolute in their deliberations, it would after that be vain to expect any assistence from him. And though Pompey were at this time not in Rome, in regard those who had Military Commands, were not admitted to stay in the Town. Caesar said, That considering Scipio was his Brother-in-Law, and altogether in his inte­rests; This advice seemed to come out of Pompey's own mouth. Some other of the Senatours made a more favourable Con­struction, among the rest, Marcus Marcel­lus, Sulpitius Rufus, and Calidius himself, who was of Opinion that Pompey ought to go to his Government, for the taking away all pretence from Caesar, to believe that those two Legions retained at Rome, were de­signed to prejudice him. Lentulus refused to make a report of this Opinion, and exclai­med against Calidius and the rest. In fine, [Page 68] a Decree was formed upon the advice of Scipio in these Terms; That Caesar should dismiss his Troops within a certain time; and that if he refused Obedience, he should be declared an Enemy to the Common­wealth. Anthony and Cassius opposed this Decree, by that means raising fresh debates, which were managed with a great deal of sharpness, so that the Assembly did not se­parate untill it was very late. The night was employed in Pompey's private manage­ment amongst his Friends, and Curio's among the other Tribunes. The next day Piso the Censor, and Roscius the Pretor, demanded five days time to go to find out Caesar, and give him an account of the state of these matters, which was refused them. Lentulus commanding the Tribunes to depart the Se­nate, so that a Decree was published, which never was usual, but in cases of the utmost extremity, that the Consuls and other Ma­gistrates should take care that the Republick came to no damage; in pursuance whereof, Marcellus the other Consul took a Sword, which he carry'd publickly to Pompey, who was then out of Town, accosting him in these Terms, I command you in the name of the Senate, that you assist the Republick with the Troops now under your com­mand, and speedily levy more. From this moment there was a Successour ordered to Caesar, which was Domitius, designed Consul for the year following. All his Govern­ments were disposed of, whereof Scipio had [Page 69] Syria, and every body took arms in Rome, and appeared in a habit of War. Caesar fai­led not of a speedy account of this from Curio, Anthony and Longinus, who retreated to him disguised in the habits of their Slaves, in which condition he shewed them to his Army, and took that occasion which the indiscretion of his Enemies presented him withal, to make appear the Injustice and Violence of their Proceedings: Ye see, said he, these Sacred Persons forced to conceal themselves in the habit of Slavery, to shun the fury of my Enemies, and all for maintaining those Privileges which the Laws allowed them, and which Sylla himself, who spared nothing else, never durst Violate: But now Pompey, who boasts himself to have re-established these Privileges, has deprived these Men of them, and so much the more un­justly, and ungratefully, since it was for their sup­porting of my Interest, who have always been true to his, though he does not this of his own inclina­tion, but it may be easily seen is driven to it by malice of my Enemies. Adding more­over, That their violence appeared suffici­ently by that Decree which was never heard of, but when the Commonwealth was in open danger from the fury of the Tribunes, or the Seditions of the multitude, which did not any ways appear at this time. In fine, tearing his Robe, and falling even in­to tears, he conjured all his Souldiers that they would defend his Honour and his Re­putation, after having served nine years un­der [Page 70] his Command with so much glory and success. The Souldiers with loud cries an­swered him, That they were ready to re­venge the Injuries done to their General, and to the Tribunes.

CHAP. XV. The passage of the Rubicon, and the taking of Rimini.

AMongst the many Warlike Qualities of Caesar, his diligence to prevent an Enemy, and pursue a Victory, was the most admirable; he had often surprised others, but was never known to have been surprised himself. He never carried a Victory, but he made himself Master of the Enemies Camp, he knew well how necessary, and of what importance such a diligence at this time was. And what impressions first Ex­ploits make towards the Reputation of any Party. And to add moreover a secret upon this occasion, he sent some Centurions, and chosen Men armed with Swords, onely to to put themselves as secretly as possible into Rimini, which was the chief Town on that side of his Government. For himself, he spent the days in seeing publick Plays, and the Combat of the Gladiatours at Ravenna, and when night came, sate himself at Table [Page 71] amongst his Friends, but soon rose up again, and desiring his Friends to make themselves welcome, told them, he would return in a moment, but that was the least of his De­signs, for he had ordered some Mules to be taken out of a Neighbouring Mill, and put into his Chariot, in which Equipage he set forwards towards Rimini, with some few of his particular Friends whom he had made privy to his Intention, and one Troop of Souldiers; it was a troublesome Journey, but they resolv'd to undergoe it, so that some­times on foot, and sometimes in his Chariot, Caesar arrived upon the Banks of Rubicon, which is a little River separating the Cisal­pine Gaul, from the rest of Italy. In this place all the misfortunes of that War which he was going to undertake, presented them­selves to his mind. Sometimes he had thoughts of going back again, and turning himself to Asinius Pollio; We have now, says he, in our Power to return, but if we pass the River, our onely retreat must be to our Arms. Some Authours, and amongst the rest, Suetonius himself gives an account of a Miracle which happened to him upon this Occasion, perhaps they have done it onely more particularly to signalize that famous passage of the Rubicon, by something extraor­dinary, but however it might be, it will not be here improper to recount it. Not far from the place where he stood, there ap­peared all of a sudden a man of an extraordi­nary stature, who made very good Musick [Page 72] with a certain Flute or Reed which he plaid upon; The Novelty of the sight drew to­gether a great many of the Souldiers, and among the rest a Trumpet that belonged to Caesar, so soon as they came near to the man, he snatched away the Trumpet, and soun­ding a Charge, threw himself into the wa­ter, and went over to the other side; no mention is made what became of him, one­ly that Caesar without farther consideration passed the River, crying out aloud, Let us go where the Gods so remarkably call, and where the fury of our Enemies drives us, the Lot is cast. From thence, without ma­king the least stay, he marched directly up to Rimini, and possessed himself of it with­out any resistence, so with six thousand men onely he began that famous War. And af­ter having secured himself of that place of Importance, sent orders to his Troops to fol­low with all diligence.

CHAP. XVI. The amazement of the Senatours: They leave Rome, and retire to Capua.

THIS sudden and unexpected enterprise gave most terrible apprehensions to the City of Rome. They believed already that Caesar was at their Gates with all his Army, and it was an odd confusion to see the Countrey People come for safeguard in­to the City, and at the same time the Citi­zens flying into the Countrey, no body knew which side to take; and Cicero himself be­gan to believe that Pompey had not made the least preparations, that he was not in any condition to make head against Caesar, and that he had neither Troops, nor place of retreat. For Cicero found himself under as difficult circumstances as any body, and his uneasiness appeared in all the Epistles which he wrote upon this Occasion, If I should stay, (says he, in one of them,) I know not here whom I ought to be most ashamed to ac­company, Lepidus, Volcatius or Sulpitius, neither of these but is as silly as Domitius, and as inconstant as Appius, but Pompey engages me by the obligations which I owe him, and not by his Authority; for what Au­thority can a man deserve, who could honour Caesar in the highest degree, after we were all afraid of him, and who believes now, when he begins to fear him, that all the [Page 74] world ought to declare against him? Thus in few words Cicero gave a description of Pompey and his Party, in the mean while making his interest with Caesar, by the means of Dolabella and Caelius, and other of his Friends, to which purpose Caelius in one of his letters to him (wherein he shews himself a man of very pleasant observation) advises him this for a Maxime, That in the Divisions of a Government, while the matter is dis­puted by words onely, every man ought to espouse that Party which he thinks is the Iustest; but when once it comes to Arms, te join evermore with the strongest, and to be­lieve that he who has the best Sword, has the best Cause. Pompey underwent no small regret and discontentment during this Per­plexity: His whole Party reproached him that he had deceived them, demanding of him where his Troops were, and Favonius, who was grown crack-brained with Philoso­phical Projects, and pretending to imitate Cato, told him, That it was now high time for him to stamp upon the Earth with his foot, and bring forth the Souldiers which he had promised them. At the last Pom­pey was forced to tell them that they should not want Souldiers, if they would but fol­low him and quit Rome, or indeed Italy, which they were not able to defend, that it was neither their Houses nor their Provin­ces that could inspire them with the love of Vertue and of Liberty. But that Men of Honour would find it in all Retreats, and [Page 75] that to unite themselves, was the way to put them into a condition of returning back a­gain to their Houses with Glory. This dis­course, and the affection which they bore to Pompey, made them resolve at last to quit the City, for though they blamed his Con­duct, they knew not how to hate him, so the Consuls, and almost all the Senate fol­lowed him to Capua, where were the two Legions which Caesar had sent from Gaul. The behaviour of Labienus contributed at this time much to their assurance. This Man was one of Caesar's Lieutenants, had served in Gaul with a great deal of Reputa­tion, and was therefore well esteemed by Caesar, but afterwards, when his Services, and the Riches he had gotten in them, be­gan to make him vain, Caesar thought fit to let him see he would be his General, and not yet his Companion; this caused Labienus to change his Party, and his deserting made indeed a great shew, but produced very lit­tle advantage. No brave Man thought the better of him for it, and from that time he performed nothing that was considerable, and though the Example might have been of dangerous Consequence in the beginning of a War of that Nature, yet Caesar either through his Wisdom, or the greatness of his Mind, seemed little to value or take notice of it, for he sent Labienus all his Money af­ter him, and all his Equipage. From this time Pompey apply'd himself to take care of his business, and put his affairs in some or­der, [Page 76] and resolved to retire into Pollentia. Pouille. He left Lucius Domitius in Corfinium, and Ci­cero to command in Capua, who received the Commission with some reluctancy, but as he had left him neither Men nor Money, he apprehended that that employment would not much injure his good Correspondence with Caesar.

CHAP. XVII. Some Propositions of Peace between Caesar and Pompey, but without any success.

CAesar was still at Rimini, where Lucius, Caesar his Kinsman, and whose Father served at that time in his Army, came with Roscius to find him out. After some discourses about other Affairs, Lucius told Caesar that Pompey had Commanded him to wait upon him, and to beg of him that he would doe him Justice, in regard of what had passed between them, that he should think him­self very unhappy, if it were possible for Caesar to think himself injured by him, in what he had done onely in consideration of the Commonwealth; that it had always been his Maxime to prefer the Publick Good before his own particular Interests, and that it would equally redound to Caesar's Glory also to sacrifice his resentments to the repose of his Countrey, and not to drive things so [Page 77] far as by endeavouring to revenge himself upon his Enemies to give a wound to the Commonwealth. Roscius too entertained him with discourse much to this purpose: but these Civilities which were indeed but merely such, and from the Teeth outward, were of no great weight with Caesar, never­theless he resolved upon the dismissing of these Gentlemen, to give them some taste of his sentiments, so he told them, That since they came in that manner Commissionated from Pompey, it was his desire that they would charge themselves back again with some Propositions on his part, especially if they desired to appease the present Troubles, and quiet the fears of Italy. That he had evermore less considered his life than the honour and welfare of the Commonwealth, but that he could not without extreme grief of mind see that his Enemies would take from him those favours which the People of Rome thought fit to have allowed him, that they would cut off six months from the time of his Government, to force him to Rome in spight of the will of the People, who had ordained, That although he were absent, he should be considered as if he were actually present in the Assemblies for the Election of Consuls, that he had never­theless been content to put up that injury for the sake of the publick Peace. That he had desired by his Letters that all the Gene­rals might quit their Armies at once, but by no means possible could obtain it. [Page 78] But that on the contrary Troops were levied throughout all Italy. That they had retai­ned the two Legions which were taken from him, under a false pretence of going against the Parthians, and the whole City was up in Arms, and therefore to what pur­pose was all this designed, except for his ruine? that for all this he was disposed to reduce himself to the last extremities, and suffer every thing for the sake of the Re­publick; That Pompey should retire to his Government, that the Senatours should dis­charge their Troops, and that every one should lay down his Arms throughout all Italy, that Rome should be no more held in Awe, but the Assemblies be left to their Ancient Liberty. In short, that the full Authority of the Senate, and the People of Rome should be restored. To this discourse Caesar added, that matters might be deter­mined better by an enterview between him and Pompey, whereby they might agree upon a method of putting this in Practice, and take mutual Oaths of assurance from each other. Roscius and Lucius returned back to Capua with these Propositions, and made report of them to the Consuls, and to Pom­pey. They deliberated upon the matter, and wrote back their answer in these Terms, That Caesar should return into Gaul, that he should abandon Rimini, after which, Pompey should depart for Spain, that in the mean while they would continue their Levies till Caesar gave them assurances that this should be performed with all sincerity.

CHAP. XVIII. The progress of Caesar. He seizes upon the March of Ancona. The siege of Corfinium.

IT was not a desire of Peace which carried on this Correspondence, matters were too far engaged, and the Enmity too open­ly declared to leave any room for a sincere Accommodation. Pompey's business was but to gain time, and had great relyance upon the assistence of the Forces of the East, which were absolutely in his interest. Caesar too depending upon the valour and affe­ctions of his Souldiers had no design of quitting his Arms, but onely to make it ap­pear as fairly as he could, that he had taken them up with Justice. His Propositions be­ing but as so many Manifesto's or Remon­strances, for as a Politician of those times observed, they might easily have come to an agreement, but that was none of their busi­ness, for they both aimed at the Govern­ment. Caesar found he had no reason to obey the Senate, who would have obliged him to retire, and leave a good Garrison, and disband his Troops, so long as Pompey con­tinued in Arms, and making new Levies, without any certain day fixt for his depar­ture into Spain; wherefore without loosing more time, he resolved upon action, and to that purpose sent Anthony to Aretium. Arezzo with five Cohorts to make new Levies. In the [Page 80] mean time he seized upon Pisaura, and Fano, and Ancona, and upon advice received, that Thermus the Pretor was at Fermo with five Cohorts belonging to Pompey, he sent Curio thither with three of his, upon whose ar­rival the Inhabitants revolted, and obliged Thermus to depart, whose Troops deserted him. In fine, all the Picenum. March of Ancona submitted voluntarily to Caesar: This Pro­gress of his redoubled the fears at Rome, whither Lentulus was come back to seize upon the publick Treasures, but upon the report that Caesar was coming, left the Trea­sury open, and with Marcellus and several others, betook himself to flight. In the mean time the twelfth Legion came to join Caesar, who marched to Ascasum. Ascoli, which Len­tulus had possessed himself of with ten Co­horts, he staid not there for C [...]sar's coming, but retreated in confusion, a great part of his Souldiers deserting him also, the rest joined with Vibullius Rufus, who was at that time too raising new recruits, whereof he composed ten Cohorts, and went to Cor­finium to find out Domitius Aenobarsus, of whom Cicero makes mention, and who was designed to have succeeded Caesar. This man was of an illustrious Family, though but of the order of the People, but the Merits of his Ancestours had raised them to the dignity of Patricians, he was of a fantastical inconstant spirit, with a fiery and barbarous humour much like that of Nero after him, whose great great Grandfather he [Page 81] was. He had with him twenty Cohorts of new raised Troops in Corfinium, besides, the twelve that belonged to Rufus, with these Forces he resolved to expect Caesar. Now as that place was the first that durst undertake to make head against Caesar, every body ex­pected with impatience what would be the success of the enterprise. Caesar made his approaches with two Legions, and was en­gaged by five Cohorts, who defended a Bridge about three miles from the City. They were driven back even to the Gates of Corfinium, which thereupon was imme­diately invested. Domitius prepared himself for a vigorous defence, and wrote word to Pompey, That there was now a fair opportu­nity to hem in Caesar, if he would but come up, that it would not be for his Reputation to abandon thirty Cohorts, besides a great many Senatours and Knights of Rome; Pom­pey's answer was, That he was not then in a condition to set the Forces of the Com­monwealth, upon the hazard of a Battel that Domitius had engaged himself in Corfinium, absolutely contrary to his Opinion, and that he ought to think of making as fair and speedy a retreat as was possible, and come to join himself with the Consuls and the rest of the Senate. It was upon this refu­sal that Cicero became so transported against Pompey, in one of his Epistles to Atticus. I should have believed (said he) that Pompey would have had more regard to his Reputa­tion; He himself has nourished and made [Page 82] Caesar great, and now all of a sudden is grown a­fraid of him. He will hearken to no Propositions of Peace, and yet is in no preparation for War. He has lost the March of Ancona by his own fault, has put himself into Pollentia. Povilla, and would go into Greece without thinking fitting to make us in the least acquainted with his Designs. In short, Domitius presses him for relief, and re­presents to him how much his Glory is concerned in it, but Pompey renounces his Glory, and retires to Brundusium.

CHAP. XIX. The taking of Corfinium. Caesar gives Do­mitius and the other Senatours their liberty; He writes to Cicero.

Domitius thought it his wisest way to conceal this answer which he recei­ved from Pompey, and said, that the General was upon his march to relieve them, in the mean time contriving with the trustiest of his Friends how to make a private re­treat. The secret could not be so nicely managed, but that his very face and all his Actions discovered it, so that the Souldiers fell to Mutiny, and proposed surrendring to Caesar, who had now recruited his Army with the ninth Legion, and two and twenty Cohorts raised in Gaul, besides three hun­dred German Horse which a certain Petty King towards the side of Bavaria had sent him. Caesar pressed the place with those Troops he had put under the command of Curio, so that no means of retreat being left, the Souldiers secured Domitius, and sent De­puties to Caesar to certifie him, That they were ready to open the Gates to him and surrender. This happened at the beginning of the night, so that Caesar would not make his entry at that time, fearing lest in the dark his Souldiers might be tempted to com­mit disorders, and pillage the City; Wherefore he onely caused his Guards to be doubled, [Page 84] and kept his Army at their Arms all night. At break of day Lentulus called from the Rampart to one of Caesar's advanced Sentinels, and demanded of him if he might have se­curity to come and see Caesar. Caesar had notice of it, and sent him his Parole, Lentulus presently came forth conducted by Domitius his Souldiers to the presence of Caesar. He began his discourse with praying Caesar to forgive him, in respect of their ancient Friendship, and afterwards enlarged himself upon the favours Caesar had done him; That he was indebted to him for all the Honours he enjoyed in the dignity of Pontifex, in the Government of Spain, in the Consulship. Here Caesar interrupted him, saying, That he was not come from Gaul to offend any body but onely to defend himself against the outrages of his Enemies, to restore the Honour of the Tribunes who had been ig­nominiously banished, and to recover his own Liberty with that of the People of Rome, whom a Cabal of ill designing men had now enslaved.

Lentulus taking heart at this discourse, de­sired of him the liberty to return into the Town, saying, That the favour which Cae­sar had shewn him would be a great motive towards the assuring of the others, many whereof had taken desperate resolutions against their own lives, meaning by this Domitius, who by a certain return of tender­ness which Nature has for life, was now seeking for remedy against some Poison [Page 85] which he imagined he had taken, though he had no great need of it, for his Physician, had onely given him a Vomit, which had its usual operation. Caesar ordered all the Senatours, and the other Noble Romans that were there, to come forth of the Town, as Domitius, Lentulus, Spinther, Vibullius, Rufus, Quintillius Varus, and Lucius Rubrius, toge­ther with the Sons of Domitius, besides a great many young Gentlemen and Roman Knights. He forbad his Souldiers offering of them the least affront even in speech, and after having told them in a few words, that he never had till now great reason to value himself upon their acknowledgment of any obligations that they owed him, he gave them all their liberty to go where they plea­sed; and to shew that he as little valued the Money, as the lives of his Enemies, he re­stored to Domitius six thousand Sesterces, which he had deposited in the Bank of Cor­finium, though he could not be ignorant that it was the publick stock. As this action was diversly interpreted, Caesar thought him­self obliged to give some account of his reasons for it in a letter which he wrote to Cicero upon some praises he had given him for the business of Corfinium. The letter was in these Terms.

The name of Emperour was at this time no other than a Title of Honour which the Souldiers gave their Generals, after some great Victory, Caesar (the world knew) had well deserved it; Cicero had gotten it by some little exploits of his done in his Go­vernment of Cilicia, and it was onely to flat­ter him, that Caesar gave it him in this Let­ter, wherein he mentions Domitius, Rufus and Varus, for that they made so ungratefull use of the liberty he had given them; for Domitius went to Marseilles to seduce that City from Caesar's Interest, Rufus into Spain, and Varus into Africk upon the same design.

CHAP. XX. New Propositions for Peace. Caesar besieges Pompey in Brundusium. Pompey retires by Sea.

DOmitius his Souldiers went all over to Caesar's side, but as he could put no great confidence in them, he sent them into Sicily, and began to march with his whole Army, which consisted of four Veteran, and two new raised Legions. All the Towns opened him their Gates, and their Gover­nours fled, being several of them deserted by their Souldiers who came over to Caesar. Pompey himself did not think fit to stay for him, but retreated to Brundusium, where the Consuls immediately embarked to go to Dyra­chium. Durazzo with thirty Cohorts. Pompey re­maining in the Town with twenty others; Caesar soon after arrived, but e'er he began to make any Attack, resolved once more to endeavour an Accommodation: He had ta­ken one Magius an Engineer, belonging to Pompey, and set him at liberty, with orders to tell his General, That it might be for the common interest of them both, as well as the good of the Republick, that they two might have a Meeting, and that they might more fairly and easily hand to hand come to an agreement, than by the means of any third Person: Magius brought him no an­swer back again, which obliged Caesar un­certain [Page 88] of the designs of Pompey, to endea­vour the blocking up the entry of the Port of Brundusium. To this purpose he caused a Bank or dam to be raised on each side of the Port where it was narrowest, and they could find ground, and where no bottom could be reached, he caused two Vessels to be fastened together thirty foot square every way, and made them to advance over against the entry of the Haven; they were moored with four Anchors, one at every Corner, and to these were joined two other Vessels of the same bulk, with design to form a sort of stacade or chain; the first bridge of these Vessels was covered with Earth and green Turf, to the end that those who were to de­fend them might have firm footing to fight upon, and the two sides were furnished with Hurdles in the nature of Parapets, and one of these Vessels carried from square to square, a Tower containing two stories for defen­ding of the work from Attacks, and from fire. It was easie to judge for what design all this pains was undertaken. Pompey en­deavoured to break it, and to that purpose made use of several Merchant Ships of bur­then that were in the Haven. He caused there to be raised Towers of three stories high, which he furnished with Engines and all sorts of Darts; with these he run against Caesar's Vessels, hoping thereby to separate them, and hinder the continuation of the work, which occasioned dayly some lit­tle skirmishes with Darts and Arrows. All [Page 89] this time Caesar's design was to seek for a Peace, and having received no news of Ma­gius, caused Caninius one of his Lieutenants to demand an enterview with Scribonius Libo his Friend, and an Officer under Pompey. His orders were to exhort Libo to Peace, and that the surest way to accomplish it would be an interview between Pompey and Caesar, that Caesar was assured matters might by that means be ordered with equal satisfacti­on to both Parties, and that the glory would redound to Libo, if by his care and media­tion they should come to the laying down of Arms; Caninius proceeded according to his Commission, Libo made a report of it to Pompey, and returning back to his Friend, told him, That the Consuls being absent no Propositions of that kind could be received. From this time Caesar lost all hopes of an Accommodation, and set his thoughts whol­ly upon the War, half his business be­ing already done to his hands, by reason the Vessels which transported the Consuls, and their Troops, were returned from Durazzo, which opportunity Pompey thought fit to make use of for withdrawing himself, and to secure his retreat he immediately caused all the Gates of the City to be walled up, and several Houses to be demolished in the Piazza's, and cross streets. The Avenues of the Port were cut off by certain Pits which were filled with stakes, and covered over with Hurdles and Earth, besides, two which were onely defended with Beams, [Page 90] and Joysts made very sharp at the ends, and planted after the manner of Fraize: After these Precautions, he caused his Souldiers to embark with all silence imaginable, leaving onely some Archers and Slingers upon the Walls, who had a signal given them to re­treat, so soon as his Souldiers should be got­ten on Board, for he caused some Challops, or small Boats to attend them in a conveni­ent place for their Embarkment also. The Inhabitants of Brundusium dissatisfi'd with Pompey's Souldiers, and provoked by the ruine of their Houses, advised Caesar of their re­treat, who immediately put his Troops into order, and gave command for the planting of Ladders at the same moment of time that Pompey should give the signal to his Ar­chers, who yet easily secured their retreat by certain private paths that they were well acquainted with. So that Pompey got all this Troops on Board, and at the beginning of the night weighed Anchor; Caesar's Soul­diers got over the Walls, and had certainly fallen into the Pits which were prepared for them, had not the People of the Town given them warning, so that they were for­ced to take a large Circuit to come to the Port; which nevertheless was not so great a hindrance to them; but that they had time enough with Barks, and some other small Vessels to seize upon two of Pompey's Ships, who had run themselves a ground in going out of the Haven, while the rest made all the Sail they could, and saved themselves. [Page 91] Caesar seeing himself in sixty days Master of all Italy, was now extremely desirous to at­tack his Enemies e'er yet the supplies they expected from Asia could come to join them. But wanting Shipping, he resolved to go to Rome, to settle there some sort of Govern­ment, and then pass into Spain, to drive thence those Troops of Pompey, who had ta­ken possession of it under the Command of Affranius and Petreius. He sent orders to all his Officers Commanding upon that side, to get together some Shipping, and send them to Brundusium. He gave Valerius one Legion to go into Sardignia, and three to Curio for Sicily, with orders to go forward into Africk so soon as they had brought that Island to Submission, Cato Commanded there for the Senate, and Aurelius Cotta in Sardignia. They neither of them staid to attend the coming up of Caesar's Troops. And Cato after ha­ving publickly complained of Pompey's Con­duct totally abandoned Sicily.

CHAP. XXI. Caesar goes to Rome, by the way sees Cicero. He seizes upon the money of the publick Trea­sury, and goes into Spain. The siege of Mar­seilles.

NOW Caesar having put his Troops into good Quarters, began his Journey to­wards Rome, after having written to all those of the Senate, who had not already decla­red themselves to meet him there, and assist him with their Councils: But above all, he desired to see Cicero, and pressed him to come by Oppius and Coelius, who were Friends to them both, and near his Person. Caesar, the more to engage him to it, took an op­portunity to see him in his Journey. The Conversation that passed between two so ex­traordinary men as they were, and moved each by different Considerations, must needs have something in it very remarkable. Cae­sar complain'd to Cicero of his refusal to go to Rome, and told him; That by that repugnan­cy he would make it believed that he blamed his Conduct, which might give ill impressions, and be of bad Example to the other Senatours. To which Cicero replyed, That the reasons he pro­ceeded upon were very different from those of the others. But Caesar still pressed him, saying, That he desired his presence at Rome for no other end than the proposing of some Accommodation; Might I (replyed Cicero) here speak my Opinion? [Page 93] I have nothing to prescribe you, upon that occasion; Then (says Caesar) I will tell you: You will tell me (answered Cicero) that the Spanish expediti­on does not please the Senate, that the Army ought not to go into Greece; In short, I have much adoe to forbear discovering the Compassion I have for the present state of Pompey's Fortune; Oh (replies Caesar) I cannot understand why things of this nature should be said to me, whose duty it is to distrust my self. And that is one reason too (says Cicero) why I would not go to Rome, for it is my duty also to speak my mind, or else I ought not to appear in the Senate. Caesar left him to give him time for reflexion, but Ci­cero could not resolve with himself to go to Rome. But Caesar arriving there, composed a body of such Senatours as he found there, and called them the Senate, and when they were Assembled, made them a speech in justification of his Conduct. The reasons he alledged may he easily imagined, the most weighty of them having been already taken notice of. He proposed to the Senate the sending of Ambassadours to Pompey, without bogling at the point of Honour, which Pompey had laid down for a Maxime, which was, That in paying that respect to any one, they attributed to him a Supreme Authority, and that it was a mark of fear on their part who did it. But there was no body to be found who would undertake this Commission, be­cause Pompey by the advice of Domi [...]u [...], had declared all such Senatours Enemies as should remain Neutrals. Caesar therefore would [Page 94] not insist upon this Proposition of an Em­bassy, but began to think of providing him­self with Money, his recourse was to the publick Treasury which he would have had opened. But Metellus one of the Tribunes of the People opposed him upon it, alledging, That the Laws forbad it, that that money was sa­cred, and that heretofore most horrible imprecati­ons had been denounced upon those who should ever touch it for any other occasions than the Gallick War. Caesar told him, He had removed the reasons of those maledictions by bringing Gaul under subjection to the Romans. And when the Tribune insisted still upon the Laws; Caesar being something moved, told him, That Arms and Laws seldom agre [...] very well together. Therefore adds he, If you do not like my pro­ceeding, you may please to withdraw, the War will not admit of this liberty of Contradiction, but when Peace has once obliged us to lay down our Arms, you may take your time to enlarge your self upon the power and virtue of the Laws; I relin­quish much of my right in vouchsafing to tell you this; for you ought to know that you are now in my power, with all those who have provoked the people against me. After this Discourse he went to the Doors of the Treasury, the Keys whereof not being to be found; Caesar sent for People to break open the Locks, and when Metellus had still the boldness to dispute it with him, in a rage laid his hand upon his Sword, and threatned to kill him, saying, Know young man, that it is harder for me to say this than to doe it. These words and [Page 95] behaviour of Caesar so terrifi'd Metellus, that he retired. Caesar took out of the Treasury 3000 pound weight of gold. And the example of Metellus was the reason, that during the rest of the War, never any thing was refused him. After this he departed from Rome up­on his Spanish expedition; having first sent orders to all his Troops to come and join him; he received news in Provence that Pom­pey had sent Rufus into Spain, and that by Pompey's intriguing with their Ambassadours when they were at Rome in the beginning of the War, the People of Marseilles had re­solved to refuse him entrance into their City, that Domitius was gone thither with seven Gallies filled with the Slaves, Liber­tines and Peasants that belonged to his Lands, and that the Marseillians had called down to their Succour all the Inhabitants of the Neighbouring Mountains. Caesar sent for fifteen of the chief Men of the City, to desire of them, That they would not begin a War with him, but rather follow the example of all Italy and submit. They returned back to the City to advise upon the matter, from whence they sent him this answer: That ha­ving understood that the People of Rome were di­vided, and that Pompey and Caesar were the heads of the two Parties, they had resolved to take neither part where two men were concerned, to whom they had equal obligations. In the mean time Domitius arriving, was received into the City, so declaring him General, they put their Navy to Sea; Caesar incensed at their [Page 96] proceeding, besieged the Town with three Legions, and ordered twelve Ships of War to be built at Arles; which were completed in thirty days, Decimus Brutus was appointed to command them; and Caius Trebonius his Lieutenant General was left to continue the Siege.

CHAP. XXII. Pompey gathers together great Forces. Fabius enters Spain with the Troops belonging to Caesar.

THough Pompey's design had at the first been ill interpreted. He had too much courage, and was too great a Captain to have proceeded in that manner without be­ing obliged by very powerfull reasons. He knew well the valour of Caesar's Souldiers, inured by ten years service against Warlike Nations, and by the merit of their General. Besides, he was willing to preserve his Re­putation, and not put himself to the hazard of being beaten without hopes of recovery, with Troops but newly raised and unexperi­enced. Besides, he could not assure himself of the fidelity of those two Legions which Cae­sar had surrendered him, and who for seve­ral years had served under a Man who un­derstood all the arts of making himself be­loved. It was this which caused him to go [Page 97] into Greece, there of such Succours as he could draw out of Asia, which was wholly in his Interest to form a body that might be fit to make head against Caesar. In effect in a short time he found that he had a very considerable Army. He applyed himself therefore to exercise his Souldiers, with an able Fleet to make himself Master at Sea, and to furnish himself with Darts, En­gines, and all such Equipage as was necessa­ry for him. He reckoned much too upon his Army that was in Spain, composed all of very good Legions, hoping that if Caesar lost not his Reputation, he might at least lose there the best of his Souldiers, which must indeed have succeeded as Pompey imagined, had he himself been at the head of that Ar­my, or had he sent any of his best Officers to command it. But Caesar, who knew the condition it was in, said with his usual con­fidence that he went to find an Army with­out a General; but that he should come back and find a General without an Army. Afranius, Petreius, and Varro commanded in Spain for Pompey, and understanding by Vibul­lius Rufus, that Caesar was upon his march to attack them; upon this advice they resol­ved that Petreius should join with Afranius, and that Varro with his Troops should guard the inner part of the Countrey. They making choice of Lerida for the Post where they would attend the coming of Caesar. Afra­nius had three Legions, and Petreius two others, with four and twenty Cohorts of [Page 98] the Natives of the Countrey, and five thou­sand Horse. Caesar had caused the passages of the Pyreneans to be possessed by three Legions, Commanded by Fabius, who after having put to flight some of Afranius his Troops that guarded those Defiles, was ad­vanced into Catalonia, Caesar followed him with three other Legions, three thousand Horse which had accompanied him all his Conquests, and as many Gallick Cavalry, composed all of the noblest and bravest Men of that Nation, besides the Gascons and the Basques. There ran at this time a report, that Pompey would come by Mauritania to put himself at the head of his Army, which caused Caesar to use extr [...]me diligence, and to assure himself of his Troops by an ex­traordinary way of proceeding. For he bor­row'd certain sums of Money of all his Of­ficers, which he distributed amongst his Souldiers, by that means engaging his Offi­cers by their own proper interests, and his Souldiers by his liberality.

CHAP. XXIII. Caesar joyns his Army, and marches against Pe­treius and Afranius.

Ilerd [...]. LErida is a City of Catalonia, within twenty miles of the Ebre, situated upon an advanced ground between the Ri­vers Segre and Cinga. Fabius had advanced himself between these two Rivers, and had caused two Bridges to be laid over the Segre four thousand paces distance from each other, for the convenience of Forrage. The Ene­mies Generals had done the same thing for the same reason. So that the Cavalry of both Parties were every day engaged. There happened at the same time a fierce fight be­tween two of Fabius's Legions, and Afranius with four of his. The two Legions were commanded by Plancus, and had certainly been put to the rout, had not Fabius come up to their relief with all his Troops; Caesar in the mean while marched to joyn him with eight hundred Horse, and in two days made that Road which reaches from the Pyreneans down to the Segre. After that he had understood the disposition of the places, and of the Countrey, and that the rest of his Troops were arrived, he gave orders for the repairing of one of those Bridges which the River had broken down, and left six Cohorts with all his Baggage to guard the Bridge, and his Camp. Marching emba [...]elled in [Page 100] three Lines, till he came within view of the Enemy. Afranius appeared with his Troops in Battalia, upon an eminence where he was encamped, and where Caesar could not at­tack him, which oblig'd him to post him­self four hundred paces onely from the foot of the Mountain. The Romans never used to encamp without retrenching themselves within a Ditch, and a Palisade, which the Legionary Souldiers could throw up in an instant, every one of them besides his Arms carrying a stake upon his Shoulders for the making of the Palisade. This was their first work; and this they supported with Earth and Turf for the forming of a Rampart. Caesar that he might not be disturbed in in­trenching, left his two foremost lines to re­main in Battalia, while the third wrought un­der the shelter of the two others, and threw up a Ditch of fifteen foot breadth, so that face of the Camp which looked towards the Enemy, was fortifi'd e'er Afranius could perceive it. Then Caesar caused his Troops to retreat by the two ends of the Trench. His whole Army were all that night at their Arms, and the next day he drew up three Legions in Battalia behind the Ditch. As it was a hard matter to get Turf, he contented himself to cause a Trench to be thrown up upon the other sides of his Camp, by the three Legions who were not at their Arms. The work was completed in a few days, though Afranius and Petreius made some at­tempts to hinder it, but unsuccessfully, so [Page 101] that being in so good a condition as it was, Caesar caused all his Equipage to come up, with the Cohorts that were at the guard of the Bridge.

CHAP. XXIV. The Battel of Lerida.

BEtween the Eminence where the Enemy was Encamped; and the Town of Le­rida, there was a Plain of about three hun­dred paces, and in the middle of that Plain a small advanced ground, Caesar endeavou­red to get possession of this Post, and forti­fie himself there, by that means to take away from the Enemy the conveniency of their Bridge, and their communication with the City, from whence they furnished them­selves with all their subsistence. He caused three of his Legions to advance, which he posted in three different places, giving orders to the first Battalion of that Legion which was nearest to the advanced ground to run all together, and possess themselves of it. But the Cohorts of Afranius his advanced Guard, who had less way to go, got thither first, and repulsed Caesar's Men. They were seconded with other Troops, so that the Bat­tel grew hot in that place. The manner of fighting on both sides was very different. [Page 102] Afranius his Souldiers accustomed to Wars against the Barbarians, who never keep their ground, charged fiercely at the first, and ad­vanced with a great deal of Courage, but they took no care of their ranks, but opened themselves in fighting, and when ever they were pressed hard, thought it no dishonour to give ground, and abandon their Posts, and this Caesar says happened in regard that Soul­diers easily learn the Discipline of those pla­ces where they have longest served. Caesar's Men on the contrary thought it was for their Honour to fight Embodied, and to keep their ranks, and never to quit their Colours nor their Posts.

In the mean time the manner of the Ene­mies fighting surprised them by its Novelty, they believed that they should be hemm'd in, and the whole Battalion moved with a great deal of disorder, and the astonishment had certainly reached the rest of the Troops, who were not accustomed to see themselves push't by their Enemies, had not Caesar assu­red them by his presence. He caused a Le­gion to go on entire, and it was the ninth, which put a stop to the Attempts of the Enemy, and charged them so hotly, that they retreated under the walls of Lerida. But that Legion enraged with the affront they had received, engaged themselves too incon­siderately in so dangerous a place, upon the steep part of the rising ground, upon which the City was built. Afranius his Souldiers returned to the charge, and as they had got­ten [Page 103] the advantage of the place, and Caesar also had recruited his Men, the Battel lasted five hours upon that spot with great disad­vantage to Caesar's Party, who were forced to fight up hill, and where every Dart from the Enemy did execution, which last obliged them to run up with their Swords in their hands, and with so much vigour, that they pushed the Enemies Party which were in the Trenches, and the others also in the same place. By this time Caesar's Horse were with difficulty advanced to favour their re­treat which they made without any disorder. Both Parties attributed to themselves the Honour of the Victory. Caesar, because his Troops had maintained the fight for five hours in so disadvantageous a Post, and that they had with their Swords in their hands, put the Enemy to flight. And Afranius for that his being less in number, had had at first the advantage, and that he still remai­ned Master of the Post for which they fought, and which he caused to be fortified.

CHAP. XXV. Caesar's Army reduced to great extremities by the overflowing of two Rivers. Cicero and a great many other Senatours go to find out Pom­pey.

AN Accident which happened two days after this Battel, gave him still greater hopes. The Rains which fell in abundance, and melted the Snow upon the Mountains, so swelled up the two Rivers, that the Rapi­dity of the Waters carried away both Caesar's Bridges, so that he saw himself shut up between two over-flown Rivers, and could receive neither Convoys of Provisions, nor those powerfull succours which he ex­pected out of Gaul and Italy: This was at the beginning of Summer, when the Corn was not yet ripe enough for the making of Bread. Besides Afranius his Spaniards being well acquainted with the Countrey, and ac­customed to pass the Rivers in Goat-skins, which they always carried with them to the Wars, continually met and fell upon Caesar's Men, when ever any of them were stragling or out from the rest. Afranius, on the other side, had great store of Corn, and other Pro­visions, which he still supply'd himself withall out of that part of the Countrey which lay behind his Camp, and which had not yet been ravaged. Caesar attempted to repair his Bridges, but the largeness and violence of the [Page 105] Rivers rendered all his endeavours fruitless; besides, that the Enemy disturbed the Work with flights of Darts from the other side of the Segre: by this time the succours from Gaul were arrived, consisting of Archers and Cavalry, composed of the best and chosen youth of Gaul, all Sons of Senatours, or Knights, whom Caesar had honoured with those dignities. According to the custome of that Nation, they brought with them great Equipages, abundance of Chariots and Slaves, but all in no order, and without com­mand. They arrived, in this condition, up­on the Bank of the Segre, which they could not pass; And Afranius being advised of the difficulties they were in, passed over with three Legions, and all his Cavalry, to sur­prize them. The sight of the Enemy made the Gauls to rally, and form themselves in­to a Body, which stood and received the E­nemies Horse with a great deal of Bravery; but seeing the Colours of the Legions ap­pearing, they retreated towards the Moun­tains, without any more loss than 200 Ar­chers, a few Horsemen, and some Servants that were with their Equipages. In the mean time the want of Provisions grew to a great height in Caesar's Camp, and his Souldiers were very much discouraged, as well with the fears of future miseries, as with the sense of the present. A Bushel of Corn was sold for Fifty pence, and Fortune seemed abso­lutely to declare her self for Afranius, whose Troops enjoyed all manner of plenty. Both [Page 106] he and Petreius gave an account, by Letters, to Rome, of the advantage they had gotten; And those of Pompey's Party went in shoales to pay visits to Afranius his Wife, and congra­tulate with her upon the news: A great ma­ny Senatours, who had till then stood neu­ters, went to find out Pompey, some in hopes to make their Court to him, by carrying him the first account of so good Tidings; others to get what shares they could in the fruit of a Victory, which they already assured them­selves of, by the ruine of Caesar. Cicero was one of these last in spight of the wholsome advice of Atticus, the endeavours of his best friends, who were then with Caesar, and Cae­sar's own Letters to him, wherein he con­jures him, for the sake of their Friendship, to remain Neuter. It will not be believed (says he in one of them) that the Iustice of my E­nemies Cause has prevailed with you to declare a­gainst me, but that you have been dista [...]ed at some action of mine which would most sensibly grieve me. A Man of Honour who loves his Countrey, and its Peace, ought to avoid the taking of any side in the disorders of a Civil War. The mere consideration of danger hath hindered many men from following those opinions, though they might have perhaps approved of them. For you, who know by my conduct the extent of my Soul and my Friend­ship, you cannot doe better nor more for your Honour than to avoid the engaging your self, by any means, in these Broils. But these reasons were not of such prevalency with Cicero, as the News he received from Spain. Therefore he went [Page 107] to find Pompey, who was very glad to see him, but gave him no Employment, being not ve­ry well satisfied with him, for that he had observed in him some regret to be engaged so unseasonably, and which he could not forbear giving instances of by his Raileries; For when Pompey reproached him, that he came in a little late; How late? (answered he) I do not find your affairs in such forwardness. And another time, when it was told him, that seven Eagles had been taken in Pompey's Camp, and that it was a happy Omen. It would be very lucky indeed (said he)▪ if we were going to make War upon the Magpies: so that Pompey could not refrain telling of him, That he should get him gone into Caesar's Camp, where he would have less reason to Iest, and more to be Afraid. At last, Cato having remonstrated to him, That he ought to have preserved the Neutrality which he at first made profession of, and that the Inconstancy of his proceeding was un­worthy of a Man, as he was well acquainted with the Maximes of True Philosophy. Cicero took the first opportunity of retiring, and never came up to the Battel of Pharsalia.

CHAP. XXVI. Caesar passes the Segre, and pursues Afranius and Petreius.

THE Joy of Pompey's Party was not ve­ry long-liv'd, but quickly changed with the Fortune of Caesar; who, after having vainly endeavoured to repair his Bridges, gave orders amongst his Souldiers for the Building some of those sort of Vessels, the use whereof they had learned in the British Expedition. The Keel and bottom of these Boats was of Light Wood, and the rest with Ozier, covered over with Leather: he cau­sed them to be transported in the night up­on Chariots, 22 miles from his Camp, and so passed over his Souldiers to the other side of the River, who possessed themselves of an advanced ground, where they retrenched before the Enemy could get any notice of their design. These Troops were followed by one Legion, and in two days a Bridge was built in that place. The Succours and Provisions which came from Gaul passed easi­ly over, and their Souldiers were refreshed. Caesar then caused his Horse to go over, who surprised the Forragers, a great number whereof they slew, routing their Guard which consisted of Spaniards, and carried a­way a considerable booty. At this time the face of Affairs seemed utterly changed. The valour of Caesar's Horse had so amazed the [Page 109] Enemy, that they never after durst venture out to fetch in Forrage, and the Towns of Heusia, Callahora, Taragona, Tacca and Vich coming over intirely to his party, sent him Provisions. Illurgavia another City near E­bre followed their example, and one Cohort of that City, which was in the Enemies service, revolted to Caesar's Camp. He then caused an Intrenchment to be thrown up thir­ty foot in depth, by that means to make the Segre fordable, and spare his Horse the pains of fetching a long circuit to find the Bridge. Pompey's Generals began now, in their turn, to be afraid of the want of provi­sions, because that Caesar was much too strong for them in Cavalry. So they resolve to go into Portugal, where the People held the Name of Pompey in great Veneration. For this design they furnished themselves with what Boats they could get in and about the River Ebre, and carried them to Octogesa. This was a place about Twenty Mile from their Camp, then they commanded a Bridge to be made of these Boats, and passed the Se­gre with two Legions. Caesar's Work and Afranius's Bridge came to be finished much about the same time, with extreme dili­gence on both sides, and unspeakable labour on Caesar's part. In fine, Pompey's two Gene­rals left two Cohorts in Garrison at Lerida, and went with all their Troops to join the two Legions which were passed over. At the third Watch all that Army decamped to gain the Ebre; after which, Caesar sound­ing [Page 110] the depth of the Ford, and finding it in good condition, commanded all his Ca­valry to pass and fall upon the Enemy; At break of day, from the Eminency of Caesar's Camp, he could discover that his Horse had joined the Enemy, that they ex­tremely pressed their Rere-guard, and had put them into disorder, which was easily to be guessed from the confusion of their moti­on. The Souldiers ran about the Camp, crying, that the Enemy would escape, and yet protract the War longer than there was necessity for it; They desired their Officers to assure Caesar, that they would refuse no Fatigue to come to a Battel, and that they could easily foard over where the Horse had gone before them: This eagerness of theirs was the reason that he left the weakest of his Men, with one Legion, to guard his Camp. And after having disposed a great many Horse both above and below the Ford, he caused his other Legions to pass over without their Baggage; some of the Souldiers were carried away by the swift­ness of the Stream, but were saved by the horsemen. So that all the Army got over without the loss of one Man. Assoon as they came on the other side of the Ford they drew up in Battalia, and Marched so fast, that though they were forced to go six Miles about, and had lost a great deal of time in passing the River, they join­ed the Enemy before three a Clock in the Afternoon, who had come away at mid­night. [Page 111] Afranius and Petreius drew up their Troops upon the hill, Caesar kept his on the Plain, being unwilling, (weary as they were) to expose them to a Battel. But in the mo­ment that the two Generals moved towards a retreat, he followed them without resting, and forced them to Encamp much sooner than they had at first resolved.

