HIS MAJESTIES ANSWER, To a Book, intituled, The Declaration, or Remon­strance of the Lords and Commons, The 19 of May 1642.

Printed by his Majesties speciall command At CAMBRIDGE, By ROGER DANIEL Printer to the famour Universitie. 1642.

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His MAJESTIES Answer to a Book intituled, The Declaration, or Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons, of the 19 of May.

IF We could be weary of taking any pains for the satisfaction of our people, and to undeceive them of those speci­ous mischievous Infusions which are daily instilled into them, to shake and corrupt their loyalty and affection to Us and Our Government, after so full and ample Declaration of Our Self and Intentions, and so fair and satisfactory answers to all such matters as have been objected to Vs by a major part present of both Hou­ses of Parliament, We might well give over this labour of Our Pen, and sit still, till it shall please God so to en­lighten the Affections and Understandings of Our good Subjects on our behalf (which We doubt not but that in his good time he will do) that they may see Our suffer­ings are their sufferings. But, since in stead of applying themselves to the Method proposed by Vs, of making such solid particular Propositions as might establish a good Understanding between Us, or of following the advice of Our Councel of Scotland (with whom they communicate their affairs) in forbearing all means that may make the breach wider and wound deeper, they have [Page 2] chosen to pursue Vs with new Reproches, or rather to continue and improve the old, by adding & varying little Circumstances and Language, in matters formerly urged by them, and fully answered by Vs, We prevailed with Our Self, upon very mature and particular consideration of it, to answer the late printed Book, intituled, A Decla­ration or Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons, which was ordered the nineteenth of May last to be printed and published, hoping then that they would put Vs to no more of this trouble, but that that should have been the last of such a nature they would have communicated to Our people, and that they would not, as they have done since, thought fit to assault us with a Newer Declaration, indeed of a very new Nature and Learning, which must have another Answer. And We doubt not but that Our good Subjects, in short time, will be so well instructed in the differences, and mistakings between Vs, that they will plainly discern, without resigning their reason and under­standing to Our Prerogative, or the infallibility of a now major part of both Houses of Parliament (infected by a few malignant spirits) where the fault is.

Though We shall with humility and alacritie be al­wayes forward to acknowledge the infinite Mercy and Providence of Almighty God, vouchsafed so many se­verall wayes to Our Self and this Nation, yet since God himself doth not allow, that We should fancy and create dangers to Our Self, that we might manifest and publish his Mercy in Our deliverance, We must professe We do not know those deliverances mentioned in the beginning of that Declaration, from so many wicked Plots and De­signes since the beginning of this Parliament, which, if they had taken effect, would have brought ruine and de­struction [Page 3] upon this Kingdome. We well know the great labour and skill hath been used to amate and afright Our good Subjects with fears and apprehensions of Plots and Conspiracies, the severall Pamphlets published, and Let­ters scattered up and down full of such ridiculous con­temptible Animadversions to that purpose, as (though they found, for what end God knows, very unusuall coun­tenance) no sober man would be moved with them: But We must confesse, We have never been able to inform Our Self of any such pernicious formed designe against the Peace of this Kingdome since the beginning of this Parliament, as is mentioned in that Declaration, or might be any warrant to those great Fears both Our Houses of Parliament seemed to be transported with, but we have great cause to believe more mischief and danger hath been raised and begotten to the disturbance of this King­dome, then cured or prevented by those Fears and Jea­lousies: And therefore however the rumour and dis­course of Plots and Conspiracies may have been necessa­ry to the designes of particular men, they shall do well not to pay any false devotions to Almighty God, who discerns whether Our dangers are reall or pretended.

For the bringing up of the Army to London, as We have heretofore (by no other direction then the testimo­ny of a good conscience) called God to witnesse We ne­ver had, or knew of any such Resolution, so upon the view of the Depositions now published with that Decla­ration, it is not evident to Us there was ever such a De­signe, unlesse very loose Discourse or Argument be in­stance enough of such a Designe: And it is apparent, that what was said of it, was near three moneths before the discovery to both Houses of Parliament, so that if [Page 4] there were any danger threatned that way, it vanished without any resistance or prevention, by the Wisdome, Power, or Authority of them.

