A Necessary Vindication OF Dr. HEYLYN AND THE AUTHOR of the following LIFE.

I Had never put my self to the trouble of writing▪ and the Reader to his pains in reading the third Publication of Dr. Heylyn's Life, but that I have been most grosly abused in the first and second, upon the same Subject. At the sight of both which, I was not a little amazed, but ashamed: First to see an anonymous piece printed before the Doctors works, which I had ordered otherwise: And late­ly a little Book crept forth with the Name of its Author. Therefore I must crave leave of the Reader's Patience to shew how I come concern'd, and have been uncivilly dealt with by George Vernon (as he writes himself) Rector of Bourton on [Page 2] the Water in Gloucestershire; a Man utterly unknown to me before this affair. Nec bene­ [...]icio, nec injuria mihi notus.

About four years agoe hearing that Mr Hen. Heylyn my Brother in law, did in­tend to print his Fathers life before some miscellaneous pieces of his Writings, I made a tender of my service to that work; for which I could propose no other advantage to my self than my labour for my pains? and only to testifie my real reverence and hearty affection to his Father and mine, whom I ever honoured for his learning and good life: And because I thought such a duty might be more reasonably ex­pected from me, his Son-in-Law, than any other who was a stranger to him; especi­ally, when he was pleased to put several papers into my hands to transcribe, and had often discoursed various passages of his Life to me, which I know none in the world can give an account of but my self. Yet since his Sons fancy led him to make choice of another before me, I was satisfi­ed, and did patiently expect the coming forth of the work, not only Term after Term, but year after year, a very consi­derable time for so small a Tract. But at last instead of the Life came a Letter to me [Page 3] from a Book-Seller in London, viz. Mr. Chr. Wilkinson at the sign of the black Boy in Fleetstreet, to desire my assistance, for the thing (as he writ) was at a stand: The printing of which Mr. Harper his Friend would not have undertaken had not Mr. Heylin assured him, that I was engaged in it, because it must needs be (as he said) lame and imperfect if it was done without my knowledge, who was [...]quainted with all the transactions of the Doctors Life.

But to those Letters I returned several flat denyals, thinking it below me to medle in that, which another had before un­dertaken, much less to be his journey man to patch up what I should have made new. Besides I had no confidence in the Man, so bold and forward in the work, because he was a mere stranger to my Father Heylyn (as he now publickly confesses) and I beleive never saw the Doctors face in his Life. Yet still I was importun'd, and his writings were sent down to me, withal to let me know the Writer was willing I should make what alterations in them and additions to them, I pleased, for which I have Mr. Wilkinsons letter by me in his verbis. a person so honest as will not deny his own words.

At the receipt of this Letter I was un­willingly perswaded by some Friends to [Page 5] send to Lincoln for the Gentlemans Ma­nuscript which had laid at the Carriers house above three weeks: And when it came into my hands I found it indeed according to the Booksellers description; (in another Letter) lame and imperfect. And I must say ill begun, and worse carried on, and ab­ruptly concluded. Nay some things false and scandalous tending to the disre­putation, and not the honour of my Fa­ther: Besides half the Life, for want of other matter, when those few old Notes failed him, which Mr. Heylin had lent him, was stuffed out with a long story of Westminster, and a farrago of needless tran­scription out of Dr. Heylins Books, for no other purpose, then to prove the Doctor was no Papist. Quor­sum haec perditio: For did ever any lay this to his charge, but the Puritan Secta­ries, who were his profest Enemies? I will call Doctor Burnet, his very good Friend; who I am sure will stand his second in this challenge, for he saith, I doubt not but Pref. to Hist. of Ref. he was a sincere Protestant. But this only was his mishap, first to write the History of Reformaaion, and his second hath so far outgone him, that ever since the poor Doctor has suffered in his Reputation, [Page 6] and the Church of England nick-named with Popery, which odious name first took its epoch, (and God be thanked is of no elder date) from the beginning of the late History of Reformation, and the thankful Parliament to the Historian. Since then, our Religion and Hierarchy has been hunch'd at by every Clown and Fanatick. Others more unnaturally, like Nero to Agrippina, have searched into the secret Entrals of their Mother, ript up her Bowels to see if they could find a Pope in her Belly: Therefore the good old Doctor lyes no more under the mali­cious slander and suspicion of Popery, than our dear Mother, the Church of Eng­land, for her excellent Wisdom in keeping up a medium be [...]wixt the two extreams of Popery and Fanaticism.