CHAP. XXVII. Different motions of the two Armies. Caesar besieges the Enemies tow Generals.

FRom the place where they were Encam­ped, there was a Plain of five Miles, reaching to the Mountains and Defiles which they had a mind to possess themselves of, to put a stop to Caesar's Cavalry, and go without danger as far as the Ebre. Caesar understood this design, and that they intended silently to quit their Camp, so he immediately ordered a cry in his Camp of Load the Baggage, which was an usual Cry amongst the Ro­man Souldiers. This noise kept the Enemy in their Trenches, fearing lest they should be surprised in disorder upon their march, but at break of day Petreius went to take an ac­count of the Defiles with a small party of Horse. Decidius Saxa had received the same orders from Caesar, they both brought back [Page 112] word to their Camp, that he who first got possession of those Defiles might cut off from the Enemy the passage to the Ebre.

Afranius and Petreius called a Council of War, whether they should depart that night, or stay till morning; those that were of the opinion to stay till morning, carried it, by reason of the hazard they must run, should they be ingaged to a Battel in the dark, where the Souldiers (especially in a Civil War as this was) would not be retained by the example of their Officers, nor any sense of their own shame. At break of day Cae­sar left his Trenches, and marched with all his Troops towards the Hills, taking a great Circuit without keeping any certain Road. The Vallies were very difficult of passage, being full of sharp Rocks, and rough ways. But the Souldiers persuaded that the price of the Victory, and the end of all their Toils de­pended upon their diligence, to ease them­selves, gave their Arms to those who were first got over, and so supported one another in the passage: Immediately Afranius's men having left their Trenches, and observing the motion of Caesar's Army, which was not toward the way which led to the Mountains, by reason of their going about, believed, that prest for want of For­rage, he was upon his retreat, upon which they set up great hootings, and their Com­manders were very glad that they had stay­ed for the day, without running any hazard in the night. But when they perceived by [Page 113] their facing to the right, that the first of the Troops were already got on the other side of their Camp, they thought it high time for them to depart and prevent the Enemy, so they cryed to Arms, and mar­ched, after having left some Cohorts to guard the Camp and the Baggage. It was their business to try who could first get pos­session of the Mountains. The difficulty of the ways was a great hindrance to Caesar's Troops; but his Cavalry as much incom­moded those of Afranius. So they already saw themselves necessitated to lose their Baggage to save themselves, for Caesar's Horse had got between them and their Camp. The matter of importance was, who should make themselves Masters of the Defiles. Caesar by the diligence of his Men carried it, where after having passed the Rocks, which were almost inaccessible, found the Plain where he might draw up his Legions in Battalia. The two Generals seeing the Infantry before them, and the Horse behind them, made a hault upon a hill, from whence they detached four Co­horts of Spaniards, who were disigned to get possession of a Mountain which seemed to be the highest, and by that means to open themselves a way to the Ebre. But they were hemmed in by Caesar's Horse, who cut them all to pieces in sight of both Armies. His Souldiers pressed him that he would take that occasions to complete the defeat of his Enemies, whose fear appeared by the disor­der [Page 114] their Colours were in, but he would not doe it, for he saw the Victory assured with­out fighting, and was resolved to spare the bloud of his Souldiers, so he caused his Ca­valry to retreat, and gave the Enemy liberty to return to their Camp, which they had quitted in the morning. Caesar leaving some Troops at the Defiles, and having blockt up the passage to the Ebre, came the next day and posted himself in sight of their Trenches. They had but two things to chuse, either to return to Lerida, or go to Tarracona. As they were consulting upon this, news was brought them that Caesar's Cavalry had fallen upon theirs, which were gone to get water, which obliged them to send more Legionary Cohorts, seconded with Cavalry to maintain a work they de­signed to make, by throwing up a Trench as far as the Segre. The two Generals divi­ded themselves for this Design, and as they were busying themselves about it, their Soul­diers left their Trenches, and came to a Parley with Caesar's they almost all of them knew one another, being of the same City, and most of them either Friends or Relati­ons. They gave them thanks that the day before they had not fallen upon them in that disorder they were then in, they bemoaned themselves that they should be forc't to carry Arms against Men who for so many reasons ought to be dear to them. In short, they demanded surety for their Generals, promi­sing in that case to surrender themselves to [Page 115] Caesar, to whom also they deputed their Principal Centurions for a Treaty. In the mean while inviting Caesar's Souldiers into their Camp, and carrying them into their Tents, where they offered them such re­freshments as they had. Afranius's Son himself entered upon Capitulation by the means of Sulpitius a Lieutenant General, and there was some appearance that the two Ar­mies being united, matters might have been brought to a kind conclusion.

CHAP. XXVIII. Petreius causes several of Caesar's Souldiers to be slain. He decampeth, and Caesar follows him, but without a design of defeating him ut­terly.

UPon the news of this, Afranius retur­ned to the Camp, and retired him­self to his Tent, resolved against all events. Petreius did not so, he caused several of his Slaves and his Guards to take their Arms, and with some Spanish Horse ran to the Trenches, driving thence Caesar's Men, and causing his own Souldiers to retire. Those of Caesar rallied, seeing that he ordered those Spaniards to charge them, and after having lost some Men, retreated to their Camp. Petreius being entered into his, went from Quarter to Quarter, and assembling his Troops together, conjured them with tears in his Eyes to remember Pompey their Gene­ral, to whom they had so mighty obligati­ons, and demanded from them a new Oath of Fidelity, he took it first himself, after­wards obliging Afranius to it, and all the other Officers, and in fine, all the Souldiers one after another. Then it was ordered that all those that had any of Caesar's Souldiers in their Tents should bring them forth, some were produced and Massacred in the presence of the whole Army. They believed that the obligations of that Oath, and that exam­ple [Page 117] of Cruelty, would be so strong an en­gagement, that the Souldiers would never after break it; nevertheless, a great many preserved those that were in their Tents, without discovering of them, and at night helpt them to escape over the Ramparts. Caesar would not imitate this Cruelty of the Enemies Generals, but sent back all their Souldiers which were in his Camp, at least all those that would return, (for a great many Officers had taken Party with him.) The Enemy pressed by all manner of necessity, resolved now to retreat to Lerida, where they had yet some Provisions, and the next morning they Decamped. The order of their March was thus, the best of their Co­horts they placed in their Rere Guard, to make head in the Plain against Caesar's Ar­my, which followed them afterwards as they were passing the Mountain, they more easily defended themselves, because that those who first got up, could with their Darts defend them that followed; but upon the descent on the other side they found great disadvan­tage, for they could not assist one another, and Caesar's Cavalry might annoy them with Darts. As they went down to avoid this, the Legions in a whole body making a hault, charged so fiercely upon the Cavalry, that they forced them to retire, and after having so repulsed them, ran with what speed they could into the Valley to get to the other side, where they might face about, but by reason of what had hapned, they were not [Page 118] persued very fast, and after having marched four miles, Afranius and Petreius encamped upon an advanced ground, where they made a sort of retrenchment. Caesar posted him­self very near them, and after they had ob­served that his Horse were gone out to For­rage, they began about Noon to march again. Caesar immediately followed them with his Infantry, and sent order to his Horse to come up to him at four of the Clock, they quick­ly returned, and the Enemy being pressed by his whole Army, were forced to take ano­ther Post very disadvantageous, and far from any water. Caesar would not for the rea­sons I have already related, intirely defeat them, though he might easily have done it, but left them at liberty to retrench them­selves, which they did with all possible dili­gence, and carrying on their Trenches from one Post to another, endeavoured to advance under the shelter of their Works. But this onely served to hinder them more from wa­ter, which for one whole day they wanted. The next day all their Army marched in Battalia to seek for some, but no one durst leave the body to go and fetch in Forrage. This gave Caesar to understand the necessity to which they were reduced, and confirmed him in his design, so he ordered the begin­ning of his Line for the blocking of them up. Three days were so employed in remo­ving earth on every side, during which time they caused all the Beasts of burthen in their Camp to be killed. In the mean while Cae­sar's [Page 119] work was very much advanced, and at three a clock in the afternoon, the two Gene­rals drew out to oppose it, embattelling them­selves upon three lines. Caesar for the sake of his Reputation would not seem to decline the Fight; so he drew up his Troops in Battalia upon three Lines also. The Co­horts of the Legions upon the right and left, the Archers and Slingers in the Centre, and his Horse upon the Wings. In this order he attended their motion, resolving himself not to begin the attack. The two Armies were upon their Retrenchments, which were onely carried on for two hundred paces, and so they remained till night without doing any thing. Caesar then caused his Works to be renewed, and the two Generals had a de­sign to open themselves a passage to the Se­gre, to try there if they could find a Ford; but this hope of theirs was frustrated by the light armed German Foot, and a Party of Horse which Caesar had sent on the other side of the River to defend the passages by Corps du Guard, which he caused every where to be Posted.

CHAP. XXIX. Afranius and Petreius pressed for want of pro­vision, surrender themselves to Caesar with all their Army.

AT last having for four days suffered all the inconveniences imaginable, as want of Corn, Forrage, Water, and every thing else that was necessary, Afranius and Petreius demanded a private Treaty, which Caesar re­fused them, and obliged them to speak what they had to offer in presence of both the Armies; Afranius his Son was given for Hostage, and Afranius himself spoke for his Party, he excused them, for that they had to the last extremity maintained that fidelity which they owed to Pompey their General, and said, That they believed they had given suffi­cient marks of their Zeal which if he thought a Crime, they were already sufficiently punished for it by the misery which he had brought upon them, that they acknowledged their defeat, and begged that Caesar would use it according to his wonted generosity, and not treat them with the utmost ri­gour. He spoke this in a very submissive manner; to which Caesar answered, That Afranius and his Collegue had less reason than any body to complain and desire favour, that all the others had done but their duty, that he had re­fused to fall upon them when he had the advan­tage, if possible by such honourable proceedings to have obliged them to a peace, that his Army being [Page 121] unwilling to revenge upon their Souldiers the per­fidy by which they had put his men to the Sword, and their Souldiers also testifying their wishes for Peace, in sending to them to demand it, was a sufficient Testimony that every body did entertain sentiments of Iustice and Amity, except Afra­nius and his Collegue, who without having any regard to the rules of truce and intervews, had barbarously butchered his men after having sur­prized them by a false shew of Friendliness and good intention, that they being therefore justly fallen into a condition which such arrogance and obstinacy deserved were reduced to implore that with submission which they had before refused with contempt; but that nevertheless he would not pre­tend to take any advantage either of their submis­sion, or the favours of Fortune, but onely oblige them to dismiss those Troops that for so long time had born Arms against him. That and some­thing more he added against the Conduct of his Enemies, and in fine, said, That as he had no design (though he might easily do it) to make use of those Troops for his assistence, so he would take care they should not be employed to his prejudice, that therefore they should quit the Province, and discharge their Souldiers, which was the onely con­dition of Peace he had to propose.

Afranius's Souldiers approved of this dis­course, and testified their joy by their accla­mations; so every thing was ordered accor­dingly, and those who were setled in Spain were discharged upon the place, the others were to be dismissed, so soon as they ar­rived at the River Avarus, Caesar promised [Page 122] to furnish them with Provisions till they came to that place, and not to compell any of them to take Party in his Troops, which was all faithfully performed. Fussius Calenus, Caesar's Lieutenant General, guarded them with two Legions as far as Avarus, where they had liberty to depart. It is true that the greatest part of them ingaged themselves voluntarily in Caesar's Service, and the two Generals went to find out Pompey. Caesar that he might leave himself no Enemy in Spain, caused two Legions to advance under the Command of Cassius Longinus, and went himself to Cordova with six hundred Horse. Varro, who commanded for Pompey, had made some preparations there towards War, after having a long time disputed with him­self which side he should take, but at the ar­rival of Caesar all the Towns, and one intire Legion abandon'd Varro; this obliged him to retire to Cadiz, where he had some Ship­ping: In the mean while Caesar becoming Master of the whole Province, Varro him­self came to seek him out, and surrendred the remainder of his Forces into his hands, Caesar at that time leaving Longinus with four Legions in Spain, after having drawn great sums of Money out of all the Towns, he Embarked himself on board Varro's Ships, to go to Tarragona, from whence he went by land to Narbone, and so to the siege of Mar­seilles.

CHAP. XXX. The continuation of the Siege of Marseilles, and the taking of that City. Caesar chosen Dic­tatour. The defeat and death of Curio in A­frica.

THAT City still held out against Trebo­nius, who besieged it by Land, and De­cimus Junius. Brutus, who attacked it by Sea, and its obstinacy had like to have cost it its in­tire ruine. The Inhabitants, under the con­duct of Domitius, and assisted by the Moun­taneirs near the City, a fierce People, and very good Souldiers, having twice given Bat­tel by Sea to Brutus, though with some dif­ficulty, had been beaten in again. They were also attacked by Land, and blocked up by Lines and other Works. Necessity had driven them also to make use of Artifices, and under the pretence of a Treaty, which made Caesar's Souldiers negligent, they made a strong Sally, in which they burnt a great many Towers and Warlike Engines, and this was the reason that the Siege lasted so long; besides, Trebonius had orders from Caesar, not to force the place, for fear it should be ut­terly laid in Ruines by the unruliness of the Souldiers. Caesar arrived just as they were reduced to their last extremity, and when the Plague was already got amongst the Peo­ple, who had been for so long time shut up. They sent Deputies to him for a fair Capi­tulation, [Page 124] during which time Dumitius made his escape by Sea; Caesar pardoned them in favour, as he said, of their Name and Anti­quity, rather than for any other merit, upon condition, that they should surrender to him all their Arms and Engines of War, and give him all the Money that was in the City; so after having left two Legions there in Gar­rison, and sending the other into Italy, he departed for Rome, where the news of his Conquests had caused him to be chosen Dic­tatour, by Marcus Aemilius. Lepidus, who was then Pretor; but that good fortune, which seem­ed hitherto to be inseparable from his Par­ty, forsook him in Africa, whither Curio was gone from Sicily with two Legions and 500 Horse. This young Man, full of fire and courage, but without much experience in War, had to doe with Attius Varus, a Lieu­tenant of Pompey's, assisted by that Quintillius Varus whom Caesar had set at liberty, when he had taken him Prisoner in Corfinium, and Iuba King of Mauritania. This Prince was a particular Enemy to Curio, by reason, that when he was Tribune he had proposed the reducing of his Kingdom into a Province: Quintillius being acquainted with Curio's Soul­diers, when they had served in Corfinium, tri­ed at first to debauch some of them; but Curio preserved their Faith by his Eloquence, and the consideration of the Name and Vic­tories of Caesar; and to keep them in em­ployment, led them on to attack the Camp of Attius Varus, near Vtica, the Battel was [Page 125] very bloudy, and at last Caesar's Men be­came Masters of the Camp; Varus was wounded, and Curio laid Siege to Vtica, when Iuba arrived with great Forces with­in Twenty five Miles of the place. Curio was much too weak for Iuba, and expect­ing the coming up of new Troops, his de­sign was not to expose himself to a Battel, when the African caused a report to be spread that some Important Affairs called him back into his Countrey, and that he would leave Saburra, one of his Lieutenants, with part of his Forces, to raise the Siege of Vtica; Cu­rio's Youth (saith Caesar) animated with courage, and the good success of his first ex­ploits, made him too easily to believe that report; so he resolved for fighting, and went to find Saburra upon the River Bagadra, where he was encamped. At his first com­ing he surprised the Enemies Numidian Horse, whereof he made a great slaughter; and as he understood that Saburra Commanded those Troops, his present joy and future hopes hindred him from seeking any farther Infor­mation: So, with his Troops, wearied as they were, he marched directly upon the E­nemy. Iuba hearing of this, sent Two thou­sand Gallick and Spanish Horse, which were of his Guards, to his Lieutenant, with or­ders to retreat, (in fighting,) towards him. He was but six Miles from Saburra, and Marched that hour with his whole Army and Forty E­lephants; Saburra following the King's Com­mand, drew up his Men in Battalia, and made [Page 126] a kind of retreat, which caused Curio to attack him very fiercely; and though for mere wea­riness a great many of his Horse had aban­doned him, Saburra would make no op­position but with his own Cavalry against Curio's, which consisted onely of Two hun­dred Horse, and with this Squadron, where­ever he attacked them, he made the Enemy give way: The Cohorts of the Legions had the same success, but the Enemy always Ral­lied in expectation of Iuba's Succour. At last the Romans, finding themselves hemmed in by the numbers, which all of a sudden increased upon them, Curio began to see his fault; He would have made an attempt to have gained a Mountain with his Foot, but Saburra opposed him with all his Horse. Then Domitius, who commanded Curio's, would have persuaded him to have saved himself with what Cavalry he had left, promising not to forsake him. Can I, sayes Curio, look Caesar in the Face, after having lost an Army which he hath trusted to my Conduct? At these words he threw himself amongst the midst of his Enemies, where he was slain, the rest of his Troops were cut in pieces, and Iuba used the Victory with so much Insolence, that he caused all the other Cohorts who were in the Camp, and to whom Varus had given his word for their safety, to be killed in cold bloud. So Cae­sar lost two Legions, and all Africk entire, which afterwards remained for Pompey's Par­ty, whose hopes, by this defeat of Curio, over­came his despair for the loss of Spain.

CHAP. XXXI. Pompey's Forces. The Defeat of Dylabella and Cajus Antonius, Caesar's Lieutenants, Brutus goes to find out Pompey.

BY this means almost all the World be­coming ingaged in the Quarrel of these two Men, was sensible of the Calamities of War which that division had produced. Pompey had brought over all the East to his Inte­rest; and during the time of Caesar's being at Rome and in Spain, had drawn together ve­ry powerfull Armies both by Sea and Land: his Land Army consisted of three Roman Legions effective, without reckoning the other two which Scipio his Brother-in-law brought him: Three thousand Archers of Crete, of Lacedemonia, and of Pontus, Eight Cohorts of Slingers, and 7000 Horse, com­posed (besides the Roman Knights) of Suc­cours sent from Deijotarus King of Galitia, Ariobarzakes King of Cappadocia, Cotis and Rhascupolis Kings of Thrace, and Antiochus King of Comagena; these Troops were distri­buted into Curazzo and Apollonia, and over all that Coast, to oppose the coming down of Caesar; the Naval Army consisted of Five hundred great Ships, without reckon­ing Vessels that were rowed with Oars, as Gallies, Brigantines and others; the Princi­pal Commanders were Pompey's eldest Son, called after his own Name, Decius L [...]lius, [Page 128] Cajus Triarius, Cajus Cassius, Cajus Marcel­lus, Scribonius Libo, and Marcus Octavius, all these Commanders had their particular Squa­drons, and received Orders from Bibulus who executed the Office of Admiral: Besides these Forces, Pompey had drawn great Sums of Money out of Asia and Greece; And to recompence himself, in some manner, for the loss of Spain, had caused Dolabella and Ca­jus Antonius, who commanded for Caesar on the Coast of Illyria, to be attached. Dolabel­la was easily routed, and Cajus, who came to his succour, not being strong enough to keep the Sea, was driven into the Island of Corcyra, where Octavius and Libo besieged him. He defended himself very well; but at last his Souldiers prest by Famine, and corrupted by Puleio, one of their Centurions, surren­dred themselves to Octavius, and betrayed also their Commandant into his hands. Some Officers, who thought to save themselves over Land, being pursued by the Enemy, flew themselves, and not one Man of all those Troops escaped. These advantages, which daily kept up the reputation of his Party, still engaged more persons of consi­deration to come and join themselves with Pompey, so that he found he had in his Camp above 200 Senatours, whereof he compo­sed a body, and they assembled themselves in the form of a Senate. In one of these Assemblies, by the advice of Cato, it was de­termined, that no Roman Citizen should be put to death out of Battel, and that no Town [Page 129] subject to the Roman Empire should be sack­ed. In effect, this Laudable and Honoura­ble Decree drew the good wishes of the Peo­ple upon the Authours of it, and gave the re­putation of great Justice and Humanity to their designs, and was the occasion that the for­tune of Caesar hung for a long time doubtfull, and it was upon this pretence also, that Bru­tus afterwards Conspired against him; Brutus had a great deal of reason to hate Pom­pey, who had caused his Father to be put to death. Nevertheless, that Severe Ver­tue, whereof he made profession, and the example of Cato, who was his Uncle and Fa­ther-in-law, ingaged him in that party which he thought had the most Justice on its side. And though he would never speak to Pom­pey, nor indeed so much as salute him, he nevertheless disdained not then to serve un­der him, to shew, that he could sacrifice his particular resentments to the Interest of the Republick. Pompey received him with a great deal of Joy, and did him signal ho­nours. But Brutus, in consideration of his youth, would take no employment, but ra­ther chose to leave the Commands to those who were above him in age as well as dig­nity.

CHAP. XXXII. A Mutiny amongst Caesar's Troops; he reduces them to their duty by his Eloquence and Resolu­tion. He is chosen Consul with Servilius, and makes new Laws.

IN the meanwhile, Caesar being still at Mar­seilles, received news, that the Souldiers of the ninth Legion were in Mutiny at Plai­sance against their Commanders, demanding their discharges, and the Money which had been promised to each of them at the begin­ning of the War. But that which stuck in their stomachs, was, that they were prohibi­ted the liberty of Plundering, which they hoped to have obtained from the need which he had of their service. It was Caesar's Max­ime, never to condescend upon these occasi­ons, but to support himself by a resolute Conduct, and the Authority which he had gotten. So he posted to Plaisance with some Troops, and calling the Mutineers together, I know not, says he, what ill fortune opposes the end of my good Intentions; But I desire to have no others to bear witness than your selves of the dili­gence which I have used in War, which if it be prolonged, it has not been my fault, but the fault of my enemies, who fly before us. After the Conquest of Gaul, where every one of you, under my Con­duct, got both Riches and Honour, we began this War by Common Consent, nor was it the effect of any private deliberations. We have begun and car­ried [Page 131] it on unanimously; but now when it is arri­ved to its greatest height, you seek for a preten [...]e to abandon me, and instead of obeying your Officers you would command them. This is that which obliges me to throw off that mildness and humani­ty which I have hitherto used, to put in practice the Maximes of Petreius; and I command in­stantly a Decimation of the Ninth Legion, who hath rebelled against my Orders. The Muti­neers, as much confounded at these words as if they had been Thunder-strucken, threw themselves at his Feet, and, with Tears in their Eyes, begged for Pardon, all their Of­ficers did the same thing: Caesar, for some time, was Inexorable, but at last ordered, they should cast Lots, and the Lots [...]ell on the Chief Mutineers, to the number of Six and twenty; but Caesar's Anger being over, he was contented that onely Twelve of the most notorious of them should suffer, who were Executed upon the place: afterwards it was found, that one of these was Inno­cent; and for that he could not be restor'd to life, Caesar caused him who had accused him falsly to be put to death also. Then (after a great many Indeavours to persuade him to it) he gave leave that the rest of that Legion which he had broken, should still serve under him. After this he went to Rome, where he held the Comitia, or Assemblies of the People, in quality of Dictatour; he kept that Dignity onely Eleven days, and caused himself to be chosen Consul with Servilius Isauricus; and, as his Design was to [Page 132] make himself as many Friends as was possi­ble; in pursuance of that purpose he pro­posed several favourable Laws; the first was concerning the borrowing of Money for the War, as it usually happens, having ruined all Credit, and rendred a great many Men in­solvable, Caesar ordained, that an estimate should be made of Inheritances, at the same value they bore before the War, and that Creditours should take them according to this estimation, so he took away their fear of a ge­neral Bankruptry, and supported the Credit of the Debtours. Besides, he drew to his party all such as expected to be favoured in this estimate, which was the end of that Law. The other Law was, for the calling home those who had been Condemned during the time that Pompey presided in the passing Sen­tences of Justice. Caesar made also several other Ordinances, and after having quitted the Name and Dignity of Dictatour, de­parted for Brundusium.

CHAP. XXXIII. Caesar with part of his Army goes into Greece: some discourse of Peace, but to no purpose. Two Armies draw towards one another near Du­razzo.

HE had already sent Orders to Twelve of his Legions and all his Cavalry for their Rendezvous at Brundusium; the Legions were grown very thin by the Wars, and the Marches they had made, as well as by the Di­seases of the Autumn, which this year pro­ved very epidemical. In the mean while, for want of Shipping, onely five of them could embark, who amounted to no more than Twenty thousand Foot, and Six hun­dred Horse. He told his Souldiers, That as they were within a day of bringing all their toile to an end, by a glorious Victory. It was necessary to leave their Servants and Equipage in Italy, to the end that a greater number of those Men, who were fit for service, might have room to Embark, that they might assure themselves of the fruit of their victory, and of his acknowledgments. They all cried out, that he should lead them where he pleased; so they went on board with great Joy, and in spight of the rigour of the season, upon the Fourth of Ianuary, Caesar weighed Anchor. This much surprized the Officers of Pompey's Navy, who could not persuade themselves that Caesar would venture his Troops at that time of the year when [Page 134] the Seas were so dangerous. But Caesar ti­med it so well, that he made his passage in one day, and came into a Road at the foot of those Mountains, which are called the Cea­raunium Mountains; he made choice of that place, because it was far from the Ports which were possessed by his Enemies; when, after having landed his Souldiers, he sent back the Ships to transport the rest of his Army un­der the Command of Cale [...]. Bibulus was at Ca [...]yra with a Hundred and ten Ships, and at the first news of Caesar's passage put himself to Sea, and meeting Caesar's Vessels upon the return, took Thirty of them, upon whom he discharged in Malice, for he burnt them all, with the very Seamen that were in them, and with his Fleet took possession of all the Ports and Roads between Salonium and Orica: He placed every where up and down very strong Guards, and lay himself on board, notwithstanding the danger of the season. In the mean time Caesar took posses­sion of Orica and Apollonia, who, at sight of his Troops, surrendred themselves; by that means to cut off from Bibulus all conveniency from Land, so long as he should stay to deprive him of the advantage of the Sea. Caesar, who always took great care to justifie his Arms, and make known the sincerity of his Intenti­ons, had still in his hands Vibullius Rufus, whom he had twice taken Prisoner, first at Corfinium, and a second time in Spain. Him he sent to Pompey, with whom Rufus had some Credit; and desired him to represent to him, [Page 135] That Fortune seemed hitherto to have distri­buted equal loss and equal advantages to both parties, by that means, if possible, to bring them to some accommodation. But as each of them was obstinate in his opinion, let Ar­bitratours be chosen between them, who should be the Senate and the People of Rome; that if Pompey would renounce his Interest, and in three days dismiss his Troops, he him­self would doe so also. Rufus charged with these Orders, departed with all diligence, and rid Post to advise Pompey of Caesar's arrival, that being the main thing which obliged Rufus to make indeed such haste, for he knew very well Pompey would not commit such an Errour as to take the Senate and the People of Ar­bitratours, who at that time were absolutely for Caesar. Bibulus at the same time made another Proposition, which he knew very well how to evade, which was, to make a Truce, and permit Pompey's Ships to fetch from the Land Wood, Water and other Re­freshments that they wanted: to which Cae­sar answered, That as they guarded the Sea a­gainst him, he would guard the Land against them; that if by the means of a Truce, they would have the conveniency of the Land, they ought to leave him the liberty of the Sea, and draw off their Squadrons which guarded the Coasts. His de­sign was, to gain time for the Transporting the rest of his Troops: but Bibulus, who knew it very well, would accept of no Truce upon such Conditions. Pompey was in Macedonia, where Rufus joined with him, and [Page 136] fearing lest Caesar should take from him Du­razzo, Marched with his whole Army to save that place where all his Ammunitions were lodged. It was in this March that he un­derstood the difference between new Levies and old Souldiers; For as he made very great Journeys, abundance of the Men, either through laziness, or not being able to support the Fatigue, abandoned him; and at the least noise that Caesar was coming, were in conti­nual disorder, and appeared as if they were defeated already. Pompey nevertheless came first to Durazzo, where he Intrenched himself upon the River of Apse, and where Labyenus found out an expedient for the confirming of his Troops. He caused the whole Army to be drawn together, and in the presence of all the Souldiers. Sware that he would never for­sake his General, but follow him through all his Fortunes, all the other Officers took the same Oath, and then the Souldiers one after another. Caesar being prevented by the Enemy, came also and Incamped himself on the other side of the River, to cover the City of Apol­lonia, and both of them in this manner re­mained for some time, expecting the Suc­cours that were to come up to them.

CHAP. XXXIV. Caesar exposes himself alone in a Skiff to go and find the rest of his Army.

CAesar's Legions who remained in Italy, were most of them old Souldiers, who had served a long time under him. At the first orders which they received for their Rendezvous at Brundusium, the proposing of still new toils made them begin to mur­mure, saying, That they had worn out their bodies, and drained their veins in Caesar's Ser­vice, that the weakness to which they were reduced, and the wounds which covered them ought to make him sensible that they were neither immortal nor invulnerable; but in the mean while they were dragged from War to War, till the very Iron of their Armour was wasted with wearing, and abundance of other discourse which old Soul­diers that have done good Service will ven­ture upon. In effect they took no care to go to Brundusium, but when they understood that Caesar had passed the Sea, and was near the Enemy; the love which they had for him could not conceal it self, all their murmurings were turned into reproaches and complaints against their Officers, that they had not mar­ched them soon enough, they cursed their sloath, and spent whole days upon the rocks of the Coast, in looking if they could see the Vessels returning for their Embarkment. Caesar for his part was as much uneasie; he [Page 138] had written at first to Calenus the danger he had in passing; all the Coast being possessed with the Enemies Vessels, and that advice saved his Troops; for Calenus having caused them to Embark on board those Vessels which he had left, Caesar's Letter obliged him to stay, and one onely Vessel that mi­stook his orders, fell into the hands of Bi­bulus, who again caused all that were on board to be slain, to terrify others by that example. At last, Bibulus dying of an ill­ness which he got at Sea, leaving no Com­mander in chief to succeed him, the Guards began not to be kept so exactly as before. Caesar saw that opportunity favourable for the passing of his Troops, and was almost despairing that they were not arrived so soon as he would have had them, for he had writ­ten several times. At last his impatience drove him upon an action which nothing could ex­cuse but the confidence which he always had in his good Fortune, neither has he made any mention of it in his Commentaries, nor of another Action of his, which Su [...]tonius takes notice of, where he underwent no less danger, but had more necessity for it. It was thus, the Gauls having in his absence be­sieged his Legions, he took a Gallick habit, and in that disguise went through the Corps du Guard, and the whole Enemies Army to come to his Camp, and it is very remarka­ble, that this General who could so freely hazard his own Person, never marched his Army but with the greatest caution imagina­ble, [Page 139] and after having first exactly informed himself of all the Defiles and other passages that were upon his way. Caesar therefore now disguised in the habit of a Slave, with­out making any of his people acquainted with his design, put himself on board a Fisher-mans Bark that was in the mouth of the River Apse, they were to go out that night, and his design being, when they were out at Sea, to make them row directly to Brundusium, they went away at the begin­ning of the night, but a stiff gale of wind blowing in upon the mouth of the River, made the Sea very rough in that place, the Master of the Bark made several attempts, with his Mariners to row out to Sea, but as the storm and the wind encreased, he or­dered to forbear. Caesar onely opposed this design, and because the man was afraid of the danger, of a sudden discovering himself, and seeing that the Fisherman knew him, Fear nothing, says he, for thou carriest Caesar and his Fortune. The Mariners encouraged by Caesar's presence, behaved themselves so well, that they overcame the violence of the waves, but the Sea was so rough, and so high with­out the mouth of the River, that they ima­gined they must be all lost, and were at last forced to return to land. Caesar went back to his Camp, where his Souldiers running in whole shoals to his Tent, with a great deal of tenderness reproached him, saying, That he disgrac'd them by going to seek out new Forces to fight the Enemy which they had before [Page 140] them, whom they were sure they had strength and courage enough to overcome whenever he would vouchsafe to put himself at the bead of them.

CHAP. XXXV. The happy arrival of Caesar's Troops in Greece. Caelius and Milo raising disturbances in Ita­ly, are slain.

IT was not without reason that Caesar was so disquieted for his Troops in Italy. Scri­bonius Libo, was gone from Orica with 50 Ships under his Command, and posted him­self in an Island near Brundusium, where he seized upon several Merchant Ships which were in the Road, he made also several de­scents into the main land, and with success, upon this advantage he sent word to Pompey, that with his Fleet onely he could hinder C [...]sar's Troops from passing into Epirus, and that in the mean while the other Vessels might be refitted. Caesar had also received other news from Rome, which made him very uneasie. Caelius, of whom I have spoken before, being discontented, with that Party in which his hatred to Attius, and Curio's Friendship had embarked him, sought all occasions to act against the Ordinances of Caesar. He was Pretor, with Trebonius, whom Caesar had put into Commission for taking the estimate of the inheritances; Caelius pro­claimed that he was ready to receive the [Page 141] complaints of all such as had received any injury, and that he was ready to doe them justice: very few came to make their Com­plaints, and all Senatours opposed the under­taking, which obliged him to leave Rome under pretence of going to find out Caesar, but it was to join himself with Milo, who was returned into Italy, and had gathered to­gether a great number of Gladiatours and Peasants, they reported what they did was by order from Pompey, but Caesar's good For­tune delivered him at one blow from this inconvenience, Milo and Caelius being killed at the same time. Milo besieging a little Town in Calabria, and Caelius by some Gallick and Spanish Cavalry whom he would have persuaded to desert. Antoni­us and Calenus, put Libo also to flight from before Brundusium, after having taken one of his Gallies, with those Shallops that belong'd to their Vessels fortified with Hurdles in the manner of a Parrapet, and Manned with good Souldiers. Then they Embarked their Troops, and departed from Brundusium, the weather being very fair, and the wind South. Caesar had written very earnestly to them up­on this occasion, and commanded them to come and land at Apollonia, they made their passage in a days time, and when they were arrived within sight of Apollonia, and Du­razzo, Coponius went out with the Rhodian Squadron which he commanded, to hinder their coming in. The wind was favourable to Caesar's People, and began to encrease in [Page 142] the moment that the Enemy appeared. Co­ponius was nevertheless resolved to follow them, and Ceasar's Generals, who were for avoiding a fight at Sea, put themselves into the Haven of Nimphis, three miles above Lisso. This Haven was sheltred from the South-East wind, but was exposed to the South, and by extraordinary good Fortune, the wind which had been at South for two days together, changed to the South-East in the very moment that they cast Anchor, so those of Caesar got safe into a good Haven, and Coponius's Squadron was driven upon the Coast with so much violence, that all his Vessels perished, the Souldiers and Seamen were most of them drowned, and the rest fell into Caesar's hands, who afterwards gave them their liberty. Two of Antonius's Ships, who could not follow the rest came to an An­chor near Lisso, whom Ottacilius Crassus, who Commanded for Pompey, caused to be at­tacked with Shallops, and other little Boats. One of the Ships had in her 220 new raised Levies, and the other 200 old Souldiers, the new raised men being terrified with the number of the Enemy, surrendred themselves to Ottacilius upon his Parole, who neverthe­less with horrid perfidy, put them all to the Sword; but the Veterans amusing the Ene­my by a feigned Capitulation▪ made the Seamen run their Vessel a shore, where they saved themselves, and after having repulsed and beaten six hundred Horse, whom Otta­cilius sent against them, they went and joi­ned [Page 143] themselves with Antonius: The City of Lisso also revolted against Ottacilius, who re­treated towards Pompey, leaving the place to Antonius, who immediately took it into his possession.

CHAP. XXXVI. Marcus Antonius joins himself with Caesar in spight of Pompey, who retreats to Aspar­gua near Durazzo.

ANtonius had with him three old Legi­ons, two Legions of new raised Soul­diers, and eight hundred Horse. He sent his Ships into Italy to transport the rest of the Troops, and kept onely his flat botto­med Boats at Lisso, which were a sort of Vessels the G [...]ul [...] were wont to make use of, to the end that if Pompey should have a design of putting to Sea, Caesar might be in a condition to follow him. Then Anto­nius gave him an account of his arrival, and where he was Pompey at the same time learned the news by those who had seen the Ships under Sail before Dur [...]zo. These two Generals were encamped upon the Ri­ver of Apse, and as their Camps were onely separated by that River, the Souldiers had frequent Parley's, which [...] the [...]st Propo [...]o [...] that ever [...] made for an [Page 144] Accommodation. Vibullius Rufus, when Cae­sar sent him, had made the first overture, but Pompey by the advice of Libo, of Luceius, and a certain Greek named Theophanes, who was his chief Confident, st [...]d out upon a point of Honour, at that time something unseasonable, (at least, if we may believe Caesar in his Commentaries) saying, That he could not bear the thinking that his life and his return to Rome should appear to the world as a favour bestowed upon him by Caesar. Never­theless Vatinius, Caesar's Lieutenant, endea­voured to renew the Conference upon the River of Apse; and on Pompey's behalf, Var­ro had promised there should be a Meeting to that purpose. All the Lieutenant Gene­rals of both Parties agreed upon a day for Conference; when they came to the place appointed, Labienus advanced, and after ha­ving spoke something upon the Subject they were to treat of, he was interrupted by a great number of Arrows and other Darts, which were shot at Caesar's Lieutenants. Vatinius was sheltered by the Bucklers of the Souldiers who were with him, but Cornelius Balbus, Plotius, and Tiburtius, were wounded, and Labienus cryed out with great insolence, That it was to no purpose to speak farther of peace, if they brought not with them the head of Caesar: This is what he himself hath reported, and that from this moment he thought of no­thing but War, this happened some time before the coming of Antonius, so the two Generals decamped in the same day. Caesar [Page 145] to join himself with Antonius, and Pompey to hinder him. He had no River to pass as Caesar had, but went and posted himself in a place which he thought most proper for an Ambuscade, which he laid for Antonius, but he being advised of it by the Greeks of the Countrey, entrenched himself in a Post, where he stayed and expected Caesar, who soon after arrived; and Pompey fearing to be hem­med in between the two Armies, retreated to Aspargua, near Durazzo, leaving Antonius the liberty of joining Caesar, which he did the same day. So Caesar and Pompey at the head of all their Troops were in a readiness to dispute the Empire of the world, and all the glory which they both had gotten in War, and as they have obscured the lustre and reputation of all those who went before them, and as their names to this day are made use of, when ever we would describe the qualifications of an able General. The account of all their proceedings cannot but afford us great use as well as pleasure: We have here taken it out of the Commentaries of Caesar, who as far as we are able to judge, has reported it with all sincerity.

CHAP. XXXVII. Caesar offers Battel to Pompey, who refuses it. They both post themselves near Durazzo. Cae­sar hemmed in by the lines of Pompey's Camp.

CAesar (after having drawn together all his Army, and knowing that Pompey was at Aspargua) marched directly towards him, and in his passage forced a Burrough Town, where Pompey had left a Garrison. After three days march he came in sight of the Enemies Camp, and fortified his own, from whence the next day he drew out all his Troops to offer Battel to Pompey, who re­fused it, and came not forth. Caesar knew from that moment that he must take other measures. So he decamped the next day to go towards Durazzo, and though he was for­ced to march by certain Defiles, which were very incommodious; he had two designs, ei­ther to reduce Pompey to shut himself up in Durazzo, or to cut off his passage thither, forasmuch as all his Provisions and Equipage of War was there, which last design in part succeeded. Pompey believed at the first by the motion of Caesar's Troops, that they were forced to draw off for want to Pro­visions; but when he understood his design by his Spies, and those whom he sent to make incursions into the Countrey; The next day he began to march, hoping that he might prevent the Enemy by a shorter way [Page 147] than that which they had been forced to make use of. But Caesar having foreseen what might happen, and incouraging his Souldiers by his words and his own Exam­ple, left them onely a small part of the night to rest themselves in, and arrived the next morning under the Walls of Durazzo, when they began to discover the Van of Pompey's Army, who immediately calling a Council of War, went and possessed him­self of a Hill called Petra, which comman­ded the Sea, and under which there was a small shelter for Ships, where very few winds could come to annoy them. They both immediately intrenched themselves in the Posts they had taken. Pompey caused a par­ty of his Ships to come under his Camp, and immediately sent into Asia, and the other Countries which held for him, to fetch Pro­visions and Ammunition; Caesar perceiving then that the War might in all likelyhood last long, that he had very little Corn, and that his places of Retreat on the Coasts of Italy and Spain were very uncertain, sent Ca­nuleius one of his Lieutenants into Epirus: He caused Magazines to be lodged from place to place, in regard that Province was a great way off, and ordered all the Neigh­bouring Towns to come out and work at the Carriages; Moreover he caused what Corn could be found in the Island, in the Burrough Towns of the Parthians, and all the other Castles, to be brought in to him▪ But as that Soil could furnish him with very [Page 148] little (Pompey having already ruined all those places, and taken away the Corn,) the suc­cours proved to be but very inconsiderable. This put Caesar upon a design which he con­ceived might be feasible from the nature and disposition of the ground. All round Pom­pey's Camp there were certain little Hills that were high and hard to climb, these Caesar possessed himself of, and built Towers upon them in the nature of Redoubts, then cau­sing lines of Communication to be drawn from Mountain to Mountain, or other works according to the disposition of the place, en­deavoured by that circumvallation to block up Pompey. Pompey on his part endeavoured to extend himself, and take in as much of the Countrey as was possible with the length of his Works, which he carried on very far, fortifying from Hill to Hill, so that with four and twenty Redoubts he possessed a space of 15000 paces, where his Cavalry found For­rage, and where also there were abundance of Fields sown with Corn; We shall not undertake to judge of the Conduct of these great Men to rashly as other Authours have done, who have declared that all those Works were of no use nor advantage; for they had both of them their particular rea­sons for what they did, and Caesar has re­ported some of his, saying, That his design was to cut off from Pompey's Cavalry the liber­ty of going out in Parties, for that they were more in number than his, and might very much incom­mode his Convoy's, take from him the conveniency [Page 149] of Forrage, and by that means render them unfit for service. Besides, his business was to beat down that high esteem which kept up Pompey's Party amongst the Nations that were Strangers, when all the world should know that he was in­vested by Caesar, and that he durst not venture the hazard of a Battel. For it was that which Pompey could by no means be brought to, nor to go far from the Sea, from whence he had all his Provisions, nor from Durazzo, where were all his Engines, his Darts and other Ammu­nitions of War; and in fine, it appears with great likelyhood that these Leaders both of them accomplished in the Art of War, and instructed by long experience of the many advantages which a sudden occasion well managed might offer, especially between two Armies so near to one another, were both of them watchfull for the first oppor­tunity. In effect, as Caesar's Men dayly car­ried on their Works to prevent their being attacked in their Rere, those of Pompey did the same to enlarge themselves, and hinder the Enemy from assaulting them upon the Flancks. They had the advantage in num­ber; besides, theirs being the innermost cir­cumvallation, was not extended so far as Caesar's. And though Pompey avoided a general Battel, nevertheless he dayly sent out his Ar­chers and Slingers against the Enemy, which obliged Caesar's Souldiers to make certain Blinds with Clothes and Skins for their de­fence against the Arrows.

CHAP. XXXVIII. A fght between Caesar and Pompey's Troops.

CAesar applied himself principally to shut up the Enemy with his lines, who on their part endeavoured the gaining more ground, which was the reason that no day passed without some encounter or other. Caesar's ninth Legion had taken possession of an advanced ground, where they began to fortify themselves, when from a Neighbou­ring eminence almost level with it, Pompey sent his Lancers against that Legion, and then caused his light armed Souldiers to ad­vance with Engines, wherewith he played upon those that wrought. Therefore as it was a very hard task for Caesar's Souldiers to fight and work both at the same time, and considering how they were battered on every side, he resolved to draw them off, but as he was to make his retreat by the steep part of the Mountain it proved a business very nice and dangerous. The Enemy, who be­lieved that their fear was the occasion of their retreat, became more fierce, and prest them so much the closer; and it has been observed, that Pompey was so far transported, as to say, That he would be contended to be thought no Souldier, if Caesar's Legions got off from that place where they had so rashly engaged themselves without loss. Nevertheless, this was Caesar's design, he caused a great many Hurdles to [Page 151] be brought and planted towards the front of the Enemy, upon the bending of the hill; behind these, he ordered the throwing up of a little Ditch, and all the Avenues to be in­tangled and filled up with cumbersome mat­ter, after this, he drew up his Slingers to favour the retreat, and marched his Legions through their intervals. This proceeding augmented the fury of Pompey's Souldiers, who had already thrown down the Hurdles to pass the Ditch, when Caesar gave the word of Command to face about, and after that Antonius, who Commanded that Legion, had exhorted them to behave themselves well, he Commanded to sound a charge, and attack those that were come over; the Souldiers at their close order discharged their Javelins, and running up with their Swords in their hands, drove back those of Pompey, and put them to flight. The Ditch, the Hurdles, and the other incumbrances in­commoded them very much, and was the occasion that a great many of them peri­shed; but Caesar's Men being contented to have secured their Retreat, returned back, after having killed a great number of the Enemy, and onely lost five Men of their own. This manner of making War from Mountain to Mountain, was doubtless very extraordinary, and the design of that sort of siege was no otherways, for Caesar undertook to besiege an Enemy, who was much stron­ger than himself, and who had Provisions and Ammunitions in abundance, when his [Page 152] own Men at the same time were reduced to the greatest extremity imaginable, at least for want of Corn, though Epirus had fur­nished them with flesh, nevertheless they bore all with most admirable constancy, con­tenting themselves with Beans and Barley, moreover, they found the way of making Bread with a Root called Chara, which they mingled with Milk, and some of this they often threw amongst Pompey's Souldiers, say­ing, That they would rather eat the Barks of Trees, than let Pompey escape, whom they had now in their power. He was extremely sur­prised at it, and said, That he did not think he had had wild Beasts to deal withall. Neither was he without his inconveniences; his Ca­valry began to suffer for want of Forrage, both the Beasts and the Men dying in his Camp, had corrupted the air, and ingendred Diseases; besides, they wanted water, for Caesar had either stopt or turned the course of the Rivers which used to supply them, his own Men having it in all abundance, and enjoying a very good air, so that the advan­tages and disadvantages being equally distri­buted between the two Armies, they passed no day without enterprising something or other. Pompey had observed by the lights which were every night set up in Caesar's Fortifications, where his Souldiers kept their Guard, then causing some Archers to ad­vance in the dark, shot flights of Arrows into the Fortifications, that wounded a great many Men, but for this inconveniency they [Page 153] soon found a remedy, they made their Fires in one place, and posted their Corps du Guard in another. But as these little Skirmishes sig­nified nothing to the main matter, Pompey resolved not to defer it to the last extremity; and knowing that Casar was one night gone from his Camp for the management of some Intelligence which he had in Durazzo, went that very night, with the best part of his Troops, to attack a Castle which was near Caesar's Camp, and defended by one Cohort, while he caused six other attacks to be made at the same time in different places.