It seems the intention of that Declaration (whatsoever other end it hath) is to Answer a Declaration they re­ceived from Vs, in Answer to that which was presented to Us at Newmarket the ninth of March last; and likewise to Our Answer to the Petition of both Houses, presented to Vs at York, the twenty sixth of March last. But before that Declaration fals upon any particulars of Our said Declaration or Answer, it complains, That the heads of the Malignant Party have with much Art and Industry advised Vs to suffer divers unjust Scandals and Imputations upon the Parliament, to be published in our Name, whereby they might make it odious to the people, and by their help destroy it: But not instancing in any one Scandall or Imputation so published by Vs, We are still to seek for the Heads of that Malignant Partie. But Our good Subjects will easily understand, That if We were guilty of that Aspersion, We must not onely be active in raising the Scandall, but passive in the Mischief begotten by that Scandall, We being an essentiall part of the Parliament: and We hope the just defence of Our self, and Our Authority, and the necessary vindi­cation of Our Innocence and Justice, from the Imputa­tion laid on Vs by a major part, then present of either, or both Houses, shall no more be called a Scandall up­on the Parliament, then the opinion of such a part be re­puted an Act of Parliament: And We hope Our good Subjects will not be long mis-led by that common ex­pression in all the Declarations (wherein they usurp the word Parliament, and apply it to countenance any Re­solution [Page 5] or Vote) some few have a mind to make, by calling it, The Resolution of Parliament, which can never be without Our consent; Neither can the Vote of either, or both Houses, make a greater alteration in the Laws of this Kingdome (so solemnly made by the advice of their Predecessours, with the concurrence of Us and Our An­cestours) either by commanding or inhibiting any thing (besides the known Rule of the Law) then Our single Direction or Mandate can do, to which We do not a­scribe the Authority.

But that Declaration informs our People that the Malignant Partie hath drawn Vs into the Northern parts far from Our Parliament. It might more truly and properly have said, That it hath driven, then drawn Vs hither. For We confesse, Our Journey hither (for which We have no other reason to be sorry, then with reference to the cause of it) was onely forced upon Vs by the true Malignant Party which contrived and coun­tenanced those barbarous Tumults and other seditious Circumstances of which We have so often complained, and hereafter shall say more, and which indeed threatens so much danger to Our Person, and laid so much scandall upon the whole Priviledge and Dignitie of Parliament, that We wonder it can be mentioned without Blushes or Indignation: But of that anon. But why the Mali­gnant Party should be charged with causing a Presse to be transported to York, We cannot imagine, neither have any Papers or Writings issued from thence, to Our know­ledge, but what have been extorted from Vs by such provocations, as have not been before offered to a King. And no doubt it will appear a most triviall and fond Exception, when all Presses are open to vent whatso­ever [Page 4] [...] [Page 5] [...] [Page 6] they think fit to say to the people, (a thing un­warranted by former custome) that We should not make use of all lawfull means to publish Our just and necessary Answers thereunto. As for the authoritie of the great Seal (though We do not know that it hath been necessary to things of this nature) the same shall be more frequently used hereafter, as occasion shall re­quire, to which We make no doubt the greater and better part of Our Privy Councell will concurre, and whose Advice We are resolved to follow, as farre as it shall be agreeable to the good and welfare of the King­dome.