CHAP. XXXIX. Pompey attacks Caesar's Fortifications; the Va­lour of Sceva. Pompey quits his Camp; the Treason of Roscillus and Aegus.

CAesar's Men, notwithstanding their be­ing surprised, defended themselves be­yond imagination; and though they were overwhelmed with Darts and Arrows, though four Centurions had lost each of them an eye, and that all the Souldiers, without exception, were wounded, nevertheless, une­qual as it was, they maintained the Fight for above fifteen hours. Sceva, one of the Cen­turions, who defended the Castle-gate, be­ing wounded in the eye, in the shoulder and the thigh, stretched out his hand to the Ene­my, as if he made sign of surrendring him­self, and as two of their Officers advanced towards him, he attacked them both with his Sword, one after another; All the Souldiers behaved themselves with the same Courage; so that Sylla, who commanded the Camp in Caesar's absence, had time enough, with two Legions, to come up to their succour. Pom­pey's Troops were not able to bear the first charge; And it is believed, that had Sylla followed his advantage, he might have total­ly routed them in their Retreat: but as the duty of a Lieutenant is very different from that of a Captain-General, in consideration that one never acts but by Limited Orders, [Page 155] when the other is at liberty to proceed accor­ding to the best of his Judgment. Caesar him­self excused him for being contented to have repulsed the Enemy and cleared the Fortifi­cations: There was found within the place Thirty thousand Arrows, which they present­ed to Caesar when he came back, with the Buckler of Sceva, which had been pierced with Two hundred and thirty shots. Caesar, according to his usual manner, Caressed ex­tremely all the Souldiers of that Cohort; he caused their proportions of Bread and their Pay to be doubled, and gave almost to all of them Bracelets, Piles and other marks of ho­nour: as for Sceva, he had given him for re­ward Two thousand Crowns, and was ad­vanced from the Eighth Company to the Command of the First. Pompey drew not his Troops far off from the Castle, onely encamp­ing himself where the Darts could not reach him; in all his different Attacks he had lost Two thousand Men, and Six Ensigns; so he made, in a short time, good Works round his Camp, as Redoubts and Ditches, of Fif­teen foot broad, fortified with Pallisadoes to­wards the Enemy; and at last, after having caused the Entrances into his Camp to be filled up, he chose a very dark night, and retreated with all his Troops into his old Trenches. Caesar, incouraged by this good success, went every day and presented him Battel within view of his Lines; and though Pompey drew out also in Battalia, nevertheless he always kept his Troops under defence of [Page 156] his Ramparts, where Caesar did not think fit to attack him. Pompey had sent all his Cavalry by Shipping to Durazzo, for their subsistence, and to try to incommode the Enemy, by ma­king Incursions. But Caesar possessed himself of the two Avenues, by which onely he could send out parties; so Pompey was forced to or­der their return to the Camp, by the same way that they went; and here indeed they suffered much, the Horses being forced to eat Reeds and Leaves shaken together, which made them very lean; and the Horsemen themselves had much ado to subsist, by rea­son that every thing being consumed within, they were forced to fetch their Provisions from very far. So their General resolved to make one attempt for all to force the Tren­ches. Roscillus and Aegus, the Sons of Albu­scillus, a Man of the first quality in Savoy, had served under Caesar ever since the Gallick War, where they had behaved themselves very well, nor were they ill rewarded for it. For besides the Senatorian Dignity which he had bestowed upon them, they had received great marks of his acknowledgment, and were grown very rich; These two Men relying upon the Friendship of their General, and puffed up with a foolish and barbarous arro­gance, treated all their under Officers with contempt, cheated their Souldiers of their Pay, and whatsoever Booty their Troops, met with, still kept it to themselves. This obliged the Men to make their Complaints to Caesar, acquainting him also, that though [Page 157] they might have received full Pay, their Troops were never Completed. Caesar be­lieving this no fit time to make examples in, and that something ought to be allowed in consideration of the merit of these two Bro­thers, neglected the taking any notice of the matter, but did not forget privately to tell them his opinion, and assure them, it would be more for their advantage to serve him well. These two men, provoked by this Re­monstrance, and believing that though he slipt it now, he might take another opportu­nity to resent their ill conduct, resolved to quit his Service, and go over to the Enemies Camp. So after having unsuccessfully at­tempted to kill Volusenus the General of the Cavalry, they borrowed what Money they could, and carrying away a great many Hor­ses, went and surrendred themselves to Pom­pey, who received them with as much Joy, as upon so extraordinary an occasion might be expected; none of Caesar's Souldiers ha­ving yet come over to Pompey, though every day some of his took party with Caesar.

CHAP. XL. Pompey attacks Caesar's Trenches: great disor­der amongst Caesar's Troops; he confirms them by his presence.

THE Savoyards who knew where Caesar's Trenches were weakest, instructed Pom­pey in the particulars of it, which confirmed him in that design he had before resolved upon. He caused Helmets of Ozier-twigs to be made for all his Souldiers, and command­ed they should fall to digging of Turff; when this was done he put a great number of Archers and Light-armed Foot on board the Merchant Ships and Shallops; At the same time he carried Sixty Cohorts, which he drew out of his Camp and his Fortificati­ons, to that part of Caesar's Trenches which was nearest the Sea, and farthest from the General's Quarters. At the same time the Vessels who brought the Turff and the Light-armed Foot came ashore in the same place; Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus the Questor Command­ed there for Caesar, but he being indisposed, Posthumus gave Orders under him. That side of the Rampart which looked towards the Enemy was Ten foot high, and as many broad, with a Ditch of Fifteen foot; and Caesar having foreseen that Pompey might, by Sea, make some attempt upon that Post, had caused another to be thrown up, parallel to it, Five hundred Paces distance, but it was [Page 159] not indeed altogether so deep. His design was to have made a third, which should have joined them both upon the Sea-side; But it seeming so cruel a thing to him to harass the Souldiers, wearied with throwing up Works, which already took up Nineteen thousand Paces of Ground, hindred his putting of it in execution. In the meanwhile this negli­gence had like to have cost him his Fortune and all his Reputation. Pompey had notice of this fault by the Savoyards, so at break of day he came with all those Forces I mentioned, to attack the Cohorts of the ninth Legion which were upon the Guard at the Sea-side. They were surprised with the Light-armed Foot and Archers from the Ships, who immediately sur­rounded and attacked them with flights of Arrows. The Ditches were filled with the Turff which Pompey had caused to be brought thither, so his Legionaries planted their Lad­ders against the Rampart, and with their Darts and their Engines overthrew those that defended it: The Helmets of Ozier which they had defended them from the fall of Stones, which were the onely Arms that Caesar's Men could make use of upon this oc­casion: so these Souldiers being attacked on every side, and seeing that the Enemy ad­vanced to hem them in by that part of the Entrenchment which was not Fortified quit­ted their Posts and turned their backs Mar­cellinus hearing what had happened, ordered some Cohorts to March to their Relief; but the fear and confusion of those who fled from [Page 160] the Camp, infected them also; and all the other Troops which were sent to their assist­ence served onely to add to their disorder. All the Officers of the first Cohort were lost upon this occasion, except the eldest Centu­rion. He who carried the Eagle of the Le­gion, seeing himself mortally wounded, cal­ling to him some Horsemen; I have, said he, for many years preserved this Ensign with the ha­zard of my life, and now I am dying, with the same affection I restore it unto Caesar, do not let it be lost by a misfortune, which is not yet come upon us, but save it to return it to Caesar. So the Standard was preserved, but the slaughter every where was great. In the meanwhile Pompey drawing near to Marcellinus his Camp, where the fear had already got possession, An­tonius appeared hard by, upon an advanced ground, with Twelve Cohorts, which Pompey perceiving made a halt, and Caesar's Troops began to take heart again: Caesar arrived a moment after with the other Cohorts, and by causing every where thick smoaks to be made, gave the signal that Relief was com­ing. And when he saw that Pompey, who was retired, had forced those Lines, whereby he thought to shut him up, he found it convenient to change his design, and imme­diately caused a Post to be fortified near the Sea, there to encamp himself, to the end that he might have the liberty of Forrage, and reception for his Shipping.

CHAP. XLI. Caesar, in a great Battel, is overthrown: Pom­pey loses the opportunity of totally routing him. Caesar's opinion upon that occasion.

AS these Entrenchments were almost completed, his Scouts brought him word that there was a Legion Marching on the back-side of the Wood to take possession of Pompey's old Camp. To comprehend this we must understand, that after the Ninth Le­gion (as we before observed) had made head against Pompey's Troops, and repulsed them with advantage, Casar had posted him­self in the place where that action was done; The Camp reached as far as a Wood, and was not above Four hundred paces from the Sea. Some days after Casar had quitted that Post, and Pompey took possession of it. And be­cause he had more Legions, he onely caused another Cover to be made to the first Camp, without ruining the old Fortifications; so this little Camp served onely for a Platform or Cittadel to the great one. He also caused a Line to be drawn from the left Angle of his Camp about Four hundred paces, as far as the River, for a passage to the Water in safety; but a little time after he also chan­ged his design, and quitted that Post, the lines whereof were still standing. This was the place whither that Legion was Marching; Casar's Sentinels gave him an account of it; [Page 162] and those who from the Hills had observed the motion, confirming the News, he be­lieved that fortune presented him with this occasion to repair the loss he had before su­stained; so leaving onely two Cohorts to make a shew upon the Ramparts, he Marched in all secrecy with 33 Cohorts, in which number was the Ninth Legion, al­though it had lost a great many Souldiers and Officers. His Army was upon two Lines, and he upon the Left Wing. All things succeeded immediately as he expected, he arrived at the Camp before Pompey could have any notice of it; and the Wing which he headed Charging fiercely upon the Ram­part, put those who defended it to flight. The Battel was very fierce at the entrance, which was filled with Turnpikes. Puleio, he who betrayed Cajus Antonius's Army, defended it with extraordinary Valour, but at last Cae­sar's Men carried it merely by their Courage, and having broke the Turnpikes in pieces, they entred within the first Fortification, and afterwards attacked the Platform whither the Legion was retreated; a great many were killed in this place; and the Action had been very fine, and of great advantage, if Fortune, who loves to shew the power which [...]he usurpes over all things, and especially in War, had not proved unconstant. The Co­horts of Caesar's Right Wing searching for the entrance into the Camp, followed the outside of that Trench which led them to the River, believing that it was the Rampart of [Page 163] the Camp, when perceiving their Errour▪ they put themselves upon the Rampart, and as there was no body there to defend it, pas­sed easily; all the Cavalry followed these Cohorts, seeking for breaches to enter. This unhappy proceeding gave Pompey time to come to their succour with the Fifth Legion, put­ting all his Cavalry before him; so that both parts of the Camp which was attacked, at the same time discover'd Pompey Marching Em­battelled with his legions. At sight of this every thing began to change; the Legion that was besieged, by the hope of this Succour, re­covered so much courage as to make a Sally and Charge those of Caesar. His Cavalry finding themselves disordered in passing the Ramparts, thought of nothing but how to save themselves; and his right and left wing being separated, were equally terrified with seeing the Horse upon the flight, and fearing to be cut in pieces in that strait place, hurried through the breaches of the Ramparts with so much disorder, that a great many falling headlong into the Ditches, the others passed over them to save themselves. The Souldi­ers of the left wing, seeing the Succours of Pompey, the overthrow of their Friends, and the Enemy before and behind them, sought to return through the place where they en­tred. At last, nothing but disorder, fear and a total rout was every where to be seen; so that in spight of all Caesar's endeavours him­self, to retain the Ensigns which fled, abun­dance of them forsook him, their Colours, [Page 164] Horses and all, and run away on Foot. One amongst the rest, an able and strong Man, but confounded with the fear he was in, tur­ned upon him the point of his Launce, and had certainly killed him, if his Master of the Horse, at one blow, had not cut off his arm. At last, a Party of Pompey's Horse appearing at the entrance of the Camp, forced them to make head in that place. Pompey pursued his Victory as far as Caesar's very Camp, but durst not attack it, in which he committed a fault which cost him dear in the consequence. Cae­sar avouches, That his Army might have been entirely overthrown upon that occasion: and far­ther adds, That he had been lost without redress, could Pompey have known how to have made use of the Victory: For this he gives three Reasons, That Pompey was afraid of falling into an Am­buscade; That his Cavalry amused themselves too long with desiring to force the entrance into the Trenches; And that that defeat happening beyond his hopes, he knew not immediately how to take the right course: To this we may add, That in all likelihood Pompey's Troops suffered themselves to be deluded, that in spight of him they would follow the Runaways, and that he would not engage himself to attack Caesar's Camp, knowing well, that he left behind him a brave and daring Enemy, with a great part of his Forces.

CHAP. XLII. Caesar's discourse to his Troops to confirm them; he Decamps to March toward Thessaly. Pom­pey follows him.

CAesar lost a great many Men upon these two occasions, which happened both in the same day. Some have given an account of Nine hundred and sixty Souldiers, Thirty two Ensigns, and a great many excellent Of­ficers; amongst others Tuticanus and Felginas, who were both Gauls; another Felginas of Plaisance, Gravius Sacrativir, and Thirty Tri­bunes or Centurions. Pompey and his whole Party were much encouraged with the Vic­tory, and sent the News of it over all the World, reporting, That Caesar was totally routed, and with what miserable Troops he had left, fled before them. It is true indeed, that reflecting upon his conduct, he passed the next night not very pleasantly. But as he understood the valour of his Souldiers, and knowing that the disorder was occasion­ed by themselves, and not by the vigour of the Enemy; having besides been used to the changeableness of Fortune, and the effects of a panick Fear, where an unseasonable appre­hension intangles the greatest Armies, and the disorders, which the Imprudence of a Ge­neral Officer, or the negligence of any parti­cular Commander may produce, he would not suffer himself to lose either his courage [Page 166] or his hopes, but he imagined that it might be proper wholly to change the manner of that War, and to speak to his Souldiers. Therefore he caused them to quit the Forti­fications all at the same time; and when he had re-assembled them. I see nothing (says he) in this occasion, which ought to trouble you; and after so many Battels, wherein ye have won glory and advantage, gallant Men ought not to be discouraged with a little disgrace. We ought to thank Fortune for our Conquest of all Italy, which cost [...] not a wound; for our subduing Spain, pos­sessed by powerfull Armies, under experienced and able Commanders, and reducing so easily those rich and fertile Provinces which now lie round us. Re­member still the good Fortune ye had in passing the Sea to come hither, even through the Fleets of your Enemies, when not onely the Havens, but the very Rivers too were taken up by their Troops. If in this last encounter Fortune seemed to have forsa­ken us, correct her Capricio [...]sness by your own Va­lour and Industry; For it is easie to perceive, that her fault, and not your own, has brought upon us the present misfortune; the place of Battel was well chosen, ye carried the Enemies Camp at the first onset; ye beat and put them to flight with your Swords in your hands; and if one little dis­order, one errour of Inadvertency, or indeed if de­stiny it self has deprived us of the advantage we had gotten, ye ought to endeavour to recover it by your proper virtue; so this Misfortune shall turn to your glory as it did in Gergoria; and those who in this Battel have shewn the least fear, shall be the first to charge the Enemy in the next. Af­ter [Page 167] this Harangue he Cashiered some Ensigns, but he had not need to make any other ex­amples; For the Souldiers offered, and would voluntarily have undertaken great Labours to punish themselves. They desired a Battel, where they might either all die, or be reven­ged. Some of the Chief Officers were of opinion, that this eagerness ought to be made use of: But Caesar thought otherwise; so he commanded his Baggage, with all the Sick and Wounded, to March in the beginning of the night towards Apolonia. He gave them one Legion for their Convoy, with order to make no stop till they came to the place. These orders being executed, retaining two Legions in his Camp, at Three a Clock in the Morning he caused all the other Legions to March out by the Avenues and follow the Baggage▪ and a little while after, making the usual Cries according to the Custome of Mi­litary Discipline at that time, he departed at the head of his Two Legions, to join the Body of his Army, which he did with all speed. Pompey, when he knew the design of his Enemy, lost no time, he quitted his Camp with all his Army, and sent his Cavalry full speed to put a stop to Caesar's Troops. But as they were gone a great way before, and Marched without Baggage, Pompey's Cavalry came not up to them till the end of the Jour­ney, at the passage of the River G [...]uso. Cae­sar opposed them with his Horse, and Four hundred others of his best Souldiers, ming­led in their Ranks, who made great havock [Page 168] amongst Pompey's Men, and forced them to retreat: so he passed the River, and went and Posted himself in his old Camp near Aspara­gium; he kept all his Infantry at their Arms in the Trenches, and sent out his Horse to Forage, with orders to return again with what speed they could. Pompey also came and took possession of his old Camp near Asparagium. And his Souldiers having no Fortifications to make in a place so well Entrenched as that was, went out, some to fetch in Wood and Provisions, others, who in the haste of their departure, had forgotten something in the other Camp, which was not far off, after ha­ving laid down their Arms, returned again thither. Caesar, who imagined s [...]mething like this might happen, decamped the next day at Noon, and pressing his Troops hard, had Marched them Eight miles, before Pom­pey could be in a condition to follow him: the next morning Caesar departed again at break of day, always causing his Baggage to March before, that nothing might incom­mode the order of his Army. This method he used the days following, and by that means got over the Rivers and difficult passages without the loss of any of his Men; for though Pompey followed him with ex­treme diligence, the advantage of being a day before him, and the inconveniency of his Baggage forced him, upon the fourth day, to give over the unsuccessfull persuit.

CHAP. XLIII. Caesar goes into Apolonia, Domitius joins him­self with him, the taking of Gomphes and Metropolis.

CAesar was forced to go to Apolonia to dis­pose there of his sick Men to muster his Army, and leave some Troops in their Quar­ters, by that means to secure his Allies, spending no more time in this Voyage than was absolutely necessary for a man who had other business upon his hands, he feared lest Pompey might surprise Domitius Calvinus, one of his Lieutenants, who was in Macedonia with three Legions, accompanied with Cas­sius Langinus. They had thoughts of Metel­lus Scipio, Pompey's Brother-in-Law, who Com­manded the Legions of Syria with Favonius and other Officers, and had often endeavou­red to engage them upon some advantage. Now Caesar's design was either to draw Pompey far from the Sea, and force him to a Battel, or if that General should go into Italy to leave Domitius, and return by Illyria to follow Pompey, or at last if Scipio should besiege Orica or Apolonia to fall upon him, whom he knew very well Pompey would not forsake. Pompey thought also to surprise Do­mitius, before Caesar came up; so these two Generals marched with all the speed and diligence imaginable, and Domitius thought of delivering himself to the Enemy; for the [Page 170] news of the Battel at Durazzo, having tur­ned the minds of the people in favour of Pompey, they had stopped all Caesar's Cou­riers to Domitius, who receiving no intelli­gence of the marching of the Armies, was come to post himself at Heraclea. This City was under the Mountain of Cadavia, where Pompey's Army must pass to get into Macedonia; Caesar's had been retarded by their Voyage to Apolonia, and every thing seemed to contribute to the loss of Domitius, which had been inevitable, if some Savoy­ards belonging to Rostillus and his Brother had not by chance met with his Couriers. As they had all served together in Gaul, they did not treat them like Enemies, onely with a kind of Vanity, which Souldiers sometime will be guilty of, told them that Caesar was beaten, that he was retreated, and that Pompey was coming up with all his Ar­my. This advice saved Domitius, who made his Retreat so opportunely, that he was not gone above four hours before Pompey's arri­val. He went to Aegeta upon the Frontiers of Thessaly, where he joined himself with Caesar. This General seeing all his Forces together, marched to Gomphes, which is the first Town upon the way from Epirus to Thessaly, the Inhabitants who at first had promised Caesar their Obedience, changed their minds as others had done before them, upon the report of his being beaten, being persuaded to it by Aridrostenes, Pretor of Thessaly, he was then in the City, and after [Page 171] having sent to Scipio and Pompey for succour, caused the Gates to be shut against Caesar, Scipio was at Lerissa, and Pompey was not yet in Thessaly, which caused Caesar to attack Gomphes, he ordered Ladders, great Baskets filled with earth, and Hurdles to be got rea­dy with all diligence, and after having repre­sented to his Souldiers the benefit of forcing a place that was very rich, and well furni­shed he caused an assault to be made with so much fury, that the Town was taken by nine a clock the same day, he abandoned it to be pillaged, and without stopping mar­ched his Army to Metropolis, before the news should arrive of the taking of Gom­phes. In effect the Inhabitants of Metropolis had a design to stand upon their defence, but the Prisoners which were taken at Gomphes, and whom Caesar caused to be shewn to them, made them Wise by their Example, so they opened their Gates to Caesar, who took care, and protected them from vio­lence; this Conduct of his brought back all the Towns of Thessaly to his Party, ex­cept Lerissa, which Scipio had taken into his possession.

CHAP. XLIV. Scipio joins his Troops with those of Pompey's, They post themselves in the Plains of Pharsa­lia. The approach of the two Armies. Pom­pey's uneasiness.

POmpey arrived at Thessaly within a few days after the taking of Gomphes, and advanced near Pharsalia, whither Scipio went to join him with his two Legions. He was received by his Son-in-Law with a great deal of Magnificence; and Pompey being wil­ling he should share in Command with him, ordered him a general Quarter, separate from his own, and according to the Roman Custome, the Trumpets came and sounded every morning at Scipio's Tent as well as Pom­pey's. Caesar was all this while giving Or­ders for the subsistence of his Army, and making Remarks upon the Inclinations of his Souldiers; Therefore so soon as he un­derstood that they had forgotten their mis­fortune at Durazzo, caused them to advance as far as the Plains of Pharsalia, where Pom­pey was encamped. The approach of these two Armies, in which were all the chosen Roman Legions, whose Valour was to de­cide the Fate of that great Empire, the ha­tred and ambition of the Generals, animated by the Prize as well as the Glory, which must of necessity accrew to the Conquerour, and the little appearance there was of an [Page 173] Accommodation, made it easily to be judged that nothing but a general Battel could be fit to determine that famous quarrel. Pompey's Party incouraged by the advantages they had gotten at Durazzo, doubted not of success. Every proceeding which did not seem to tend towards a Battel, was looked upon by them as an Obstacle to their retur­ning into Italy, they say Pompey let himself be flattered too much in his Command. Domitius called him Agamemnon, insinuating, that he Commanded over Kings, and Favonius after his unthinking manner, told the other Senatours, that they must not expect that year again to eat the Figs of Tusculum. Besides, Domitius, Scipio and Lentulus were ready to fall out who should have the charge of Pontifex, which Caesar was then possessed of, all other Dig­nities were disposed of, a great many having sent already to Rome to take Houses near the Place, where the Magistrates were to be chosen, so to be lodged with more conve­niency, for pursuing the charges they preten­ded to, and Arrius Rufus would have accu­sed Afranius, for having (as he said) sold Spain to Caesar, which made Afranius say upon all occasions, Why do not we go and find out that Merchant of Provinces. In short, every one set his thoughts upon sharing the fruits of the Victory without considering how to gain it. But Caesar took another course, he endea­voured to incourage his Souldiers by little Combates, every day sending out Parties, [Page 174] and exercised the young Men of his Legi­ons to mingle themselves amongst their Ca­valry, and contend for swiftness, even with the Horses; so though Pompey surpassed in the number of Cavalry, yet his being as­sisted by those light armed Foot, were not afraid of them, and in one Re-incounter they defeated a great number of them, and slew one of the Savoyards that had deserted. When Caesar understood that his Troops had recovered their wonted Courage, and were desirous to go upon the Enemy, he drew out of his Camp and offered Pompey Battel. That General had no design to come to blows, and thought to have wasted Caesar's Troops by Fatigue and want of Provision. He drew indeed out of his Camp, but kept himself always under his Trenches, at the Foot of the advanced ground where he was posted, Caesar could not attack him in that place without great disadvantage, so that he resolved the next day to decamp, to the end that by frequent motions he might weary out Pompey's Troops, who were not so har­dened to toil as his, He caused all the Bag­gage to be loaded that night, the Tents were already pulled down, and a March was founded through the Camp by break of day, when he received advice that Pom­pey's Army was in Battalia, far enough from his Trenches. Then Caesar caused all his Troops to hault, and with extreme joy told them Let us defer our departure my Fellow Sould [...]nd think of fighting, it is that which [Page 175] we have long most earnestly wished for, therefore let us not lose the opportunity our Enemies present us withall, perhaps they will not be always of this Opinion, and it may be hard for us to find them in so good humour another time. After this short discourse he drew up his Troops in order, and marched them towards the place of Battel.

CHAP. XLV. Pompey forced to fight against his Opinion. His Discourse with Labienus. Some Presages.

POmpey was not able longer to hold out against the insolencies and murmurings of his Officers, and in fine, they had so fully persuaded him to fight, that he promised them that he would defeat the Troops of Caesar, this was in the Council of War, where he was assisted by all the Senatours of his Party. I am very sensible, said he, that the execution of my promise may appear something dif­ficult, but ye will not longer doubt of it, when I shall have told you in what manner I intend to pro­ceed. All my Horse have promised me that they will attack the Enemy upon the flanks, before they shall be able to discharge one Dart, so we shall carry the Victory without hazarding our Legions with the price of one wound, and as you know the advantage which the number and courage of our [Page 176] Cavalry has over those of the Enemy; I believe there is no man here present can doubt of the suc­cess, but will boldly prepare himself to the Battel which is desired with so much earnestness, and I hope that ye will maintain the reputation of your Valour so famous over all the world. After this, Labienus said a great many things in contempt of Caesar's Troops, And to the Honour of Pom­pey, think not (said he) that these are the same Souldiers who conquered the Gauls, and vanqui­shed the Germans, for I was present there, and speak nothing here whereof I am not well infor­med, there is hardly any of those old Souldiers re­maining, many of them have perished in Battel. The Diseases of the last Autumn have destroyed a great many more, and the rest are gone to their homes. Those Troops which ye see at present, are but Recruits of some miserable Peasants, rai­sed in the Cisalpine Gaul, the bravest whereof were slain at the last Battel of Durazzo. Af­terwards Labienus took an Oath that he would never return into his Camp if he were not Victour, and exhorted the others to doe so too. Every one swore in his turn, this new kind of Oath re-doubled their hopes, and no less their joy, Because, says Caesar, they were persuaded that so great a Gene­ral as Labienus was, would not swear to a thing which he had not been resolved to execute. In the mean time there hapned Presages that were not at all favourable to Pompey. The night be­fore the Battel, he dreamed that he was at Rome, in a Theatre he had built, and that the people received him with great Accla­mations, [Page 177] and went to adorn with Trophies the Temple of Venus the Victorious. This dream seemed to respect the glory of Caesar, who attributed the Original of his Family to Venus, at least Plutarch and some other Au­thours have so explained it. There was also seen a light like that of a Flambeau, which kindling it self over Caesar's Camp, came and fell upon Pompey's. And there happened at break of day one of those false Alarums which they call Panick fears, Caesar on the contrary had happy Omens, and the Divi­ner, who looked into the Entrails of the Sacrifices, told him two days before the Bat­tel, that he foresaw a change in the present state of his Fortune, and that that change depended upon his Courage, and the Valour of his Troops.

CHAP. XLVI. The order of the two Armies.The year of the world 4006, since the foun­dation of Rome 76, before the birth of our Savi­our 47. The two Generals speak to their Souldiers to encourage them to the fight.

POmpey's Army consisted of five and forty thousand Foot, and seven thousand Horse, being in all five Legions with the Spanish Cohorts which Afranius had raised after his defeat. These Cohorts, and those of the Legions were in number 112, seven whereof he left to guard his Camp; and all these Troops were upon three lines, every Legion making three Battalions, (viz.) The Hasta [...]i, the Principes and Triarii, the first Battalion seconding the second, and the se­cond the third. The Battalions were each of them of sixteen hundred Men, drawn up in half Cohorts (that is to say) two hun­red Men in rank, and eight Men in file. The Legions of Syria were in the middle, and Scipio Commanded them. The Spanish Cohorts and Legion of Silicia, whom Pom­pey principally relyed on, were upon the Right under the Command of Domitius Eno­farbus, Pompey put himself upon the left, where Lentulus Commanded with the two Legions that Caesar had restored in the be­ginning of the War. The other Cohorts were in the same order between the Legions of Scipio and the two Wings. The Auxili­ary Troops, at least those who fought in or­der, [Page 179] as the Greeks did, made the body of Reserve. For the others, Pompey had caused them to draw out without order upon the left, with his Archers, Slingers, and all his Cavalry, his Right being fortified with a River that was hard to pass. Caesar had onely 24 Cohorts, who made but twenty two thousand Men, reckoning the two Co­horts which he had left to guard his Camp. His Army was drawn up also upon three lines in the same order with Pompey's, the tenth Legion was upon the Right, and the ninth upon the Left, and because that that Legion was weak, the eighth was so near it, that they both seemed to make but one Body, with orders to second one another. The rest of the Cohorts being drawn up between these Legions, were in the Centre where Domitius Calvinus Commanded, Sylla having the right Wing, and Antonius the left, Caesar put himself at the head of the tenth Legion, whose Valour he had often experienced, and also to be opposite to Pom­pey, whose design was to fall upon the flanks of Caesar's Troops, who soon observed it by his order of Battel, so he drew six Co­horts out of all his Troops, whereof he composed a body of Reserve, he exactly in­structed them in what they were to doe, and above all, gave them to understand that all the hopes of Victory depended upon their Valour▪ Moreover, he ordered his third line not to march, till they should receive a si [...] ­nal from him. In fine, his Cavalry to the [Page 180] number of a thousand Horse, covered the right of the tenth Legion. The Armies be­ing thus in sight of one another, the two Generals went from Rank to Rank encoura­ging their Souldiers. Pompey represented to his the Iustice and Merit of the Cause they de­fended. The advantage of their number strengthe­ned by the assistence of so many illustrious Sena­tours, and the Victory of Durazzo. Caesar was contented onely to demonstrate, That he had endeavoured by all ways possible to obtain an honou­rable Peace, and if his Enemies had been willing, they might have spared the Republick the bloud of so many brave Men. So seeing the impatience of his Souldiers to fall on, he gave the sig­nal of Battel.

CHAP. XLVII. The Battel of Pharsalia. The fierceness of Crasti­nus. The flight of Pompey, and overthrow of his Troops.

HE had a Voluntier in his Army called Crastinus, who the last year was eldest Brigadiere of the tenth Legion. This man coming up to Caesar, General, said he, I in­tend this day to give you reason to speak well of me, whether I live or die. And then calling to him the Souldiers he had Commanded, Fol­low me, he cryed, this is the last occasion we shall ever have to acquit our selves of the duty we owe our General, and recover our Liberty. Af­ter these words he advanced, and was fol­lowed with about twenty six Voluntiers, there was onely so much space between the two Armies as was just sufficient for the place of Battel; but Pompey had ordered his Men to remain firm at their Posts, which Conduct Caesar blamed him for, and we may depend upon his Opinion for it, and the reasons which he has given in his Com­mentaries. His Souldiers seeing that the Enemy would spare them no ground, beha­ved themselves like Men who very well un­derstood their business, and of their own accord made a hault in the midst of their Carriere, and after having taken breath a little, ran on upon the Enemy, where they first discharged their Javelins, and then drew [Page 182] their Swords, as Caesar had given them or­ders. Pompey's Men received the Charge without the least disorder, and then made their discharge, and drew their Swords also, their word of Battel was, Hercules the In­vincible, and Caesar's, Venus the Victorious. The Battel was cruel and bloudy, as it could not be otherwise between so many brave Men, animated by their Glory and particular Inte­rests, both sides had an Ambition either to Conquer the Enemy, or die upon the spot, without appearing the least disordered, either with the horrible noise of Arms, or the cries of the wounded and dying Men that fell on both sides. Crastinus with his little Troop routed the Rank that opposed him, and had charged into the middle of the Bat­talion where he was stopped, and born dead to the ground by a wound with a Sword, which pierced his head through the mouth, and came out at the nape of the neck, by this means the Victory became doubtfull in that place, when Pompey Commanded his Cavalry to go on. It consisted of the chie­fest of the Roman Nobility, and the Allies all young handsome Men, and such as had great care of their Persons. At first they made Caesar's Men give ground, and had got upon the flank of his Army, when causing the six Cohorts to advance, which were his body of Reserve, he gave them order to march with their Pikes ported, and in that manner to charge upon the face of their Enemies▪ This contrivance disordered [Page 183] those young Men, and the fear of spoyling their faces, put them into confusion, so that Caesar's Cavalry rallying, charged upon them and brake them to pieces in a moment. They had not the courage to rally, but gal­loped full speed to the Neighbouring Moun­tains. All the Slingers and Archers being thus abandoned by the Cavalry, were cut to pieces, and Caesar's Men following their ad­vantage, came and charged Pompey's Troops upon the naked flank. They had maintai­ned the fight with a great deal of resolution, and though that Charge had disordered them, the Allies defended themselves on every side, when Casar gave the signal for his third Line to advance, so those fresh Troops pouring in upon those of Pompey, who were wearied and attacked on every side, easily broke them. The flight began amongst the Stran­gers, who getting into their Camp, and se­curing what they well could carry away, fled full speed, though Pompey's right Wing still stood and kept their ground, but Caesar's cau­sing a Cry to be given out, Of kill the Stran­gers, but save the Romans, was the reason that the Romans laid down their Arms, and de­manded Quarter, which was given them ac­cordingly. But there was a terrible slaugh­ter amongst the Strangers. Pompey seeing himself, as he said afterwards, betrayed by the Cowardise of those Troops on whom he most depended, the moment that he saw his Cavalry routed, left the fight, and re­turned into his Camp, telling his Officers, [Page 184] who were upon the Guard, That they should take care to defend the Lines if any disgrace hap­pened, and that he was going to give the same or­ders to all the rest. So he retreated into his Tent, to attend what might happen. In the mean time Caesar seeing the Victory sure, cried out to his Souldiers, That they ought to pursue the Victory, and take the Enemies Camp. And though they were wearied out by the extreme heat and fatigue, for it was now high Noon; Nevertheless, when they saw their General marching on foot at the head of them, directly to Pompey's Trenches they followed him. The Cohorts that guar­ded the Camp, and the Auxiliary Thracians made a stout resistence. But at last being pressed on every side, they gave ground, and fled towards the Mountains which were hard by. Pompey upon this occasion shewed no­thing that was either worthy of his Courage or Reputation, nor gave the least Order for his Defence, and when Caesar's Men were already in his Lines, How, (says he) in my very Camp? So getting on Horseback, he esca­ped through the Decumane Gate, and fled to Larissa, where he made not the least stay, but with the same diligence got to the Sea side, accompanied with thirty Horsemen, and Embarked himself on Board a Mer­chants Vessel. Caesar found almost through the whole Camp, Table Linen spread, and Cuboards covered with Plate, Lentulus's Tent amongst the rest was trimmed up with Ivy and other Boughs to keep off the heat, [Page 185] by which may be guessed, the confidence of those Men, who made such preparations for pleasure after a Victory, which they believed themselves sure of. Caesar begged of his Soul­diers not to amuse themselves with the Plun­der, but to complete the Victory; and by his Authority, and the respect which they bore him, he prevailed. So he immediate­ly caused a Trench to be thrown up about the Mountain where the Enemy was Retreat­ed, who, wanting Water, were forced to quit it, and March to Larissa. After this, he di­vided his Troops, sending one part of them to Guard Pompey's Camp, and the other into his own, Marching in Person with the Fourth Legion to cut off a passage from the Enemy. He drew up in Battalia Six thousand Paces from that place, which caused Pompey's Men to make a hault. They were upon a Hill which had a River at the foot of it; and Cae­sar, notwithstanding the weariness of his men, and that it was almost night, obliged them yet to cut off that Conveniency from the E­nemy by a Trench. This last necessity for­ced them to a Capitulation, and some Sena­tours made their escape in the dark. Caesar ordered all the Souldiers to come down into the Plain and lay down their Arms, which they obeyed, and falling upon their knees be­fore him, begged for Pardon, which he gran­ted them with all kindness imaginable, and commanded his Souldiers not to offer them any affront, nor Plunder their Baggage. Af­ter this he sent back the Troops that were [Page 186] with him, with orders for fresh ones to come up to him, with whom he Marched towards Larissa, where he arrived the same day. Thus it was that he knew how to make use of a Victory and manage his advantages. And though we have all these particulars from himself, considering they have not been hi­therto contradicted, we ought not to call them in question; but rather consider, whe­ther we ought most to admire his Conduct, his Courage, or his dispatch, or indeed the Obedience and the respect which his Troops shewed him. He lost in this Battel onely Two hundred Men, amongst whom indeed were Thirty of his best Officers. This little number could not but be very surprising, for on Pompey's side there were 15000 Men slain, and Four and twenty thousand who surren­dred themselves to Caesar; who, when he per­ceived the Field covered with the Bodies of the dead, says he to Pollio. They would have it so. ‘Caesar, after all his great actions, must have been condemned, had not he been sup­ported by the Valour of his Troops: there were Four and twenty Colours brought to him, and Nine Eagles.’ In short, a great ma­ny Officers of the Enemy's Army fell in this Battel, and amongst the rest Domitius, who was slain by some Horsemen as he fled towards the Mountain.

CHAP. XLVIII. Some other Presages reported to Caesar.

BESIDES those Presages which hap­pened before this Battel, and seemed no promise a great Victory to Caesar, he has made a Report of some others equally as pro­pitious. In a Temple of Minerva a Statue of Victory, which stood looking towards the Altar, turned it self towards the Door of the Temple the very day that Pompey was defea­ted. And at Antioch in Syria, upon the same day there were heard such terrible Cries, and so great a noise of Battel, that all the People ran in Arms up to the Ramparts: the same thing happened at Ptolemaïs; and at Pergama was heard a Noise of Trumpets, in the most secret place of the Temple, where none but the Priests had liberty to enter: and be­sides all this, at Tralles, in a Temple of Vic­tory Consecrated to the Honour of Caesar, in few days there was seen a Palmtree grow­ing up between the Joinings of the Stairs of the Pavement, which reached up to the Roof. Caesar stands ingaged for the truth of these Miracles, since he himself reports them. What follows is taken out of Titus Livius, and confirmed by Plutarch. Casus Cornelius, a very Learned Augur, was at Pa­dua when this Battel happened, who obser­ving there the Flight of Birds, by the great knowledge which he had acquired in that [Page 188] Art, understood so exactly the moment when it began; that he took notice of it to those that were with him, and told them precisely how long it would last: and after sitting down, and making some new observa­tions, all of a sudden rose up, Crying out, Caesar, thou art Conquerour. But, this surpri­sing news of his not being received with that credit he desired, taking the Crown from his head, which the Augures always wear in the Ministery of their Function, Swore that he would never put it on again, till the truth of what he had said should be confirmed; which soon after happened.

CHAP. XLIX. Pompey puts to Sea, and takes in King Dejota­rus and goes to Amphipolis.

IN the meanwhile Pompey having left the Town of Larissa, dismist all the Slaves of his Train, and went, by the Sea-side, through the pleasant Valley of Tempe, accompanied onely with a small number of his Friends, the two Lentuluses's were with him, and Favo­nius, who, either out of Respect, or Pity, ren­dred him all the Offices of an affectionate Servant, and did it so handsomly, that Pom­pey was forced to permit it, signifying his ac­knowledgments in a Greek Verse, the Sense whereof was, That every thing became a gene­rous Man: In this condition, very far diffe­rent from what he enjoyed the precedent day, when he was cover'd with Glory, a Comman­der of Kings, and all the greatness of Rome, he found himself reduced to seek for a retreat in a poor Fisher-man's Cabbin; where, having for some time reposed himself, he went on board a small Barque, to try if he could reach Amphipolis; as he sailed along by the Shore, his Friends espied a Merchant Ship com­manded by Petilius. This Petilius was a Ro­man, of the order of the People, and know­ing Pompey by sight onely, had Dream't, that he saw him in a mean condition, far beneath that Lustre with which he had heretofore ap­peared at Rome: as he was telling this Dream [Page 190] to his Friends about him, news was brought him, that they discover'd a Barque Rowing towards the Vessel; that those who were in her seemed in distress: upon this he came up above-Deck, from whence he discover'd and knew Pompey; so he order'd his Shallop to be hoisted out, and Rowed on Board him, where calling for the General, he gave him his hand to help him into the Boat, and all those who were with him▪ forbearing (for the respect he bore him) to enquire into the Misfortune which had reduced him to that extremity. They had now hoisted Sail to stand off from the Coast, when they disco­vered from the Sea-side King Dejo [...]arus, with stretched-out hands making a sign to be taken in; they sent off the Barque, which brought him on Board the Ship, and then Pompey stood over for Amphipolis. In this place he consul­ted with his Friends what course he should take; the great confidence with which he relied on the number and valour of his Troops, and the over-positive hopes of Victo­ry, had hindred him from thinking of any pro­vision against the Misfortune he was now fal­len into. For though he had been often sen­sible of the disgraces of Fortune, yet, as she had never surprised him so lulled in security as now, he had always found means to reco­ver himself with advantage. But, upon this occasion, as he foresaw nothing in his mind but an assured Victory, his defeat was there­fore the more intolerable, for that it left him naked, and disarmed of all relief. Moreo­ver, [Page 191] this was the reason of all the false steps he made at the latter end of this War, when he left the Sea-side to follow Caesar into Thes­saly. And his Misfortune so far infatuated him, that he could not think of laying hold of those advantages which he yet had by Sea, where he had a powerfull and Victorious Ar­my. Laelius, who Commanded one part of it, had besieged Vattinius, Caesar's Lieutenant, in the Port at Brundusium, and Cassius, in two Reincounters, had burnt above Forty of the Enemies Ships, in the narrow passage within the Port of Messina. But the astonishment Pompey was in, together with his evil destiny, hindred him from helping himself by the ad­vantage he might have made of these Vic­tories, if he had headed his Navy. For he stayed but one day at Amphipolis, where, to dis­guise his designs, he caused Orders to be pub­lished for all the Citizens of Rome and Youth of Greece to come to him. But when he heard that Caesar was upon his March, he stayed for no body, and Sailed towards Lesbos.

CHAP. L. Pompey goes to meet his Wife at Lesbos: he re­solves to retire into Aegypt. Achillas, Pho­tinus and Theodotus advised the King to put him to death. Pompey slain by a Roman called Septinius.