Before that Declaration vouchsafes to insist on any particulars, it is pleased to censure both Our Declaration and Answer, to be filled with harsh Censures, and Cause­lesse Charges upon the Parliament, (still mis-applying the word Parliament to the Vote of both Houses) concern­ing which they resolve to give satisfaction to the King­dome, since they find it very difficult to satisfie Vs. If, as in the usage of the word Parliament, they have left Vs out of their thoughts; so by the word Kingdome, they intend to exclude all Our people, who are out of their walls: (for that's grown another Phrase of the Time, the Vote of the major part of both Houses, and some­times of one, is now called, The Resolution of the whole Kingdome) We believe it may not be hard to give satisfaction to themselves; otherwise We are confi­dent (and Our confidence proceeds from the up­rightnesse of Our own Conscience) they will never be able so to sever the affections of Us and Our Kingdome, that what cannot be satisfaction to the one, shall be to the other. Neither will the Style of Humble, and Faithfull, [Page 7] and telling Us, That they will make Vs a Great and Glo­rious King, in their Petitions and Remonstrances, so de­ceive Our good Subjects, that they will passe over the Reproches, Threats, and Menaces they are stuffed with, which sure could not be more gently reprehended by Vs, then by saying, Their expressions were different from the usuall Language to Princes, which that Declaration tells you, We had no occasion to say. But We believe, who­soever looks over that Declaration presented to Vs at Newmarket, to which Ours was an Answer, will find the Language throughout it, to be so unusuall, that, before this Parliament, it could never be parallel'd, whiles un­der pretence of justifying their fears, they give so much countenance to the discourse of the Rebels of Ireland, as if they had a mind Our good Subjects should give credit to it: Otherwise, being warranted by the same evidence, which they have since published, they would have as well declared, That those Rebels publickly threaten the root­ing out the name of the English, and that they will have a King of their own, and no longer be governed by Vs, as that they say, That they do nothing but by Our Authori­ty, and that they call themselves, The Queens Army. And therefore We have great reason to complain of the ab­sence of Justice and Integrity in that Declaration; besides the unfitnesse of other expressions. Neit her did We mis­take the Substance or Logick of the Message to Us at Theobalds, concerning the Militia, which was no other, and is stated to be no other (even by that Declaration which reproved Us) then a plain threat, That if We re­fused to joyn with them, they would make a Law with out Vs: nor hath the Practice since that time been other which will never be justified to the most ordinary (if no [Page 8] partiall) Understandings, by the meer averring it to be according to the fundamentall Laws of this Kingdome, without giving any direction, that the most cunning and learned men in the Laws may be able to find those foun­dations. And We must appeal to all the World, Whe­ther they might not with as much Justice, and by as much Law, have seized upon the estate of every Member of both Houses, who dissented from that pretended Ordi­nance (which much the major part of the House of Peers did two or three severall times) as they have invaded that Power of Ours over the Militia, because We (upon Reasons they have not so much as pretended to answer) refused to consent to that Proposition: And if no better effects then losse of Time and Hinderance of the publick Affairs have been found by Our Answers and Replies, let all good men judge by whose default, and whose want of duty such effects have been: For as Our end (indeed onely end) in those Answers and Replies hath been, The settlement and composure of publick Affairs, so We are assured, and most men do believe, That if that due Regard and Reverence had been given to Our Words, and that Consent and Obedience to Our counsels, which We did expect, there had been before this time a cheer­full Calm upon the face of the whole Kingdome, every man enjoying his own, with all possible Peace and Secu­rity that can be imagined, which surely those men do not desire, who (after all those Acts of Justice and Favour passed by Vs this Parliament, all those Affronts and Suf­ferings endured and undergone by Vs) think fit still to reproch Vs with Ship-Money, Coat and Conduct-Mo­ney, and other things so abundantly declared (as that Declaration it self confesses) in the generall Remonstrance [Page 9] of the State of the Kingdome, published in November last, which We wonder to find now avowed to be the Remonstrance of both Houses, & which We are sure was presented to Vs onely by the House of Commons, and did never, and We are confident, in that time, could ne­ver have passed the House of Peers; the Concurrence and Authority of which was not then thought necessary. Shall We believe those Reproches to be the voice of the Kingdome of England? That all Our loving Subjects cased, refreshed, strengthened, and abundantly satisfied with Our Acts of Grace and Favour towards them, are willing to be involved in these unthankfull expressions: We must appeal to the Thanks and Acknowledgements published in the Petitions of most of the Counties of England; to the testimony and thanks We have received from both Houses of Parliament, how seasonable, how agreeable this usage of Vs is to Our merit, or their for­mer expressions.

We have not at all swarved or departed from Our Re­solution, or words in the beginning of this Parliament: We said, We were resolved to put Our Self freely and clearly upon the Love and Affection of Our English Sub­jects, and We say so still, as farre as concernes England. And We call Almightie God to witnesse, all Our Com­plaints and Jealousies, which have never been causelesse, nor of Our Houses of Parliament (but of some few Schismaticall, Factious, and Ambitious Spirits, and upon grounds, as short time, We fear, will justifie to the world) Our deniall of the Militia, Our absenting Our Self from London, have been the effects of an upright and faithfull Affection to Our English Subjects, that We may be able (through all the inconveniences We are compelled to [Page 10] wrastle with) at last to preserve and restore their Religion, Laws, and Liberties unto them.

Since the proceeding against the Lord Kimbolton, and the five Members, is still looked upon, and so often pres­sed, as so great an advantage against Vs, that no retracta­tion made by Vs, nor no Actions since that time cōmitted against Vs, and the Law of the Land, under pretence of vindication of Priviledge, can satisfie the Contrivers of that Declaration, but that they would have Our good Subjects believe, The Accusation of those six Members must be a plot for the breaking the neck of the Parlia­ment, (a strange Arrogance, if any of those Members had the penning of that Declaration) and that it is so of­ten urged against Vs, as if by that single casuall mistake of Ours (in form onely) We had forfeited all Duty, Credit, and Allegiance from Our people: We must, without en­deavouring to excuse that, which in truth was an errour (Our going to the House of Commons) give Our people a clear and full narration of the matter of fact, assuring Our Self that Our good Subjects will not find Our carri­age in that businesse such as hath been reported.