HIS Wife Cornelia was at Metylena, the Capital City of that Island, with their youngest Children. Pompey's Letters, after the Battel of Durazzo, had given her great hopes, and she was daily expecting news of the total defeat of Caesar, when Pompey arri­ving in the Haven, sent one of his Friends to her. The sadness with which this Messen­ger approached her, and the Tears that fell from him, soon made Cornelia apprehend the misfortune that had happened. She fell down dead upon the floor, and remained a long time insensible; but at last coming to her self, and being told that Pompey stayed for her at the Port alone, in a poor Vessel which he had borrowed, she ran on foot to the place where Pompey came to imbrace her: and that Meeting had something in it more sad and touching, than can well be expres­sed. She accused her self of being the one­ly cause of her Husband's Misfortunes; com­plaining of the ill destiny which Allied her to Crassus first, and afterwards to Pompey, onely to bring about the Ruine of two so Illustrious Families. Pompey endeavoured all [Page 193] he was able to forget his own grief, and alleviate that of Cornelia; and at last, more by his tenderness, than any reasons he was able to urge, with much ado appeased her. But afterwards could not forbear complain­ing against the Gods, and their Provi­dence, to Cratippus a famous Philosopher, who was then at Metilena. The Pride of Man having always the property to use God Insolently, even at the time when they find themselves forced to be humble towards their fellow Creatures. In fine, Pompey carried away Cornelia, and went with some Vessels that came to join him into Cilicia, from whence he re­turned to the Island of Cyprus; there he learnt the news, that the Cities of Anti­och and Rhodes had declared against him. This made him resolve, after many delibe­rations, to retire into Aegypt, where Ptole­my then Reigned, the Son of that other Pto­lemy, whom he had caused to be restored to his Kingdom by Gabinius, which made him prefer this Countrey above any other else which could be proposed for his Re­treat. This King was very young, and ab­solutely governed by Achillas, who Com­manded his Army, Photinus the first Gentle­man of his Bedchamber, and Theodotus his Tutour: he was then at Pelusium; with an Ar­my which he was leading against his Sister Cleopatra, whom these Ministers had driven from the Court. Pompey sent some of his Friends to the King to desire Succours, and a [Page 194] Retreat within his Countrey: which de­mand much perplexing him, he referred the matter to his Council; and which means the fate of Pompey the great came to be in the hands of these three miserable Fellows: Photinus and Archillas were of different opinions, the one was for sending of him back, and the other for entertaining of him; when Theo­dotus, to shew his Eloquence, Remonstrated, That neither of those opinions was according to the Rules of true Policy: that by follow­ing the last, they should make Pompey their Master, and Caesar their Enemy; and by the first offend them both. Pompey, for being sent away; and Caesar, for letting of him escape: therefore That they ought to Invite him to shore, and kill him: being sure, by that means, to obtain Caesar's Friendship, and ne­ver hereafter be afraid of Pompey. Conclu­ding with that Maxim, which is since grown into a Proverb, That a dead Lion never bites. According to this Resolution, they sent Achillas, accompanied by Septimius, who was then Tribune, and had been a Centuri­on under Pompey, Salvius another Roman, and three or four Souldiers, they went into a Barque which carried them to the Ship where Pompey was, with his Wife and all his Friends; this manner of reception appeared a very ill Omen, especially to Cornelia, who could not refrain from weeping: but when he saw that the King's Ships had already weighed An­chor, and were coming to surround his, and that Septimius saluted him with the Title of [Page 195] General, he resolved to put the best face he could upon a thing which was no longer in his power to refuse; So giving his hand to Achillas, who had also saluted him in Greek, he turned towards his Wife and Children, repeating two Greek Verses; which signifie, That he who enters into the house of a Tyrant be­comes a Slave, though he came thither Free: Two of his Captains entred the Barque before him with Philip and Seynes, the one his Freed-man, and the other his Slave▪ as they were a considerable time in passing from the Ves­sel to the Shore, and observing that no body offered any Discourse, Pompey addressing himself to Septimius, who (according to the Roman Discipline, which did not permit any under Officers to sit down in the presence of their General) stood up; told him, That he believed he might heretofore have known him. Septimius onely answered him by bowing his head, which was the reason that he drew out his Tablets to consider the Speech which he designed to make to Ptolemy. In the meanwhile the Barque coming near the Shore, a great many Aegyptian Souldiers came running towards it, and as Pompey gave his hand to Philip, to raise himself up, Sep­timius, from behind him, run him through the Body with his Sword; he fell with the Wound; and seeing that Achillas and Salvi­us came at him with their Swords drawn, he cover'd his Face with his Mantle, and with­out shewing any mark of fear, freely offered himself to the Death they brought him.

[Page 196]At this terrible Spectacle, all those who were on Board Pompey's Ships made a hideous out-cry; but seeing the Aegyptian Gallies ad­vancing towards them, the care of their safe­ty made them give over their pity, and save themselves with all the sail they could make, under a fair Wind, which opportunely fresh­ned upon them that minute. Such was the end of Pompey the Great, who, after having escaped so many dangers, where he might have fallen with honour, came at last to lose his life miserably by the hands of three or four Villains, who were soon after punished for their Crime by Caesar. He died at the Age of Nine and fifty years, and upon the Eve of his Birth-day.

CHAP. LI. Philip, Pompey's Freed-man, pays him his last Rites of Funeral. The Misfortunes of Len­tulus.

AFterwards cutting off his Head, they left the Body upon the Shore, exposed for some time to the curiosity of the Aegypti­an Souldiers; and, at last, Philip, his Freed-man, carried it aside, where he washed it in the Sea, and wrapped it in his Mantle; as he was gathering together some pieces of a broken Boat to make a Pile, he was surpri­sed by an old Roman, who had setled in Ae­gypt, but had served heretofore under Pom­pey; Who art thou, said he to Philip, that art making these preparations for the Funeral of the Great Pompey? Philip answered him, That he was one of his Freed-men: Ah, reply'd the old Man, thou shalt not have all this Honour to thy self, but suffer me, I beg thee, to partake in an action that is so Iust and Sacred; to the end that among all the discomforts of my exile, I may please my self, to think, I have had the honour to touch the Body, and assist the Funeral of the greatest Souldier Rome ever had. So they gave him the last Rites; the sadness of which Cere­mony was very particular; Lentulus who was coming from Cyprus, without knowing of Pompey's Misfortune, passed by that place in a Shallop, who seeing the Fire, began to be very curious about the matter, and caused [Page 198] his Shallop to put in, that he might speak with Philip, whom he did not know in that condition: after some sad reflexions, Who is the unhappy Wretch, says he, that is come in that place to finish his destiny; adding with a Sigh, Alas, is it not Pompey the Great? When he came ashore, he was given to understand by the Freed-man, that his apprehensions were but too true. So his grief staying him too long upon the place, he was taken by some Ae­gyptian Souldiers and carried to the King, who put him to death in Prison. Caesar after­wards caused a magnificent Sepulchre to be built on this place, with a Temple which he called, The Temple of Wrath; and it's very likely that it is the same place which Tra­vellers to this day call Pompey's Pillar.

CHAP. LII. Caesar pursues his Victory. Cassius surrenders himself to him with all his Fleet. Caesar lands in Aegypt. The Insolence of Photinus and Achillas.

IN the mean while Caesar, who knew that all the hopes of his Enemies were wrapped up in the Person of Pompey, follow­ed him with his usual diligence at the head of his Cavalry, having given orders to one of his Legions to March after him; when he understood at Amphipolis that Pompey had aban­doned Greece, he resolved to go into Asia, and wanting Ships, put what Troops he had in Barques; and now it seemed as if Fortune was resolved to take this occasion, to shew still that she would have a share in his ele­vation. Cassius retreating into Asia with a Navy of 60 Ships, fell in amongst Caesar's lit­tle Fleet. And that Man who had since the courage to Murther him in the very midst of Rome, could not have wished for a fairer occasion than now to kill him with honour: For Caesar was not in any condition to make resistence. In the meanwhile he walked up­on the Deck of his Ship with the Aire of a Conquerour; and that resolute behaviour so over-awed Cassius (who was otherwise a very brave Man) that he went aboard his Shallop, and came to throw himself at Caesar's feet; he surrendred into his hands all the [Page 200] Ships under his Command, demanding no o­ther favour than his Life, with all the sub­mission of a Conquer'd Enemy: Caesar gran­ted it in his usual obliging manner, and then went into Asia, where, after having dispatch­ed some orders, and prevented the ruine of the famous Temple of Diana of the Ephesi­ans, whose Treasures Amphius would have plundered in the name of Pompey, he un­derstood he was retreated into the Island of Cyprus, not in the least imagining that he could have a design of going into Aegypt. Therefore that he might give him no time to Fortifie himself, he went to Rhodes, where he Embarqu'd with two Legions, which were reduc'd to 3200 Men, and 800 Horse. And though those Forces were not very conside­rable, yet the confidence which he had in his Victories, and the high reputation they had gotten him, could not persuade him, but that wherever he came he must meet with awe and obedience. So he went directly to A­lexandria without staying for the rest of his Troops, to whom he sent orders immediate­ly to follow him; upon his Landing, he was entertained with the News of the Death of Pompey, whose Head was presented him, and the Ring, which, according to the custome of the Age, he was wont to make use of for a Signet. This Mournfull Spectacle, the Friend­ship which he heretofore had had with Pom­pey, and the sad Imagination of those Mis­fortunes, which attend the greatest Men, drew Tears from his eyes: So he turned [Page 201] away his Face with horrour, and ordered him who brought him the Present, to re­tire, keeping onely the Ring, upon the stone whereof was ingraved a Lion holding a Sword in his Paw. Afterwards he made his entry into the City as Consul. The Souldiers who were there in Garrison were offended, for that he caused the Axes to be carried before him, and said, That it was done in Contempt of the Royal Authority, which was the occasion that for some days together several disorders happened, in which a great many Roman Souldiers were slain. This forced Caesar to send new Orders to his Troops to come and join him with all speed, with fair Promises and Presents gaining to his side a great many of Pompey's Souldiers, who were then wandring about that King­dom, and wrote word to his Friends at Rome, That the greatest pleasure which he found from his Victory, was the saving every day the life of some one of those who had born Arms against him. In the mean while as an argument of his Confidence, he made great entertain­ments, and assisted at the Conferences of Philosophers, who were in great numbers within that City. But Photinus, who was come to Alexandria with the King, gave him every day fresh marks of his unto­ward intentions, he had written to Achillas, who Commanded the Army to come to Alexandria, and those Succours made him insolent, for he caused musty Corn to be distributed to Caesar's Souldiers, and one day [Page 202] when Ptolemy treated him in his Palace, he caused him to be served in earthen Vessels, saying▪ That the Gold and Silver Plate was en­gaged for the payment of the King's debts. This was because Ptolemy owed Caesar a Mi­lion seven hundred and fifty thousand Crowns, the seven hundred and fifty thou­sand Caesar abated in favour of his Children, but demanded the remaining Milion for the necessity of his present affairs, and when Photinus told him, That he would doe better to think of other matters that were of greater conse­quence. Caesar answered him, He was not come into Aegypt to ask Counsel. In fine, the inso­lence of that Eunuch which provoked him upon all occasions, and it may be also the re­putation of the admirable beauty of Cleopa­tra, caused him to declare, That being the first Magistrate of Rome, he was resolved to enquire into the difference between the King and his Sister. For Ptolemy the Father had by his last Will named for his Heirs the eldest of his two Daughters having conjured the people of Rome by the Gods, and by the Alliance that was between them to see his will put in exe­cution, a Copy whereof he had sent to Rome, and it was upon this foundation that Caesar proceeded. But while this matter was in dispute, Achillas came to Alexandria at the head of his Army. These Troops were very formidable both their num­ber and for their valour, they were com­posed in part of Gabinius his old Soul­diers, who were most of them married in [Page 203] Aegypt, and had taken upon them the Cu­stomes and Discipline of the Aegyptians. The other part was made up of such men as had been disbanded in Syria and Cilicia, and the other Neighbouring Provinces, and the rest were banished men, and run-away slaves, who were sure of a safe retreat in Alexan­dria, and if they took party in the Troops, a certain protection from the other Soul­diers, who frequently rescued them by force of Arms from their Masters that pursued them. These Troops by a horrible Licence, (but what was ordinary amongst those sort of people,) had usurped a privilege of deman­ding the head of any of the King's Ministers when ever they thought fitting, and plunder the richest of their Goods under pretence of augmenting their pay, and also to depose and set up their Kings. There were here at this time 2000 old Cavalry exercised in all the Wars of Alexandria, and these were the men who had restored Ptolemy to his Throne, who had slain the two Sons of Bibulus, and for a long time had made War upon the Aegyptians.

CHAP. LIII. Caesar fortifies himself in Alexandria. He is at­tacked by Achillas. He seizes upon Pharos. Falls in love with Cleopatra. He is besieged by the Aegyptians.

CAesar knowing well the valour and ex­perience of these Troops, and finding himself not strong enough to make head a­gainst them in the Field, took care to fortify those Quarters of the City where his Legi­ons were, and to secure himself of the King's Person, in whose name he deputed to the Army Dioscorides and Serapion, who were the two principal Friends of the old Ptolemy, and who had been Ambassadours at Rome. But Achillas, instead of giving them Audi­ence, charged upon them in such manner, that one of them was killed upon the place, and the other saved his life by feigning to be dead. After this act of violence, Caesar caused the Quarters of Alexandria to be for­tified, where his Troops were retreated, and was the next day attacked by Achillas, Cae­sar's Souldiers sustained the first onset, and repulsed the Enemy, whose chief design was to get possession of the 50 Ships and 22 Gal­lies that were in the Haven, which obliged Caesar after a long and doubtfull fight to possess himself of Pharos, and set fire to those Vessels, whose flames being driven by the wind upon some Houses near the Port [Page 205] burnt them to the ground by a misfortune, in which we can never enough lament that famous Library belonging to the Kings of Aegypt, consisting as some Authours report, of 700000 Volumes. The Pharos is a Tower built in the Island, which makes the Haven of Alexandria, and it was built with so much Art and Magnificence, that it has ever been lookt upon for one of the seven Wonders of the World. There was moreover in the Island several Houses and other Edifices, be­ing joined to the Continent by a Bridge at the end of a Peer that was very narrow, and in length 800 paces, the taking of this Post made Caesar Master by Sea, but he was very close shut up towards the land by the Troops of Achillas, the People also of Alexandria were against him, and without any respect to the Person of their Prince had several times attacked the Palace where they were lodged together. But Ptolemy encouraged to it by Caesar, appeased their tumult by his Presence. Caesar that he might not have any longer an Enemy to fear, but those who were without, got himself at last rid of Photinus, and had sent for Cleopatra, who he said he would marry to her Brother, according to the Aegyptian Custome, and the intent of their Fathers Will. The Eunuch was killed going from an entertainment at the King's Lodgings under pretence that he would have taken away the young Ptolemy, and carried him into the Aegyptian Camp, which was not without some ground, for Ganymede the [Page 206] other Eunuch had taken away Arsinoe, the youngest of Ptolemy's Sisters, causing her to be acknowledged for Queen, and it was in her name that Achillas made War against Caesar. But that enterprise which at first perplext him, turned in the consequence to his advantage. Ganymede could not longer bear the reputation which Achillas had gotten amongst the Troops, so he caused him to be slain, and made himself be declared Gene­ral of the Army. In the mean time Cleopa­tra came to Caesar with a great deal of dan­ger, out of which her own Wisedom and good management happily delivered her, she embarked her self in a Shallop onely with Apollodorus one of her Domesticks, and arriving that night under the Castle of A­lexandria, that man binding her up in a Packet of those necessaries which he brought along with him, took her upon his back, and by that means deceiving the Aegyptian Guard, carried her to Caesar. It is said that that mark which she then gave of her Wit, contributed much to the growth of a passion, which he afterwards entertained for that Princess, or at least it is Plutarch's Opinion. But to say the truth, the Slave may be rea­sonably supposed to have had the best part in that Contrivance. On the other side Caesar was too sensible of the Charms of Beauty, not to be touched with those of Cleopatra. She was then in the Prime of her Youth, and one of those sprightly Grecian Beauties, where every feature has its parti­cular [Page 207] Charm. All which was seconded by an admirable Wit, and a Voice so soft and bewitching, that that perfection onely with­out the help of her Eyes (for she had the finest in the World) inslaved the hearts of every one that heard her, nor could Caesar re­fuse her his, since he had not been able to defend it before against a certain Moorish Queen,Aunoe, the wife of Bagud, one of the Kings of Maurita­nia. so he became passionately in love, and declared himself at first sight for the in­terests of that Princess. Ptolemy quickly found that Caesar, who was to be Judge between him and his Sister, was become of her Par­ty, and that that change was the work of love, the uneasiness which he shewed for it to the People, made them again revolt; but Caesar soon quelled it, and as the Roman Consul and Tutour to the young Princess, in a General Assembly read the Will of Ptolemy their Father, and promised to put it in execu­tion. At this time Ganymede to signalise himself in his new Employment, undertook a great and difficult work, but from the suc­cess of it we ought to determine the War on his side. The City of Alexandria, to express it properly, was built upon a void of empty space, for such were the many Caves or Cisterns made on purpose to receive the Waters of the Nile, which were excellent to drink when they were once setled and purged from the slime which that River car­ried in its Chanel, and which occasioned many Diseases amongst the People when ever they were forced by necessity to drink it as [Page 208] they drew it out of the River. Ganymede was wholly Master of the Nile, which ran through that part of the City which the Aegyptians were possessed of, so he caused all the Cannals to be stopt up which carried the Water to that side where he was Master, and then by Wheels and other Engines, he caused a great quantity of Sea Water to be taken up, which he put into the Cannals, from whence Caesar's Quarters used to be supplied with fresh Waters, immediately the chief Cisterns were corrupted with that salt Water, which caused a great astonish­ment amongst Caesar's advanced Guards, when they compared the taste of the Water which they drank with that in the Cisterns, which were not so near the Enemy, but at last these also became salt like the others, and that accident had almost made them despe­rate. They murmured amongst themselves, and accused Caesar's obstinacy, for thinking that he was able to fight at once both with Men and Elements. But he assured them by his Discourse and his Authority, and caused Wells to be digged all along the Sea side, whereof he was Master, and where he found sufficient stores of fresh Water.

CHAP. LIV. Caesar receives succours. A Sea fight. A disor­der amongst Caesar's Troops, upon the Peer. He saves himself by swimming. He restores the Aegyptians their King, who declares War against him.

IN the mean time the four and twentieth Legion was arrived for his relief, and came to have landed near Alexandria. Caesar went out with all his Ships to meet them; and in his return was set upon by the Ae­gyptian Fleet, but seconded by the Ships of Rhodes, easily put them to the rout, taking one of the Enemies Vessels, sinking another, and killing a great many of their Men, so that had not the night come on too fast, he must have been Master of their whole Fleet. Ganymede did all that he was able to take away the Terrour which this ill success had raised amongst them, and put to Sea again another stronger Fleet, with which he came to attack Caesar. The fight was very fierce, but the Valour and Experience of Euphra­nor, who Commanded the Ships of Rhodes, turned all to the advantage of the Romans, who took two Aegyptian Gallies, and sunk three, the rest saved themselves under the Peer of Pharos▪ Caesar being onely Master of the Tower, which was the reason that at one and the same time he made an Attack upon the Island, and the Peer with ten Co­horts [Page 210] of light armed Foot, and the Gallick Cavalry, which he had chosen out of all his Troops. The Attack succeeding, the Island and the Peer were taken, and the Aegyptians driven beyond the Bridge, Caesar immedi­ately caused it to be fortified, and with stones stopped up the passage under the Bridge, that none of the Enemies Barks might go through. As they were busie at this work, the Enemy came from the City­ward with Barks and Shallops to attack the head of the Bridge, and the sides of the Peer. Caesar was upon the Peer in Person to encourage his Souldiers, when a great num­ber of the Mariners and Seamen belonging to his Vessels, came thither without any or­der, partly out of Curiosity, and partly out of the desire they had to come to a Battel. At first they behaved themselves well enough with throwing stones, and with their slings. But the Aegyptians taking notice of the disorder they were in, resolved to come down and attack them; upon this, these Men ran again on Board their Vessels as un­seasonably as they had left them. Their flight raised the Courage of the Aegyptians, who pursued them with great Cries, and which so terrified the Romans that defended the Bridge, and who believing they were surroun­ded by their Enemies, thought of nothing but of saving themselves in their Vessels. The confusion was great, and in this Rout the Enemy killed at least four hundred Legio­naries. Caesar after having tried all his en­deavours [Page 211] to prevent the running away of his Men, was at last forced to go on board his Ship, but as he perceived the number of those that followed him, and the danger that might thence arise, he put himself to swim­ming, but with so great presence of mind, that he lost not one of those Papers which he all the while held out of the Water with one hand, to preserve them from wetting, nor his Coat Armour, which he carried in his Teeth. So swimming about two hun­dred paces to his Ships, he sent out Shallops and Barks to the relief of his People, some of them were saved, but his own Vessel as he had foreseen, was sunk by the number of those who were in her, and who all peri­shed. This Disgrace instead of abating their Courage, served onely to provoke Caesar's Souldiers, which appeared whenever they came upon Duty for the raising of the Works, and forced the Aegyptians to have recourse to Artifices. They sent Deputies to Caesar to demand of him their King, say­ing, That they were weary of being Commanded by a Girl, and the Tyranny of Ganymede, and that they were willing to make Peace with the Romans under the Authority of their lawfull Prince. Ptol [...]my on the other side perfectly instructed in the arts of Dissimulation, no less by his own Genius, than the Lessons which were given him by his Governours, with tears in his Eyes begged of him to keep him with him, saying, That the pres [...]ce of Caesar did more Charm him than his King­dom. [Page 212] Caesar was not ignorant of the perfi­diousness of these People, but he believed he ought in generosity to give them their Prince, to the end he might either gain upon them by that favour, or at least fight with more Honour against a King, so he restored him to his Army, where he was no sooner arrived, but he renewed the War with so much earnestness, that it seems (says Hirtius) the tears which he shed when he left Caesar, were tears of joy. In the mean time Caesar's Friends were upon their march through Syria to his relief, and the Aegyptians, who were advised of it before him, sought all occasions to hinder the Convoys from coming to him by Sea, which was the occasion of another Sea Battel, where the brave Euphranor peri­shed with his Vessel, they being too far ad­vanced, nor well followed. But the Ae­gyptians enjoyed not this advantage long, for Mithridates of Pergama, who was very considerable for the greatness of his Birth and his Authority, and of great Reputation in War in Cilicia and Syria, had raised an Army for Caesar's Service, who came with these Troops to attack Pelusium, which he took by storm. That City was the Key of Aegypt by Land as the Pharos was towards the Sea. From thence Mithridates advanced to­wards Alexandria for the relief of Caesar, which forced Ptolemy to divide his Troops to defend the passage of the Nile. That River as it comes near the Sea, separates it self into many Branches, whereof the two most con­siderable [Page 213] leave a large space of Land be­tween them, forming as it were an Island which the Aegyptians call Delta, for the re­semblance of its Figure to that Greek Let­ter. Δ.

CHAP. LV. Mithridates defeats the Aegyptians. He joins himself with Caesar, who attacks Ptolemy's Camp. The Aegyptians routed. Their King is drowned. Caesar establishes Cleopatra Queen of Aegypt with her Brother.

MIthridates who very well understood the Roman Discipline, received the first on-set of the Aegyptians in his Trenches, and when he saw them in disorder, sallied, and killed a great number of them before they could get to their Vessels which were upon the Nile. Caesar and Ptolemy were both advised of what had happened much about the same time, and immediately began their march, one to join himself with Mithridates, and the other to hinder him. The King went in his Ships along the Nile, and Caesar to avoid a Sea fight in the Chanel of the River, went and made his descent above the mouth of the River, towards the Coast of Asia, and with his usual diligence came to join Mithridates, without being the least [Page 214] incommoded by the King. By this means matters were reduced to the hazard of a Bat­tel. Ptolemy was advantageously incamped in a Post which had the River Nile on one side, behind him a Precipice, and on the other side a Moor or Marshy ground. There was a River or Canal between the Aegypti­an Camp and Caesar's Army. The King com­manded all his Cavalry, and a detachment of chosen foot to defend that passage, the Banks whereof were very high. The Ro­mans were several times repulsed, at last the shame to see the Aegyptians so long maintain the fight against them, obliged Caesar's Gallick Horse to enter the Channel in several places, they opening themselves a passage, while the Legionaries got over upon great Trees, which they had cut for that purpose, which bold undertaking confounded the Aegyptians, who with some loss made their retreat to the Kings Camp. The next day Caesar cau­sing all his Troops to pass over, made an attack upon their Camp along the Banks of Nilus, which being the easiest place for that purpose, was the reason that the Aegyptians had drawn thither their best Troops, and neglected the other part which they thought inaccessible. This Caesar quickly understood by the stout resistence which he here met withal, he therefore drew out some Cohorts under the Command of Carsulenus, one of his ancientest and best Officers to attack their Camp, where the Fortification was steepest. They there found little resistence, by reason [Page 215] that on-set was so contrary to expectation. By this means they entred, and put the whole Aegyptian Camp into disorder. Immediate­ly every one thought of nothing but his own safety, and in this confusion the King him­self getting on Board a Vessel, was drow­ned with all those that followed him, and who by their numbers sunk the Ship. Af­ter this Victory there was nothing found in Aegypt able to resist Caesar. The City of Alexandria was the first that submitted, so he made his entry as Conquerour, and par­doned the Citizens in favour of Cleopatra, whom he established Queen with her youn­ger Brother Ptolemy, according to the intent of their Father's Will, driving out Arsino [...] and Ganymede. The following days he de­dicated to the love which he had for that Princess, and the rejoycings for his Victory. Some Authours report that he went up the Nile with her a Magnificent Galley, and that he had gone as far as Aethiopia, if his Army had not refused to follow him. At last he left her with Child of a Son who was afterwards called Caesario, and departed from Aegypt to go into Syria with his sixth Legion against Pharnaces the Son of Mithridates, the others being left in Aegypt by his order to hinder the revolt of that new Conquest.

CHAP. LVI. Cato retires into Africa, and Cicero into Italy, where Caesar Pardons him. Pompey's Sons go into Spain; Cato joins himself with Scipio and Juba. Some broils at Rome.

THE Death of Pompey was so far from bringing this War to an end, that it ser­ved onely to diffuse it almost over all the parts of the World. Cato was at Durazzo during the Battle at Pharsalia, where he Com­manded a Powerfull Fleet: From thence he went into the Island of Corsira, meeting there with Cicero who had not been at the Battel, and many other Senatours, who had escaped thither from it, amongst whom was the El­dest Son of Pompey. Cato, who always was for governing himself according to the prescrip­tion of the Law, offered the Command of the Army to Cicero, who had been Consul; who, not thinking himself fit for such a Charge, refused it; which provoked this Pom­pey's Son, and all the young Men of his Party against him. They called him Traitour, and drew their Swords upon him; So that had not Cato's Authority interposed and appeased him, they had certainly slain him: he esca­ped in a terrible fright to Brundusium, from whence he Wrote to Oppius and Balbus, who were with Caesar, to excuse the choice he had made of an unfortunate Party: and though his Brother Quintus, by some provocation, [Page 217] whereof he complains in many of his Letters, without mentioning the Cause, had accused him to Caesar; and though Quintus his Son had done him very ill offices, nevertheless Caesar pardoned him, and treated him very kindly in his return to Italy. The others took different Parties, and Cato retreated into Africa, where he expected to meet with Pom­pey, whose eldest Son he sent into Spain. Cas­sius Longinus, whom Caesar had left there, was very much embroiled with those People, and with his Souldiers themselves, whom he had used so ill, that he was wounded as he sate in his Tribunal. This affair had very great consequences, and Marcellus, though Cae­sar's Friend, had declared himself against Longinus, and made War upon him, when Lepidus arrived on Caesar's part, to inquire in­to the cause of their Division. Longinus refu­sed to obey: But as he retreated by Sea, with what Booty he had got together in his Government, he perished in the Mouth of the Ebre. These Divisions gave time to young Pompey to practise upon those People, and many of the Roman Souldiers, who still retained a great veneration for the Name of his Father, and to gather together some time afterwards a considerable Army. When Scipio had joined himself in Africa with King Iuba and Attius Varus, and by that means enabled himself to renew a dangerous War in that Province, being assisted by Ten thousand Men which Cato brought him. The youngest of Pompey's Children had met [Page 218] him upon the Coasts of Africa, where he un­derstood from Cato the death of his Father; which obliged him to go and cast Anchor at Cyrena, where he passed the Winter; from thence he went forward to the Desarts of Lybia, after having furnished himself with Provisions and Water, and especially of those sort of Men, who, by sucking, cure the Wounds made by the bites of Serpents, who very much abound in these Desarts, and who have also the art of Charming them. It was in this seven days journey that the Constancy of Cato ought much to be admi­red, for he Marched always on foot the fore­most at the head of his Troops; always drinking the last, nor that neither, till all the rest of his Army had undergon the extre­mest Thirst, and were running to quench it at the Wells which they found in those De­sarts. At last he arrived at Scipio and Iuba's Camp. But the Insolence of that King of the Barbarians grew soon disgustfull to him, and caused him to retire into the City of Vtica, after having left his Troops with Sci­pio, who, with those of Iuba, formed them into a Body very formidable to Caesar; who besides had received advice, that his Affairs were extremely intangled at Rome, whither he had sent Anthony in quality of the General of the Cavalry. This was the second Dig­nity next to that of Dictatour, and in Cae­sar's absence gave Antonius absolute Com­mand of the Republick. Dolabella was then Tribune of the People, and Antonius's Friend, [Page 219] and in Caesar's Interest; he had conceived a Project in his head to cause all the ancient Contracts to be broken, that so he might be called upon at Rome to make new Tables; and Antonius at the first assisted his design, but entertaining some suspicion that Dolabella had gotten too familiar an acquaintance with his Wife, he turned her away, and joined himself with some of the Senatours, who were for opposing the Tribune. As they were both fierce young Men, and of great Quality, this Division of theirs had very ill consequences, they came in Arms to the Publick Place, where, after a great Combat, Dolabella was put to flight.

CHAP. LVII. Caesar goes into Asia.

THIS news extremely troubled Caesar, who was afraid lest these Divisions might at last ruine his Party, and that the Insolence of his Officers might render him yet more Odious to the Romans. He knew, besides, that the Souldiers which he had sent into Italy, had thrown off all manner of Military Discipline, and that his presence onely could be of force to bring them back to their duty. So he resolved to take a Journey into Asia for the establishing of Peace in those Provinces, and then go to Rome. Syria being in Peace, he left there Sextus Caesar his Kinsman with one Legion, and afterwards embarked himself to go into Cilicia, where landing, he advanced by great Marches as far as A Pro­vince of the lesser Asia. Galatia. There Dejotarus the This was a Title which was given to those Prin­ces who were not really Kings, though they exercised Sovereign Authority. Tetrarch of that Province, called King of Armenia by the Senate, came to find him out, and excuse himself for having followed Pompey's Party; Caesar received him with a great deal of Humanity, and after having something reproached him with the good Offices which he had heretofore done him at Rome, he caused Dejotarus to take again those marks of Royalty which he had quitted, and join the Troops of that King with his own. From thence he marched against Pharnaces, who had possessed himself of [Page 221] Cappadocia, and the lesser Armenia, under De­jotarus, and who had defeated Domitius Cal­vinus one of his Lieutenants. This Prince, who knew what necessity of Affairs called Caesar to Rome, sought onely to gain time, and to that purpose sent Ambassadours to Caesar, They besought him not to treat their King as an Enemy for the sake of Dejotarus, who had sent Troops to Pompey, since Pharnaces had never assisted him neither with Men nor Money, that at least he would be as favourable to him as he had been to that Prince, whom he had pardoned, but that nevertheless in what manner soever it should be his fortune to be treated, he should al­ways observe his Orders. Caesar answered, That that would be the best way of shewing himself a Friend, That what he said of Dejotarus, had no relation to the affairs in hand, since all the world knew that he received not less joy in pardo­ning those many particular injuries which were done to himself, than in revenging such as had been offered to the Republick. This was because Pharnaces, pufft up with his Victory, had treated the Roman Citizens which were in his Provinces with great Cruelty, putting the men to death, and castrating the Boys. Caesar added moreover, That he ought to quit Pontus, and restore their Goods again to the Ro­mans; after which he might accept perhaps of his Present, being a Crown of Gold, which he had refused▪ Pharnaces having received this an­swer, desired time for the satisfying of these demands. But Caesar seeing through his Ar­tifices, resolved to get nearer to him, by [Page 222] that means either to bring him to Obedience, or give him Battel: He had with him onely four Legions, one of old Troops, by their fatigues and marches reduced to a little more than a thousand men, one belonging to De­jotarus, and two of those which had been beaten under Domitius. With these Forces he advanced as far as Ziela, a City of Pontus, near to which Mithridates had heretofore got the better of the Romans. This seemed a favourable Omen to Pharnaces, who was the Son of that King. Therefore as Caesar was causing a Hill to be fortified about 1000 paces from the Enemies Camp, this Prince despising the small number of the Romans, and the Troops which he had once beaten, quitted his Trenches, and came to at­tack them; when Caesar seeing him in the Valley, which separated the two Camps, where his Battalions were one above ano­ther, because the place was narrow, and where, says he, no man of common sense would ever have engaged himself, he despi­sed his want of Experience, but when at the same time he saw him coming up the Hill, where he was posted, admiring his Courage, or indeed rather his Rashness, he gave the signal of Battel. This surprizal caused at first some disorder amongst the Romans, which was augmented by those Chariots armed with Scithes, which marched at the head of the Enemy, and rendred the Battel very bloudy; but when Caesar's Peo­ple, and especially the Veteran Legion, had [Page 223] recovered their order, they forced the Ene­my to give ground, and defeated them with so great a slaughter, that Caesar several times could not forbear saying, That Pompey was very happy to have gotten so much glory at so easie a rate against such an Enemy. It was also for this Victory that when he Trium­phed at Rome, he bore this famous Inscrip­tion, Veni, Vidi, Vici, I came, I saw, I over­came. In effect, this absolutely put an end to the War, for he took Pharnaces's Camp, who fled into the remotest places of Asia, he abandoned all the plunder to his Soul­diers, and after having restored Dejotarus his Troops again, giving some necessary orders to the Neighbouring Provinces, where he left two Legions under Cassius Vinicianus, and establishing Mithridates of Pergama, who had served him so well in Aegypt, King of This is that Coun­trey which lies on the other side of the Channel over a­gainst Constantino­ple. Bos­phorus, he embarked and went into Italy, with a diligence which put all the world in Admiration.

CHAP. LVIII. Caesar returns into Italy. His Troops Mutiny, he appeases them, and returns into Africa. More Battels.

UPON his arrival in Italy, Cicero and a great many others of Pompey's Party came to meet him, and were received by him, as if they had always been of his In­terest. This his moderation and behaviour purchased him the favour of the people of Rome, so that he very easily qualified all Di­visions there, and got himself chosen Con­sul, but he found not matters in so good a condition amongst his Troops, who were grown to that height of insolence, that the tenth Legion, whom for its Valour he had always particularly favoured, openly revol­ted, and killed Isconius and Galba, two of the Senatours, so he sent for other Troops into Rome to guard the City, and notwith­standing the Counsel of his Friends to the contrary, went to find out this Mutinous Le­gion, which was drawn up in the field of Mars, the pretence of their Revolt was the rewards which he had promised them before the Battel of Pharsalia. Nevertheless, when he appeared before them, the presence of a General famous for so many Victories, so brave as he was, and of so noble a presence, struck them with such respect, that the most Insolent of them had not a word which he [Page 225] durst utter. So he mounted upon a Tribunal, and demanding of them, What they had to say to him in relation to their rewards? They onely begged of him to give them leave to quit their Arms, alledging their age, their wounds, and their long service; It is but just, says he, I do give you leave, and ye may be gone. This answer indeed surprized them, for they believing that he had still need of their service, ex­pected that he would have given them Pre­sents to have kept them together, so that they continuing yet for some time without saying any thing; As to your rewards (says he) those I will give you when I have triumphed over the rest of my Enemies. This word rewards made them recollect themselves a little, they began to believe that he would have for­gotten their Revolt, for they were ashamed to forsake him, promising themselves yet great advantages under his Conduct, besides, they saw they should be but a laughing stock to both Parties, there being no man in Italy who durst put himself at the head of them, for this reason they expected with great ap­prehension how he would farther explain him­self, and his Friends about him very much im­portuned him. When he began to speak to them, he called them Citizens. This word, which seemed to degrade them, was like a clap of Thunder in their Ears, so they cryed out with confusion, That they were Soul­diers, and as he made an offer to come down angrily from his Tribunal, they threw them­selves at his feet, Conjuring him to inflict all [Page 226] those punishments upon them which their insolence deserved, rather than disband them so shamefully. This was the Point which he desired to bring them to, so he remained a long time inflexible either to their prayers or their tears, till at last pretending himself overcome by the im­portunity of his Friends, he once more as­cended the Tribunal, and said, That that Re­volt so much the more surprized him, for that it came from the Legion which he had distinguished by his particular favours, that for all this he would not punish them after he had once so much loved them, that he would allow all that he had promised them, and more than that Lands too for their sub­sistence, when he should have completed the War in Africa; but that they should not follow him in that War, but remain in Italy. This last ex­ception yet more and more afflicted them, they offered themselves to be decimated for punishment of their fault. And this sub­mission so intirely appeased him, that he consented they should have leave to follow him. In this manner by his Resolution and his Address did he gloriously acquit himself in an undertaking of so much danger. Caesar made but a short stay at Rome after this acti­on, and when he had re-established order and quiet in the City, leaving Antonius to Command there, he marched by great Jour­neys into Sicily. He would not make his entry into any City, but to signify the impatience he had to go into Africa, encamped himself so near the Sea-side, that the waves flowed up to the very foot of his Tent, and though [Page 227] the Winds were contrary, he nevertheless Embarked what Souldiers he had with him, who consisted of one Legion of new Le­vies and 600 Horse. In the mean while four other new Legions, and one more, be­ing a Veteran Legion, came up with about 2000 Horse, which obliged him to send away all his Fleet, whom he soon after joy­ned, leaving orders with Alienus the Pretor of Sicily, to send him the other Legions as fast as they should arrive. Now as the Troops of his Enemies consisted of great numbers, for Iuba had four Legions, abun­dance of light armed Foot and Cavalry al­most innumerable; Scipio ten Legions, six and twenty Elephants, and a great many Ships which were in possession of all the Ports of Africa. Caesar had appointed his Fleet no certain place of Rendezvous, he came in four days time in sight of the Afri­can Coast, and passing with part of his Na­vy before the Cities of Clupea and Neapolis, he presented himself before Adrumetum, Con­sidius Commanded in that place, and Piso guarded the Coast with 2000 Moo [...]ish Horse. Caesar made shew as if he would at­tack the Port, and afterwards ran ashore a little way off, where he landed onely with 3000 Foot, and 150 Horse. In the first place he Commanded that none of his Soul­diers should straggle from the Body, and ad­vanced his Troops towards the City, where after having intrenched himself, he sent one of his Prisoners to Considius, who after [Page 228] having understood that he came from Caesar, caused him to be slain in his presence, and sent his Letters to Scipio, Caesar, who had no design to attack that place, marched all along the Coast to Ruspina, being all the way annoyed by Parties from the Enemy. And it was in one of these occasions that 30 Gallick Horse beat 2000 Moors, and drove them almost to the Gates of Adrume­tum, he durst not quit the Sea, being uncer­tain what might become of the rest of his Fleet, and though he had sent ten Vessels to inquire intelligence, and had taken the City of Tripoli. Lepta, from whence having furnished himself with good store of Provisions, he returned towards Ruspina, and went on Board with six old Cohorts, without making any discovery of what he designed. When his absence was known in the Camp, the Soul­diers were extremely astonished, and were for a whole night almost desperate. In the mean while he was Coasting, and by good fortune met the rest of his Fleet, which came upon the same design, so he returned to his Camp with great diligence, and drew up his Army in Battalia to receive those who landed. His presence put an end to their apprehensions, so he decamped the same hour to advance farther into the Coun­trey; he had hardly marched three miles when his Scouts brought him word that the Ene­my appeared: A moment after he himself discovered a very thick dust which was from Labienus, Scipio's Lieutenant, who came with [Page 229] a great Army either to hinder his descent, or to fall upon him as he was in disorder, and in effect whatever Hirtius says in his Com­mentaries, almost all other Authours believe that Caesar found himself at this time in great danger, the number of his Enemies was much greater than that of his own Troops, and his Souldiers being almost all of them new raised Men, had not been ac­quainted with the manner of fighting a­gainst the Numidians. These People, as they doe to this day, observe no manner of Order, but being very well Mounted, used to fight by running out from their main Body throwing a great many Lances, and re­treating at the same time that their Enemy comes forth against them. Caesar had need now of all his Experience as well as Cou­rage, to hinder his being totally put to a rout, he fought with his own hands, and ta­king by the Collar an Officer who carried the Eagle of that Legion which fled brought him up into the foremost ranks. At last a Souldier of the tenth Legion, (whom Labie­nus affronted, after having known him,) lan­cing his Horse with a Javelin. C [...]sar, while Labienus was carrying off, endeavoured with his Legionaries to open a passage through the Enemy, who had hemmed him in, and made his retreat good into his Camp, in despight of the coming up of Petreius, who it is said spared him upon this occasion, under pretence that he ought not to take away from Scipio their General the Glory of [Page 230] completing the Victory. A little time after Scipio came to join his Lieutenant with eight Legions, and 4000 Horse, proclaiming every where that Iuba was following him with yet greater reinforcement. This report extremely terrified Caesar's new Souldiers, their fear ap­peared in their very faces, and in all their moti­ons, and as it had made them very apprehen­sive, Caesar to take away that inconveniency, caused them to be drawn together, where he spake to them, I am (said he) very glad to let you understand that in a few days Juba is to arrive with 10 Legions, 30000 Horse, 100000 light armed Foot, and 300 Elephants, so that those who are now so curious, and dispute so much upon the mat­ter, may be at rest and believe me, since I ought to know it, else I shall send them on board the worst and oldest of my Ships, where it shall please the winds and fortune to carry them. This dis­course so full of assurance, inspired them with fresh Courage, and put a stop to those sort of reports. It is true indeed, that Iuba was coming up, but Boguo a King of one part of Mauritania, and Sittius a Roman, who was setled in Africa with a great many of Marius's Souldiers had entred his King­dom, and made such Progress there, as ob­liged him to return, so the War was carried on between the two Roman Generals, and Caesar, who would forget nothing that might be for the advantage of his Affairs, know­ing that many were of opinion that the Scipio's seemed as if born to triumph in Afri­ca, chose from amongst his Troops a man of [Page 231] very small merit, but one who bore that name with the Sirname Salutio, and caused all orders to be issued out in his name, as if he had been General. In the mean while he wearied the Enemy by different move­ments, dayly retrenching himself, and be­sides his Ramparts, which were furnished with all sorts of Darts, made moreover Ditches filled with stakes, and in this con­dition suffered the affronts of Scipio, who came often to offer him Battel; Caesar con­tenting himself to let his Cavalry onely draw out, and distributing his Orders with so much security, that he hardly so much as went out of his Tent. Moreover, as his Souldiers were not yet much inured to War, he took pains himself for their instruction, shewing them how they ought to receive the on-sets of the Enemy, in what manner they ought to make their Retreat, when they ought to Charge, and when to recover their Ranks. In short, all necessary postures with the same care that a Master of Defence in­structs his Scholars. He forgot not also to quicken the succours that were coming up, and which he expected, by People whom he dispatched express into several places, ne­ver being satisfied with any excuse against the execution of his orders. At last Alienus sent him from Sicily two old Legions, 800 Gallick Horse, and 1000 Archers or Slingers, who arrived fortunately at Ruspina; with these Recruits Caesar left his Retrenchments, and marched towards Vzita, as if he would [Page 232] attack it. Scipio came to succour that place, and this motion was the occasion of great disputes without any advantage on one side or the other. Caesar's Cavalry suffered much for want of Forrage, and were forced to feed their Horses with the Moss growing on the Sea-side, which they first washed, to take out the Salt, and then mingled with quitch Grass, the Legionaries themselves having brought no Tents, were forced to lodge un­der very ill Barraques. This inconveniency had like to have caused a great disorder a­mongst them by a kind of Prodigy that happened, which was, that one night to­wards the time that the Plyades disappear, there fell in his Camp certain stones like Hail, which wounded a great many, and overthrew all their Barraques, so that they passed the whole night covered onely with their Bucklers. Nevertheless nothing could diminish the love which they had for their General. And some old Souldiers being ta­ken on Board a Vessel at Thapsus, and car­ried to Scipio, though he made them very ad­vantageous Offers, refused positively to fol­low him, and chose rather to see themselves cut in pieces by Scipio's Orders, than undergo the shame of being called Deserters. In the mean time Iuba being solicited by Letters from Scipio, having left Saburra to defend his Kingdom, came up with three Legions, 800 brideled This di­stinction is made, be­cause the Numidians carried their Hor­ses to the Wars with­out any Bri­dles, cau­sing them to turn to the right or left with a certain switch or rod. Horse, and a great number of Numidians and light armed Foot, with 30 Elephants; his presence added much to the [Page 233] Courage of Scipio's Troops. This King of Barbarians, causing himself to be respected above the Roman Officers, and treating them with Contempt. They several times attacked those Parties which Caesar sent out for discovery, and came often to disturb their Works, insomuch that one day Iuba, Scipio, and Labienus came at the head of all their Horse, to affront his Legionaries in sight of his Camp. Caesar's Cavalry, who were upon the Guard, were forced to give ground, but the Legionaries taking their Arms, and marching up in order, the Horse returned to the Charge so vigourously, that had it not been for the darkness caused by the dust, and the coming on of the night, Iuba, and Labienus had certainly fallen into the hands of Caesar, and their Cavalry been utterly defeated.

CHAP. LIX. Caesar chastiseth some Mutineers, and after se­veral movements defeats Scipio and Juba.