When We resolved upon such grounds, as when they shall be published will satisfie the world, That it was fit for Our own Safety, and Honour, and the Peace of the Kingdome, to proceed against those persons, though We well know there was no degree of Priviledge in that case, yet (to shew Our desire of correspondencie with the two Houses of Parliament) We chose, rather then to appre­hend their persons by the ordinary Ministers of Justice (which, according to the Opinion and Practice of former times, We might have done) to command Our Atturney Generall to acquaint Our House of Peers with Our in­tention, [Page 11] and the generall matters of Our charge (which was yet more particular then a meer Accusation) and to proceed accordingly, and at the same time sent a sworn Servant, a Segeant at Arms to Our House of Commons, to acquaint them, That We did accuse, and intended to prosecute the five Members of that House for high Trea­son, and did require that their persons might be secured in custody: This We did, not onely to shew that We in­tended not to violate or invade their Priviledges, but to use more Ceremony towards them, then We then con­ceived in Justice might be required of Vs; and expect­ed at least such an Answer as might inform Us, if We were out of the way; But We received none at all; Onely in the instant, without offering any thing of their Priviledges to Our consideration, an Order was made (and the same night published in Print) That if any per­son whatsoever should offer to Arest the person of any Member of that House, without first acquainting that House therewith, and receiving further Order from that House, That it should be lawfull for such Members, or any person to assist them, and to stand upon his or their Guard of Defence, and to make resistance according to the Protestation taken to defend the Priviledges of Par­liament: And this was the first time that We heard the Protestation might be wrested to such a sense; or that in any Case (though of the most undoubted and unque­stionable Priviledge) it might be lawfull for any Person to resist, and use violence against a publick Minister of Ju­stice, armed with lawfull Authority; though We well knew, that even such a Minister might be punished for ex­ecuting such Authority. Upon viewing this order We must confesse We were somewhat amazed, having never [Page 12] seen or heard of the like, though We had known Members of either House committed without so much Formality as We had used, and upon Crimes of a far inferiour na­ture to those We had suggested; and having no course proposed to Vs for Our proceeding, We were upon the matter onely told, That against those Persons We were not to proceed at all; That they were above Our reach, or the reach of the Law, it was not easie for Vs to resolve what to do: If We imployed Our Ministers of Justice in the usuall way for their apprehension (who without doubt would not have refused to execute Our lawfull commands) We saw what Resistance and Opposition was like to be made, which very probably might cost some blood; If We sat still and desisted upon this terrour, We should at the best have confessed Our own want of power, and the weaknesse of the Law: In this strait We put on a sudden Resolution, to try whether Our own presence, and a clear discoverie of Our Intentions (which haply might not have been so well understood) could re­move those doubts, and prevent those Inconveniencies which seemed to have been threatned; and thereupon We resolved to go in Our own Person to Our House of Commons, which We discovered not till the very minute of Our going, when We sent out, That Our Servants, and such Gentlemen as were then in Our Court, should attend Vs to Westminister; but giving them expresse com­mand (as We have expressed in Our Answer to the Ordi­nance) that no Accidents or Provocation should draw thē to any such Action as might imply a purpose of force in Vs, & Our Self (requiring those of Our Train not to come within the doore) went into the House of Commons, the bare doing of which We did not then conceive would [Page 13] have been thought more a breach of Priviledge, then if We had gone to the House of Peers, and sent for them to come to Us, which is the usuall custom. We used the best expressions We could to assure them how far We were from any Intention of violating their Priviledges, That We intended to proceed Legally and Speedily a­gainst the persons We had accused, and desired therefore, if they were in the House, that they might be delivered to Us, or if absent, that such course might be taken for their forth-coming as might satisfie Our just Demands; and so We departed, having no other purpose of force, if they had been in the House, then We have before pro­tested, before God, in Our Answer to the Ordinance. You have an account of Our part of this Story fully, let Our people judge freely of it: What followed on their part (though this Declaration tells you, It could not withdraw any part of their Reverence and Obedience from Us; it may be any part of theirs it did not) We shall have too much cause hereafter to inform the world.

There will be no end of the Discourse, and upbraiding Us with evill Councellors, if upon Our constant deniall of knowing any, they will not vouchsafe to inform Us of them; and after eight Moneths amusing the Kingdome with the expectation of a discovery of a Malignant Par­ty, and of evill Councellors, they will not at last name any, nor describe them: Let the Actions and Lives of men be examined, who have Contrived, Councelled, Actually consented to grieve and burden Our people, and if such be about Vs, or any against whom any notorious malicious Crime can be proved; if We shelter and pro­tect any such, let Our Injustice be published to the world, but till that be done particularly and manifestly, (for We [Page 14] shall never conclude any man, upon a bare generall Vote of the major part of either, or both Houses, till it be evi­dent that major part must be without Passion or Affecti­on) We must look upon the charge this Declaration puts on Vs, of cherishing and countenancing a discontented Party of the Kingdome against them, as a heavier and unjuster tax upon Our Justice and Honour, then any We have, or can lay upon the Framers of that Declaration.