THESE performances very much en­couraged Caesar's Souldiers, who were encamped near Vzita, when the ninth and tenth Legion came up to his Camp, the In­solence of the Revolters could not be so well forgotten, but that he had still a resolution to make an example of some of them to the rest of his Troops; wherefore being informed that Avienus, one of the Tribunes of that Legion, had taken up a whole Ves­sel for his own Equipage and Horses, without receiving so much as one Souldier, he took that occasion, and being well assured of the affection of the rest of his Souldiers, gave orders that all the Officers that belonged to the Legions, should be called together. I could well have wisht (said he) that some persons might by this time have reformed their licentious and in­solent behaviour, and made some reflexions upon my good nature, my forbearance, and my patience, but since they have not known how to regulate themselves, I am resolved to make such an exam­ple as the Discipline of War requires. Therefore you Avienus, who have debauched the Souldiers of the Roman People against the Republick, com­mitted a thousand exactions in the Cities of Italy, and who are as useless to the Common­wealth as you are to me, seeing that instead of [Page 235] Souldiers, you thought a whole Ship but sufficient for your Equipage, and by that means have ob­structed the service of the Republick, I here Casheer you from my Army, Commanding you to leave Africa this very day, and withdraw your self as far hence as it's possible. You Fontejus, who are a seditious Tribune, and a base Citizen, I Command you also to depart the Camp. And you Salienus, Tiro, and Clusinas, who after having by favour, and not by merit obtained the Posts ye now Command in, have shewen as little Valour in War as Honesty in Peace, and who have always taken more care to make your Souldiers mutiny against their General, than to behave your selves as Men of Honour ought to doe; I declare you unworthy of any Command in my Army, and here ordain that this moment ye depart out of Africa. Immediately he put them into the hands of some Centurions, and leaving them onely each a slave to attend him, Comman­ded them to be put on Board upon different Ships. On the other side Iuba, who domi­neered in the other Party, and who treated even Scipio himself with Arrogance, having forced him to quit the Coat Armour of Purple, which distinguished him as General, caused almost dayly his Troops to draw out in Battalia before Caesar's Camp, who thought himself obliged in Honour to quit his Re­trenchments. Scipio had put all his Legions, and those of Iuba upon the first line, the Numidian Foot upon the second, the Wings whereof appeared to be doubled, the Ele­phants being on the right and left upon the [Page 236] Wings, and behind the Elephants the Nu­midian Cavalry, all his bridled Horse and light armed Foot were upon the right, the City of Vzita closing up the left, and this he did with a design to hem in the Troops of Caesar, who had ordered his men in this man­ner, the seventh and ninth Legion were upon the left, the twenty ninth and thirtieth were upon the right, and four Legions in the Cen­tre. The new Legions composed the se­cond Line, he had also made a third, which took up but half the left of the second Line, it being covered upon the right with his Retrenchments. In this place also he had posted all his Cavalry, and as he thought not fit much to rely upon them, the tenth Le­gion was Commanded to second them, his light armed Foot being drawn up in the In­tervals of the Cavalry: In this posture the two Armies remained at about 300 paces distance facing each other, from morning till four a clock in the Evening, without fighting, which perhaps had never before happened. But Caesar offering to retire, all the Numidian Cavalry came thundring upon his left Wing, and his Horsemen being a little too far ad­vanced, a great many of them were woun­ded, and one slain, with 26 of his light ar­med Foot, the night hindred any farther proceeding, and Scipio retreated into his Camp with a great deal of Joy. Now all the thoughts of Caesar were, how he might take away from his People the fear they had of the Enemy, and especially of their Ele­phants, [Page 237] wherefore having some of them in his Camp, he accustomed his Souldiers to approach them boldly, he caused them to observe the place where those Beasts were most easily to be wounded, and caused his Cavalry to assault them with blunted Lan­ces, by that means to inure the Horses to the sight of them. At last, when by these exercises he found they were grown no lon­ger afraid of them, he decamped, seeking dayly how he might post himself with most advantage. After many removings, and some skirmishes, wherein Labienus came by the worst, observing that his Enemies began to fear the Valour of his Legions, he went to attack the City of Thapsus, where Virgilius Commanded for Scipio with a very strong Garrison. Scipio, who was afraid, lest in loosing that City, his Reputation might suffer, came also to post himself about the nine miles from Caesar, where he and Iuba entrenched themselves in two several Camps. There was near to Thapsus a Pond of salt water, about 1500 paces distant from the Sea. Scipio's design was by that interval to put some Troops into the place, but Caesar, who had foreseen as much, and expected it, had built a Fort there, and left a Garrison in three places, which obliged Scipio to make some attacks, but without success, and after having passed a whole night and a day on the banks of the Pond, set his Troops a work for retrenching themselves towards the Sea, 1500 paces from Caesar's Fort. Caesar [Page 238] about break of day was informed of the proceeding, so leaving Asprinas to guard his Camp, he marched directly upon the Ene­my by the interval, which was between the Pond and the Sea. He sent also orders to those who Commanded his Vessels that were before Thapsus, that leaving onely some to defend the mouth of the Port, they should advance with the rest on the other side of Scipio's Camp, and at the first noise of Bat­tel, setting their Souldiers on shore, make an attack upon that side with noise and shou­ting. Caesar's Army marched upon three lines, the four best Legions on the front, and the five others making as it were a body of Reserve, five Cohorts upon the Wings, who were designed to engage the Elephants, with all his Archers and Slingers, and his light armed Foot mingled with his Cavalry. For himself, he was on foot, going through the ranks, and animating his Souldiers by his presence and his Exhortations. He found Scipio drawn up in Battalia before his Retrenchments, the works whereof he caused dayly to be continued, but at the sight of Caesar's Army his Souldiers be­gan to be much disordered. It was easie to see how they ran about from one place to another, sometimes into the Camp, and sometimes out again in all manner of con­fusion, which extremely animated Caesar's Men, who nevertheless did what he could to oppose their impatience, and ran to put a stop to such as he saw most eager, when [Page 239] upon the right Wing, a Trumpet contrary to his Orders, sounded a Charge, imme­diately the Cohorts upon the Wings, in spight of their Commanders, ran on, which Caesar seeing, gave for the word of Battel, Felicitas, and calling for his Horse, was the first that charged the Enemy. Scipio's Ele­phants were immediately put to flight by the Archers and Slingers upon the right Wing, and overthrowing the Souldiers that were behind them, ran into the entrance of the Camp. The Moorish Cavalry being abandoned by the Elephants, were easily dis­persed, and Caesar's Legions killing all that opposed their way, got possession of the Enemies Trenches. The Garrison of Thap­sus had made one sally, but were driven in again by the very Servants that belonged to Caesar's Camp, so that nothing but disorder and fear appearing every where, Scipio's Men had nothing to consider of, but flying towards the Camp, which for two days be­fore they had quitted, but seeing themselves without any Leader, they threw down their Arms, that they might run more lightly to­wards the Camp of Iuba, which those of Caesar's Troops, who had not been engaged, had already forced, so these poor Souldiers of Scipio retreated up to a hill, where, though they made sign that they would surrender themselves, though they saluted Caesar's Men, and had thrown down their Arms, never­theless, the Veterans, heated with bloud, and transported with fury, after having [Page 240] wounded and killed some Senatours of their own Party, whom they did not love, and who would have with-held them, they cut them all in pieces, though Caesar himself were present.

CHAP. LX. The death of Scipio and Juba. Caesar marches towards Utica. The death of Cato.

PLutarch reports that 50000 Men fell in this Battel, Hirtius reckons onely 10000. This Victory, so absolute as it was, cost Caesar but 50 Souldiers. All the heads of that Party seeing no hopes of farther re­lief, perished by divers accidents, Scipio en­deavouring to save himself by Sea, finding his Vessel taken, ran upon his own Sword. Iuba and Petreius fought one against the other, where Petreius being slain by the King, he also commanded a death from the hands of one of his slaves. Afranius and Faustus, the Sons of Silla, were taken by Sittius, who put them to death. Onely La­bienus escaped into Spain, and all Africa sub­mitted to Caesar, except the City of Vtica: Cato Commanded there with some Troops, and had established a kind of a Senate, [Page 241] composed of 300 Romans which he had ga­thered to him, he received the news of the Battel by some of Scipio's Horsemen, who had rallied together in a considerable number, and as the Inhabitants of Vtica had always appeared inclined to Caesar, Cato to secure them, had put them into a Fortifica­tion without the City. The Cavaliers would have taken this occasion to plunder, but Cato went to them, and by his Inter­cession and Authority persuaded them not to use any violence. They offered him to fol­low him if he would make his retreat with them, but he answered, That his design was to hold out the siege, though when he returned into the Town, he found the minds of eve­ry body so divided, and so unresolved, that he soon quitted that design for another more agreeable to his Character, and those Opini­ons of Philosophy whereof he had always made profession. In the mean while he gave out his Orders with most admirable Prudence and Resolution. He sent away the Cavaliers, fearing lest they should com­mit some new disorder. He persuaded se­veral of his Friends to save themselves by Sea, others (as Lucius, who was a Kins­man of Caesar's) to rely upon his goodness, this last thing he recommended to his Chil­dren, and made a large discourse to the el­dest, exhorting him never to intermeddle with the affairs of the Republick. At night, according to his usual Custome, he came to Supper, (that is to say) sitting, [Page 242] for since the death of Pompey, he had never, according to the Roman Custome, lain down at his Meals. Several of his particu­lar Friends were with him, and amongst others, some Philosophers. The Discourse ran altogether upon Philosophy, and Cato defended that Maxim, That the Vertuous onely were happy and free, but wicked men always miserable and in slavery. He grew very warm upon this Subject, and managed it with so much heat, that his Friends might easily discover he had something more than ordi­nary in his mind, nor could they conceal the grief it gave them, which caused him to change the discourse, and apply himself to his business, so he gave out several or­ders, to let them see that life and he were not yet upon ill terms. A little time after he went to bed, having first embraced his Sons, and the whole Company, but with so much tenderness, that it redoubled their suspicions, and caused them to take away his Sword, which he was always wont to have by him. He took up Plato's Book of the Soul, and after having read a little while, looking for his Sword, and not finding it, he called for one of his Slaves, and without the least disorder onely bid him fetch it, but seeing he was not obeyed, he as­ked for it a second time, and grew so an­gry, that he struck the slave with such force, that he hurt his hand, crying out, He was betrayed, and should be delivered to his Ene­mies naked and disarmed. At the noise of [Page 243] this, his Sons and his Friends came into his Chamber, he spoke to them with some passion, saying, How long is it that ye have observed me to have lost common sense? And why do ye not try to per­suade me by reason, without obliging me by force to follow other Opinions than those I have already? Why dost not thou (said he to his Son) bind thy Father, and tye up his hands, that so I may be no longer in a condition to de­fend my self against Caesar, for against my self I have no need of the help of a Sword, can any man miss of a way to death? may he not stifle him­self, or beat out his brains against the Walls? At this Discourse his Sons went out of the Chamber weeping, and left him with De­metrius, and Apollodorus, who were two Phi­losophers, and his Friends, so he renewed the discourse with something more of mo­deration, Are not ye also, says he, of the opinion to persuade a man of my years in spight of himself to save his life? And do not you stay here to sit like Mutes, and wait upon me for my guard? Or if you bring me any good reasons to convince me, that having nothing else to rely on, it would not be a thing unworthy of my self to beg my life as a particular favour from the hands of my Ene­my, why do ye not proceed to prove it to me? That so renouncing all those Maxims which we have hitherto maintained together, and becoming more wise by the means of Caesar, we may find our selves so much the more obliged to him; It is not, added he, that I have yet resolved upon that Subject, I would debate it with you after having [Page 244] examined those Books and Reasons which Phi­losophy supplies us with upon the like occasion. Go, get ye gone, and tell my Sons that they ought not to think of persuading me by force to a thing which they cannot convince me of by Reason. After this, Demetrius went out and sent him back his Sword by a young Slave, he examined the point, if it were good, and would enter well, and finding it to his mind, he laid it by him, saying, I am Master of my self, so he took again the Book, which he read twice over, and then fell into so sound a sleep, that he was heard into his Anti-Chamber: about midnight he called two of his Free-Men, Cleantes his Physician, and Butas, this last he sentto the Port, to see if those that would embark themselves, were de­parted, and made his Physician apply a Plaster to his hand that was hurt. This care of himself extremely rejoyced all his Family, Butas came back to tell him that every body was embarked, and that the Sea was very rough. He seemed to shew a great deal of concern for his Friends that were on Board, and sent back Butas to see if any of them were not driven back, and wanted his assistence. The day began to appear, when Butas returned to tell him that the Sea was grown calm, and that no noise was heard upon the Port: so Cato dismissed him, and hardly was the Freed-man got out of his Cham­ber, when he took his Sword, and thrust himself through the Breast, the hurt of his [Page 245] hand so hindred the blow, that he did not dye immediately, but staggering, fell upon his Bed, and at the same time threw down a Table, upon which he had drawn some figures of Geometry, at the noise of this his Slaves came in, and with their Cries brought also his Sons and his Friends, they found him weltring in his bloud, his Bowels out of his body, and were so con­founded with their grief, that they beheld him without being able to give him any assistance, his Eyes were yet open, which caused his Physician to ease him upon the Bed, and after having put up his Bowels, which had not been hurt, he closed up the wound. Upon this, Cato recovered his Spi­rits, and being transported with fury, thrust back the Physician, rent open his wound again, and tearing his Bowels, expired be­fore their Eyes. In this manner dyed Cato, at the age of 55 years, and though this last action of his found many admirers, never­theless Brutus himself, who was his Ne­phew, condemned it in a Book which he wrote a purpose, and many reasons there are indeed why it ought to be considered with horrour; Caesar also was of the same Opinion, and wrote upon the same subject when he heard the news of his death. He said, That Cato had envied him the glory of saving his life, and it is for that reason, said he, that I envy his death. He pardoned his Son, who was afterwards slain at the Bat­tel of Philippi, with much more glory than [Page 246] he had lived, having discovered too strong an inclination for the Wife of a Prince of the bloud Royal of Cappadocia, whose name was Psyche, which in Greek signifies the Soul, and her Husband's name was Ma­phradates, which caused a saying amongst the Romans, That Maphradates and Cato were good Friends, for they had but one Soul, and moreover Cato is generous and magnani­mous, for he has a Royal Soul.

CHAP. LXI. Caesar returns to Rome. The Pomp and Magnificence of his Triumphs.

AFTER the death of Cato, Vtica surrendred to Caesar, he pardoned the Inhabitants, but as many as fell into his hands of the three hundred that had usur­ped the quality of Senatours, he put to death. So Africa being intirely brought into subjection, he returned to Rome to Triumph for all his Victories. At first, to obtain the favour of the People, he gave them to understand in a speech he made them, That his last Victory had gained the Republick a Countrey so rich, and of such an extent, that it was able to furnish 600000 Bushels of Corn, and 2000 pounds of Oil yearly. After this he ordered the preparation for his Triumph upon four successive days, the first designed for the Triumph over Gaul, shewed to the Romans in a great many Tables the names of 300 Nations, and 800 Cities Con­quered by the death of a Milion of Foes, whom he had defeated in several Battels. Amongst the Prisoners, appeared that Vercin­gentorix, who had raised up all the Gauls against the Romans, and who had attacked Caesar at the siege of Alecia, followed by 300000 fighting Men, besides threescore and ten thousand that were in the place be­sieged, all the Roman Souldiers followed [Page 248] their General Crowned with Laurels, and in that Equipage he went to the Capitol, the steps whereof he mounted upon his knees, forty Elephants being ranged on each side, carrying great Candlesticks, filled with Flam­beaus. This shew lasted till night, by rea­son that the Axeltree of his Triumphant Chariot broke, which had like to have thrown down the Conqueror at the time when he thought himself at the highest Pina­cle of his Glory. The second Triumph was over Aegypt, where appeared the Pictures of Ptolemy, Photinus and Achillas, which very much rejoyced the People of Rome. The third shewed the defeat of Pharnaces, and the flight of that King, which caused great shouts of Joy amongst the Romans, and many Ralleries upon the Conquered, and here it was that he made use of that Inscrip­tion Veni, vidi, vici. whereof we have spoken. But when in the fourth Triumph they saw the descrip­tions of Scipio, Petreius, and Cato himself, who was painted tearing his Bowels, they sighed as much for sorrow. The Son of Iuba, who yet was very young, was carried amongst the Prisoners, and that Prince coming to be afterwards a very gallant Man, and of great understanding, Augustus gave him back again part of his Father's King­dom, and Married him to young Cleopatra, the Daughter of Marcus Antonius. The Sil­ver, the Vessels, and Statues of Goldsmiths work which were used in these Triumphs, amounted to threescore and sixty five thou­sand [Page 249] Talents, besides a thousand eight hun­dred and twenty two Crowns of Gold, which weighed 15033 l. sterl. and were Pre­sents which the Princes and Cities had made him after Victories according to the Customs of those times. It was out of this sum that he paid his Souldiers, besides what he had promised them in the beginning of the Civil Wars. To every one 5000 Drach­ma's, as much more to the Centurions, and twice as much to the Tribunes and Com­manders of the Cavalry, and for their retreat after the Wars, he gave them Inheritances in several places separated from Italy. The People also were sensible of his Bounty, he distributed to each particular person ten bushels of Corn, and ten pounds of Oil, and besides the 300 Denarii which he had promised a 100 more, as for their Arrears; he ordered also in favour of the poorer sort, that the rent of Houses, which was grown to an excessive rate, should be reduced in Rome to 2000 Sestertii, and in Italy to 500, and after this he entertained the whole Peo­ple at 22000 Tables, and to the end that nothing might be wanting to the Pomp of these Feasts, caused 2000 Gladiatours to fight before the People, amongst whom ap­peared Leptenus and Calpenus, who had been Senatours, and all this under the pretence of Celebrating the Funerals of his Daughter Iulia. Upon the following days also were seen Comedies in all sort of Languages re­presented in several places of the City, [Page 250] where the Children of the Asian Princes danced Armed. The Cirque was inlarged by his order, and surrounded with a Ditch filled with Water; and in this place the Children of the Roman Nobles exercised on Horseback, and upon Chariots, with 2 and 4 in front; at last being divided into two Troops, they represented that sort of Game which was called That is, because these Games were insti­tuted by the Trojans. Troy, to these di­vertisements succeeded those of hunting of wild Beasts, which lasted five days. After­wards, two Armies were shewn incamped in the Cirque, each consisting of 500 Foot Soul­diers, 20 Elephants, and 300 Horse, who represented a Battel. The Wrestlers also took up two days. And after all, upon a Lake made a purpose in the field of Mars, two Fleets of Gallies furnished with a 1000 Souldiers, and 4000 Rowers or Mariners diverted the People with the representations of a Naval fight. These entertainments having drawn so many People to Rome, that the greatest part of them were forced to incamp in the publick places, a great many being stifled in the press, and amongst the rest, two that were Senatours.

CHAP. LXII. Caesar goes into Spain, where he defeats the two Sons of Pompey, the oldest whereof is slain.

DUring the time of these rejoycings, the two Sons of Pompey fortified themselves in Spain, and as that People still passionately af­fected the memory of their Father, they soon got together a powerfull Army; they had also very good Officers, and amongst the rest Labienus, which obliged Caesar to go in per­son to oppose their proceedings. He was then the third time Dictatour, but e'er he would depart, resolving to take a general review of the Inhabitants of Rome, as the Censors had formerly done, he found onely 150000 heads of Families remaining of 320000 which had been numbred before the Civil War, which now had wasted the greater half of them, Caesar nevertheless ar­rived in Spain sooner than he was expected. Cneius, the eldest of the two Pompey's, had besieged the City of Vlloa, and Sextus the younger Brother was in Cordova with a strong Garrison. Caesar to raise the siege, and give some jealousie to Cneius, advanced towards Cordova with what Troops he had with him, and those others that were in the Province under the Commands of Pedius and Fabius his Lieutenant Generals. This proceeding had its effect accordingly, for Cneius solicited by Letters from his Brother, raised the siege from before Vlloa, and came to oppose [Page 252] Caesar, who after having vainly endeavoured to draw him to Battel, went to invest Ate­cua, that being the place of most impor­tance, which held out for the Pompey's. Cneius being deceived by those fires which Caesar had kindled in his Camp, discovered not that he was marched, till it was too late to follow him, so he retreated to Cordova to refresh his Troops, and came afterwards to take possession of some hills near Caesar's Camp, but the Camp was so well fortified, that he could attempt nothing upon him. The siege lasted a long time, and the besie­ged defended themselves very well, which obliged Cneius several times to endeavour the putting of Succours into the place, to which purpose he made divers skirmishes, and indeed not much to his disadvantage. At last those of the Garrison seeing them­selves pressed, undertook by a most horrible Treachery to cut the Throats of the Inhabi­tants, and then make a general Sally for the forcing the circumvallation of Caesar's Camp. The Massacre was put in execution, but their Villany succeeded not, for they were beaten in their Sally, and driven back into the Town with great slaughter. At last Mi­nutius, who Commanded there in chief, de­sired that he might Capitulate, and surren­dred the place almost in the sight of Cneius. After this, Caesar drew nearer with his Camp, and they disputed for the ground by several Works which they caused to be thrown up, and which at last occasioned a great Battel; [Page 253] wherein Caesar's Cavalry were forced to give ground to those of the Enemy, which ad­vantage seeming a kind of reparation for the loss of Atecua, very much raised the courage of Cneius, some of his Letters being inter­cepted, wherein he gave account, That Caesar had onely with him raw and unexperienced Souldiers, that he durst not put himself upon the hazard of Battel, but that nevertheless means should be found to force him to it. With this imagination he went to incamp himself near Sevill. Hispalis. In the mean while Caesar possessed himself of two Castles, and knowing that Cneius was incamped in the Plain of Munda, he marched his Army thither. The two Generals were equally impatient to come to an ingagement, so that Cneius drew up his Troops in Battalia, by break of day he had posted himself very well upon a Hill, both sides whereof were defended, one by the City of Munda, and the other by a little River and a Marsh, the exactness of their order shewed his Troops to great advantage, especially his Horse, who were very well armed, the River also being upon his right hand, and separating the Hill, where he was incamped from the Plain, which was five Miles in length, and reached as far as Caesar's Camp. He also had drawn up his Troops in Battalia, and expected when the Enemy should come down into the Plain to fight him. But as they never stirred above a thousand paces from the City. Caesar ad­vanced as far as the Rivolet: now according [Page 254] to the Rules of War Cneius ought to have ingaged him in his passage, but his gene­ral Officers were obstinately of Opinion to defend the Hill. Caesar well perceiving that he could not come at them without great disadvantage, and that they prepared them­selves to charge him as he came up, caused his Army to hault, as if he intended to for­tify himself in that Post. His Army con­sisted of 24 Cohorts, and 8000 Horse, the tenth Legion were upon the Right, the third and fifth upon the Left, and the Cavalry upon the Wings. Cneius had fourteen Le [...]gions, the Cavalry and his light armed Foot amounted to 6000 Men, with an equal num­ber of Auxiliary Troops. Caesar's Souldiers murmured that he would not let them make use of the occasion to ingage, and the delay so incouraged those of Cneius, that they ad­vanced upon the declining part of the Hill, so both sides gave a shout, and the Battel began. The first shock was managed on both parts with so much courage, that Casar's Men, who had been used to Conquer, found themselves something abated of their fierce­ness. The tenth Legion, though extremely weakned in number, nevertheless pressed hard upon that which it was ingaged withall. But Cneius Commanded a Legion to march up upon the Right to its assistence. During this proceeding, C [...]sar's Cavalry charged Pompey's left Wing, who received it in very good Order, so that all the Troops on both sides being now ingaged, every one was to [Page 255] expect his safety from his own proper Va­lour. All Authours agree that Caesar was never in so great danger as now, and he him­self has since declared, That ever before he fought for glory, but at Munda for his life. He threw himself several times amongst the midst of his Enemies, crying out to his Peo­ple, That they ought to take him and deliver him to those Children to save themselves the shame of being beaten, so well did he encourage them by his speeches, but much better by a thou­sand actions of bravery which he performed, that at last with much adoe he overthrew Cneius's Troops, and killed thirty thousand upon the place, but he lost a thousand of his own Men, and had five hundred woun­ded. All the Ensigns were taken, and Varus and Labienus slain in the Battel. Cneius with 150 Horse escaped to Tariffa. Carteia, from whence thinking to get away by Sea, he was forced by the arrival of Didius, Caesar's Lieutenant, to return to Land. He was immediately be­sieged within a Tower, and attacked so vi­gorously, that being wounded in the Shoul­der and the Thigh, having his Heel put out of joint, he was forsaken by his People, and slain in a Cave, where he had hid himself. The young Sextus had better fortune, for escaping from Cordova, where he had been during the time of the Battel, he concealed himself so well, that Caesar could not find him, or at least because he was so young, mistook him. After this Victory, which put an end to that famous War, there no­thing [Page 256] appeared to make resistence, so Cae­sar having given out several Orders, and exacted great Contributions from the Ene­mies Cities, under pretence of punishing their Rebellion, he returned to Rome not a little glad, that he had at last brought under submission that Commonwealth which gave Laws to the greatest part of the World.

CHAP. LXIII. Caesar's return to Rome. He makes seve­ral Laws. The extreme Honours which were done him, draw upon him the Envy of the Se­nate.

HE would needs Triumph at his return, but that Triumph was by no means at­tended with any joyfull Acclamations of the People, who were grieved to see the Me­mory of their beloved Pompey insulted over. After this, Caesar applyed himself to regu­late the state of the Commonwealth, and pardoned all those who had born Arms a­gainst him. He caused also Pompey's Statues to be set up again, and Cicero observed very properly upon that occasion, saying, That Caesar by restoring Pompey's Statues secured his own. He published several Laws, as that which limited the expences of Feasts, which he caused to be observed with all seve­rity. Another touching the use of Litters, embroidered Robes and Pearls, which he confined onely to certain Persons. That which allowed the right of a free Citizen to all People of Quality of whatsoever pro­fession, besides, a great many other very good Ordinances. He sate in Judgment with wonderfull diligence and application, and without suffering himself to be balan­ced [Page 258] in favour of any of the Criminals. Moreover, to shew that nothing should e­scape his care, he undertook to regulate the Roman Year, which was at that time very much confounded, and as it consisted but of ten months, according to the establishment of Romulus, and Numa had taken care to add two others, consisting of sixty five days, nevertheless the year wanted eleven days and a quarter, and though several remedies had been sought for the reforming of that Errour, it happened out in succession of time that the Festivals came in seasons quite contrary to their Institution; as for example, those for the Vintages in Spring, and those of the Harvest in Winter. Caesar, after ha­ving consulted upon this occasion the most able Astronomers, and being himself very well instructed in that Science, whereof he had written, regulated the Year according to the course of the Sun, to three hundred sixty five days, and one day more to be ad­ded every fourth year, which was called the Bissextile, and this is the foundation of that method which we to this day follow. He added to the ten old Months two o­thers, which are Ianuary and February, that so the Reformation he made might be just and proportionable. In the mean time, as he was no-ways beloved by those who were greatest in the Senate, though his Or­dinances had no other than the publick good, they forbore not to vilify him by their Raileries; and Cicero amongst the rest, [Page 259] being in a place, where it was said, that the next day the sign of the Harp would be visible (Ah, said he) according to the Or­dinance. Now, though Caesar had Informa­tion of their discourses, he bore it all with so great moderation, that when some other People had yet the insolence to violate his Reputation by Libels, he never so much as inquired after them. All his designs shewed the greatness of his Soul, he made a pro­position for adorning of the City of Rome with a magnificent Temple consecrated to Mars, and with a Theatre. He undertook to drain the Marshes near Rome, and to emp­ty the Lakes. After these Works, he was for falling upon the Parthians, to revenge the death of Crassus, and they being Con­quered, to enter through Hircania, along the Banks of the Caspian Sea into Scythia, to open himself a way through Germany into Gaul, and so return to Rome. But all these Projects ended in his death. Caesar's good fortune, which had appeared by so many Victories, his Merit and great Abilities, supported by the affection of the People, and the love of his Souldiers had raised him to a degree above all other Romans. But as it usually happens in Common­wealths, where every one valuing himself upon his own Merit, looks upon absolute Command as a right which he one day in his turn may pretend to, that advancement had brought upon him the jealousie of all the Senatours, who could respect him no o­therwise [Page 260] than the Usurper of a Rank, which they thought themselves deserved as well as he. It being certain, that in matters of Ambition as well as Interest, no Man ever thinks any thing too much for himself. In the mean while in a shamefull manner they dayly flattered his Vanity with new Honours, preferring him even in his life time in some sort amongst the Gods. They thought it not enough to cause him to be chosen Consul for ten years, and perpe­tual Dictatour, to give him the name of Emperour, and Father of his Countrey, and to declare his Person Sacred and Inviolable; But they ordained him also a Statue amongst those of the Kings, a Tribunal in the Or­chestria, a Chair of Gold in the Senate, and in fine in the Shews of the Cirque, a Ca­nopy, a Cushion, and Offerings, as to the Images of the Gods, with a Temple, Al­tars, as also a high Priest, and Sacrificers. Some Authours have reported that he procured these Honours by his Authori­ty, others, that they were freely bestowed upon him. That which appears most cer­tain is, that they were so agreed upon in the Senate, and that all those who were then present, came to him in a body to acquaint him with the Decree they had made, he was then in the Temple of Ve­nus, and whether it were out of State, or for some other Reason, he received them sitting without rising up to goe and meet them. Some say that Balbus held [Page 261] him when he would have raised himself, others, that it was in offence to Tributius, who pretended to tell him what he was to doe. However it was, this neglect offen­ded the Senatours, and caused them to dis­cover their hatred, for from this time they contrived among themselves to publish a­broad, how that he affected the name of King: He had indeed the power in effect, and did onely want the Name, which was odious to the Romans. Caesar, who very well knew how much that aversion impor­ted, very well defended himself from it, and one day when some People called him Lord and King, he answered, That he was Caesar. Nevertheless, he often let discour­ses fall, which very much promoted those Reports that were spread of his Ambition. He said, That a Republick was no other than a name and mere Idea, and that Sylla had disco­vered himself to be very ignorant, when he re­nounced that of Dictatour. All these Dis­courses were malitiously improved, and served for great use to those who envied him. Two Adventures, which afterwards happened, contributed also very much to their Confirmation. As he returned from a publick Sacrifice upon the day of the La­tine Festivals, some body had Crowned his Statue with a Laurel, bound about with a little band of white Linen, which was a sort of Diadem. Marulla and Cesestius, the Tribunes of the People, took off the Crown, and Imprisoned him who had pla­ced [Page 262] it there, which made Caesar angry, he went to the Tribunes, quarrelled with them publickly, and took away their Employ­ments, and that Affront offered to those Magistrates, who maintained the interests of the People, provoked them against him. The other accident was yet more notorious. There was celebrated at Rome a Festival in Honour of the God Pan, which they called Lupercalls, in that Ceremony the young Romans of the best Quality, and who were for that year in Employments, ran naked through the City with lether Thongs, where­with they wantonly struck all those they met, and by ridiculous Superstition, the most Vertuous Women were wont to go meet them, and offer their hands to be touched with these Thongs, believing that that had the Virtue to procure them a hap­py Lying-in, and also make them fruitfull. Antonius, who was Consul, appeared upon this occasion, and Caesar assisted at the shew seated upon a Tribunal in a Chair of Gold, and in a habit of Triumph. Antonius passing through the People, who opened to the right and left to make him way, went up to the Tribunal, and presented a Crown to Caesar, some there were who clapped their Hands, as if they approved of it, but when Caesar put back the Crown, there was a general Applause, Antonius offered it to him a second time, but still with as little marks of satisfaction from the People, Caesar again refused it, which was followed with loud [Page 263] Acclamations, Caesar by this understood their sentiments, which, he made use of this Tryal more clearly to inform himself of, he rose up to carry the Crown to the Capitol, but was not Master of his disorder, and said that night to his Friends, That if he knew any man who would out his Throat, he could know offer it to him freely.

CHAP. LXIV. A Conspiracy against Caesar. Presages of his death. He is murthered in the Senate.

THough he had yet a thousand other Testimonies of the hatred he lay un­der, he abandoned himself so utterly to his Destiny, that from this moment he neglected any manner of security for him­self against his Enemies. He was heard to say, That he had rather fall by Treason once, than be so miserable, as to be always afraid of it. And another time, That the Republick had more interest than himself in his preservation, that he had gotten Glory and Power enough, but that after his death, the Commonwealth would be more harassed with Civil Wars than ever yet it had been. And one day before his death, being at Supper with Lepidus, as his Friends disputed amongst themselves, whilst he was writing, what death was easiest, It is that, said he, turning towards them, which is the most sudden and the least foreseen. He disbanded his Com­pany of Spanish Guards, and contented him­self to be defended with the protection of his Friends, which facilitated an enterprise upon his life. Above threescore Senatours entred into this Conspiracy, the Principals whereof were Brutus, whose life Caesar had saved after the Battel of Pharsalia, and Cassi­us, who had surrendred Pompey's Fleet to him in the Hellespont, they were both Pretors and [Page 265] Enemies, because that Caesar had named Bru­tus for the eldest Pretor to the prejudice of Cassius, who was above him in Age and Dignity; the name of Brutus had been fa­mous in Rome, ever since the Junius Brutus. Consul so cal­led, who had banished the Kings. There was found written at the foot of his Statue, WOVLD TO GOD THOV WERT ALIVE. And certain Billets were thrown into the Pretors Tribunal, wherein were written these words, Brutus, thou art asleep and not a true Brutus. Cassius was Authour of most of these things. He hated Caesar for se­veral reasons, but chiefly, because he had ta­ken from him the Lions wherewith he in­tended to have given a shew to the People, so Caesar mistrusted him, and when his Friends advised him to look narrowly into the Con­duct of Antonius and Dolabella, It is not, said he, those perfumed and plump Sparks that I di­strust, but those meagre and pale Gentlemen. He omitted not nevertheless to prepare his Expedition against the Parthians, and caused sixteen Legions to march, and Ten Thousand Horse for his going into Asia. His design was to depart four days after to put himself at the head of them, when the Conspiratours caused a report to be spread, that according to the Sybill's Ora­cles the Parthians could not be overcome but by a King, and that upon this pre­tence Cotta was to propose to the Senate the giving of him that Title. Cassius took this occasion to go and visit Brutus, [Page 266] demanding of him, If he would go to the Senate upon the Ides of March, when Caesar's Friends were to propose the declaring of him King. Brutus said, That he would not be there. But replyed Cassius, if you should be called thither, Then said Brutus, I shall think it my Duty, to speak, con­tradict, and dye, rather than lose our liberty; Ah, answered Cassius, what Roman is there that would suffer you to dye for his Liberty, you are ignorant Brutus, who you are, if you believe that those Bil­lets which are thrown into the Tribunal, come from any mean▪ People, and not from the most Illu­strious and bravest Men of Rome. They demand from other Pretors, Games, Shews, and Gladiatours, but they expect from you as a debt of Succession the ruine of Tyranny, being ready to expose them­selves to all hazards for your sake, if you can find in your heart to dispose your self to their Wishes. After this Conversation they parted, and the Name of Brutus, whose Person was very much Esteemed, ingaged a great many in the Con­spiracy, so they resolved to put their design in execution upon the very Ides of March, and in the Hall of the Senate.

A great many Prodigies foretold this mis­fortune to Caesar, there was found in an old Tomb at Cappua, a place of Brass, whereon it was written in Greek Letters, that when the Bones of Capys should be found, a Man of the Race of Iülus should be slain by the hands of his Kinsmen, and that his death should be [...]e­venged by the desolation of all Italy. Word was brought him, that those Horses which he had Consecrated, and let loose at the pas­sage [Page 267] of the Rubicon, had not eaten for several days, and were seen to weep. Spurina, a very able Diviner, told him when he Sacrificed, that great dangers threatned him upon the Ides of March, and upon the Eve of that day, a Wren flying into the Hall of Pom­pey, with a Branch of Laurel in her Mouth, was torn to pieces by other Birds, who pur­sued her from a Neighbouring Wood. He dreamt the same Night that he was carried above the Clouds, and that he shook hands with Iove, and his Wife Calphurnia dreamt also that the top of her House fell down, and that her Husband was Assassinated in her Armes, the Doors of the Chamber opening at the same time of their own accord with great noise. This last accident something confounded him, and his Wife by her Prayers and Tears, prevailed that he would not go abroad that day. But another Brutus, sirnamed Decimus, who was one of the Conspiratours, though of the number of his nearest Friends, caused him to change his resolution in remonstrating to him, He was expected at the Senate, and that it would be a shame for him not to venture out of doors, but when it should please Calphurnia to dream fa­vourably; so De [...]imus carried him almost by force out of his Lodgings, and as every thing seemed to contribute to his destruction, a Slave, who came to give him advice of the Conspiracy, could never get up through the croud of People that surrounded him. Ar­timedorus of Cnidus, his Host and Friend ha­ving [Page 268] presented him with a Memorial to the same purpose, he mingled it without read­ing amongst other Papers that were given him, and Lena, who was one of the Con­spiratours, entertaining him a great while in private as he came out of his Litter; The others, who believed themselves discovered, thought already of killing themselves with the Daggers which they had under their Robes, when Lena quitting Caesar, and kis­sing his hand, gave them to understand that he thanked him for some favour which he came to obtain. The Assembly of the Se­nate was held in a place which Pompey had caused to be built for that purpose, and which for that reason was called the Court or Hall of Pompey, where was to be seen his Statue in Marble, raised upon a Pedestal, Caesar as he was entring, met Spurina, and smiling, told him, The Ides of March were come. Yes, an­swered the Divinor, but they are not past. When he had taken his place, the Conspira­tours turned towards him under pretence of saluting him, and Tullius Cymber approached to ask pardon for his Brother, who was then in Exile, Caesar deferred the matter, and put back Cymber, who pressed upon him so far, as to take hold on both sides of his Robe, and when Caesar cryed out, It was a violent Proceeding, Casca, who was behind him, gave him the first stab with a Poniard near the Shoulder, the wound glanced, and was not mortal, Caesar struck Casca through the Arm with his Dagger, crying out, Traitour, what [Page 269] dost thou; Casca on the other side called his Brother, and Caesar would have raised him­self, but he received a mortal wound in the Breast, and all the Conspiratours charged upon him together with so much fury, that many of them were themselves wounded, he nevertheless made great resistence, whir­ling himself amongst them like a Lion,In the [...] of Rome 710, before the birth of our Saviour ▪ 43. till perceiving Brutus with his Dagger in his hand, he then covered his Face, and wrap­ping himself in his Robe, went and fell at the Foot of Pompey's Statue, pierced with 24 wounds.

CHAP. I. The Troubles and Fears of the Senate, and the People of Rome after the death of Caesar.

THE death of Caesar brought so much disorder into the Senate, and amongst the People of Rome, that the Conspiratours soon perceived what they had done was not like to meet with any general Approbation, all the Senatours, who [Page 272] were not Accomplices, fled from the place of Assembly with such haste, that it had like to have cost some of them their Lives as they went out of the Doors, and the People Alarum'd at the News, left all their several Employments, some to run to the place where the Murther had been commit­ted, and others up and down the City to in­form themselves of the circumstances of the matter. The Market place was plundered, and several Senatours, who were retiring themselves in great Terrour, were mischief'd in the Tumult. In the mean time Brutus, who was lookt upon as the chief of the Conspiracy, had done all that in him lay to qualify their fears, and after the Action had offered himself to declare the motives of it, but no body would hear him; this proceed­ing much surprized him, and astonished also the other Conspiratours, whereof Cassius and he were of the greatest Authority, as well by the Charges of Pretor, which they then executed, as by the particular Merit which distinguished them. Brutus by his Father's side descended from that other Bru­tus, who had driven the Tarquins out of Rome, and had laid the Foundations of the Commonwealth, and by his Mother Servil­lia, from Servillius Hala, who had slain Me­lius for having unseasonably discovered such marks of Ambition, as by no means were pleasing to the Senate, by which means it seemed as if the hatred of Tyrants had de­scended into the heart of Brutus by the [Page 273] bloud of his Ancestours, and himself in a Let­ter written to Cicero, highly declared, That he could not suffer that even his Father should have any Authority above the Laws and the Senate. This fierce Opinion, as it might be natural to him, might also be some excuse for the violence which transported him against Caesar. That great Man had used him with all the tender­ness of a Father, and though Brutus fought against him in the Battel of Pharsalia, gave strict Command to all his Officers to spare his life, and after the Battel having pardoned him, promoted him to the highest Digni­ties, and one day shewing his Breast to some People, who advised him not to trust him too far, Do you believe then, said he, that Bru­tus cares for such poor pillage as this is? At last, when he saw him with his Dagger in his hand, coming towards him, he cried out, What my Son, and thou too? These Opinions were caused by the passion that Caesar had had for Servillia, the Mother of Brutus, he was not ill received by her, and she took such little care to hide it, that she used to send him Letters even into the Senate. One day when it was debated there what punish­ment should be inflicted upon the Accom­plices of Cataline's Conspiracy, one of these Letters was brought to Caesar, They had both one Mother, but two Fa­thers. Cato, who was Servillia's half Brother, cryed out, That it contained some dangerous matter, when Caesar for his justification gave him the Tablets, which Cato read to himself, and then threw hem back to him again, calling him Drun­kard, [Page 274] but did not think fit to make any far­ther mention of the Letter. It was said that Brutus was born in the height of this Amour, so that it will need some pains to j [...]stify what he since did to Caesar, for that thing excepted, all his inclinations were to­wards Vertue, he had moderated the heat of his Temper, by applying himself to Lear­ning, and the study of Philosophy, which though it was then divided into many Sects, he was yet acquainted with them all. He loved nothing but Glory, and avoided Plea­sures, he was sober, watchfull, of an invin­cible Courage, Complaisant and Affable in all Conversation, and for these Qualities was beloved of the People, adored by his Friends, and esteemed even by his very Ene­mies. Cassius's Character was of a much different nature, he was very stout, and in the Parthian War had signalized himself by many brave Actions. He had a great and fiery Spirit, a quick an sprightly Wit, but his Warmth often carried him even into Transport and Violence. He was some­thing suspected of Self-interest, and not over-exactness in doing Justice. In short, many are of Opinion that he conspired a­gainst Caesar, not so much out of the hatred of Tyranny, as for the particular Quarrel which he had against the Tyrant.

CHAP. II. Brutus and Cassius indeavour to justify what they have done before the People, who rise upon them. They retire to the Capitol.

THese two Men went out of the Senate at the Head of the Conspiratours with their bloudy Daggers in their hands, in this condition they presented themselves be­fore the People, and in the first heat, several, who had no share in the Action, desirous to attribute some false merit of it to themselves, joyned the Conspiratours with their Swords in their hands, amongst the rest Aquinius, Dollabella, and Pettilius, who afterwards by their death paid dear for that impertinence, and vanity, for though they caused a Cap to be carried before them upon a Lance, as a Token of Liberty, and though Brutus de­pended upon the great Name and Example of his Ancestours, the People received them with sadness and with silence, not gi­ving them any of those Acclamations which they expected; so they thought fit to retire to the Capitol, causing themselves to be guarded by Gladiatours belonging to another Brutus, sirnamed Decimus, who was also in the Conspiracy. They were not now any longer the People, who heretofore had de­fended their Liberties with a Zeal transpor­ted even to Madness, all Opinions of that kind had given place to Interest, and they [Page 276] were better pleased with some present Gain, than any Whimsey of Dominion, by which means they were more afraid of Poverty than Subjection. Marius, Sylla, and some others had taught them these Maximes, and besides, several Strangers, and abundance of Freed-men being crept in amongst them, had corrupted the purity of the true Roman bloud, and debauched their Noble Thoughts, nevertheless they came to the Capitol in great numbers, and Cassius himself ventring to come down, was received by them with Applause; this again assured the Conspira­tours, so they returned to the publick place, where Brutus was accompanied with the most considerable Men of the Senate, even to the Tribunal, wherein he designed to speak to the People. Several Authours have reported that he came onely with Cas­sius, and that their Hands were yet besmea­red with Caesar's bloud. However it were, all they said, shewed a great deal of Resolution. They maintained that what they had done, was not onely just, but that it deserved to be rewarded, attributing the glory to one another with large and reciprocal Praises. After this, they proceeded to the Com­mendation of Decimus, who had so seasona­bly assisted them with his Gladiatours, and exhorted the People, To maintain that Liberty and good Fortune which they had procured them, that they should remember how their Ancestours had heretofore expelled Kings, whose Government was no less unjust and violent than Caesar's had [Page 277] been. In fine, they proposed the return of Sextus, the Son of Pompey, and to make Ce­lerius and Marullus Tribunes of the People, who had first dared as they said, To attack the Tyranny, in taking the Diadem from Caesar's Statue. The People gave great attention to their Discourse. But when Corne­lius. Cinna advan­ced to speak, it soon appeared that their silence proceeded onely from that respect which they bore to the Vertue of Brutus. This Cinna had received many benefits from Caesar, and even the Charge of Pretor, which was the second Dignity in the Repub­lick; the Pretors were to distribute particular Justice, and Commanded also Armies in se­veral Provinces that were assigned them. Cinna stripped himself of the Robe, which was the mark of his Dignity, and threw it from him with Contempt, saying, That he would not be honoured with the favours of a Tyrant. He extolled the action of the Con­spiratours, and proposed that they might be rewarded with extraordinary Honours, but his discourse and behaviour appeared so odious to the People, that they were provo­ked against him, and interrupted him with Affronts and Curses. Nevertheless, Dolla­bella forbore not to present himself to speak after him, he was a young Man in great Esteem, and Cicero's Son-in-Law, Caesar had designed to have left him Consul in Rome, when he went to the Parthian War, nevertheless he condemned the Memory of that great Man, and those, who during his [Page 278] life time had so much honoured him. He applauded the Murther, and transported himself so far as to express his sorrow for not having had a part in so glorious an Acti­on. The commotion of the People against C [...]s, taught Brutus and Cassius what they were to expect. The returned to the Ca­pitol, where Brutus fearing to be besieged, caused several Senatours, who merely in point of Honour had followed him, to re­turn to their Houses, not thinking it just, that those who had no share in the Action, should be ingaged in the danger.

CHAP. III. Antonius and Lepidus rally Caesar's Friends. Some propositions of Accommodation.

THIS News extremely rejoyced Caesar's Friends, the chief whereof were Mar­cus Antonius and Lepidus. Antonius was very Illustrious both by his Birth and his Valour, being descended from one of the noblest Fa­milies in Rome, which derived it's Original from Anton the Son of Hercules. He was of a very comely Personage, upon all occasions Magnificent, and passionately beloved by the Souldiery. His bounty, and that fa­miliarity wherewith he was wont sometimes to debauch with them, had engaged them to him. The Criticks of his Age have re­proached him for being too much addicted to his Pleasures, but that inclination never hin­dred him from behaving himself with great resolution upon all weighty occasions, and necessity evermore awakened his Vertue. But Pleasure at last got the better of him, and cost him his life, besides, when ill For­tune had imbittered his Spirit, he could not forbear discovering some inclinations towards Avarice and Cruelty. He was ingaged in the Fortunes of Caesar, and Caesar had made him General of the Cavalry, which was the second Dignity of Rome, when it was under a Dictatour, and at the time of Caesar's death he was Consul. Now the Consul­ship [Page 280] was the highest Dignity amongst the Romans in the time of the Commonwealth, and lasted but for one year, it was executed by two Persons who had equal Authority, who were chosen by the Voices of the Peo­ple, and who Commanded within and with­out the City. It is true, that the Dictatour was yet above the Consul, but he was ne­ver made but upon extraordinary occasions of the greatest importance, and he it was who named the General of the Cavalry. Sylla first, and Caesar after him added to the time and duration of that Dignity, even at last to make it perpetual, but that was with­out Example, and they have been both re­proached with it as a Tyrannical Action [...] Lepidus also was of Illustrious Extraction, very rich, and no less considerable in Rom [...] for his Civility, and the great Charges that he had executed; he at this time Comman­ded the Cavalry by Commission in the room of Octavius, Caesar's Nephew, whose charge it was. He was much esteemed for his honesty, but he wanted that resolution which is necessary upon all difficulties, espe­cially amongst such People as he had to deal withall.

Both these Men were at the Senate when Caesar was slain. It is true that the Con­spiratours who stood in fear of the vigour and courage of Antonius, had given charge to Trebonius to make use of some pretence to stop him at the Hall door, but they both got off in the throng, Antonius into the House [Page 281] of one of his Friends, and Lepidus into the Island made by the Tyber, in the middle of Rome, where he had a Legion of Souldiers that loved Caesar. He marched them into a place called the field of Mars, there to ex­pect Antonius's Orders, who ought to Com­mand by reason of his Dignity. When they understood the astonishment of the Senate, and how the minds of the People were dis­posed, they resolved to revenge the death of their Friend, while Brutus and those of his Party were consulting what course to take; at last the conclusion was, to send Deputies to Antonius and Lepidus, To desire them to consider the misfortune that their division might bring upon their common Countrey. The Depu­ties had orders to handle the Articles of Caesar's Murther with all niceness, That no hatred to his Person had put them upon that de­sign, but onely the love they bore their Countrey, who had already been so drained by Civil Wars, that any new disunion must certainly carry away the miserable remainder, that they [...]elieved them also too generous to let any particular hatred tran­sport them to the prejudice of the Publick. Yet these reasons alone were not of force enough to con­vince Antonius and Lepidus; but as they feared that Sextus might declare against them, and lest Decimus, who had obtained from Caesar the Government of the Cisalpine Gall should fall upon them with a powerfull Army, which he had then under his Command, they re­solved to gain what time they could, and endeavour the debauching of Decimus's Soul­diers, [Page 282] upon this resolution Antonius made answer to the Deputies, That for their parti­cular Revenge they would joyfully Sacrifice it to the publick good, that indeed their Honour, and the Oath they had given to Caesar, ought to engage them to revenge his death. And that they were of Opinion it was much more honourable to live without reproach amongst a few good Men, than to draw upon themselves the miseries that are due to falshood, but as they were not obstinate, they would voluntarily consent that the Assembly should be called, and that then they might easily be gover­ned by the advice of so many Illustrious and discer­ning Persons as should compose the Body of the Se­nate. Antonius received Commendation and Thanks for this answer, which the Deputies carried back to the Capitol. In the mean time Lepidus, by order of Antonius, posted that night Corps du Guard throughout all the City, while those, whose interest it was, were soliciting their affairs with their Friends. Those whom Caesar had employed in his Troops, being every where heard to utter strange Threats, provided what he had promised them was not made good. Cal­phurnia, Caesar's Widow, caused also that night her Money and Papers to be carried to Antonius his House, who as he was Consul, caused it to be Published, that he would hold the Senate in the Temple of Tellus near his own House.

CHAP. IV. The Senate Assembles. Diversity of Opinions amongst the Senatours. Caesar's Ordinances Ratified.

CINNA, who the day before had thrown away his Pretor's Robe in the presence of the People, was the first that came to the place of Assembly, when Cae­sar's Souldiers provoked with his presence, fell upon him with stones, following him to a House, whither he went for shelter, they would have set it on fire, if Lepidus had not hindred them, and appeased the disorder. The most violent of the Senatours came not thither, being retired among the Conspira­tours, and Antonius was not at all angry at it, so there appeared through all the Assembly nothing but Peace and Temper. Never­theless Opinions were found to be very diffe­rent, some praised what the Conspiratours had done, and proposed that they might be rewarded. Some again said, That it was suf­ficient to approve of it without ordering Recom­pences, when no body demanded them. Others equally were for throwing out both the Ap­plauses and the Recompences, and said, That it was sufficient if they forgot what was past, and were willing that it should be pardoned. There were some who declared boldly, That it was an odious action, but they would not hinder what might be done for the safety of those who had com­mitted [Page 284] it, because they belonged to the most Illu­strious Families of Rome. To this it was an­swered, That that indemnity had already been allowed them. And when it was urged, That what they had done, could not be praised without wronging the memory of Caesar. Others re­plyed, That the business now in hand was not to think of the dead, but to consider the living. At last one of the company brought it to this, That they had but two things to choose, either to agree that Caesar was a Tyrant, or that those who murthered him stood in need of pardon. All the Opinions terminated in this, so it was concluded that these two points should be debated. Then Antonius, whose business it was to draw advantage from their Division, desired them to consider, That if they con­demned the memory of Caesar, they ought also to Cancell his Orders, that that would have respect not onely to the Empire in General, but almost to every particular man there present, that some were in possession of Dignities, others of Employments, others of Governments, and all by virtue of Cae­sar's Orders, that if these Orders were unjust, they ought to resolve to lay aside those honours which they could no longer think were lawfully conferred upon them. Now the first debate of all mat­ters of Importance was evermore held in the Senate, and afterwards proposed to the People, who by their advice either confir­med or rejected the Decree, so these words of Antonius caused a great commotion in the Assembly, and here one little spark of Interest eclipsed all the plausible and high resolutions [Page 285] of those grave Senatours, they all rose up, crying out in confusion, That it was insuffera­ble that the Dignities they were invested in, should come to be Canvased amongst the People. Espe­cially Dollabella, who was designed Consul, and who indeed had need of a dispensation, being not yet qualified in age as the Law re­quired, he who found he could not maintain himself, but by the Authority of Caesar, whose Memory the day before he had viola­ted, appeared now the most eager in his defence, and charged those with wrong do­ing who had praised the Murtherers of a Dictatour. Nevertheless, several Pretors threw off their Robes, which they had hopes afterwards to take up again by the Authority of the Senate. Upon this Antonius and Le­pidus left the Senate, several Senatours ran after them, to desire them to return, and overtook them in sight of the People, who were assembled in a great number about the Gates of the Temple; then Antonius threw open his Robe, and shewed that he was ar­med, saying, That he knew no other way to se­cure his life than that of Arms. Several cryed out, That he ought to provide against those disor­ders. Others demanded Peace; And what assurance, says he, can there be in that Peace, where even the Religion of Oaths was not of force enough to defend Caesar? Then those who were to revenge, called Lepidus, he came down the stairs of the Temple, and getting upon the advantage of the ground, I was, says he, yesterday here with Caesar in [Page 286] this very place, where I now lament his death. Upon this the outcrys began again, some for Revenge, others for Peace; at last they de­sired him to take upon him the Dignity of So­vereign Pontifex, which Office had been Caesar's, he begged of them, To reserve those kind thoughts they had for him, and seeing that those who inclined to Peace were the strongest Par­ty, he said, he would be over persuaded by them against his own inclination, and returned to the Senate. The Confusion still lasted upon the place, but Antonius, who came to prove the indifference of the People for both the two Parties, and who perceived well, that it would be a difficult matter to bring the Con­spiratous to punishment, made a Remon­strance, That if the memory of Caesar were Condemned, all the Provinces of the Empire, who were governed by his Orders, would look upon them­selves as disingaged of their Oath and their Obe­dience, that that would be in effect to proclaim so many Men of Quality as he had raised, unwor­thy of their Honours; that that must turn to the confusion of the Republick, and draw upon them the Contempt of Nations that were Strangers, that therefore they ought to consent that it was ne­cessary to Ratify the Ordinances of Caesar; but than to observe how Ridiculous 'twould appear at the same time to give Praises and Rewards to his Murtherers. For all this, he would not oppose the Compassion which pleaded for their Pardon, in con­sideration of their Relations, provided that it might appear done at the Petition of their Families, that he himself had there consented to it, not that he by [Page 287] any means thought it agreeable to Iustice, but for the publick Quiet. So his advice was followed, and the Decree passed in those terms, there were onely added the names of such who had had employments, and other honours as they particularly had desired.

CHAP. V. New Divisions occasioned by Caesar's Will. Bru­tus and Cassius speak to the People in their own justification. They come to an agreement with Anthony and Lepidus.

THIS Proceeding redounded much to Antonius's Reputation, for he had dis­charged himself of this business with a great deal of Address and Industry, though very many, and amongst the rest, even Cicero himself were of opinion, That he thought more of his pleasure than the business of the Commonwealth. The Senatours went home to their Houses very well satisfied, when streight a new difficulty arose. Piso declared, That having the Will of Caesar in his possession, he had given it into the protection of the Vestals, with orders to return it into his hands. It was told him, That the Will must not be produced, and that it would be very improper to doe him Funeral Ho­nours, since it might produce fresh Tumults. Piso was Caesar's Father-in-Law, and for that rea­son ingaged both in Honour and Friendship [Page 288] to see his last will put in execution, he an­swered, That he would discharge himself of what he owed to his Son-in-Law and his Friend; and when it was answered him, That what Caesar disposed of, was the Goods which belonged to the Republick, which by this means was robbed of its right, and that he should be called to an account for his proceedings. These threatnings caused him to demand of the Consuls, That they would assemble the Senatours which were yet pre­sent. So they returned to the Temple, where Piso delivered himself in these terms, I am sorry to see that the number of Caesar's Murthe­rers increases each moment, and that far from being satisfied with the cruel death which they have made him suffer, they yet desire that the body of a Sovereign Pontifex should be deprived of the Honours of Funeral, which were never refused to the meanest Man; they forbid me with Threat­nings to publish his Will, they would divide his Fortune amongst them as the estate of a Tyrant, and which is most surprizing of all, those very men who come to Ratify what he hath Ordained in the Commonwealth, endeavour to suppress what he hath disposed in particular, and though it be neither Cassius nor Brutus themselves that de­clare these Opinions, it is easie to believe that those who maintain it, are influenced by them. However it be, order you what you please as to Caesar's Funeral, but for his Will I shall remain Master of that, and so long as I have breath, will never betray that Confidence and Trust which he reposed in me. This discourse occasioned a fresh Contest, those who believed they [Page 289] might be concerned in it, were for the Will, so it was ordered that it should be Publi­shed, and that Funeral Honours should be given to Caesar at the expence of the Pub­lick. Brutus and his Friends were soon ad­vised of these Proceedings, so they judged it convenient to prevent the minds of the Peo­ple, and for this design sent to desire them that they would come to the Capitol. When they were assembled there in a great num­ber, Brutus presenting himself, said, That they were not retired to that place as Offenders, who sought a Sanctuary, but to prevent the mis­fortunes that might arise from the Affront which had been done to Cinna, that they had understood how their Enemies spoke of the death of Caesar, as of a great Crime which broke all those mea­sures that could be taken with them for their safety, that this discourse obliged them to declare their Innocence and good Intentions, that since the death of Pompey, Caesar had always acted as an open Tyrant, that he had disposed of great Charges and principal employments of his own head, and without the advice of the Senate; that he had turned two Tribunes out of their Offices, for no other reason than that they had taken the Crown from one of his Images, that by that means he was the first that had attempted to violate that respect which was due to Sacred Persons. Besides, that they did not believe any Oath was of force enough to oblige the maintenance of Tyranny, that in all other occasions their words should be Sacred and Inviolable; that for the rewards which Caesar had promised, they were resolved to allow of them [Page 290] in the name of the Commonwealth, that those who had already received Inheritances, should continue in the possession of them, and that such as had had their Lands taken from them, should have their Losses repaired out of the first money that came in­to the publick Treasury. This discourse was received with Acclamations, and the People admired the resolution of the Conspiratours, so by this means their minds being turned wholly in their favour, the next day in the Assembly of the Senate, Cicero's Elo­quence found it no hard matter to persuade, That all which had passed might be forgotten. His advice was seconded by Plancus, so an Am­nesty or Act of Oblivion was published. Antonius and Lepidus sent their Children to the Capitol as Hostages for the Conspira­tours security; so Brutus descended with all his Accomplices. At last for a Testimony of a sincere Reconciliation, Antonius enter­tained Cassius at Supper, and Brutus was at home with Lepidus. These last, who were Wise Men, parted very well in appearance, but as Anthony was a Laughter, and Cassius gi­ven to be Cholerick, their Conversation was not without some sharpness. Antonius asked Cassius, If he had not yet a concealed Dagger? Yes, answered Cassius, and a sharp one too for those who dare aspire to the Tyranny, which an­swer it is believed put a stop to any farther Jesting.

CHAP. VI. Caesar's Will read publickly. Antonius makes his Funeral Oration.

THE fire of Division began to be appa­rent to all such as could discern any thing, the minds of the People were so well disposed, that they doubted not but the Commonwealth would soon recover its an­cient Majesty. But those who judged better were not so deceived, and amongst others, Atticus, the particular Friend of Cicero, this was a Roman Knight of the first of that Order, which was distinguished from that of the Senatours, the softness of his Inclina­tion, and the weakness of his Constitution had hindred him from signalizing himself in Wars, but the qualifications of his Mind, his Honesty and his Sincerity, made him be considered as a Man of great Merit, and gained him many noble Friends; and though he had some in all Parties, and that the op­posite Interest which imbroiled them, had raised amongst them mortal hatreds, Atticus behaved himself evermore with such dex­terity, that he preserved his interest in them all. This management preserved him from the miseries of the age he lived in, and gave him at last the Honour of seeing his Family Allied to the Caesars, which considering the fury of the Civil Wars between Caesar and Pompey, that of the Triumvirate, and that [Page 292] which followed, and how many noble Per­sons perished in those Divisions, I know not where we can find an Example like him. Cicero was of no great Birth, and had been often reproached for the Novelty of his No­bility, but the Beauty of his Wit, his Elo­quence, wherein he exceeded the best Ora­tours of those times, when that qualification was in its highest lustre, and a certain kind of Courage which rendred him fearless upon every occasion, that required not the drawing of his Sword, and where he managed the interest of the Commonwealth, had raised him to the highest Honours, he discharged the Consulship with a great deal of Glory, in putting a stop to Catiline's Conspiracy, so that in speaking of it, he almost made him­self ridiculous and insupportable to his Friends, even Brutus could not forbear rallying of him for it very sharply in a Letter which he wrote to Atticus, and which is still extant. Atticus therefore, who knew how little assu­rance was to be had from the inconstancy of the People, could not forbear declaring to his Friends his fears, lest the opening of Caesar's Will, and the publick Honours that were to be done him, should occasion new Troubles. His apprehensions were but too well grounded, for Piso brought the Will, which was opened in Antonius's House, and read in the presence of the People. Octavius the Grand-son of Iulia, Caesar's Sister, was by it Adopted to take upon him his Name, and constituted Heir of nine parts of hs [Page 293] Estate, and Lucius Pinarius, and Quin­tus Pedius were also Caesar's Grand Ne­phews. Pinarius and Pedius of three other parts. To the Roman People he left the Gardens, which he had on the other side of the Tiber, and to every Citizen in particular 24 Drachma's. Amongst his se­cond Heirs who were to inherit in case of Mortality according to Custome, he substi­tuted Decimus Brutus, who was one of the Conspiratours. Several others also who had dipped their hands in his bloud, were named for Tutours to his Son, in case he had left one. At these Tokens of Caesar's Goodness, and his Affection for the People, none could forbear their Tears and Lamentations. But Decimus, his being substituted an Heir, pro­voked the Indignation of the whole Assem­bly. After this, Piso caused the Body to be brought forth with a great deal of Pomp, those who carried it were all Men in Office, and of the most Illustrious in the Senate. It was set down in the middle of the Forum, upon a place called the Rostra, with a guard of Armed Souldiers, in this place there was erected a little Temple of guilded Wood, according to the Model of that of Venus, which they called the Mother, because the Family of Iulus, which was the name of the Caesars, pretended to have their Original from that Goddess. In this little Temple was a Bed of Ivory, Magnificently Adorn'd with Curtains of Cloth of Gold and Pur­ple, at the head of the Bed was a Trophy, with the Robe which he wore when he was assassinated. For the Pile, it was prepared [Page 294] in the Field of Mars. All the People ran to see this sight, weeping and lamenting a new, even those who bore Arms made a great noise, as if they demanded Vengeance. Now that Custome among the Romans was, that one of the Kinsmen of the dead Man, one of his Friends, or at least one of his Brethren in Office, should speak in his Praise. Antonius, who was Consul with Caesar, when he was slain, was his Friend also, and his Ally, so he laid hold of that occasion for the improvement of what he designed, Gentle­men, said he, though I alone present my self to praise the Memory of that great Man, whose Bo­dy you see here before you, methinks I reade in your faces that upon this occasion you are all of the same Opinion with me, and that there is not one of those who hears me now, but in his heart praises him also. By this means, when I shall recount to you his great Actions, his Vertues, and then those Honours wherewith the Senate and you afterwards have Rewarded them, I shall not speak only what I think my self, but moreover as your Interpreter. Then he made a report of all those Titles of Honour which had been given to Caesar, his Dictatourship, his being several times Con­sul, with the Name of the Father of his Countrey, from thence he passed on to his Vertues, praising his Courage, his Eloquence, his Humanity, and his Mildness, which was so great, said he, that he was never able to with­hold his good inclinations, even from those who had offended him. After this, he repeated the Oath which the People of Rome had made [Page 295] to C [...]sar, by which they swore, That his Person should be Sacred and Inviolable, and took the Gods to Witness, that they would defend it with the hazard of their lives. But observing at this discourse some alteration in several of the Senatours, he concluded with saying, That what had been done ought to be forgotten, that it was the Crime of some Demons that were Enemies to Rome, rather than Men, and that nothing now ought farther to be thought of, than the Honouring of the Memory of the Illustrious Dead, and placing him amongst the Gods.

CHAP. VII. The Pomp of Caesar's Funeral. The Rising of the People of Rome, and their Fury against the Conspiratours.

WHILE this Discourse lasted, one of those who were called Archimimi, (who assisted where great Men were to at­tend, and often represented them) as if some Fury had possessed him, tore Caesar's Robe off from the Trophy, and shewed it to the People, crying out, That it was the spoil of a Person beloved of the Gods, and reverenced of all the People even to Adoration. He added several things of the like nature in a terrible Tone, and weeping between while with Outcries, and strange postures of Sorrow, which stir­red up the compassion of the People. At the same time was to be seen the Figure of C [...]sar in Wax, which moved it self by Springs, and shewed the Wounds which he had received upon his face, and in his Body, this sight transported the People even to Madness, they cryed out, They would inflict most cruel punishments on those that had murthe­red him. Some proposed the burning the Body in the Capitol, to doe him the more Honour, others said, That that duty ought to be paid him in the Hall of Pompey, when two Armed Men carrying each of them two Javelins, set fire with Flambeaus to the little Temple where the Bed was, so [Page 297] every Body ran thither, some with the first bits of Wood they could get together, others with the Benches and Chairs of the Magistrates, who held Courts of Justice in that place, so that the Body, the Bed, and the Temple were all consumed in a moment. All Authours agree in this, but Plutarch says, That he who shewed Caesar's Robe to the People, was Antonius himself. Now as the commo­tion of a furious People runs always to ex­tremity, many round about the Funeral Pile took up flaming Brands, and ran to set fire to the Conspiratours Houses, who being all of the most Illustrious Families of Rome, by the great number of their Domesticks re­pulsed the Violence, so the People retired with terrible Threats, which very much affrighted them, they reasonably judged that there was no longer safety for them in the Ci­ty, especially after an extraordinary Accident which arrived at the same time. One of Caesar's Friends, who was a Versifier, and to his Misfortune, called Cinna, had dreamt the night before that Caesar had invited him to Supper, and upon his refusal had taken him by the hand, and forcibly dragged him into a dark place, this dream had given him a Fever, nevertheless that hindred him not from rising to go and pay his last Offices to his Friend, he came just in the nick of time, when the People were returning in rage from the Conspiratours Houses, when some body unluckily called him by his Name, and that Name so odious for the sake of the [Page 298] other Cinna, who had made an Oration the day before, was as a signal for them to fall upon him with such rage, that the poor Wretch was torn in a thousand pieces in a moment. There are a hundred other instan­ces how much Caesar was beloved, the old Souldiers, who had served under him, threw into the fire all their Coronets, Pikes, Brace­lets, and other Tokens of Honour which he had given them. A great many Ladies of Quality also threw in their Childrens Robes and Ornaments, with every thing which they had of Value about them. All the Strangers who were at Rome, mourned after their Customs, and particularly the Jews, who watched several nights at the Pile. At last Divine Honours were gi­ven him, and an Altar was erected in the place where he had been burnt, and where Octavius Caesar, since called Augustus, caused a Temple to be built, and a Pillar of Jaspar, twenty foot high, with this Title, To the Father of his Countrey.

CHAP. VIII. The Artifices of Antonius. He procures him­self Guards. Brutus and Cassius withdraw from Rome. Antonius gets the Government of Macedonia for his Brother. Cyrene is given to Cassius, and Bithynia to Brutus.

THE Commotions and Fury of the People made the Senatours very much suspect the Conduct of Antonius, who had still need of their favour, so he resolved to regain it by a desperate undertaking, which happened to please them. Amatius, who called himself the Son of Marius, commit­ted great disorders in the City with some People whom the reputation of his Father had gathered about him. Antonius caused him to be apprehended and slain without more formality. The Senate approved the Action, since it assured the Conspiratours, amongst the others Brutus and Cassius, whom those Mutineers had threatned. But the manner of this Proceeding did not please them, and Antonius's boldness made them afraid. Amatius his People publickly com­plained, and Assembled themselves about the Altar of Caesar, whence Antonius and his Collegue Dollabella caused the Souldiers to disperse them, and Dollabella erected a Statue with this Inscription, To the good Father, which very much displeased Cicero. This provoked the Mutineers, they came together the next [Page 300] day in the same place where they appeared, washing the foot of the Altar and the Statue with their tears; at last their Compassion was turned into Madness, and they ran to the place where the Image which Dollabella had set up, was guarded, to set it on fire, but Dollabella, commanded them to be fallen upon, where many were killed, and of those who were taken, the Slaves by his order were hanged, and the others thrown down Rocks. This Chastisement appeased the Sedition, but it made the Consuls hatefull to the Peo­ple. Antonius preserved himself well with the Senate, and to gain them intirely, propo­sed the recalling of the young Pompey, and that some Recompence might be allotted him for the loss of his Father's Estate, and the Command of the Fleets put into his hands. These things extremely pleased all the Senatours to see the safety of Brutus and the other Conspiratours, as well as the Au­thority of Pompey's Party established. Cicero praised Anthony, and in an Eloquent Oration thanked him in the Senate; Anthony took this occasion to demand Guards for the safety of his Person, nor was there any who durst re­fuse it a Magistrate who had sacrificed him­self to the hatred of the People for the in­terest of the Senate. Upon this pretence he raised about 6000 Men, all old Souldiers, who had served under Iulius Caesar, and al­most all of them Men fit to Command. This was the first, but not the onely step which the Senate made against their own [Page 301] Interest, and it was wonderfull to see the most discerning Persons of so refined an age act with so much inconstancy as then appea­red in all their proceedings. But they soon repented of what they had agreed to, and it was remonstrated to Antonius, That so great a number of Guards were but unprofitable as well as odious. He promised to reduce them when the hatred of the People should be appeased. In the mean time he gained to his interest Caesar's Secretary, called Faberius, and by that means made himself Master of all his Memorials. Now there had been published a general approbation of all that Caesar had ordained, and under this pretence Antonius by the help of the Secretary brought into the Senate People wholly in his Interest, he called home the banished Men, created new Officers, and all, said he, in pursuance of Caesar's Memorials, which he fashioned according to his fancy; the People laughed at these Officers and new Senatours, calling them By rea­son of Cha­ron's Bark that Caesar had passed in. Charonitae, and all this was the occa­sion that new distrusts arose, and those of the Conspiratours, to whom Caesar had given Governments, withdrew themselves, Deci­mus into the Cisalpine Gall, which is to say, Piedmont, the Countrey of Milan, and all that which is called Lombardy, Tribonius into Asia, Cimber into Bithynia, Brutus and Cassius had Macedonia and Syria. They would not yet abandon the City and their Friends, so they tryed if they could make their Au­thority prevail as they were Pretors, but as [Page 302] they could not secure themselves of the minds of the People, they lived as private Men, and wrote to their Friends to fortify in their Provinces. The Proceedings of Antonius increased dayly their Suspicions, and that private life of theirs seemed a kind of dishonour to the Senate, whose Idols (to speak properly) they were, so they were ordered to go and procure Victualling and Provisions of Corn for the City, to the end that they might have a plausible pretence of quitting it, and afterwards retire themselves to their Governments, without making their Retreat look like a [...]light. Of this Antonius failed not to make good advantage, his two Brothers, sirnamed Cajus and Lucius, were the one Pretor, and the other Tribune, so that he being Consul, the Authority of these three great Offices made him almost absolute in the Government of the Commonwealth. He had an inclination to the Government of Syria, but he saw very well that the asking of it would onely increase the distrust of the Senate, where already many designs were on Foot against his Interest, and which also he was very well informed of. Dolabella his Collegue in the Consulship had been drawn into that business, but Antonius, who knew his Unconstancy and his Ambition, cun­ningly persuaded him to demand the Go­vernment of Syria, and the Army which Caesar had prepared against the Parthians. The young Man ran presently into the snare, and when it was Remonstrated to him, That that [Page 303] Proposition was contrary to the Ordinances of Cae­sar; He answered, That Caesar's design was to make War upon the Parthians, that as to his Decrees, Cassius had first mistaken them in per­mitting the old Souldiers to sell the Inheritances which had been given them, and which Caesar had expresly forbidden, that for what remained, it would be an affront to him to believe that Cas­sius had any advantage over him either in Courage or in Conduct. The Senate thus intangled, went another way to work, they resolved to persuade one of the Tribunes, called Aspri­nas, to find out some Religious reason for the opposing of this Proposition, when it should come before the People under the pretence of Thunder, or some other unlucky Omen. All the Roman Histories are full of this kind of Superstition, and after this manner the People fansied to themselves ei­ther fortunate or unlucky Presages upon un­lucky Omens, their Assemblies always sepa­rated, and the squeeking of a Mouse would frequently fright them from their debates of the highest importance. The Cunning Men made the right use of this weakness, when any thing was proposed which did not please them, and this was the design of the Senate, which they thought ought to have been pro­moted by Antonius, he being one of the College of Augures (who were a certain sort of Dignitaries that judged of these kind of Omens) and who they imagined wished the Government of Syria for himself. But these were false measures, for Antonius seized [Page 304] upon the Tribune as an Impostour, and was the occasion that Dolabella got the Province, and the Army afterwards. He demanded Macedonia for his Brother Cajus, which none durst refuse him. All that the Senate could doe, was to put the Friends of Brutus and Cassius also upon demanding other Provinces instead of those that had been taken from them, which they obtained, to Cassius was given Cyrene upon the Coast of Africa, with that of Crete, at present called Candia, and Bithynia to Brutus.

CHAP. IX. Octavius the grand Nephew of Caesar, comes to Rome against the Opinion of his Kindred, he declares himself Caesar's Heir, and takes upon him his Name.

IN the mean time news arrived at Rome, that Octavius the grand Nephew of Caesar, whom he had Adopted and declared his chief Heir, was coming to enter upon his Succession. Octavius, so famous since by the Name of Augustus Caesar, was of a very Ancient and Illustrious Family in Italy, but he came out of a branch of that Family which had not been much advanced. He was handsome, and so very beautifull, that it acquired him Veneration, he had a great deal of Wit, which was subtile and cunning, a lofty Mind, of extreme Wisedom, and very insinuating Conversation. Caesar, who had not any nearer Kinsman, took a great deal of care of his Education, and he improved so well under so good a Master, that his Merit advanced him to the Empire of the World. He governed with so great Wisedom and Moderation, that the Prudence and Mildness of Augustus have been ever since wished to his Successours: though he was now but very young, his Unkle caused him to exercise the charge of General of the Cavalry for one complete year, and after­wards sent him to Appollonia, a City upon [Page 306] the Coast of Epirus, to complete his Studies and his Exercises, thither came to him dayly the principal Commanders of the Troops of that Province, and even the Souldiers also to make their Court to him, and entertain him with Combates and Games; after ha­ving staid about six months in that City, he understood the death of Caesar, and all his Friends advised to seek Protection from the Troops of that Province, who had served under Caesar, and still honoured his Memory. His Mother was Married again to a Man of Quality, called Martius Philippus, so they both wrote to him by way of advice, To un­dertake nothing that might bring trouble upon him, but that he would take warning by his Vnkle, and come to Rome to them, where he might lead a quiet and peaceable life, and that they would take care of his preservation. These different Coun­sels were enough to intangle a Man who was now but eighteen years of Age. But of all the Counsels that were proposed to him, he resolved upon the most honest and the most generous, which was, To revenge the death of his Vnkle, so he put himself on Ship-board, and came and landed at a certain little Town near Brundusi [...]m, where he was informed of what had been done at Rome since the death of Caesar, and though he had received fresh Letters from his Mother, nevertheless fully resolved to declare himself Heir to the For­tune and Name of Caesar. With this design he went to Br [...]ndusi [...]m, after being first well assured that none of the Murtherers of his [Page 307] Unkle were in the place, such of Caesar's old Souldiers as were Quartered in that City, came out to meet him, and did him Honours as the Son of their General. He made a Sacrifice to the Gods, and after having ac­cording to the Roman Custome taken upon him the Name of his Adoptive Father; all his Friends, his Slaves, his Freed-men, and many other Souldiers came to him upon the News. The very Arms, Money and Pro­vision which were sent to the Troops of Macedonia, were brought to him, and this happy beginning put him upon his march to­wards Rome, in his Journey thither he saw Cicero, who avoided the calling of him Cae­sar, though every body else at that time did it, because, says he, in a Letter Philip him­self did not doe it, and that no good Citizen ought so long as he is attended with such as threaten our Friends. Nevertheless he remained not long in this Opinion, and Octavius arriving at last at Rome, declared to his Friends, That not­withstanding their fears, he could not but think himself unworthy of life, should he not use his utmost indeavours to revenge the death of Caesar. It is said, that his Mother imbraced him at these words, and approved of his Design. Now Antonius had sent no body out to meet him, which coldness of proceeding much augmented the fears of young Caesar's Friends. But he declared how he thought it very just that a young Man, of but a private conditi­on as he was, should make the first steps to­wards Antonius, who was his Seniour, and a [Page 308] Consul; so he besought his Friends to bear him company to that visit the next mor­ning, who all attended him accordingly; as he was going thither, he met Cajus, Antonius his Brother, who was Pretor, and took that occasion to declare to him his Adoption, and caused it to be registred according to Cu­stome.

CHAP. X. Octavius visits Antonius, who receives him very ill. His demands, and Antonius his Answer.

OCtavius was forc't to wait a great while at Antonius's Gate, who nevertheless at last received him with a great deal of Comple­ment and Ceremony, after which they were come to the Point. Young Caesar began, and highly praised Antonius, to whom he confessed he had many obligations, after which, he modestly complained to him, For that he had suffered a Pardon to pass for Caesar's Murtherers, whom he might have puni­shed with as much severity, and as Arbitrarily as he had done Amatius. That he had also gone farther, and given his advice for the allotting of them Provinces and Governments, when he him­self presided in the Senate as Consul. He hand­somely represented to him Caesar's Friendship, and the good Offices he had done him, ad­ding, That Caesar would have adopted him, had [Page 309] he not been persuaded that a Man, as he was, de­scended from Hercules, would have made a scru­ple of entring into the Family of Aeneas: He conjured him by the Memory of his Father to assist him in revenging his death, at least not to oppose the design he had of proceeding in it. He gave him to understand that he was resolved to satisfy what was stipulated in the Will, and to distribute amongst the People and the Souldiers what Caesar had left them. Nevertheless, ha­ving little Fortune of his own, he desired him to deliver him fourteen hundred and fifteen thousand Crowns out of the Money which Caesar had left, and to lend him as much more out of the publick stock as he should have occasion for. That for the Moveables and Goods, them he might keep, he being contented to allow them as marks and remem­brances of Caesar's affection. Antonius amazed at the young Man's Confidence, and being piqued at the last Article of his discourse, told him, That there might have been some rea­son for what he urged, had Caesar left him heir of the Roman Empire as well as of his Name and Fortune, but that the Sovereign Authority had no Title of Succession in Rome, and that therefore he ought not to demand reasons of him for what he had done in the Government of the Commonwealth. That for the obligations which he thought he owed him, he was willing to dispense with them, since what he had done was without any prospect of his Service, and onely designed for the good of his Countrey. That nevertheless he had not forgotten Caesar's Friendship, but had secured to him those Honours due to his Memory, even to the hazard [Page 310] of his own life. That for the rest, he had per­mitted it, because 'twas not in his power to have opposed it without declaring himself a Friend to Tyranny. That nevertheless his want of experience was excusable, which had hindred him from ta­king these things into his consideration, though it would require some to be sensible that the advanta­ges arising to him from his Succession to Caesar, did onely in part belong to him, that he was not at all jealous of his good Fortune, though by his own Confession, it might as well have happened to him­self, since Caesar would have adopted him, had he not been of the Race of Hercules. That as to Caesar's Money, it did not amount to so great a sum as he imagined, a great part of it belonging to the publick, which he had given his orders for inquiring into, since Caesar himself (had he lived) would not have taken it ill to have been made ac­countable that another part had been divided a­mongst the Officers, besides Dollabella his Bro­ther, and himself, who had refused the receiving any of it. That in truth he had distributed it amongst those to whom Caesar had ordained it, and was ready to put the remainder into his hands, but that if he were Wise, he would employ it for the satisfaction of such as had reason of complaint ei­ther against his Father or himself, and for the sen­ding back that shoal of followers who accompanied him into their Colonies, rather than give it to the People, it being a surprizing thing that a man so knowing as he was in the Grecian History, should seem to rely upon popular affection, which was more unconstant than the Waves of the Ocean.

CHAP. XI. Octavius falls out with Antonius. He gains the affections of the People. Antonius sends for the Macedonian Army into Italy.

THese words, and this proceeding of An­tonius offending young Caesar, he took his leave of him, repeating several times as he went out of the door the name of his Father, so he resolved to convert all his own Fortune, and what more amounted to him from his Succession to Caesar into ready Money, by that means to put himself into a condition of satisfying the People, and gain­ing their favour, whereof he knew that Anto­nius had but a small share, by reason of his Inquisition into the publick Money. This de­sign of his made the Senate afraid of him, though they were not at all disturbed to see him fall out with Antonius, because they ho­ped that that Division might weaken them both, and so make their Ruine more easie, and that the publick Treasury would be im­proved by what should arrive to it out of Caesar's Estate. Now the time was come, that Brutus was to give the Games, these Games were certain magnificent Shews which the Magistrates at the going out of their Offices gave for the Divertisement of the People. There were to be seen the Combats of Gladiatours bred up and taught to cut one anothers Throats on purpose, [Page 312] upon these occasions, the huntings of wild Beasts, every thing that could be found rare throughout the Provinces, Comedies, and Musick Prizes. In short, the expences of it would appear incredible to any who have not been acquainted with the greatness and riches of Rome. Brutus to be sure had spa­red no cost for the setting out of his Games, his Friends hoping that by that Magnificence he might regain the Friendship of the Peo­ple. Nevertheless they durst not counsel him to appear there, because they were ad­vised that a great number of Caesar's old Souldiers flocked dayly to Rome. In effect, young Caesar having sold all he had, and di­stributed it amongst the most Factious of the People, proceeded now to selling the Goods of his Mother and Father-in-Law, forcing Pedius and Pinarius his Co-heirs in the Succession of Caesar, to quit their parts to him, which he also sold, and immediate­ly distributed accordingly. These things made a great noise amongst the People, who believed themselves now more obliged to him than to the very Caesar, who had left them the Money. The Souldiers came also from all parts of Italy to partake of his libe­rality; so that though Brutus his Games were very Magnificent, and the People ex­tremely pleased with them, his Friends no sooner demanded that he and Cassius might be recalled home, but Caesar's Party put a stop to the Shews, and would not let them go on till that request were absolutely re­jected. [Page 313] It was easie to perceive that this re­fusal was the work of young Caesar, and those who before wondred at his boldness for making Head against Anthony, were now as much surprized at his Address also and Power. By this means Brutus and Cassius lost all hopes of returning to Rome, and went one into Macedonia, and the other into Syria, they pretended that Caesar had allotted them those Provinces which had since been un­justly taken from them, and Dollabella, whose interest was Syria, departed with all diligence to take possession of his Government. Anto­nius very well knew at this time that he had need of new Forces, he had his Eyes upon the Army which was in Macedonia, compo­sed of six Legions of seasoned Souldiers, abundance of Lancers and Cavalry, with a great Equipage of Engines, and all sorts of Ammunition, he was afraid lest Dollabella should take these Troops, and carry them against the Parthians, so he resolved to send for them into Italy, and (to keep them the mean while in Macedonia) caused a report to be spread, that the Getae had made an incur­sion there with great powers. Now as his Brother was already Governour of that Pro­vince, it was his Opinion that the Command of those Troops would not be deny'd him for the making head against those Barba­rians, when the Senate made an Order, that some body should be sent to inquire into the truth of that news. So Antonius taking notice how his Plot had alarum'd them, and [Page 314] that they were afraid lest he should make him­self Dictatour, proposed, That that Office might be abolished for ever with free liberty to kill and destroy whomsoever should have the boldness to offer at it. This Proposition so agreeable to all Parties, confirmed the Senate, when at last by under-hand management, and presents which he made, Antonius obtained the Com­mand of the Army. He sent his Brother Cajus in all diligence to acquaint the Troops with the Decree of the Senate, with private orders to bring them into Italy, so those De­puties who had been sent to inquire into the state of that Province, returned and brought word that the Getae were not yet entred there, but that an erruption of them was expected.

CHAP. XII. Antonius demands the Government of the Cisal­pine Gaul. He offends young Caesar. The Souldiers oblige him to an agreement with him, Antonius gets the Government.

IN the mean time Brutus and Cassius made preparations for War, and Tribonius, whom they had sent into Asia, fortified the places of that Countrey, while Antonius Triumphed at Rome, all his Artifices succeeded in the Senate, and he thought there was nothing now which he might not hope for, Gaul, where Decimus Commanded, appeared very convenient for his designs, so he was not afraid to demand the Government of it out of the confidence he had in his Authority. This Proposition began to open the Eyes of the Senatours, who now saw openly the Ambition of Antonius, so they absolutely re­jected his Demands, and sent Deputies to Decimus, to advise him, To strengthen himself against the pretensions of Antonius, who was now resolved to obtain that from the People, which had been refused him by the Senate. But to the end that he might first try all means of pre­serving himself in their favour, he took an occasion of falling out with young Caesar, whose Power already began to be formida­ble. Critonius, who was Aedilis, was to give Games to the People, according to the Cu­stome I before mentioned. It was Ordai­ned, [Page 316] That the Image of Caesar should assist at all the Shews, placed in a Magnificent Seat, and Crowned with Gold. Now as his Adopted Son caused the Seat to be brought, Critonius opposed him upon the place, saying, He would not allow that Caesar should be honoured at his expence. Young Caesar made his Complaints of this to the Consul, who was Antonius, but he refused to doe him Justice, saying, That it was none of his business to interpose in that matter; at which, Octavius being provoked, fiercely replyed, In spight of the uneasiness of those Men who are thus imperti­nently squeamish, my Father's Image shall appear in the place that is designed for it, nay, and by your own Decree too. These words offended An­tonius, or rather to speak properly, Antonius had a mind to be offended: so he reproached young Caesar, that all his Proceedings tended to the stirring up of the People, and threat­ned him to commit him to Prison, forbid­ding him at last to bring his Father's Image, not onely to Critonius his Games, but even to those which Caesar himself was to exhibit in Honour of his Father before the Temple of Venus. These prohibitions appeared so full of Injustice and Violence, that they ex­tremely exasperated the People, so young Caesar made the right use of the Quarrel, for he went into the publick Places, where he complained of the injury done to the Me­mory of his Father. Wherefore, said he, (as if Antonius had been himself present) should thy hatred to me extend it self to Caesar, who [Page 317] has deserved so well of thee? I am ready joyfully to Sacrifice my self to thy Revenge, provided thou wilt have regard to the Memory of my Father, who preferred thee above all other Friendships; I here to thy insatiable Avarice freely abandon all the Fortune which he left to me, onely permit me enough wherewith to satisfy his last desires, I beg this of thee for the Peoples sake, and not my own, for I shall think my self rich and honourable enough if I can but doe Iustice to his Memory in distribu­ting amongst the People what he has left them. This discourse was immediately spread all over the City, and made so great impression, that Antonius began to be desperate, and threatned Revenge. When Caesar's Friends, and even the old Souldiers, whom Antonius had taken for his Guards, remonstrated to him, How shamefull it was in this manner to wrong the Memory of their General as well as his own, since it would turn at last to their confusion, and purchase him but little Honour. As he had need of these People, he thought fit to hearken to them, and after having complai­ned of young Caesar's Proceedings, whom he accused of Arrogance, and aspiring to an equality with himself, who was elder than he, and of an established Reputation, he said, That he was willing that all things might be forgotten in complyance to the desires of so ma­ny brave men. He had besides this, another reason for his complyance. He was now to try what Reputation Caesar had amongst the People, which he pretended he would make use of for his assistence in getting the Pro­vince [Page 318] of Gall, so the Souldiers obliged them to see one another, and they parted good Friends. Immediately Antonius cau­sed the Law to be published for his Govern­ment, and notwithstanding all the Senate could doe with the Tribunes, Caesar's under­hand management with the People, the many Armed Souldiers which he brought to the Assembly in favour of Antonius against Decimus, who had been one of his Father's Murtherers, and Antonius's Money, where­with he had corrupted the Tribunes, made the Law pass, and he got the Government.

CHAP. XIII. New Quarrels between Antonius and Caesar. Cicero declares himself for Caesar. He offends Antonius in his Orations.

ANTONIVS having now gotten what he wished for, began to contrive ac­cording to his Maximes how to restore him­self with the Senate, and whether it were that he little valued young Caesar, or whe­ther it were by a secret motion of that An­tipathy which afterwards so much declared it self, and was at last the cause of his de­struction, he seemed not to take much care how he disgusted him, so he might re-unite himself with the Senate. It is true, that there was a strong opposition between these two Spirits, but Caesar's had the advantage, and there runs a story upon this occasion, that a certain famous Aegyptian Astrologer told him one day in the presence of Cleopatra, That his Fortune, which was so Illustrious at pre­sent, should lose all its splendour when it came near to that of Caesar, and therefore advised him always to shun that young man as much as possi­ble; because, said he to Antonius, thy Genius is afraid of his. In effect, notwithstanding all the Alliances which their common interest could form between them, they were always embroiled till the death of Antonius. The pretence they now took was this, one of the Tribunes of the People being dead, Cae­sar [Page 320] recommended Flaminius to the place, this made the People believe that he had a mind to it himself, and gave him to understand, That he might easily carry it by their Votes. This Testimony of their Esteem for him alarum'd the Senate, who fearing lest he should make use of the Authority of that Office for the revenging the death of his Father, resolved to oppose it, and Antonius published a De­cree, by which he forbad any man to assist Caesar, who not being yet a Senatour, could not according to Law pretend to that Dig­nity. These prohibitions provoked the Peo­ple, who looked upon their Authority by this means struck at, so upon the day of the Assembly, Antonius had the misfortune to see his Reputation shaken, as well as his life in great hazard, insomuch that he was for­ced to permit the Tribunes to cancell his Decree; so Flaminius had the Office, and Caesar well perceived that it was now time for him to take measures against the uncon­stancy of Antonius, whose credit and assistence was like to cost more than it was worth; so he sent Deputies to such Souldiers as had served under his Father, and were now di­vided up and down Italy, sending also into the very Army of Antonius, a sort of Mani­festo, Copies whereof he caused to be scat­tered about the Camp. Besides this, he took a resolution of applying himself to the Senate, and Cicero, whom Philippus had gai­ned to his Party, with all his Credit was assisting to the design. Now there was at [Page 321] this time a cruel feud betwixt Cicero and Antonius, and their hatred had been declared by the furious declamations which they made against one another in the Senate▪ those of Cicero remain still amongst us, and are called his Philippicks, because he has there imitated Demosthenes, who wrote after the same man­ner against King Philip the Father of Alexan­der. The twelfth is very admirable in its kind, and from the first we may learn the causes of their Division. Cicero being wea­ried with the troubles of Rome, and grieved at the retreat of Brutus, had resolved to go into Greece, there to lead a more peaceable life. He had been twice on Ship-board with this design, but the winds were both times against him, and he was forc'd to come ashore again at Rhegium: In this place he un­derstood the speech that Antonius had made for the abolishing the Dictatourship, and the great hopes which appeared from that action of Re-establishing Liberty; so his thoughts of retirement soon forsook him, and nothing, as he said himself, could satisfy his impatience to be once more at Rome. He was received there with extreme Joy, and almost every body went out to meet him. Now the Senate was to assemble the next day, but Cicero would not be there, and feigned himself sick. It was said, That he had received advice of some design against his life, but when, according to Custome the Senatours were called, and one of his Friends reported the cause of his absence, Antonius, [Page 322] who presided as he was Consul, said, That he would go seek him, and carry so many People with him as should bring him away House and all. Cicero in a speech made at another meeting, complained of this outrage of the Consul; Antonius answered him sharply, and reproa­ched him, for that upon the day of Caesar's Murther, Brutus holding his bloudy Dagger in his hand, had called upon Cicero, and de­clared to him the return of Liberty. This it was that occasioned the Rupture between these two Men, which appeared more plain in the second Oration, and this disposition of mind made Cicero so warm for the inte­rest of young Caesar, and laid the founda­tions of that Power, to which afterwards he raised himself.