And now, to countenance those unhandsome Expressi­ons, whereby usually they have implyed Our connivance at, or want of Zeal against the Rebellion of Ireland, (so odi­ous to all good men) they have found a new way of ex­probration: That the Proclamation against those bloudy Traytors, came not out till the beginning of January, though that Rebellion broke out in October, and then by speciall Command from Vs, but fourty Copies were ap­pointed to be printed. Tis well known where We were at that time when that Rebellion brake forth, in Scotland. That We immediately, from thence, recommended the care of that businesse to both Houses of Parliament here, after we had provided for all fitting supplies from Our Kingdome of Scotland, that after Our return hither We observed all those Forms for that Service, which We were advised to by Our Councell of Ireland, or both Houses of Parliament here: And if no Proclamation issu­ed out sooner (of which for the present We are not cer­tain, but think that others before that time were issued by Our directions) it was, because the Lords Justices of the Kingdome desired them no sooner; and when they did, the number they desired was but twenty, which they ad­vised might be signed by Vs; which We, for expedition of the Service commanded to be printed (a circumstance [Page 15] not required by them) and thereupon We Signed more of them then Our Justices desired: All which was very well known to some Members of one or both Houses of Parliament, who have the more to answer, if they for­bore to expresse it at the passing of this Declaration; and if they did expresse it, We have the greater reason to complain, that so envious an Aspersion should be cast on Vs to Our People, when they knew well how to answer their own Objection.

What that Complaint is against the Parliament, put forth in Our Name, which is such an evidence and coun­tenance to the Rebels, and speaks the same language of the Parliament, which the Rebels do, We cannot under­stand. All Our Answers and Declarations have been, and are owned by Vs, and have been attested under Our own Hand, If any other had been published in Our Name, and without Our Authority, it would be easie for both Houses of Parliament to discover and apprehend the Au­thours: And We wish, that whosoever was trusted with the Drawing and Penning of that Declaration, had no more Authority or cunning to impose upon, or deceive a major part of those Votes by which it passed, then any man hath to prevail with Vs, to publish in Our Name any thing but the Sense and Resolution of Our own Heart: Or that the Contriver of that Declaration could with as good a Conscience call God to witnesse, that all His Counsels and Endeavours have been free from all private Aims, Personall Respects, or Passions whatsoe­ver, as We have done and do, That We never had or knew of such Resolutions of bringing up the army to London. And since this new device is found out in stead of Answering Our Reasons, or satisfying Our just De­mands, [Page 16] to blast Our Declarations and Answers, as if they were not our own (a bold senselesse imputation) We are sure that every Answer and Declaration published by Vs, is much more Our own, then any one of those bold, threatning, and reprochfull Petitions and Remon­strances are the Acts of either, or both Houses. And if the Penner of that Declaration had been carefull of the trust reposed in him, he would never have denied (and thereupon found fault with Our just Indignation) in the Text or Margent, that We had never been charged with the intention of any Force, and that in their whole De­claration, there is no word tending to such a Reproch; The contrary whereof is so evident, that We are in ex­presse terms charged in that Declaration, That We sent them gracious Messages, when, with Our Privity, bring­ing up the Army was in agitation. And even in this De­claration, they seek to make Our people believe some such thing, to be proved in the Depositions now publish­ed, wherein, We doubt not, they will as much fail, as they do in their Censure of that Petition shewed former­ly to Vs by Captain Legg, and subscribed by Vs with C. R. which notwithstanding Our full and particular Narra­tion of the substance of that Petition, the circumstances of Our seeing and approving it, this Declaration is plea­sed to say, Was full of scandall to the Parliament, and might have proved dangerous to the whole Kingdome. If they have this dangerous Petition in their hands, We have no reason to believe any tendernes to Vs-ward hath kept them from communicating it; If they have it not, We ought to have been believed: But that all good peo­ple may compute their other pretended dangers by their clear understanding of this, the noise whereof hath not [Page 17] been inferiour to any of the rest, We have recovered a true Copy of the very Petition We signed with C. R. which shall in fit time be published, and which, We hope, will open the eyes of Our good people.

Concerning Our warrant for Master Jermins passage, Our Answer was true and full; But for his black Sattin Suit, and white Boots, We can give no account.

We complained in Our Declaration, and as often as We have occasion to mention Our return and residence near London, We shall complain of the barbarous and se­ditious Tumults at Westminster and Whitehall, which in­deed were so full of scandall to Our Government, and danger to Our Person, that We shall never think of Our return thither, till We have Justice for what is past, and security for the time to come. And if there were so great a necessity, or desire of Our return as is pretended in all this time upon so often pressing Our Desires, and upon causes so notorious, We should at least have procu­red some Order for the future. But that Declaration tells Vs, We are upon the matter mistaken, The resort of the Citizens to Westminster, was as lawfull as the resort of great numbers every day in the Terme to the ordinary Courts of Justice. They knew no Tumults. Strange! Was the disorderly appearance of so many thousand people with Staves and Swords crying thorow the streets, West­minster Hall, the passage between both Houses (in so much as the Members could hardly passe to and fro) No Bishops, Down with the Bishops, no Tumults? What Member is there of either Houses that saw not those numbers, and heard not those cries? And yet lawfull As­semblies: Were not severall Members of either House assaulted, threatned, and ill intreated? And yet no Tu­mults: [Page 16] [...] [Page 17] [...] [Page 18] Why made the House of Peers a Declaration, and sent it down to the House of Commons, for the suppres­sing of Tumults, if there were no Tumults? And if there were any, why was not such a Declaration consented to and published: When the attempts were so visible, and the threats so loud to pull down the Abbey at Westmin­ster, had not We cause to apprehend, That such people might continue their work to Whitehall? Yet no Tu­mults. What a strange time are We in, That a few Im­pudent, Malicious (to give them no worse term) men should cast such a strange mist of errour before the eyes of both Houses of Parliament, as that they either cannot, or will not see how manifestly they injure themselves, by maintaining these visible untruths? We say no more; By the help of God and the Law, We will have Justice for those Tumults.

From excepting (how weightily let every man judge) to what We have said, that Declaration proceeds to cen­sure Vs for what we have not said, for the prudent Omis­sions in Our Answer: We forbore to say any thing of the words spoken at Kensington; or the Articles against Our dearest Consort; and of the Accusation of the six Members: Of the last, We had spoken often; and We thought enough of the other two: having never accused any (though God knows what truth there might be in either) We had no reason to give any particular An­swer.

We do not reckon Our Self bereaved of any part of Our Prerogative, which We are pleased freely, for a time, to part with by Bill; yet We must say, We expres­sed a great trust in Our two Houses of Parliament, when We devested Our Self of the Power of dissolving this [Page 19] Parliament, which was a just, necessary, and Proper Pre­rogative: But We are glad to heare their Resolution, That it shall not encourage them to do any thing, which otherwise had not been fit to have been done: If it do, it will be such a breach of Trust, God will require an Ac­count for at their hands.

For the Militia, We have said so much in it heretofore, and the point is so well understood by all men, that We will waste time no more in that dispute. We never said, There was no such thing as an Ordinance (though We know that they have been long dis-used) but that there was never any Ordinance, or can be without the Kings consent; and that is true: and the unnecessary President cited in the Declaration, doth not offer to prove the con­trary: But enough of that; God and the Law must deter­mine that businesse.

Neither hath this Declaration given Vs any satisfacti­on, concerning the Votes of the fifteenth and sixteenth of March last, which We must declare, and appeal to all the world in the point, to be the greatest violation of Our Priviledge, the Law of the Land, the Libertie of the Subject, and the Right of Parliament that can be imagined. One of those Votes is (and there needs no other to destroy the King and People) That when the Lords and Commons ('tis well the Commons are ad­mitted to their part in Judicature) shall declare what the Law of the Land is, the same must be assented to, and obeyed; that is the sense in few words. Where is every mans Propertie, every mans Libertie? If a major part of both Houses declare that the Law is, that the younger Brother shall inherit, what's become of all the Families and Estates in the Kingdome? If they declare, That by [Page 20] the Fundamentall Law of the Land, such a rash Action, such an unadvised Word ought to be punished by perpe­tuall Imprisonment, is not the Libertie of the Subject, Durante beneplacito, remedilesse? That Declaration con­fesseth, They pretend not to a Power of making new Laws, That without Vs, they cannot do that: They need no such Power, if their Declaration can suspend this Statute from being obeyed or executed, and make this Order, which is no Statute, to be obeyed and execu­ted. If they have Power to declare the Lord Digbyes waiting on Vs to Hampton Court, and thence visiting some Officers at Kingston, with a Coach and six Horses, to be levying of Warre, and High Treason: And Sir John Hothams defying Vs to Our face, keeping our Town, Fort, and Goods against Vs, by force of Arms, to be an Act of Affection and Loyaltie, What needs a Power of making new Laws? Or is there such a thing as Law left? We desire Our good Subjects to mark the Reason and Consequence of these Votes, the progresse they have already made, and how infinite that progresse may be. First, they Vote the Kingdome is in imminent danger (it is above three moneths since they discerned it) from Ene­mies abroad, and a Popish and Discontented Partie at home; That is matter of Fact; the Law follows: This Vote hath given them Authoritie by Law (the funda­mentall Laws of the Kingdome) to order and dispose of the Militia of the Kingdome, and with this power, and to prevent that danger, to enter into Our Towns, seize upon Our Magazine, and by force, keep both from Vs: Is not this Our case? First, they Vote We have an inten­tion to levie warre against our Parliament; that's mat­ter of Fact: Then they declare, Such as shall assist Vs, to [Page 21] be guilty of High Treason; that is the Law, and proved by two Statutes, themselves know to be repealed: No matter for that; They declare it. Vpon this ground they exercise the Militia, and so actually do that upon Vs, which they have voted We intend to do upon them: Who doth not see the confusion that must follow upon such a power of declaring? If they should now vote, That we did not write this Declaration, but that such a one did it, which is still matter of fact; and then declare, That for so doing, he is an Enemie to the Common­wealth; what is become of the Law that man was born to? And if all their Zeal for the defence of the Law, be but to defend that which they declare to be Law, their own Votes, it will not be in their power to satisfie any man of their good intentions to the publick Peace, but such who are willing to relinquish his title to Magna Charta, and hold his life and fortune by a Vote of a major part of both Houses: In a word, We deny not but they may have a power to declare in a particular doubtfull cafe re­gularly brought before them, what Law is; but to make a generall Declaration, whereby the known Rule of the Law may be crossed or altered, they have no power, nor can exercise any, without bringing the Life and Liberty of the Subject to a lawlesse and arbitrary subjection.