CHAP. XIV. Antonius and Caesar meet at the Capitol. They fall out again. Caesar raises Troops.

WHILE those Libels which were scattered up and down the Camp of Antonius were taking effect there, the Souldiers who were at Rome gave him to un­derstand, That they were not well satisfied of the misunderstanding between him and Caesar, which was like to ruine all hopes of revenging the death of their General, since they expected that revenge from him and young Caesar, as two of the nearest Relation and Interest; but that if they proceeded in the course they had taken, they would but be­tray themselves to their own Enemies, and expose their Friends to punishment. Antonius thought he was obliged to justify himself, and there­fore in a long Harangue gave them an ac­count of his Conduct, letting them under­stand, That all his proceedings hitherto had ten­ded to nothing else but the revenge they wished for; he shewed them all the turnings and win­dings that he had made use of to bring this design about; so that they no longer found reasons to doubt him, nor indeed did the Senate, who being informed of this dis­course, became perfectly acquainted with the depth of his intentions, and saw the design of his wicked Policy. At last, those, whose business it was to re-unite Antonius and Caesar, persuaded them to an interview at the Ca­pitol, [Page 324] where they promised each other Friendship, though it lasted not long, for some few days afterwards, Antonius caused several of his Guards to be seized upon, saying, That Caesar had wrought with them to kill him. But this matter has never been well laid open: some say, That it was onely a suppo­sition of Antonius. Others, That it was really truth, and that the Senate, with whom Caesar was at that time upon very good terms, would glad­ly have been rid of Antonius by such a means. There was indeed great appearance of the truth of this, for the wisest of the Sena­tours, who imagined that when they were once rid of this Enemy, the other would be ruined more easily, declared, That Caesar had just reasons to revenge himself upon Antonius, and that the wicked proceedings which he had made use of, would have provoked any other man as well as he to resent them. Now Caesar boldly threw this suspicion back in the teeth of Antonius, he went himself to his Gates to demand Justice, crying out, That he desired for his Iudges no other than his own Friends. The Peo­ple without farther inquiry into the matter, condemned Antonius, and some there are who believe that all this business was agreed upon before hand between those two Par­ties for the accomplishment of their designs, so very uncertain are the judgments of Men in matters of importance. At last Caesar un­derstanding that Antonius was gone to Brun­dusium to appease some Commotion which was beginning there, and to recommend [Page 325] himself to the Troops of Macedonia, whom Cajus had brought into Italy, and that he would soon return again with a great Guard, upon advice thereof, resolved to visit such Cities as had been established by his Father, and bring them intirely into his interest; so he went to Cerere and Silio, which are two places not far from Capua, where he raised Money, and by promising 500 Drachma's by head to every one that would follow him, he raised about 10000. Men, who were not indeed regulated Troops, but neverthe­less were such as had served in the Wars un­der Iulius Caesar, so he put them all under one Colours as a Guard for his Person, and thus accompanied, returned to Rome; now the fear was so much the greater in the City, for that Antonius was expected there, who brought Troops with him also; so the O­pinions of Men began to be very much di­vided, some went and took party with Cae­sar, others declared themselves for Antonius, and (as it dayly happens to those Men, who are so very wise, that they can resolve of nothing,) a great many upon this occasion were so afraid of taking wrong measures, that they took none at all. Now a certain Tribune called Carnutius, who was a great Enemy to Antonius, would have obliged the Roman People to join with Caesar, so he went to find him out at the Temple of Mars, which is fifteen Stades from Rome, from whence he brought, and caused him to lodge in the Temple of Castor and Pollux. [Page 326] Caesar's Souldiers drew up about the Tem­ple, when Carnutius fell upon declaiming against Antonius, and praising the Conduct of Caesar. Now there were at this time in Rome several Souldiers of the Macedonian Army, who could not bear that their Gene­ral should be spoken ill of, and declared their Resentments. Caesar's Men replyed upon them. But as they were for the most part without Arms, matters staid there, and went no farther. This unseasonable acci­dent made him very uneasie, and a great part of his People asking leave of him to go and get Arms, he granted it, keeping onely three thousand Men about his Person; nevertheless, those who had quitted him, being accustomed to a Warlike life, could not find in their hearts to stay at home, so they returned again to him very well appoin­ted, and he having in the mean time furni­shed himself with Money about Ravenna, and the other Cities, he joining them with the other Troops, made a considerable body, and put them into Quarters about Aretium.

CHAP. XV. Antonius joins his Army, but is not well recei­ved. He returns to Rome. Two of his Le­gions desert him, and go to Caesar's Army. Antonius's force.

WHILE these matters were tran­sacted, Antonius went and joyned himself with his Army, which was compo­sed of four Legions of those six which had been in Macedonia. They received him with a great deal of coldness and silence, which extremely troubled him, for it was the Cu­stome for a General to be always received with great Acclamations, and to have a speech made to him in the name of the Ar­my. But these contented themselves to follow him without speaking a word as far as his Tribunal. Their discontent proceeded from the little care which he had taken to revenge the death of Caesar, whom those Souldiers loved most passionately. Antonius was not able to hide the disorder he was under, but discovered it in the discourse he made to them, and wherewith they were offended, especially in Relation to what he spoke against young Caesar, he complained to them, That they had entertained his Messengers, and suffered them to carry on Intrigues in his Camp without giving him advice of the disorder. But in the end to flatter them, he promised to carry them into Gall, which was a rich [Page 328] and fruitfull Province, and offered to each Man 50 Drachma's: These offers were so mean in the Opinion of the Souldiers, that laughing aloud, they derided him, and at last went away without hearing of him any farther. This insolence of theirs re-doubled the anger of Antonius, so he descended from his Tribunal, saying, That he would teach them Obedience, and immediately Comman­ded the Colonels of the Legions to bring him their Rolls, they always had them about them, and knew the humour and inclina­tions of their Souldiers, Antonius picked out the most Mutinous amongst them, and made them an Example, though their pun­ishment served onely to provoke the rest. This Caesar's Emissaries knew very well how to make their advantage of, so they scattered about new Libels against the Avarice and Cruelty of Antonius, which he was advised of, and Commanded that those Men should be delivered into his hands, with terrible threatnings if he were not obeyed. But all his diligence was to no purpose, no body would discover them, and he was strangely amazed at that fidelity which seemed to be a general Conspiracy against him. This joy­ned to the news of what progress Caesar had made, put him upon making a new tryal of the Spirits of his Souldiers, he excused him­self to them, That for the maintaining of Mi­litary Discipline, he had been forc't to bring Mutineers to punishment, that the offer he had made them of 50 Drachma's ought not to be lookt [Page 329] upon by them as intended for a reward, since i [...] was neither proportionable to his liberality, nor their merit, for that he intended it onely as a small mark of his acknowledgment. He put them in­to the bargain upon great hopes, but said not a word of augmenting the sum, lest it might be believed that he had given way to the in­solence of his Souldiers. Iulius Caesar had always proceeded in this manner, nor ever gave way to any Sedition, but on the con­trary appeared always to be most bold, when his Friends were trembling for his safety. Upon these occasions one word onely pro­nounced with Authority was sufficient to quell a Mutiny, and this was indeed the effect of such an esteem as is supported by extraordinary Merit. Nevertheless, this man­ner of proceeding has not succeeded with every body, nor did Antonius find it seasona­ble, though he afterwards changed all the Officers, and put others in their places, whom he thought better disposed towards him; so he Commanded them to march to Rimini, keeping onely a thousand Men about his Person, with which he went to Rome. He made his entry there in a very fierce manner with his Souldiers in Arms, causing them to keep Watch and Guard about his House, as if they had been in the Camp. But as he was designing to go to the Senate, and there complain against Caesar, news was brought him that one of his Legions, called the Martial, was gone over to the contrary Par­ty, which news very much amazed him; so [Page 330] that he doubted whether he ought to go to the Senate House or not, especially when he understood farther that the fourth Legion had followed the Example, and was revol­ted also. Nevertheless, he went thither, but spoke little, especially of the subject he came about. After this, he went to Alba, to try if he might reduce those two Legions which were retreated thither, they refused him entrance, which was the reason that he sent in all haste, and offered his Souldiers 500 Drachma's a Man, as Caesar had done before him. From this place he went to Tibur, where his Ammunitions were lodged, and where such Troops as he had remaining (being confirmed by the offers he had made them) came and met him with an addition of the tenth Legion, which was newly arrived by Sea. The folly of the Senate and Roman People was again apparent up­on this occasion: many of the Senatours, a great number of Knights, and several of the People ran to offer him their services, so that there became a Question in Rome, In what Countrey lived the Enemies of Antonius? They found him busie in receiving the Oaths of his Souldiery, which they themselves offered also to take. This action gave him great Reputation, and was the occasion that many of those People who had yet taken no Party, came and joined themselves with him, so that he marched to Rimini with four Legions of old Souldiers, a considerable number of Horsemen and Launcers, as also [Page 331] one Legion of new raised Men; besides this, Lepidus had four more in Spain, Assinius Pollio two, Plancus also Commanded three in the Transalpine Gall, and at this time all those Leaders appeared in the interests of Antonius.

CHAP. XVI. Caesar's force. He assures himself of the affecti­ons of his Troops.

ON the other side Caesar was at Alba with the two Legions that deser­ted Antonius, one of new raised Souldiers, and two of such old ones as had served un­der his Father, from this place he sent De­puties to the Senate, who were now no lon­ger Masters of their own proceedings, for ei­ther fear or particular hatred carried them away, and those very Men who could pro­strate themselves before Antonius, were for applauding Caesar from the very moment that he appeared powerfull enough to make them afraid of him. They would have been very glad if the deserting Legions had come and offered them their service; but as there was no Remedy for the present Disease, they approved so heartily of their proceeding as well as Caesar's, that it became now another Question at Rome, If Antonious had ever had a Friend there? In the mean while being of [Page 332] Opinion that it would not become their Wisedom and Gravity to doe any thing con­trary to Form, they sent word to Caesar, that they would adjourn all affairs till the new Election of Consuls; but his Souldiers, who were not altogether so formal, were for ob­liging him to take upon him the Quality of Consul or Emperour, saying, That they had been used to serve under no Generals but who had been so qualified. And they had already pre­pared for him the Rods and Axes, which were wont to be born before those Magi­strates. The name of Emperour was not then in such force as it is now, for it signi­fied no more than the General of an Army, it is true, that it was given to any man, but after some famous Victory or great Con­quest▪ and then their Souldiers gave it with great Acclamations, it being then a mark of Honour, which has since grown into a Title. Caesar refused it, and seeing they would press it upon him, thought himself obliged to ac­quaint his Officers with his Reasons. My Friends, said he, It is not the love which the Se­nate bears us that obliges them to declare in our be­half, but the fear that they have of the power of Antonius, for they would make use of us to destroy him and the murtherers of my Father, who are all their Relations and Friends, have imagined that this is the way to save themselves, pretending to fortify themselves in weakning of us: but this is no time to let them understand that we have pene­trated so far into their Policy, which we should certainly doe, should I accept of those Honours [Page 333] which you offer me, and which they would look upon as an incroachment upon their Authority. We ought therefore to manage our selves with more subtilty, and persuade them of our respect by our Obedience, for by that way of proceeding we shall more surely obtain the thing we wish for, and they will voluntarily bestow a Dignity upon me, which they well know you are able to give me in spight of them.

CHAP. XVII. Antonius besieges Decimus Brutus in Mo­dena.

AFTER this discourse Caesar went to exercise his Troops, where the Mar­tial and fourth Legion skirmished before him, he took opportunely that occasion to ingage them by fresh bounty, so he again gave 500 Drachma's to each Souldier, and promised as much more if they carried the Victory. These Intrigues had given Deci­mus time to fortify himself in his Govern­ment, and when Antonius sent him the Or­dinance of the People, by which he was in­vested in that Employment, Decimus's an­swer was, That he had been established there by a Decree of the Senate; In answer to this, An­tonius onely gave him a short time for his departure, but the other demanded from day to day that it might be prolonged, [Page 334] which Antonius refused him, and he could have easily defeated him, but was unwilling so soon to use force, and therefore conten­ted himself with seizing of the best places of the Province. Decimus, who apprehen­ded a general Revolt, pretended that he had received Orders from the Senate to come to Rome, so he marched to Modena, which he took possession of with his Troops: this was then a great and rich City, and De­cimus made choice of it to oppose Antonius without fear of being forc't thence. He had one good Troop of Gladiatours, and three Legions, two of old Souldiers, whom he had heretofore Commanded under Iulius Caesar, and one of new raised Men, Antonius immediately besieged him in the place, blocking him closely up with lines and other Works.

CHAP. XVIII. Hirtius and Pansa chosen Consuls. The Decree of the Senate against Antonius. The death of Trebonius. Dollabella declared an Ene­my to the Republick. Honours and Offices al­lotted to Cassius and Brutus.

THE siege of Modena was lookt upon by Caesar, and the Senate as a Declara­tion of War, where at last new Consuls were Created upon the first of Ianuary, in the year 711, since the foundation of Rome, which shall serve as a Date for the rest of the History. These Consuls were Hirtius and Pansa, both intimate Friends and Disciples of Cicero, who boasts that he taught them the Rules of Eloquence, they were both also the Creatures of Iulius Caesar. Hirtius had always served under him, and it is he who has given the Relation of the Wars of Aegypt and Africa, which is an­nexed to his Commentaries, and Pansa made profession of a particular Friendship with him. They assembled the Senate, where Cicero, who had then all the Authority, persuaded War against Antonius, by a dis­course which is still extant. We may there reade his Reasons, which are drawn from the Insolence and Conduct of Antonius, as well as Ambition; the matter, as it usually hap­pens, did not pass without a reply, for Piso maintained the interest of Antonius, and in­deavoured [Page 336] to justify him, but Cicero's un­derhand management proved too strong, and an Arrest had gone out against Antonius, if Salvius one of the Tribunes, had not oppo­sed it in the name of the People. This was the greatest Privilege of those kind of Offi­ces, for though there were many of them, one alone had right to oppose the general consent, and that opposition hindred the effect of all debates. It was the Peoples business to decide this difference, and though nothing was then ordered as to the business of Antonius, because of the Tribunes oppo­sition: It was resolved that Decimus should be thanked for maintaining the Authority of the Senate, that Caesar should be joined with the Consuls, and Command equally with them, that his Statue should be set up in Gold, that he should be entred in the Se­nate, and have power to demand the Con­sulship ten years, before he came to such Age as the Law in that case required, to the end that the Legions might be rewarded after Victory, according as he had promi­sed them. The courage of Salvius made way for the Mother and Wife of Antonius to solicite his Cause with her Son, who was yet young, and all their other Friends and Relations. Antonius his Mother was called Iulia, of Caesar's Family, and in great Esteem both for her Birth and for her Vertue; his Wife Fulvia, when she Married him, was the Widow of Claudius. This Widow was very beautifull, and of a popular, but An­cient [Page 337] Family, Ambitious above the capacity of her Sex, and who absolutely governed her Husband, she had also some light incli­nations to Gallantry, which was perhaps the effect of her Ambition, for she always lo­ved to deal amongst the best Quality, at least we may reade at this time an Epigramm of Augustus, where he complains that Fulvia de­clares War against him, because he could not have a passion for her, and assist her in revenging the infidelities of her Husband. These Ladies and all their Family appeared in mourning Robes before the People, and moved their Compassion. Piso took this oc­casion to try once more what could be done in favour of Antonius, but the Eloquence of Cicero dazled their minds, and the Decree of the Senate was confirmed, the charge of drawing it up was given to Cicero, which he performed in much severer terms than had been resolved upon; the terms of the Arrest were, That Antonius should immediately raise his siege from before Modena, and that he should quit the whole Province of Gall, which reaches from the Alps as far as the Rubicon, with a citation before the Senate in case of Disobedience to give an account of his Actions. About this time news was come to Rome of the death of Trebonius, whose Body was brought thi­ther by his Friends, and who was the first of Caesar's Murtherers that was punished for his Crime. To understand the manner of it, we must recollect that Dolabella departing with great diligence for his Government of [Page 338] Syria found that Countrey in commotion by the intrigues of Trebonius, whom Brutus had sent thither as his Lieutenant, and when he would have entred into Pergama and Smyrna, the Gates were shut against him. Nevertheless, Trebonius neglected not to send Provisions to him as to a Consul, and sent word to those of Ephesus, that they should receive him. Dolabella, who had raised Troops by virtue of his Office, and was still highly respected, took his way towards Ephesus, Trebonius sending out some Compa­nies after him to observe his march, the Con­sul went so directly towards Ephesus, that it took off all manner of suspicion, so that a great many of the Men returned again to Smyrna, leaving onely a small number merely for form sake. Then Dolabella turning upon those who remained, cut them all in pieces, and coming back briskly to Smyrna, took it by assault. The Souldiers found Trebonius a­ [...]ed, who desired them, To carry him to Do­labella; We will carry you, said the Comman­der, but your Head must stay here, so he cut it off immediately, and the body was dragged up and down by the Souldiers with all man­ner of Indignity, for though he had not himself assaulted Iulius Caesar, he was one of the Conspiratours, and was the Man that while the Deed was doing, amused Antonius at the door of the Senate House, so they shewed their hatred to him by a thousand Affronts which they did him. Dolabella caused the Head to be fixt upon the Tribu­nal, [Page 339] where he gave Audience, and whence the Souldiers took it away again, trundling of it up and down a long time upon the pavement. The Body was taken up by his Friends, and carried, as I said before, to Rome, where the Senate, according to that folly which they now shewed in every thing they undertook, declared Dolabella a Rebel, and an Enemy of his Countrey. With the same madness they made an Order, That Brutus should have the Government of Macedonia and Illyria, and Command the Armies of those Pro­vinces, till such time as the Commonwealth reco­vered its ancient Majesty. That he might make use of the Fleet which Apuleius had got together, and the sum of seven thousand Talents, which Julius Caesar had sent into the City of Deme­triades, with abundance of Ammunitions of War for the attacking of the Parthians. To Cassius was given Syria, and the charge of making War against Dolabella, and an Or­dinance passed, That all such as had Command of any Provinces or Armies belonging to the Ro­man People, should receive Orders from those two Generals.

CHAP. XIX. Antonius's Letter to Hirtius and young Caesar.

ANTONIVS resolved to take this oc­casion to shake the minds of Hirtius and young Caesar, who could not be very well pleased with these demonstrations of good will towards the Murtherers of his Father; therefore though the Letter be something long, in regard it will be for our Instruction in the affairs of that Age, and that in the consequence it had its design'd effect, it will not be improper here to recite the Original, which was in these terms.

CHAP. XX. The Consuls raise Troops for the relief of Deci­mus, which was but one Legion. The man­ner of laying sieges in those times. Ventidius raises Troops for Antonius.

IF this Letter had not much effect upon Hirtius, it caused great reflexions in the mind of young Caesar. For what the Senate had hitherto done, might reasonably be ex­cused, the Ambition of Antonius, and the safety of the Conspiratours were some sort of pretence for them, but when he found that they promoted their Commanders to the highest Power, and that they prosecuted all such as were for revenging the death of his Father, he saw clearly what their designs were, and what measures he was to take, he well knew that the Consulary Dignity car­ried with it all Authority of Command; he saw no Propositions of Rewards, but to the deserting Legions. Nevertheless, as he thought himself engaged in Honour to the War, and being willing to establish his Re­putation by some Illustrious Action, he re­solved to dissemble all with a Prudence much surpassing his Age, so that in all this affair he made not so much as one step against his [Page 345] true Interest. Now it was the custome with Sacrifices to thank the Gods for any Ho­nours received, Caesar had publickly dischar­ged that Duty, and in a short discourse gave his Souldiers to understand, That he thought himself obliged onely to them for his Dignity, since the Senate would never have allowed it him but for their sakes, and that therefore he would mag­nificently reward them. So the Consuls divi­ded their Charges, Pansa went into Italy to raise new Troops, and Hirtius came to Caesar to Command the Army with him. He demanded of him by a private Order from the Senate those two Legions which had quitted Antonius, and which Caesar, without any more adoe, gave him, so their next business was to put their Troops into Quarters. A Legion at that time was much the same thing as a Regiment is now, but something stronger, consisting of about six thousand Foot, and six hundred Horse, which always attended them, a certain num­ber of Archers which were called Launcers, each Legion having its particular Engines and Ammunition. The Constitution too, which was called a Cohort, consisted of about four or five hundred Men. Now the manner of sieges in those times was also very different from what is at this day in Practice, they had no Artillery, nor any other Engines of fire, they always attacked a Town by Scalings, Sappings, or battering Rams; their Scalings were of two sorts, ei­ther with the help of Ladders, or else when [Page 346] the Wall was not very high, the Souldiers covered with their Bucklers, made their ap­proaches, those who were nearest stood up­right with their Bucklers upon their heads, those who followed stooping a little, till the rere Rank, who were either upon their Knees, or lay flat with their Bellies on the ground, so the others mounted upon them, and this was that which they called the Tortoise. The Sapping is still in use; and for the Ram, it was a great Beam armed with a Head of Iron hanging by Cords upon four Joysts set upright, and fastened toge­ther at the top. This Engine was set in motion, and forc't violently against the Wall, which sometimes took effect accordingly, but when the Wall was very thick, and the Garrison strong, the last recourse which the Besiegers usually had was to Famine. And this was that which now pressed the Troops of Decimus, he gave notice of it by Letters to Hirtius and Caesar, who left their Quarters to go to his Relief, and came and encamped themselves near Antonius's Lines. He was much stronger than they, but as it was a difficult Countrey, full of Ditches, and he having a River to pass over, durst not at­tack them. Cicero at this time governed in Rome with an absolute Authority, and there it was that he made use of his great Talent of Wit which he employed chiefly in rai­sing Money at the expence of Antonius's Friends, who were called to account with the extremest Rigour. Ventidius, who was a [Page 347] Souldier of Fortune, and a particular Friend to Antonius, upon this Persecution quitted the City, and being well known for his Valour, and beloved by the Souldiers, he raised two Legions in Italy, where all Iulius Caesar's Souldiers were dispersed in a great number, and with these he resolved to re­lieve Antonius. But to doe him first one signal service, he caused several Troops pri­vately to enter into Rome, where he design'd to have feiz'd upon Cicero; this Enterprise occasioned great fear through all the City, several fled with their whole Families, and amongst the rest, Cicero himself, sufficiently affrighted, so that by this means Ventidius failed of his design, and that Man who af­terwards so gallantly signalized himself by defeating the Parthians, marched with his Army towards Modena, but Hirtius and Caesar cut off his passage, and forced him to retreat towards the Marsh of Ancona, where he rai­sed another Legion to those he had already, which afterwards proved a great succour to Antonius.

CHAP. XXI. A Battel between Antonius's Troops and Cae­sar's, joined with the Consuls. Pansa mor­tally mounded. Caesar's Troops are beaten. Hirtius comes to their relief, and defeats An­tonius.

IN this manner both Parties daily fortified themselves, and Pansa, who had raised four Legions of new Souldiers, sent word to Hirtius and Caesar to take care for the safety of his passage, he could not come to them but by narrow passes through the Woods, which they sent the Martial Le­gion and their two Companies of Guards to take possession of; there was a certain Causway which went a-cross a Marsh, at the coming out of the Woods, and at the end of the Causway a large Burrough Town, called Forum Gallorum, at present Castell Fran­co, between Modena and Bulloigne. Into this Town Antonius put his two best Legions, which were the second and the thirty third, and his Company of Guards, together with that of Sillanus: before him he placed his Cavalry and his Archers to intice on the Enemy, and cover his Legions, for he would not have had them known that he had brought them thither; Galba Commanded the Consuls Van-Guard with Carsuleius, the Colonel of the Martial Legion. Their Soul­diers were incouraged at the sight of the [Page 349] Cavalry, and past the Causway briskly with the two Companies; Pansa came galloping to the head of the Troops, after having or­dered the two new Legions softly to follow him, he formed his order of Battel with twelve Cohorts of the Martial Legion, and the Companies of Guards taking the left Wing, where the Guards were with two Cohorts of the Legion, and leaving the right with the other eight to Galba. At the same time Antonius drew his Legions out of the Town, and charged the Enemy e'er the new Legions could come up, the place was blocked up, and the Souldiers very much provoked. Antonius's Legions were for re­venging themselves upon the Martial, who had deserted them; and on the other side the Martials were as firmly resolved to main­tain their Honour, so that by this means the Battel became a particular Quarrel between the Souldiers, who immediately fell on with all fierceness, they could not open their Ranks, but fought at Swords Point, every blow they gave each other, gave a wound too, no cries of pain were heard, but shouts of Fury, and in the very moment that one man was knocked down or slain, the body was carried off, and another advanced into his place, these being all old Souldiers, who had no need of Commanders to make them understand their Duty. At last the Con­suls right Wing, where Galba Commanded, gave ground to the thirty third Legion for above a hundred paces. But as Galba saw [Page 350] that Antonius's Moorish Cavalry gained upon his Flanck, he drew up his Archers against him, and drew off his Companies. In the mean time Pansa, who on his side had en­gaged himself a little too far, was hemmed in, and received a wound with a half Pike in the Belly, which forc't him to be carried off. His being wounded so astonished the Souldiers, that they possessed themselves of the Causway in great disorder, when the new Troops, instead of seconding of them began immediately to fly, and were followed by all the rest of the Army, except Caesar's company of Guards, who made head upon the Causway with Galba, and were cut to pieces. Galba saved himself on Horseback, and had like to have been slain by his own very Party, who were rallied hard by a Fort which Torquatus the Questor had cau­sed in haste to be thrown up. The Office of Questor was in the nature of a Treasu­rer General, but he had also Command over the Troops. The Martial Legion mad with spight and shame, made head in this place, refusing to enter the Fort, Antonius admiring their Virtue, durst not charge them under that Fortification, but having made a great slaughter amongst the new Souldiers, who fled in disorder, retreated. Caesar was at this Battel, where he mingled himself even in the midst, but the shoal of those who ran away, carried him with them, not­withstanding he endeavoured all he could to the contrary. Nevertheless, Antonius has [Page 351] Reproached him since that he lost his Coat of Arms and his Horse there, and did not appear in two days afterwards. Hirtius, who was near Modena, marched upon the first news of the Battel with twenty Co­horts, and with so great diligence, that though he had near sixty stades to Travell, he came up with Antonius's Troops, who were retrea­ting disorderly after their Victory, he char­ged them furiously, but those brave men, though so surprized, made yet a vigorous resistence, but at last were forc't to give way, Hirtius pursuing them Pell-mell even into the Marsh, where he durst not engage him­self, and the night too coming on, forc't him to a retreat. The Marsh was covered with the dead and wounded, and Antonius's Soul­diers, notwithstanding the fatigue of the Battel, remained still all the night a Horse­back to fetch off their wounded Compani­ons, whom they carried some behind them, and drew off others at their Horses Tails, so that by this means a great many were pre­served. The loss was equal on both sides in the first Battel, but in the second Hirtius had very few Men slain, having taken two Eagles and several other Colours, but Caesar's company of Guards being intirely destroyed, were bewailed extremely.

CHAP. XXII. Antonius defeated by Hirtius and Caesar. The death of Hirtius. The raising of the siege of Modena. Brutus writes to Cicero.

AFTER the Battel both Armies re­turned to their Camps about Modena, where Antonius resolved onely to defend his Lines without hazarding a second Battel: On the other side Hirtius and Caesar were for Engaging, and there daily happened very se­vere skirmishes. At last the Consul began to move towards that side of the Mountain, where Antonius's Camp was least fortified, to try if he could put any relief into the Town, Antonius immediately opposed them with his Cavalry, who were beaten from their ground, so that he was forced to cause two Legions to advance. The Enemy re­joycing at these proceedings, charged those Troops, when the two Legions giving ground, Antonius sent away for another, but the cir­cumvallation reached so far, and their Suc­cours were so long a time coming, that the two Legions were totally put to the Rout. Hirtius followed his advantage very vigo­rously, entring the Lines, and was already got into the Quarters of Antonius, but was there slain. Caesar got great Honour upon this occasion, he carried off the Consul's Body, and taking the Eagle out of the Stan­dard bearers Hands, who was very much [Page 353] wounded, carried it himself, till the very minute that Antonius's Troops were abso­lutely defeated; the night hindred his total overthrow, and the two Generals continued a Horseback till morning with all their Troops. Then Antonius called a Council of his Friends, who advised him to continue the siege, by reason that the two Consuls were the one wounded, and the other dead, and that Decimus was reduced to the last ex­tremity. But he fearing lest Caesar, who had a great many Pioneers, should carry on his Works between him and the City, and by that means get succours into the place, was afraid also lest those two defeats might loose him Lepidus and Plancus; so he raised the siege, and retreated up to the Mountains to go and join himself with Ventidius. It was doubtless in the heat of joy for this Victory, that Cicero wrote to young Caesar, desiring him in his Letter, That he would be contented to spare the Republick Brutus and Cas­sius. The Letter was sent by Atticus to Brutus, who was very much provoked at it, and complained very sharply of Cicero, who had also reproached Casca with the murther of Caesar. Brutus offended at the proceeding, sent word to Atticus, That that reproach might be returned upon Cicero himself, who had slain more than one Citizen in his Consulship, and was therefore a greater murtherer than ever Casca was. Is it, added he, because we do not quote the Ides of March upon all occasions in and out of Season, as he does his Nones of December, [Page 354] that esteems us less than him? He boasts that he has maintained the War against Antonius, with­out ever having drawn his Sword. What is that to me if for the reward of defeating Antonius, it demanded that one succeed him? This is not any longer, said he, to be afraid of Slavery, but of the Master that imposes it. And in another place, Is it out of fear of Octavius's power that Cicero believes we ought to allow him these Honours? That fear, says he, is foolish, which obliges us to provide against an evil by means that are as bad as the evil we are afraid of, and which perhaps too might have been avoided. We are too much afraid of Death, Banishment and Poverty. These things appear to Cicero as great evils, and provided there he but those that will allow him what he desires, respect him, and praise him, he reckons an honourable Slavery as nothing, if such a thing as Honour can subsist with so great Infamy. In short, not to repeat the whole Letter, he said, That he had no great Opinion of those fine Arts which Cicero was so much a Master of: For what use do we see him make of all that he has written concerning the Liberty of his Countrey, true Honour, Death, Banishment and Poverty. Brutus wrote also to Cicero himself in terms not quite so sharp, but full as pressing, but the Letter is too long to mingle with the body of a History, where it will not appear much to the purpose, besides it is to be seen amongst many others in Cicero's Epistles.

CHAP. XXIII. Decimus speaks to Caesar, who treats him ill. The death of Pansa. His dying words to Caesar.

DECIMVS was at Macedonia, and in great disputes with himself in what manner he ought to proceed with Caesar; but as he knew how irreconcilable a hatred he had reason to expect from him, he thought it his best way to break down all the Bridges that were upon the River, and after that precau­tion he sent a Herald to Caesar, who in the name of Decimus, Gave him thanks for the li­berty which he owed to his relief, and taking all the Romans to Witness, protested that it was onely by mere hazard that Decimus had been ingaged in the unhappy Conspiracy. At last he begged of him, That he would allow of a free interview, the River being between them. Caesar received this discourse very surlily, and made answer, That Decimus owed him no obligation, that he came not thither by any means for his relief, but to fight with Antonius, who nevertheless might one day come to be his Friend, but that Decimus should ever be his mortal Enemy, and that he would neither speak with him, nor see him. Therefore, says he, let him go wherever he has a mind to go, since those who are at Rome will have it for Decimus, who was near the River under­stood this answer, And be [...]ought Caesar that he would onely for the Letters of the Senate, which [Page 356] confirmed him in the Government of Gall, and forbad him admittance into the Province. Caesar, though offended with his insolence, did not think it seasonable at this time to resent it, though he might easily have done it, so he returned to Bulloigne to see Pansa, who lay there wounded; they wrote both to the Se­nate, and at the instance of Cicero there were ordered 50 days of publick Devotions and Thanksgivings, which had never been done for any other Victory before. The promise also of 500 Drachma's to the Legions was confirmed with a farther Provision, that it should be paid to the Widows or Heirs of those who died in Battel. Pansa died of his wounds some few days afterwards, whose death occasioned some suspicion of Caesar, at least the Physician he made use of, one whose name was Glyco, was put into Prison, and accused for having poysoned the wound; but Brutus answered for the Honesty of the Physician, and wrote in his behalf to Cicero, yet still Caesar's Enemies spread the suspici­ons abroad, as also that he had slain Hirtius in the heat of the Battel. But Pansa him­self was so well persuaded to the contrary, that he desired to see him before his death, and thus spoke to him, I loved your Father more than my self, and when he was slain in the Senate, I would have hazarded my own life to have saved his, had I been furnished with Arms. I would doe his Memory Iustice in doing you some Service, which my misfortune hinders me from on this occasion, which should be by advertising you of [Page 357] what designs the Senate have against you, for it is nothing but the fear of your Troops which forces those People to caress you, and they had never al­lowed you those Honours you are at present possessed of, but to fire you more to the destruction of An­tonius. Their business is to dash you to pieces one against the other, by that means to re-establish Pompey's Pa [...]t [...], is being the thing which they most pressingly recommended to Hirtius and me, but the Friendship wherewith Caesar once honou­red me, obliges me to give you such Counsel as I my self would take upon the same occasion, unite your self with Antonius, for it is the onely way to preserve your life and advance your Fortune. I could not with Honour have given you this advice sooner, because it would have betrayed the Trust which they reposed in me, but at present, since Antonius is ouerthrown, Hirtius dead, and I just following him, I think my self discharged of my Oath, and therefore may acquit my self of what I owe to the memory of Caesar. I surrender you your Troops, and would also restore you those which the Senate gave me, did I not fear it might cause their aversion towards you, for the Commanders are but so many private Spies upon our Conduct, so I would have you consent that they may be put into the hands of Torquatus. He died about a quarter of an hour afterwards, having gi­ven his Troops to Torquatus, who by orders from the Senate, carried them to Decimus, and Caesar sent the Bodies of the two Con­suls to Rome with great Magnificence.

CHAP. XXIV. Cassius in Syria. He raises great Forces. The Conduct of Cleopatra. Brutus defeats An­tonius's Brother, and takes him Prisoner.

IN this manner the Senate endeavoured by all sort of ways to re-establish their Au­thority, and the news which came from the East gave them very great hopes of it. Cas­sius arriving in Syria, found the Legions in that Province revolted, by reason of the death of Julius. Sextus, who was a young Man, and a Kinsman of Iulius Caesar, who had left him there upon Honour to Command a Legion, whereof Cacilius Bassus was Tri­bune or Colonel. This young Man lived very disorderly, and when Bassus advised him to reform his Conduct, he used him ill, so that the Souldiers provoked to see their Colonel affronted fell to Mutiny, and in the Tumult Sextus was slain. They well knew that Caesar, who was then alive, would not forgive them that fault, so they desperately resolved to stand by what they had done, and debauched also another Legion into their Crime, Caesar sent orders to Marcus to re­duce them to their Obedience with three Legions which he Commanded, but the Mutineers got the better of him so far, that he was forced to demand the assistence of Crispus, who had three other Legions in Bi­thynia, they had besieged Bassus, who defen­ded [Page 359] himself very well, when after the death of Caesar, Cassius with the Senates orders ar­rived in the Province. The Mutineers were transported with this occasion, so they declared immediately for the Senate, and Cassius managed it so well, that he brought over Marcus and Crispus also into his Inte­rest, by that means re-uniting all those Troops under his own Command. He had also notice that Alienus was in Palestine with four Legions that Cleopatra had raised, and which she had put into Alienus's hands by the Command of Dolabella. Cleopatra reig­ned then in Aegypt by the Authority of Cae­sar, who loved her, and had placed her upon the Throne after the death of her Brother, and it was in acknowledgment of those fa­vours, that she had raised these Troops to offer him their service, when he should march against the Parthians. The death of this great Man had altered those thoughts to others of Revenge, so understanding that Dolabella was in Syria, and that he had de­clared himself against Caesar's Murtherers by the death of Tr [...]bonius, she sent him those Legions under the Command of Alienus. Cassius, with his Army marched against him, which forced Alienus, finding he was not strong enough to give him Battel with the four Legions to go over to his side, by which means Cassius was in a short time at the head of 12 Legions. He imparted this good news to all his Friends, and went afterwards to besiege Dolabella in Laodicea, which is a [Page 360] City of Syria. On the other side, Brutus in Macedonia, the Government whereof Hor­tentius had put into his hands, by the means of Apuloius's Money had drawn to him all such of Pompey's Souldiers as were in Thessaly, and all the Neighbouring Princes, who still had a respect for the Memory of Pompey, as­sisted him with their Troops, so that the whole World was again divided between two Men, for they were no more, since it was in effect the Credit of Caesar and Pom­pey which kept up the War between those of their several Parties, Cajus the Brother of Antonius was gone with one Legion into Macedonia, where Brutus, who was much stronger than he, might easily have destroy­ed him, but resolving to Husband well the lives of his Fellow Citizens, and the Re­pute which he had already gotten for great Moderation, he contented himself to weary him out with moving from one place to another, and it was Cicero's Son who Com­manded the Party against him. He was as yet but a young Man, though of great ex­pectation, and Brutus praised him extremely in the Letters which he wrote to Cicero. He got the better of Cajus in two or three little encounters, the ill success whereof at last was the reason that all Cajus his Souldiers surrendred themselves to Brutus, and he him­self was at last forc't to follow their exam­ple. Brutus used him very well, without de­priving him of any marks of his Dignity till the death of Cicero.

CHAP. XXV. Caesar demands the Honour of Triumph, which is refused him. He attempts the Consulship by Cicero's interference.

THE news of these proceedings was re­ceived in Italy with very different sen­timents, the Senate were extremely rejoiced at it, but young Caesar seemed to have a very little share in their pleasure, the last ad­vice of Pansa wholly employed his thoughts, and to sound the inclinations of the Senate, he sent to demand a Triumph, but that Ho­nour was denied to Caesar, who from the very moment resolved to use his best indea­vours to re-unite himself with Antonius. He sent him back all the Prisoners which he had taken at the Battel of Modena, and amongst the rest Decius, a particular friend of Anto­nius having first discovered to him his in­tentions, he let Ventidius's Army pass, which he might have destroyed, and also saw him particularly himself, to complain to him of the Divisions that ruined the interest of their Party. At last he sent to Lepidus, and Pollio, to give them to understand the same thing, and all this with the greatest secrecy in the world. In the mean time Decimus wrote word to the Senate that Antonius was ruined, that he was not able to stand before him, and that he would undertake in a short time to chase him to the other side of the Alps, the [Page 362] joy for this news was every where apparent, so without any farther consideration a Com­mittee was appointed of ten Senatours for the drawing up of a Process against Antonius, and abolishing all that he had done during his Consulship. This was an oblique blow with which they intended to wound the Or­dinances of Iulius Caesar. Those of Pompey's Party solicited Decimus that he would de­mand the Consulship in the room of Hir­tius and Pansa. Caesar also had the same design, but discovered it at first onely to Cicero, to whom he sent word, That he much desired to see himself once Consul with him, that so he might be instructed in those rules and methods which are requisite for the government of the Commonwealth. That for his part he onely desired the name of Con­sul, to recompence himself in some measure for the loss of his Triumph, but that he would leave the Authority intirely to Cicero. He could not have thought of any thing better to prevail upon the weakness of that Man, all his great knowledge and experience gave way to that bait of Vain-glory, so he proposed it to the Senate with a great many circumlocutions, which nevertheless could not disguise it so well, but that his vanity was perceived, and made light of by the Senate, who laughed at him for his pains, and the Kinsmen of the Conspiratours hindred any farther proceed­ing towards the Election of Consuls.

CHAP. XXVI. Antonius makes his retreat into Gall. He makes himself Master of Lepidus's Army. He returns into Italy with seventeen Legions.

ANTONIVS began now to understand his true interest, those Friends which Caesar had sent to him, had opened his Eyes, but he had a mind in the first place throughly to discover the intentions of Lepidus, who was advanced out of Spain as far as the place where the Rivers of Rhone and Saone meet; the Senate had given orders to him and Plancus to fortify themselves in that place, and it was at this time that Plancus laid the foundation of the City of Lyons. Antonius passed over the Alps, having first gained Cu­le [...], who guarded the narrow passages, in all that march his Army suffered most extreme­ly, and Antonius even out-did himself in in­structing his Souldiers by his own example to indure their weariness and their wants; at last he came and incamped hard by Lepidus, but fortified himself not in the least, because he would make it known that he thought himself near his Friends. Nevertheless Lepidus sent him word that the Senate had given him orders to prosecute him as an Enemy, but An­tonius, who had let his beard and hair grow, came and shewed himself in that condition to Lepidus's Souldiers, they had all served with him under Iulius Caesar, esteemed him for [Page 364] his Courage, and the Civility of his Man­ners, so that the condition they now saw him in, moved them to compassion; he spoke to them several times between the two Camps, where they would meet him, though Lepidus did all that lay in his power to pre­vent it. Antonius Souldiers were dayly telling them stories of the goodness of their Gene­ral, that he marched the first on foot into the middle of the Snow himself, comfor­ting those whom he saw were wearied, which gained the very hearts of them; at last, Lepidus perceiving that he was no longer Master of his Troops, that they had sent Claudius and Laelius to Antonius to invite him to come into their Camp, where they would receive him for their General, and at the same time cut off Lepidus, if he would give them Orders. Antonius forbad them the doing of him any violence, and the next day passed over a shallow part of the River, which separated them, and came into Lepi­dus's Camp. The Souldiers received him with great Acclamations, and Lepidus being very much terrified, offered him his Com­mand. Antonius refused it, but was willing to divide with him, though the Authority should still remain intirely his. Plancus, who was loath to expose himself to the like dis­grace, past Iserum with four Legions, and re­treated into Savoy, as if he had a design of joining himself with Decimus, but it was in­deed to make choice of his Party according as Fortune should declare her self. By this [Page 365] means Antonius was at the head of 23 Le­gions, and above ten thousand Horse, he left six Legions on the other side of the Alps, under the Command of one of his drinking Companions, called Varius, but in railery sirnamed Cotyllo, (that word signifying a Fla­gon) and returned over the Mountains with 17 Legions and all his Cavalry.

CHAP. XXVII. Caesar pursues the Consulship. He speaks to his Souldiers. He marches towards Rome. The fright the Senate were in.

NOW to make the best use of that a­mazement which this success of An­tonius had brought into Rome, Caesar resolved once more to set his design on foot of pur­suing the Consulship. The Senate had changed their method, they had declared Caesar General with Decimus, to make War against Antonius, but at the same time had offended him by a foolish way of proceed­ing, in sending ten Commissaries to carry the Money, which had been promised to the two Legions, without naming himself for that employment. These Commissaries had private orders to endeavour to corrupt the Souldiers of the two Legions, and to persuade them to go and join Decimus, where it was told them their Money should be rea­dy; [Page 366] but Caesar took care they should be so well lookt after, that they could get no op­portunity of speaking to the Souldiers; and when he let them understand how well he was informed of their design, they were so afraid, that they returned to Rome without ever so much as distributing the money. Caesar took this occasion to convince his Souldiers, That what the Senate aimed at, was onely the destruction of his Father's Party by the divisions they indeavoured to sow amongst them; so he unravelled all the secret of that Policy which had caused so many waverings be­tween him and Antonius. He made them take notice how they indeavoured to raise jealousie amongst his Troops, by that di­stinction of Recompences, and after all, the last attempt which they had made towards the weakning of Caesar's Ordinances. What security, said he, can ye pretend to have now for those Houses, those Inheritances, and those Goods which my Father allotted you? Do ye not believe also that my life must be in danger amongst the Relations and Friends of those who cruel [...]y mur­thered him? But it is not the care of that which most nearly touches me, I would give it up with chearfulness, if that Sacrifice would secure the safety of so many Men of consideration as have followed my interests; ye know that I am not Ambitious, and ye have seen me too refuse those mar [...]s of Honour which ye have offered me, but I desire some of you at present, in consideration of your selves, the onely way to preserve your Lives and Fortunes, must be the making of me Consul [Page 367] by your Votes, after that, we will make it our business to secure you in the possession of those Goods which my Father left you. We will revenge his death, and shall be in a better condition for the distribution of Rewards. The Souldiers received this Proposition with a great deal of Joy, and immediately named Deputies to go and make their demand to the Senate, who re­turned no favourable answer, excusing them­selves in regard of Caesar's Youth. But the Deputies being well instructed, alledged Corvinus, the two Scipio's, Pompey and Do­labella, who had all obtained that Magistracy before they came to Age, and that Caesar himself had a dispensation from the Senate. They spoke these things with a certain Souldier-like Li­berty, which was not very agreeable to the Senatours, who interrupted them with cry­ing out against it, when a certain Captain called Cornelius, who was the first of the Deputies, laying his Hand upon his Sword, said, If ye will not give it him, here's▪ that shall. After these words he left the Senate, and returned to give Caesar an account of the ill success of his Deputation. The Souldiers provoked by their refusal, cryed out, That they desired to be lead to Rome, and that Caesar as Heir to his Father, had sufficient Authority to make whom he pleased Consuls. He took care this heat of theirs should not grow cold again, so he marched towards Rome with eight Legions, and passed the Rubicon as his Father had done before; he divided his Ar­my into two Bodies, the briskest whereof [Page 368] he took with him, that he might surprize his Enemies by his diligence, leaving orders with the rest to come and join him by small marches, and understanding that the Senate had deputed new Commissaries with the Money, he sent out a party of Souldiers be­fore to meet them, which so terrified them, that they immediately returned to Rome.