We complained (and let the world judge the Justice and necessity of that Complaint) of the multitude of Se­ditious Pamphlets and Sermons. And that Declaration tells Vs, They know We have wayes enough in Our or­dinary Courts of Justice to punish those: So we have to punish Tumults and Riots, and yet they will not serve Our turn to keep Our Towns, Our Forests, and Parks from violence. And it may be, though those Courts [Page 22] have still the power to punish, they may have lost the skil to define what Riots and Tumults are; otherwise a Jury in Southwark, legally impanelled to examine a Riot there, would not have been Superseded, & the Sheriff enjoyned not to proceed, by vertue of an Order of the House of Commons; which, it seems at that time, had the sole power of declaring. But it is no wonder, That they who could not see the Tumults, do not consider the Pam­phlets and Sermons, though the Author of the Protesta­tion protested, be well known to be Burton (that infa­mous Disturber of the peace of this Church and State) and that he preached it at Westminster, in the hearing of divers Members of the House of Commons: But of such Pamphlets, and seditious Preachers (divers whereof have been recommended, if not imposed upon severall Parishes, by some Members of both Houses, by What Authority We know not) We shall hereafter take a fur­ther account.

We confesse, We have little skill in the Laws, and those that have had most, We now find are much to seek: Yet We cannot understand or believe, That every ordi­nary Court, or any Court, hath power to raise what Guard they please, and under what Command they please; Neither can We imagine what dangerous effects they found by the Guard We appointed them, or (in­deed) any the least occasion why they needed a Guard at all.

But of all the Imputations so causelesly and unjustly laid upon Vs by that Declaration, We must wonder at that charge so apparently and evidently untrue, That such are continually preferred and countenanced by Us, who are Friends or Favourers, or related unto the chief [Page 23] Authours and Actours of that Arbitrary power heretofore practised and complained of: And on the other side, That such as did appear against it, are daily discountenanced and disgraced. We would know one Person that contri­buted to the Ills of those Times, or had dependance upon those that did, whom We do, or lately have coun­tenanced or preferred; Nay, We are confident (and We look for no other at their hands) as they have been alwaies most eminent Assertours of the publick liberties, so if they found Vs inclined to any thing not agreeable to Honour and Justice, they would leave Vs to morrow: Whether different Persons have not, and do not receive counte­nance elsewhere, & upon what grounds, let all men judge; & whether We have not been forward enough to honour and preferre those of the most contrary opinion, how little comfort soever We have had of those preferments; in bestowing of which, hereafter We shall be more gui­ded by mens Actions then Opinions: And therefore We had good cause to bestow that Admonition (for We as­sure you it was an Admonition of Our own) upon both Our Houses of Parliament, to take heed of inclining, un­der the specious shews of Necessity and Danger, to the exercise of such an Arbitrary power they before com­plained of: The Advice will do no harm, and We shall be glad to see it followed:

And are all the specious Promises, and loud Professi­ons, Of making Us a Great and Glorious King, Of set­tling a greater Revenue upon Us, then any of Our Ance­stours have enjoyed, Of making Us to be Honoured at home, and Feared abroad, resolved into this, That they will be ready to settle Our Revenue, in an Honourable Proportion, when We shall put Our Self in such a Po­sture [Page 24] of Government that Our Subjects may be secure to enjoy Our just Protection for their Religion, Laws, and Liberties? What Posture of Government they intend We know not, nor can We imagine what Security Our good Subjects can desire for their Religion, Laws, and Liberties, which We have not offered, or fully given. And is it suitable to the duty and dignity of both Houses of Parliament to Answer Our particular weighty expres­sions of the Causes of Our remove from London (so ge­nerally known to the Kingdome) with a Scoff, That they hope We were driven from thence, not by Our own Fears, but by the Fears of the Lord Digby, and his Reti­nue of Cavaliers? Sure the Penner of that Declaration inserted that ungrave and insolent Expression (as he hath done divers others) without the consent or examination of both Houses; who would not so lightly have departed from their former professions of duty to Us.

Whether the way to a good Understanding between Us and Our people hath been as zealously pressed by them, as it hath been professed and desired by Vs, will be easily discerned by those who observe, that We have left no publick Act undone on Our part, which, in the least degree, might be necessary to the Peace, Plenty, and Security of Our Subjects, and that they have not di­spatched one Act which hath given the least evidence of their particular Affection and Kindnesse to Vs: But on the contrary, have discountenanced and hindred the te­stimony other men would give to Vs of their affections: Witnesse the stopping and keeping back the Bill of Sub­sidies granted by the Clergie, almost a yeare since, which though Our personall wants are so notoriously known, they will not, to this time, passe: So not onely [Page 25] forbearing to supply Vs themselves, but keeping the Love and Bounty of other men from Vs, and afford no other Answers to all Our Desires, all Our Reasons (indeed not to be answered) then, That We must not make Our Vn­derstanding or Reason the Rule of Our government, but suffer Our Self to be assisted (which We never denied) by Our great Councell. We require no other Liberty to Our will, then the meanest of them do (We wish they would alwayes use that Liberty) not to consent to any thing evidently contrary to Our Conscience and Vnder­standing: and We have and shall alwayes give as much estimation and regard to the Advice and Counsell of both Our Houses of Parliament, as ever Prince hath done: But We shall never (and We hope Our people will never) account the contrivance of a few (Factious, Seditious persons, a Malignant Par­ty, who would sacrifice the Commonwealth to their own furie and ambition) the wisdome of Parliament; and that the justifying and defending such persons (of whom, and of their particular sinister wayes to compasse their own bad ends, We shall shortly inform the world) is not the way to preserve Parliaments, but is the oppo­sing and preferring the consideration of a few unworthy persons, before their Duty to their King, or their care of the Kingdome. They would have Vs remember that Our Resolutions do concern Kingdomes, and therefore not to be moulded by Our own Understanding: We well remember it; But we would have them remember, That when their Consultations endeavour to lessen the Office and Dignity of a King, they meddle with that which is not within their determination, and of which We must give an account to God and Our other King­domes, [Page 26] and must maintain with the sacrifice of Our life.

Lastly, that Declaration tells you of a present despe­rate and malicious Plot, the Malignant Partie is now acting, under the plausible Notions of stirring men up to a care of preserving the Kings Prerogative, maintaining the Discipline of the Church, upholding and continuing the Reverence and Solemnitie of Gods Service, and encouraging Learning, (indeed plausible and honourable Notions to act any thing upon) and that upon these grounds divers mutinous Petitions have been framed in London, Kent, and other Places. Vpon what Grounds would these men have Petitions framed? Have so many Petitions (even against the Form and Constitution of the Kingdome, and the Laws established) been joyfully re­ceived and accepted? And shall Petitions framed upon these Grounds be called Mutinous? Hath a multitude of mean, unknown, inconsiderable, contemptible Persons about the Citie and Suburbs of London, had libertie to Petition against the Government of the Church, against the Book of Common Prayer, against the Freedome and Priviledge of Parliament, and been thanked for it: And shall it be called Mutinie in the gravest and best Citizens of London, in the Gentry and Commonaltie of Kent, to frame Petitions upon these grounds; and to desire to be governed by the known Laws of the Land, not by Or­ders and Votes of either, or both Houses? Can this be thought the Wisdome and Justice of both Houses of Parliament? Is it not evidently the work of a Faction within or without both Houses, who deceive the Trust reposed in them, and have now told Vs what Mutinie is, to stirre Men up to a Care of preserving Our Preroga­tive, maintaining the Discipline of the Church, uphold­ing [Page 27] and continuing the Reverence and Solemnitie of Gods Service, encouraging of Learning, is Mutinie? Let Heaven and Earth, God and Man, judge between Vs and these Men: And however such Petitions are, there, called Mutinous, and the Petitioners Threatned, Discountenanced, Censured, and Imprisoned: If they bring such lawfull Petitions to us, We will graciously receive them, and defend them and their Rights against what power soever, with the uttermost hazard of Our being.

We have been the longer (to Our very great pain) in this Answer, that We might give the World satisfaction, even in the most triviall Particulars which have been ob­jected against Vs; and that we may not be again reproch­ed with any more prudent Omissions. If We have been compelled to sharper Language then we affect, let it be considered, how vile, how insufferable Our Provocati­ons have been; And except to repell Force be to assault, and to give punctuall & necessary Answers to rough and insolent Demands, be to make invectives, We are confi­dent the world will accuse Vs of too much Mildnesse; and all Our good Subjects will think, We are not well dealt with, and will judge of Vs, and of their own happi­nesse and securitie in Vs by our Actions; which We de­sire may no longer prosper, or have a blessing from God upon them and Vs, then they shall be directed to the glory of God, in the maintenance of the true Protestant Profession, to the preservation of the Propertie, and the Libertie of the Subject, in the observation of the Laws, and to the maintenance of the Rights and Freedome of Parliament, in the allowance and protection of all their just Priviledges.


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