CHAP. XXVIII. The Senates want of resolution. Caesar enters into the City. He treats Cicero ill, and is declared Consul with Pedius.

NOW there was nothing but disorder to be found in the City, and as it usual­ly happened upon the like occasions every Senatour was for laying the blame of their ill Conduct upon his Neighbour, but that was now to little purpose, for some resolu­tion must be taken, so it was concluded, That one half of the Money which the Senate had promised to the two Legions, should be sent them, together with a farther promise of as much more to the others. That Caesar onely should have the care of the distribution of this Money, and be per­mitted to demand the Consulship, though he were not himself there present. So Deputies were sent to acquaint him with these Resolutions, but the very moment after they appeared again too mean as well as too rash. Some [Page 369] foolish remainders of that fierceness which was natural to those ancient Romans, made them ashamed to yield thus to the procee­dings of a young Man, and the insolence of the Souldiery. By chance too at the same time two Legions who came from Libya ar­rived at the Gates of the City, they were received as a Succour sent thither from the Gods, and it was resolved with these Troops, and the Legion that Pansa had sent back to the Senate, joined with such as were fit to bear Arms within the Walls to defend the City. So Pretors were appointed to Command them, and great hopes there seemed to be that these marks of their Courage and Re­solution might astonish Caesar. His Mother and his Sisters were in the City, but when the Senate caused them to be sought for, to secure them as Hostages, they were not to be found, which was an instance that Caesar had still some faithfull Friends there; the danger that those Persons who were so dear to him were in, had made him to redouble his diligence, so he sent his Cavalry with all the haste they could make to seize upon the Gates, and assure the People of his good In­tentions, himself following close at their Heels with his Legions, the sight whereof soon moderated the Zeal of those Men who appeared so hot for the defence of their Countrey, so without any resistence they seized upon the Quirinal Mountain, where Caesar's Friends, and the most Illustrious of the Senatours came to salute him. The [Page 370] People mingled themselves amongst the Souldiers, bringing them refreshments, and the next day Caesar, attended by some of the best of his Men for the guard of his Person, made his entrance into the City, where he was every where received with the joyfull Acclamations of the People, and met by his Mother and Sisters, who had been re­treated amongst the Vestals. His Mother was called Actia, the Daughter of Actius Balbus, and Iulia the Sister of Iulius Caesar, and his Sisters all bore the name of Octavia, the youngest whereof afterwards Married An­tonius, though she proved unfortunate in the Match, by reason of the madness where­with Cleopatra had bewitched that Man, though Octavia had much the advantage of her both in Beauty and Wisedom, which made her esteemed for one of the most Vertuous Ladies of her time. The three Legions that were in the City, sent also to offer their service to Caesar, who received them with the Pretors that Commanded them, all, except Cornutus, who slew him­self with his own hands. Cicero was one of the last in paying him his Devoirs, and Cae­sar after some sharp railery, told him, That he was the last of his Enemies who had visited him. It had been reported to Caesar how Cicero should say in the Senate, That the young man ought to be praised, honoured, and advanced. The last word bearing in the Latine a double Inter­pretation, for Tollere signifies as well to take away ones life, so that the equivocation [Page 371] seemed something remarkable. The next night several Persons spread about a report that the Martial and third Legions would take Party with the Senate, who had no more Wit but to believe it, and sent a Pre­tor, whose Name was Acilius Crassus into the March of Ancona to raise Forces. The Senatours Assembled themselves, and Cicero, offended at Caesar's railery, was one of the first who came to the place, receiving the others as they entred with a great deal of Joy. But day appearing, soon convinced them of their Errour, and Cicero fled out of the City. It would be hard to believe that such prudent and discerning Men as were then in the Senate should be so fickle, were we not convinced by a thousand experiences, that great Interests as well as violent Passions will disorder the most solid Judgments. Cae­sar made himself very merry with this acci­dent, but caused his Troops to approach as far as the Field of Mars, and to persuade a good Opinion of his moderation, he forgave Crassus, who came to seek him, and ask his Pardon. After which, he caused the pub­lick Money, which was kept at Ianiculum, to be brought, whereof he paid 2500 Drachma's to every Souldier, and promised satisfaction for what was behind, so they proceeded to the Election of Consuls, and Caesar to leave the People in appearance the liberty of their Votes, went out of the City and was declared Consul with Pedius, who had granted him his part of what his [Page 372] Uncle had left them, he immediately came back again so soon as he understood he was chosen, and it is said, That as he was sacri­ficing according to Custome, there were seen twelve Vultures, being the same num­ber which appeared to Romulus the Founder of Rome. His first publick act was the De­claration which he made to the People of Iulius Caesar's having adopted him according to the intention of the Law in that Case, so the Adoption was confirmed, and his Fathers [...]eed-men, many whereof were in possession of great Estates, according to Custome ac­knowledged him for their Patron, and af­terwards did him very considerable service both in their Persons and their Fortunes.

CHAP. XXIX. Caesar causes Brutus and Cassius to be Condem­ned, with all those who had murthered his Vncle. Antonius pursues Decimus, who is at last slain.

AS all the thoughts of young Caesar were intent upon revenging the death of his Father, he no sooner saw the Sovereign Au­thority in his hands, but he set himself se­riously to work about the business, so cau­sing the Arrest which the Senate had sent out against Dolabella to be cancelled, Brutus and Cassius were accused of Treason and Murther by Cornificius and This man was of no great Fa­mily, but was after­wards the chief Fa­vourite of Augustus, by reason of his Valour and Merit, he married Julia the Daughter of Augu­stus, the Name of his Family was Vip­sallius. Agrippa, and the other Accomplices by others of Caesar's Friends, the Accused were all Condemned for Contumacy, and it is said, that when (as the Custome was) Brutus was cited to appear, many could not forbear from weep­ing, and a Senatour named Sicilius, had the boldness to declare, That Brutus was innocent, and valued himself upon the matter. Caesar took that opportunity to make yet his moderation more remarkable in pardoning of him for the present, but found a way afterwards to be revenged of him in the Proscription of the Triumvirate. Quintus Gallius, the Bro­ther of a Pretor, was afterwards accused, for that at the solicitations of Antonius, he had Conspired against Caesar, the People plundered the House of the Pretor, who [Page 374] was not then at Rome, and the Senate Con­demned Quintus to death, Caesar onely orde­red him to go and find out his Brother, but he disappeared in his Journey, and was no more heard of. In the mean time news was brought, that Brutus, who was in Ma­cedonia, had published, That he would come and appear to Iustice at the head of twenty Legions. Caesar, who did not desire he should be so well accompanied, was resolved to spare him one half of the Journey. The Senate had given him the charge of making War against Antonius and Lepidus, he went from Rome upon this expedition with great preparation and very good Troops, leaving Pedius his Collegue in the City, who, as of his own proper motion proposed to the Senate, That all seeds of Division might be rooted out by Can­celling whatsoever had been ordered against Anto­nius and Lepidus. This Proposition was by no means very agreeable, but the Authority of those who made it, rendred it necessary, so the Senate wrote to Caesar for his Opinion of the matter, who as if with some violence upon himself, and being forced by his Soul­diers, at last consented to it. In acknow­ledgment of this good turn, Antonius sent him word that he would go and find out Decimus, whose Person was very odious to all Iulius Caesar's Friends, and Plancus and Pollio in consideration of Caesar, joined An­tonius's Army with six Legions, Decimus had ten under his Command, but the four best of them, who consisted of old Souldiers, [Page 375] were in a very ill condition, by reason of the sickness and other Fatigues which they had suffered in Modena, the six others were new Men, without any experience, so that he durst not stay for Antonius with those For­ces, but laid a design of retreating into Ma­cedonia by the way of Ravenna, and the A­driatick Gulph, but Caesar opposed him there with his Troops, so that Decimus was redu­ced to a necessity of thinking how he might pass the Rhine, and make his retreat good through Germany. The fatigues and dan­gers of this Voyage so ill rellished with the new Souldiers, that they deserted him, and came over to Antonius's Army, Decimus seeing himself by this means aban­doned by all his Infantry, dismist all the stranger Cavalry who were with him, and out of his own Purse furnished them with Money for the charge of their Voyage, re­taining onely with him three hundred of those who were best disposed to his interest, with this attendance he marched as far as the Rhine, when being affrighted at the rapidness of the stream, and the largeness of the River, each man was for seeking a civil pretence of drawing off, so there remained with Deci­mus onely ten of his Friends. In this extre­mity he put on a Gallick habit to disguise himself, and as he perfectly understood that Language, he believed he might easily pass for some Cavalier that had quitted the ser­vice. But the misfortune that followed him, or rather the punishment of his Crime [Page 376] brought him into the hands of certain Mo­roders, who without taking any Party, were for plundering all they met withall; he de­manded to speak with their Captain, and found by chance that it was one Camillus, whom he had formerly obliged, this Camil­lus received Decimus indeed very honoura­bly, but according to the Custome of those sort of People, gave advice to Antonius of what had happened; Antonius was touched with much Compassion to understand the sad condition of a man so considerable for his Birth, and the great Offices he had born, but as he could doe him no favour, and was therefore resolved not to see him, he sent word to Camillus to send him his Head, which was immediately obeyed, and when it was brought to him, he caused it to be buried, so He was called De­cimus Ju­nius Brutus. Decimus was the second of Iu­lius Caesar's Murtherers, upon whom the death of that great Man was revenged; he had always been of his Party against Pompey, and Caesar had honoured him with a particu­lar Friendship, as appears in his Will. He had upon many great occasions made him Commander of his Cavalry, and at last had given him the Government of Gaul, which were things that made his Action appear by so much the more Infamous and Horrible. Another of the Murtherers called Basilius, perished also at the same time by the hands of his Slaves, whom he had treated with all manner of Cruelty.

CHAP. XXX. Presages which were before the Triumvirate. The Alliance of Caesar, Antonius and Lepidus, called the Triumvirate. They meet in a cer­tain Island. Their Ordinances.

NOthing so much satisfies the Pride of Mankind, as the Opinion whereby they flatter themselves with being able to foresee what shall happen, since by that means they imagine they are in some degree equal to the Gods, and it was doubtless that presumption which first introduced Augu­ries, Presages and all those sorts of Divi­nings, and which so much recommended them to the Romans. All their Histories are full of them, but more particularly upon this occasion. They believed that something must have been wanting to the importance of that great Issue which overthrew the estate of the whole Universe, and laid the foundation of the greatest Empire that ever was in the World upon the Ruines of the Roman Commonwealth, if it had not been foretold by Prodigies. Dogs were heard to howl round about the City like Wolves, and Wolves were seen running even about the Market place, where they took away the Meat from the Shambles; an Ox spoke, as also did an Infant, as it was fresh born from the Womb of its Mother; some of the Statues sweated bloud, and others water; [Page 378] terrible signs were seen round about the Sun. At last showres of Stones fell from Heaven, and the Temples and Images of the Gods were broken with Thunder. The Senate terrified with these Prodigies, sent into Tuscany for those Men called Augures, who professed the explanation of these sort of Prodigies, and out of this Countrey it was that this Superstition first came into Rome. The eldest Augure said, That by these Presa­ges the Gods foretold the restoring of Kings to Rome, where they should have absolute Command over all men, except, said he, my self, and at these words he held his breath so obstinate­ly, that he stifled himself in the midst of the Assembly. The success was but too an­swerable to his Conjectures. Caesar and An­tonius were united by the means of Lepidus, who obliged them to see one another for the adjusting of their pretensions; for this inter­view was chosen a little Island made by the River Panarus hard by Modena, hither Caesar and Antonius came, each with four Legions, the River being between them, Lepidus first went over alone into the Island, to discover if there were reason to fear any surprizal, when he had satisfied himself, he held up his Robe, which was a signal for them to approach, Caesar and Antonius advanced, each with 300 Men a-piece, whom they left at the foot of those Bridges which had been made there for that present purpose, and onely themselves entred the Island, where they imbraced, and afterwards sate down in [Page 379] an open place, where both the Armies might see every thing that passed. Caesar, as he was Consul, sate in the midst, so they spent a­bout two or three days there for the regula­ting their interests. This was towards the end of November, in the year above dated. At last it was agreed upon, That Caesar should quit the Quality of Consul, the Title whereof should be left to Ventidius for the rest of the year, That the Supreme Authority should be divi­ded between those three in the same manner as it had been executed by Consuls, That they should keep it for the space of five years under the name of Triumviri, and in the Quality of the Refor­mers of the Commonwealth, That they should cause that Authority to be confirmed by the Roman People, That Antonius should have all intire on the other side of the Alps, Lepidus that on this side of the Alps, with Spain, and Caesar Afri­ca, with the Isles of Sardignia, and Sicily, That Italy should remain in Common, as also the Ea­stern Provinces, which were at present in the possession of Brutus and Cassius. In this man­ner, says Plutarch, did these men divide the World between them, as if it had been their Inheritance. The charge of making War upon the Conspiratours was given to Anto­nius, and Caesar, while Lepidus was to stay at Rome with four Legions. To Antonius's Troops were added four more, and three to Caesar's, to the end that they might each have an Army of twenty Legions; after­wards they disposed the matter of Rewards, and that Article was indeed of great impor­tance [Page 380] for the retaining of the Troops in their Obedience; then was it ordered, That the Lands and Houses of 18 of the best Cities of Italy which should be chosen out by the Trium­viri, according as they found reason to be angry with them, should be abandoned in propriety to the Souldiers. The greatest of them were Ca­pua, Regium, Benevent, Luceria, Rimini and Vibonia. All this was regulated without the least contest or dispute, but they appea­red something divided as to the revenge they resolved to take upon their Enemies; Anto­nius first demanded Cicero, whom Caesar by some remainders of Friendship which he re­tained for him would have preserved; Caesar would have Lucius sirnamed like himself, Caesar, and Antonius's Uncle, and Lepidus was resolved to get rid of his Brother Pau­lus, who had appeared so violent in prosecu­ting his Condemnation, when he joined with Antonius. At last hatred got the better of Friendship, so Caesar abandoned Cicero, for Lucius, and Lepidus had permission to put his Brother to death, and that their revenge too might appear the greater, they resolved to imitate the manner that Marius and Sylla had made use of. Upon a Tablet was written in great Letters the name of the Man Con­demned, and this Tablet was set up in the publick place, which was the thing they cal­led Proscription. From this moment any man might kill those who were Proscribed, and as great Rewards were set upon their Heads, it was very hard for any of them to [Page 381] escape the fury of the Souldiers animated by their Interests. These terrible Articles being written and signed, Caesar went to declare them to the Armies, who gave testimony of their exceeding Joy thereat, and then all the Souldiers of the three Armies came to­gether, and mutually treated and entertained each other. In this manner was concluded that famous Triumvirate, the consequences whereof were so terrible, and which gave the last blow to the Roman Liberty. The Triumvirate is a Latine word, signifying a Partnership between three Men, that of a Triumvir serving to express any one of them.

CHAP. XXXI. The Decree of the Triumvirate. The Proscrip­tion. Murthers up and down the City.

THE Triumviri having thus established their Authority, drew up a Roll of all those they resolved should die, wherein though hatred seemed to have the greatest part, yet Interest also at last came in for her share. They wanted a great deal of Money for the carrying on of the War against Bru­tus and Cassius, who found powerfull Suc­cours in the Riches of Asia, and from the assistence of the Eastern Princes, when on the other side these had onely Europe for their share, and especially Italy, which had been wasted, and drained by long Civil Wars; they laid great Imposts upon Salt and other Merchandizes, but that not being suf­ficient, they consulted with themselves to proscribe a great many of the richest Men of Rome, and so make advantage by the Con­fiscation of their Estates, but first they de­clared onely the names of seventeen Persons who were the most heinous Enemies of these three Princes, Paulus was the first in the behalf of Lepidus his Brother; Lucius Caesar followed Paulus, by Caesar's Order, and Cicero for Antonius; after these, were named Plancus and Plotius his Brother designed Con­suls for the year insuing, the Father-in-Law of Pollio, and Thoranius, Caesar's Procuratour. [Page 383] The Decree of Proscription began in these Terms.

Marcus Lepidus, Marcus Antonius, and Octavius Caesar, Chosen for the Reformation of the Commonwealth. If the Generosity of Julius Caesar had not persuaded him to pardon those faithless Men, and give them besides the lives they were unworthy of, Honours also, and Offices which they deserved as little, after having taken up Arms against his Person, he had not fallen so cruelly by their Treason, nor should we have been forced to use the ways of Rigour against those who have declared us Enemies to our Countrey, but the hatefull designs which they have formed against us, the horrible Treachery they shewed towards Cae­sar, and the knowledge which we have of their Malice and Obstinacy in their pernicious Opinions force us to prevent those Evils which may fall upon us. The rest contained a justification of the Triumvirates proceedings, founded upon the advantages which Caesar had acquired to the Romans by his Victories, the ingrati­tude of his Murtherers, who had been al­most all of them honoured by his Benefi­cence, and by his Friendship, the necessity of punishing those Enemies, who by their Ar­tifices might involve the City of Rome in unhappy Divisions, while Caesar and Anto­nius were employed against Brutus and Cassius, and the Example of Sylla. At last, after having implored the assistence of the Gods, and good Fortune, they concluded thus, That no man should dare to receive, conceal, or help to escape any of those who wer [...] Proscribed upon any [Page 384] pretence whatsoever, nor to give them Money, or other relief, nor to hold any intelligence with them upon pain of being put into the fame state with­out hopes of pardon. That whosoever should bring in the head of a Proscribed Man, should have 2000 Crowns, if a Freed-man, and if he were a Slave, his liberty and 1000 Crowns. That the Slave who should kill his Master, should have besides that, moreover the right of a free Citizen. That the same reward should be given to those wh [...] should declare the place where any Proscribed Man was retreated, and that the name of the Discoverer should not be written in any Register or other Memorial, to the end that it might never be known who he was. The Souldiers arrived before the Decree, and killed at first four of the Proscripts, some in their Lodgings, and others in the Streets, after which they ran up and down to the Houses and the Temples, causing a general Terrour, nothing was to be heard but cries and lamentations, and in regard the Decree was not yet made publick, every one was afraid, and fansied himself in the number of those that were Condemned, some even became so very desperate, that they resolved to involve the whole City in their destruction, and set it on fire, Pedius hindred this disorder by cau­sing it to be published, That onely some few of the Enemies of the Triumvirate were sought af­ter, and that the others had nothing to be afraid of. So the next day he caused to be posted up the names of those seventeen who were Condemned, but heated himself so much [Page 385] with running up and down to satisfie the minds of the People, that he died the night following.

CHAP. XXXII. The entry of the Triumvirate into Rome. Mur­thers committed, and the sad condition which that City was in.

AFTER this the Triumvirate made their entry into the City upon three several days, Caesar upon the first, Antonius upon the second, and Lepidus upon the third▪ each bringing with him a Legion for his Guard. The Law by which they invested themselves with Consular Authority for the space of five years, and declared themselves Reformers of the Commonwealth was pub­lished by Titius. Tribune of the People, and the night following they added the names of 130 Persons to those they had already Pro­scribed. A little time after they proclaimed 150 more, upon pretence that they had been forgotten, by which means the unfor­tunate number encreased every day, till it amounted to 300 Senatours, and above 2000 Knights. No man durst refuse entrance in­to his House to any of the Souldiers, who searched the most secret places, and Rome at this time appeared like a Town that was exposed to waste and pillage. In this disor­der [Page 386] several who had never been Condem­ned, either by malice or mistake were slain, and known afterwards by their heads not being cut off. In short, all the most Tra­gick fury that either revenge, hatred, or in­terest could produce, and all the most gene­rous kindness that love and fidelity could in­spire, were to be seen in divers accidents re­lating to this Proscription. Salvius a Tri­bune of the People, was the first that was slain as he was sitting at the Table, and en­tertaining his Friends, because he had too lightly forsaken Antonius's Interest, whom he had supported against Cicero. The Pretor Minutius was lost by the folly of those who in point of Honour would follow him, and were the cause of his being discovered. An­nulis and Thauranius were betrayed by their own Sons, who by Divine Justice were af­terwards rewarded for it. Ignatius and his Sons slew each other. The tenderness of a Father was fatal to B [...]avus, who came back and willingly suffered death to save his Sons. And Ligarius drowned himself in despair, for that he could not help his Brother, whom he saw [...]lain before his face. Salassus his Wife betrayed her Husband, and Fulvius was de­livered by a Slave that he kept. Statius at the Age of 24 years, was Proscribed for his great Riches, which he abandoned to pil­lage, and setting his House on fire, burnt himself with it. Coepio, after having made a brave resistence, dy'd with his Sword in his hand, and Veratinus having got together [Page 387] a great many more Proscripts besides him­self, slew by their help a considerable num­ber of Souldiers, and made his escape into Sicily. Naso snatcht a Sword out of one of the Souldiers hands, and with it killed the Slave that had betrayed him. On the con­trary, another Slave slew him who Com­manded the Party that had cut his Masters Throat. Aemilius seeing some Souldiers running after one of these unfortunate Peo­ple, asked, Who the Proscribed man was? It is your self, said one of the Souldiers who knew him, and immediately slew him. And Cillius and Decius seeing their Names writ­ten in the Tablet, attempting unadvisedly to flie, by that means drew the Souldiers after them, and were [...]lain. Icillius joining him­self with some People who were carrying a dead Body out of the City, was slain by the Guards at the Gate, who knew him, by taking notice that there was one bearer more than the ordinary number. Varus, who had hid himself in a Mar [...]h near Minu­turnum, was taken for a Robber, but disco­vering his name to make himself known, was slain by some Souldiers, who by chance were there. Largus having been spared by some Souldiers of his Acquaintance, and meeting others that pursued him, he re­turned back to those who had saved him, to the end that they might gain the reward of killing him. The Head of Rufus being brought to Antonius, who was Proscribed, because he refused to sell a fair House [Page 388] which stood near Fulvia's, he said, That that Present belonged to his Wife, and sent it to her.

CHAP. XXXIII. Some stirs amongst the People. The death of Cicero.

NOtwithstanding the fear which these terrible examples had generally caused, the People forbore not to shew some cou­rage. A certain Slave having hid his Ma­ster, took his habit upon him, and presen­ted himself to the Souldiers, who were in search of him, but another Slave discove­red the Fact, and the Master was slain, upon which the People rose up against this faith­less Fellow, and the Triumviri were forced to cause him to be punished, and the trusty Slave to be rewarded. Another having be­trayed his Master Aterius, and obtaining his Liberty, taken possession of his Goods, the Children of Aterius, pursued him up and down the City to doe him violence; upon this the People rose again, so that the Tri­umvirate restored the Goods to the Chil­dren, and put the Slave into their hands, upon pretence that he had exceeded, the terms of the Decree. There were a hun­dred Examples of the like nature, which would be too long to recount: but the Elo­quence [Page 389] of Cicero, and the obligation which all learned Men have to this day to his Memory, and the Works he has left be­hind him, deserve that we insist a little up­on the circumstances of his death. He was with his Brother Quintus at Tusculum, one of his Countrey Houses, where they under­stood the news of the Proscription, so they went both to Astyra to embark themselves for their passage into Macedonia, but having in their haste and fear forgotten to take Money with them, Quintus returned and was slain a few days after, together with his Sons, who suffered themselves to be a long time tormented before they would discover where their Father was concealed. Cicero went a-board a certain Ship, but the incon­veniences of his Age augmented by the disorders he was in, and the fatigues of be­ing at Sea forced him to row back to land; there divided between the hopes which he had in Caesar's Friendship, and the fear of death, he formed a thousand resolutions, and amongst the rest to go and kill himself in Caesar's presence, by that means to fasten upon his Person those Furies which revenge the rights of violated Friendship. In the mean time he could find no way for his safe­ty, and after all these inquietudes, caused himself to be carried in a Felluca to a certain House which he had near Capua. It is said, that during this short Voyage, several Crows coming from a certain Temple of Apollo, which stands by the Sea-side, perched them­selves [Page 390] upon the Sails and rigging of the lit­tle Vessel that carried him, and when he was a-shore, and in his House the same Crows came and fluttered about the Win­dow of the Chamber, where he was retired to rest himself; one of those very Crows came even into the Room, and with his bill spread the Cloathes that covered Cicero: the example of this Creature was the occasion that his Slaves became sensible of their own Idleness, in that they took no more pains to save the life of a man for whose preserva­tion the very Birds of the air seemed to be concerned; so they took him up almost by force to carry him to Sea, but being so very famous and well known as he was, every step he made, and all his places of retreat were discovered, and Popilius Lena the Tri­bune, with a certain Captain called Heren­nius, came to his House the very moment af­ter he had left it. This Lena had had great obligations to Cicero, who had saved his life by pleading for him when he stood accused for the death of his own Father, they made use of all manner of violence against his Slaves, to force them to discover where their Master was, but they all constantly per­sisted that they knew nothing of the matter, till either one named Cirillus, who had here­tofore served Clodius, who was Cicero's mor­tal Enemy, or else Philologus, Quintus's Freed­man, discovered to Lena that they were now carrying him through the passages of a cer­tain Wood that lead to the Sea-side. Lena [Page 391] got before, with part of the Souldiers, and Herennius followed the Litter through th [...] narrow paths. Cicero understanding they were coming, Commanded those who car­ried him, to stop, and when the Souldiers were come up, he put his Head out of the Litter, and lookt upon them with a great deal of assurance. This constancy which they expected not from him, and his face disfigured, as it was, with the troubles he had lain under, was the reason that several of them stopt and turned away their Eyes while Herennius slew him; he cut off his Head and both his hands, which were car­ried to Antonius. As he was extremely inra­ged against Cicero for the Orations which he had made against him, he could not forbear insulting over those poor Members with the most injurious reproaches, declaring a­loud, That his revenge was now completed, and that he would have no farther to doe with the Proscription. But Fulvia's hatred could not be confined to words, for she pierced his Tongue several times with a golden Bodkin which she wore in her hair, and afterwards Antonius gave Orders that the Head and Hands should be set up upon a place called the Rostrum, where the Roman People could not without Horrour see those sad remains of a Man who had so often Triumphed there by the force and Charms of his Elo­quence. Thus died Cicero at the Age of sixty four years, he was a Man of most ex­traordinary qualifications, especially those [Page 392] that relate to Civil Matters and Rules of Go­vernment, which had justly advanced him amongst the most Illustrious Men of the Age he lived in Antonius himself, as Plu­tarch reports, made some sort of reparation to his memory, for he put Philologus into the hands of Pomponia, Cicero's Sister-in-Law, who tormented him to death.

CHAP. XXXIV. The Triumph of Lepidus. The Goods of the Proscripts set to Sale. Attacks upon the Ro­man Ladies. Their speech to the Triumvirate.

WHILE these things were perfor­ming, Lepidus resolved to Triumph over some Nations that he had conquered in Spain, the Edict of the Triumph was very particular, and deserves therefore to be mentioned, it being in these terms, To all those who shall honour our Triumph with Sacrifi­ces, publick Feastings, and other demonstrations of Ioy, Health and good Fortune, but to those who refuse it misery and Proscription. We may easily imagine how universal the joy was upon this occasion, for every one stood in awe of the Proscription, and Lepidus en­tred Triumphant into the City, where the Ceremony was honoured with more Sacri­fices and Feastings than had ever appeared in the like case before. Then was set to sale [Page 393] the Goods of the Proscripts (that is to say) the immoveables for the moveables had been plundered, but there were found very few Chapmen, for it was lookt upon as a piece of Inhumanity to ruine Families that were otherwise enough afflicted already; besides, there appeared no security for Title to any such Goods, nor was any man wil­ling to seem Rich by purchasing in such dangerous times. Some few, who were not of the wisest sort, were willing to run the hazard for the sake of a good Market, but that did not satisfie the Triumvirate, they had need of 200000 Talents for the War, which was a sum not to be found any where but in the City, they could there reckon up 1400 of the richest Ladies of Rome, Mothers, Daughters, Kinswomen, or Allies to their Enemies; these Alliances were very exactly enquired into, and very far fetched, for to be rich, was enough to belong to one of the Proscripts. These Ladies assembled themselves, and went to find out the Mother and Sisters of Caesar, who gave them a very civil hearing. Anto­nius his Mother did the same thing, and Ful­via onely refused to see them; this forc't them to go to the Palace of the Trium­viri, where at first they were repulsed by the Guards of Souldier, but made so much noise, that at last one of them was permit­ted to speak, upon condition that the rest would be silent; this was Hortentia, the Daughter of a certain Nobleman called [Page 394] Hortentius, who alone of all the Oratours had been able to dispute with Cicero for Eloquence, My Lords, said she, the Ladies which you see here imploring your Iustice and your Bounty had never appeared in this place, till af­ter having made use of all means that their Na­tural Modesty and best understanding could inform them of; We have sought the protection of your Mothers and your Wifes, but the Respects we paid, could not find favour with Fulvia, which has forced us here to make a publick Complaint, though it be contrary to those rules of Decency prescribed our Sex, and which we have hitherto most exactly observed. Ye have deprived us of our Fathers, our Children, our Brethren, and our Husbands; Ye pretend that ye have been affronted, but what Injury have the Women done you that they must be impoverished, if they are as blameable as the rest, why do ye not proscribe them too? In the mean time none of our Sex have ever declared you your Countrey's Enemies. We have neither plundered your Goods, nor suborned your Souldiers. We have raised no Troops against you, nor opposed those Honours and Offices which ye pretend to. Since therefore the Women have no part in those Actions that offend you, surely they ought not in Iustice to suffer the punishment which ye impose upon them; Empire, Dignities and Honours are not made for us. We pretend not to govern the Re-publick, nor is it our Am­bition which has drawn the present misfortune on our Heads. What reason have we to contribute to a War wherein we have no manner of Interest? War has already raised this City to that height [Page 395] of glory which we now see her in. In the mean while there is no Example to be found that the Women ever were concerned in it, the natural Privilege of our Sex has exempted us from that profession. It is true, indeed, that in the Car­thaginian War our Mothers assisted the Re-publick, it being at that time in a desperate condition; but for all that, neither their Houses, their Lands, nor their Moveables were sold for that service, some Rings and some Iewels furnished out the supply, but it was neither constraint, punish­ment nor violence that forc't them to it, but they did it of their own good will and generous disposi­tion. What fear at present are ye in for the City, which is our common Countrey? What imminent danger threatens it? If the Galls or Parthians come and attack it, ye shall not find us less Zea­lous in its defence than our Mothers were before us; but we have nothing to doe, nor ought to be concerned in Civil Wars, neither Caesar nor Pompey did ever oblige us to it, Marius and He was called Cor­nelius, and governed Tyranni­cally in Rome du­ring the Wars be­tween Ma­rius and Sylla. Cinna did never so much as propose it, no, not Sylla himself, who was the first that ever set up Tyranny in Rome. In the mean time ye come to reform the State, and ye adorn your selves with that glorious Title. This discourse ap­peared so bold a thing to the Triumvirate, and of so dangerous a consequence, to see that the Women durst speak to them thus in publick, when fear had tied up the Tongues of the Men, that they sent their Ushers to cause them to retire; but perceiving that that proceeding displeased the People, who began to cry out against such violence, they [Page 396] adjourned the affair till the next day, and for the satisfaction of the People, retrenched the number of the Ladies to 400, but at the same time taxed above 100000 Men, as well Citizens as Strangers, without sparing even the Sacrificers themselves for the pay­ment of a 50th part of all their Estate, and a whole years Revenue. Upon this pre­tence the Souldiers committed such horrible violences, that the Triumviri were forced to Commissionate one from amongst them to hinder those disorders; but not daring to meddle with the Souldiers, the punishment fell upon some Slaves, who were disguised in their habits, and so Crucified.

CHAP. XXXV. Several of the Proscripts escape into Sicily to Sextus, the Son of Pompey. Some extraor­dinary Adventures during the Proscription.

AS many as could escape the Cruelty of the Proscription, retired either into Macedonia to Brutus, or into Africa to Cor­nificius, but the greatest part went to young Pompey in Sicily, he was the second Son of Pompey the Great, for the eldest was slain af­ter having lost the Battel of Munda against Iulius Caesar. The youth of the youngest was the reason that he had not been taken notice of, [...]ut his Courage and Bravery soon after rendred him very formidable. He li­ved for some time as a Pirate, without ma­king himself known any otherways than by the boldness of his Actions, but when he found himself in Reputation, he soon de­clared who he was, and rallied together his Father's Friends. He routed a considerable Army that Iulius Caesar had sent against him, and made himself at last so powerfull, that it was found necessary to give him the Go­vernment of Sicily, and the Office of Admi­ral, which his Father had executed before him. His Generosity was at this time a very great succour to many Illustrious Per­sons, he sent Brigantines and other small Vessels to all the Coasts of Italy, to receive such as made their escape, and treated them [Page 398] all with a great deal of kindness. Lepidus his Brother, and Antonius his Uncle got a­way by other means. Paulus was spared by the Souldiers, who were not very fond of laying violent hands upon the Brother of a Triumvir, and retreated into Macedonia. Lu­cius saved himself in his Sisters House, who was Antonius his Mother, and who gene­rously opposed those who pursued him, the Souldiers would not meddle with him there, considering he was under her Protection, so she went to find out her Son, who was with his Collegues, I am come, said she, to accuse my self for having taken my Brother into my House, where I am resolved to protect him, till ye shall think fit to put us both to death together, for I am not ignorant what punishment is proposed to the Concealers of Proscripts. Antonius answe­red, That she had done like a good Sister, but an ill Mother, and Lucius was no more enquired after, Valerius. Messala was recalled by the Trium­virate, they by a publick Declaration own­ing, That he had nothing to doe in Caesar's Mur­ther. But he refused to return, and served under Brutus till after the Battel of Philippi. Bibulus had the same Fortune, and got him­self afterwards great employments. Lentulus, Apuleius and Antius made their escape with their Wifes, who would not forsake them. Reginus was concealed by his, and when he was going out of the City disguised in a Colliers habit, his Wife following in a Lit­ter, was stopped by a Souldier, Reginus tur­ned back to desire the Man, That he would [Page 399] have some respect for the Ladies. The Soul­dier who had served under him, knew him again; and said, O save your self my General, for I shall always call you so, in what miserable condition soever I shall find you. Coponius his Wife, who was very beautifull, got her Husband's Pardon by another favour which she paid for it to Antonius. Geta and Oppius were saved by their Sons, Geta having lost one of his Eyes by wearing a Plaster upon it too long for a disguise, and Oppius his Son ha­ving to save his Father, carried him upon his Shoulders, was for that Action alone declared Edilis by the People, and not being rich enough to furnish out the expences of the Games, all the Workmen gave him gene­rously their labour for nothing, and those who assisted at the Shew, made him such Presents, that he became very rich. Ari [...] ­nus, and Metellus escaped also by the af­ [...]i [...]tence of their Children. Restio, Appio, Menetus, and Iunius, by their Slaves. Restio's adventure was something more than ordina­ry, he had with a hot iron marked one of his Slaves in the fore-head, that being the punish­ment they usually inflicted on such as indea­voured to run away; this Slave had discove­red the place where his Master lay concea­led, and came thither to find him. Restio believed that he should be lost, and that the Slave would now revenge himself, but he assured him to the contrary, saying, Can my Master believe that the Characters imprinted upon my fore-head have made more impression there [Page 400] than the benefits which I have received from him have done in my heart? After this he Con­ducted him to a Cave, whither he day­ly brought him Provisions. A great ma­ny Souldiers were passing often by the place, and occasioned a thousand fears to the Slave; at last he followed at the heels of one of the Troops, and took his time so well, that he fell upon an old Peasant, and slew him before their faces, the Souldiers ran upon him as a Murtherer, but he said, That it was his Master whom he had killed to re­venge himself for the infamous marks which they might see upon his forehead. The design was too well laid not to succeed, the Characters were visible, and security enough for him, so the Souldiers took the head of a Peasant for that of Restio, who by this means was at the liberty of making his escape more easily. The generosity of the Slaves of Appio and Meneius is yet more admirable, they suffered themselves to be both slain in their Masters habits, the one in a Litter, and the other upon a Bed, Appio himself standing by at the Murther disguised like a Slave. I do not believe that any thing can be added to these examples of fidelity, and shall conclude with the bold undertaking of Pomponius, he dressed himself like a Pretor, and his Slaves like Ushers, and in this condition went out of the City surrounded by these Slaves, he made his travelling charges all the way upon the publick expence, saying, That he was sent by the Triumvirate to young Pompey. At last [Page 401] he got himself a good Ship, but still as Pre­tor, and past easily over into Sicily. Hirtius, Apuleius and Aruntius made their escape with their Swords in their hands; This was not he that Triumphed over the Parthians. Ventidius as a Captain that was sent to search for Proscripts; and another Senatour, wearied out with the dayly cares of concealing him­self, caused himself to be shaved, took open­ly a little School, and kept it publickly so long as the Proscription lasted, no body imagining that a miserable Pedant could ever have been considerable enough to have been Proscribed.

CHAP. XXXVI. The Examples of several remarkable changes of Fortune.

THough the story of these accidents may seem perhaps a little too long, as they relate properly to the Triumvirate. We ought not to pass over two Examples which are very natural instances of the inconstancy and revolution of Humane Fortune. Bal­binus being Proscribed by Antonius, had with much adoe made his retreat to Pompey, who after several years of War came to an agree­ment with Caesar. Balbinus returned to Rome, where he afterwards obtained the Dignity of Consul. Lepidus was at that time fallen from that high estate, where he had once appea­red, Caesar having given him his life merely out of Compassion. It happened that his Wife and his Son were accused by Mecoenas, Cajus Cilnius Mecoenas he was the Favourite of Augu­stus, and the man whose name is so Cele­brated a­mongst the learned. the Governour of Rome, for a Conspiracy against the life of Caesar, the Son was sent Prisoner to Actium, and the Wife forced to give security before the Consul. Lepidus, who solicited for her, had several times been repulsed at Balbinus his Gate, at last he got an opportunity of speaking with him, and said thus, You know very well that I have no share in my Son's Offence, and that it was not I who Proscribed you, though it were at that time in my power to have done it, therefore I beg of you to reflect upon the sad alteration [Page 403] of our Fortune, and to grant me the favour I beg of you, either take my security for my Wife, or send me with her a Prisoner to Caesar. Balbinus touched with Compassion to see a Man at his feet, whose power heretofore had been so formidable, made those reflexions he de­sired, and discharged his Wife. The other Example is of Cicero's Son, he was with Brutus at the time of his Father's death, and served under him as a Lieutenant General, and after his defeat made his retreat with Pompey, who gave him the same employment. Pompey made his own Peace, and Cicero re­turned to Rome, where Caesar to shew the esteem he had for his Father, gave him the Dignity of chief Pontifex, and chose him for his Collegue in the Consulship after the defeat of Antonius. Cicero had by this means the satisfaction of seeing in his power the memory of Antonius, who was Condemned by the Senate, all his Images broken down, and a Decree past, That none of that Family should ever after take upon them the sirname of Mar­cus. During which time Caesar testified so great a Veneration for the Memory of Ci­cero, that having one day found one of his Books in the hands of his One of the Sons of A­grippa and Julia, called Cajus. Grandson, who indeavoured to hide it for fear lest Augustus should be angry with him for reading in it, he took the Book, and having read a good while, returned it to him again, saying, My Son, he was a very knowing Man, and Zealous for his Countrey. By this means the death of Cicero was revenged upon the memory of his grea­test [Page 404] Enemy, as was his Eloquence also upon the back of an impertinent Critick called Coelius, who had undertaken to expose the Works of that great Oratour. Cicero the Son caused his Slaves to whip him, so the Critick burnt his Remarks, which had brought upon his Bones so scurvy an an­swer. Even Brutus had his share too in re­venging Cicero, and notwithstanding his mo­deration, and the disturbance which the Let­ter written to Octavius had given him, he sacrificed to him Cajus the Brother of Anto­nius, whom Hortentius put to death by his Orders.

CHAP. XXXVII. The end of the Proscription. War in Africa▪ Sextius, Caesar's Lieutenant, overthrows Cornificius, the Lieutenant of Brutus.

AT last the Triumviri came into the Se­nate to declare that the Proscription was at an end. Lepidus excused himself for what had passed, and assured the Senatours of a more moderate Conduct. Caesar, who was more Politick, said, That he would yet reserve to himself the liberty of punishing such as were guilty. In the mean time he had long disputed with the other two concerning the Proscription, but it was his judgment now that the Spirits of the People ought to be kept in awe in the present conjuncture, when Brutus and Cassius became dayly more for­midable, and when their Lieutenants still disputed for Africa with those of Caesar. This was another, and not Caesar's Friend who had accused Brutus. Cornificius was there with Troops in behalf of Brutus, and when Sextius arrived there on Caesar's part, and published the Ordinance of the People, the Decree of the Senate was produced in answer to them, so that Arms was the last recourse for the maintenance of their Rights. Sextius being the weakest, re­treated into a strong place, where he was besieged by Ventidius, Cornificius his Lieute­nant. He defended himself very well, and in the mean time held intelligence with Arabio, a King of that Countrey, and a cer­tain [Page 406] People called Sittians, who were the residue of some Roman Souldiers established in Libya under the Conduct of Sittius, who had been banished from Rome. The Sons of this Sittius had been obliged to Iulius Cae­sar, which caused them with Arabio to assist Sextius. Sextius strengthened with these suc­cours, got the better of Ventidius, and that done, marched against Cornificius, who ex­pected him near Vtica. The strength of both Armies consisted in their Cavalry, Laelius Cornificius's Lieutenant, came with all his to discover the strength of Sextius, Arabio was detached to oppose him; in the mean time Sextius charged Laelius upon the flank, and forc'd him to retreat up to a Hill, where Arabio had orders to attack him. Cornificius having left his Retrenchments to succour his Lieutenant, Sextius marched against him, while a Party of Arabio's Troops, who knew the Countrey, found a way through the Rocks, and came to rifle Cornificius his Camp. Roseius, who Commanded there, was slain at the first on-set, and the Camp plundered, Cornificius being pressed by Sextius, would have retreated towards his Lieutenant, but was cut off by Arabio's Cavalry, who flew him. When, Laelius beholding the action from the hill, where he was posted, died by his own hand, the Troops thus deprived of their Commanders, were easily put to the rout, and that great Victory which got Cae­sar all Africa, cost Sextius but a very few Men.

CHAP. XXXVIII. Dolabella is defeated and slain by Cassius.

DOlabella had not the same success in Syria, where Cassius made War upon him with 12 Legions, and a body of Par­thian Cavalry, whom his reputation had drawn into his service. Dolabella had got to­gether a great Fleet of Ships out of Lycia, Rhodes and Cilicia, which Figulus Comman­ded under him: for himself, he was got in­to Laodicea, with two Legions, where Cas­sius besieged him, and sent orders into Phoe­nicia, Libya and Rhodes, for the procuring of Ships also. The names of these Provin­ces being often mentioned in this History, it will be but reasonable to give some ac­count in gross of what they are at present. Syria was a place of great extent, and con­tained all those Countries which are upon the Coast of the Mediterranean Sea from the Gulph of Issica, at present called the gulph of Laiazzo, as far as Aegypt, for Pa­lestine, (called at present the Holy-Land) was comprised under the name and Govern­ment of the lower Syria, the largeness of that Province reached as far as Euphrates. The rest of Asia, which was subject to the Ro­mans, was called Natolia, or the lesser Asia, as it is at present, and contained a great many Provinces from Laiazzo, as far as the Euxine Sea, which we call the black Sea, [Page 408] all that Countrey being at present subjected to the Turk; it was then very much peo­pled, though it be not so now, except upon the Sea Coasts. Phoenicia is that little Coun­trey, where stood the Cities of Tyre and Sidon, at present Sur and Sayde; and Libya contained all that Coast of Africa, called at present Barbary, from Tripolis as far as Al­gier. We may find a more exact descrip­tion in Geographical Writings, but this is sufficient for our understanding of the pre­sent History. Cassius his orders were but very ill executed, for the Sidonians onely sent him Ships, the Rhodians excusing them­selves, and Libya was wholly submitted to Caesar by the Victory of Sextius. Cassius with what Ships he had went and attacked the Fleet of Dolabella, who put him to flight, and took five of his Ships, which forced him to dispatch more pressing Orders even to Cleopatra, but as the inclinations of that Queen were not much disposed towards that Party, she excused her self upon the Famine which at that time raged in Aegypt. In the mean time she put to Sea a powerfull Fleet to succour Dolabella, but the Winds and Tempests opposed her design, and her Fleet being much shattered and indama­ged, became of no use at that time to Caesar's Party. Serapion, who Commanded for her in the Island of Cyprus, took other measures, he came and joined Cassius's Fleet with a great supply of Ships, those of Tyre sent him some also, by which means he found [Page 409] himself in a condition to block up Dolabella both by Sea and Land. Cleopatra afterwards disavowed what Serapion had done, but there is great reason to believe that she managed her self so between both Parties, to see on which side Fortune would declare her self. The Lycians and Rhodians sent word to Cassius that they would have nothing to doe with the Roman Wars, and that the Ships which they had lent Dolabella, had no orders to fight. This answer provoked Cassius, but he judged it was no proper time at present to shew that resentment, which afterwards caused the desolation of those two Provin­ces. He attacked Dolabella, who made a great defence by land, and fought one Bat­tel with equal advantage, but his Fleet was intirely defeated, and Cassius having corrup­ted some Souldiers of the Garrison took the City of Laodicea by surprizal. Dolabella caused one of his Souldiers to cut his throat, who when he had done killed himself, and the City was left to be plundered. Cassius caused the principal Citizens to be put to death, and forc'd the others to redeem them­selves at such great Ransomes, that the City was utterly laid desolate.