B [...]t to return to my Gentleman again, out of respect to my Brother, because he was his Acquaintance, I dealt most in­genuously with the Life, made several Additions to it, corrected many mistakes▪ abated only the Harangue of Transcrip­tions and such passages, as I thought were disgraceful reflections on my Reverend Father; I put it into a method, which was before very confused—Cui lecta potenter [...]rit res.

[Page 7] Neo facundia deseret hunc, nec lucidus ordo. Hor. de Ar. po. as the Poet said. I also disposed both his and my own Discourses into distinct Pa­ragraphs, that the one might be known from the other: And finally I writ this civil Letter of Thanks to him, which I sent up to the Book-seller, and ordered to be printed before the Life, and it is as followeth.

To this Letter I expected no less than ci­vil thanks, for the trouble and pains I had undergone in my new imploy, not sought by me, but importuned by others, that I can say, Non lecta est operi, sed data causa meo. But instead of thanks from him, and the return of common civility; he disfigured my Papers, that no sooner came into his hands, but he fell upon them as a Lion rampant, or like the Lio­ness: [Page 9] The Cat, upon the poor Cock in the Fable, saying, Tu hodie mihi discerperis. So my Papers came home miserably clawed, blotted and blurred, whole Sen­tences dismembred, and Pages scratched out, several Leaves omitted which ought to have been printed, especially if he met with any passages in the Life that seemed an Ornament to it, he would give no fair Quarter to them. Such an Interpolator he was, as I hope not to meet with his Fellow. Whereas the Rea­der may think I did the like with his Manuscript: No, I sent it up whole and entire, took the pains to transcribe out of it what I thought fit to be inserted into the Life, and set his Name thereto. I did him no wrong; but on the contra­ry he most shamefully used my Copy, that before it was carried to the Press, he swooped away the second part of the Life wholly from it; in the room of which, he shufled in a preposterous Con­clusion at the last Page, which he caused to be printed in a different Character from the other, and therein could not keep himself honest, but as the Poet saith,

For he took out of my Copy Doctor Heylyn's Dream, his Sickness, his last Words before his Death, and left out the burning of his Surplice, which the Doctor thought ominous, but he judged superstitious. Finally he so mangled and metamorphised the whole Life I compo­sed, that I may say as Sosia did, Egomet Piaut. mihi non credo, ille alter Sosia, me malis mulcavit modis.

Notwithstanding all which malicious practices, misbecoming any generous man, much more a Scholar and a Divine. I did intend to trouble my self no further about him, but patiently endured the wrongs, because the writing of a Life is an exercitation of no such mighty consequence; but since he hath provoked me again, by presuming to publish a Se­cond Life after he had so macerated the first, and endeavours to asperse my Name in these words, viz. Many passages were excerpted out of his Papers, the very words His Preface as well as matter, when he had them in his Custody. Quis tulerit Gracchum? I must retort the poysoned weapon upon his own breast, that himself is the Pla­giary both of my words and matter; even by his own confession, what he hath [Page 11] taken out of the printed Folio, and o­ther materials, I can make evidently ap­pear, out of my private Manuscript, that I have given him Horns to gore me withal: And let the World judge be­twixt us, which is most likely, that I am beholding to him, or he to me, for he was a mere Ignotus to my Father in Law. as he acknowledges. For my own part Preface. (saith he) I never had the honour either to know Dr. Heylyn, or to be known by him. Therefore of all others, I think, the most unfit man in the World to write his Life, but that he is a [...], who loves to busie himself where he has no­thing to do, and undertake things above his knowledge and ability.

But for those words with which he charges me, he should have been more positive; whether they are Doctor Hey­lyn's or his own? If the former, certain­ly I can claim as good a right to them as any man living, and with much more [...]ea­son than he: I confess from the Doctor's Papers, of which I had a prior possession and perusal of them before him; I have faithfully drawn the Lines (to which I have added the last Period) of his Life, and something out of Prudence I have [Page 12] purposely omitted, because this censori­ous and critical Age will not bear them: But for other things, both in words and matter, which is purely the Doctors own, and without them none would presume to write on such a Subject: I have made no further use of them than the Calumni­ator himself hath done, and they can­not be said to be either his or mine, but must be attributed to the right Owner; viz. the Doctor himself, who left them for a Rule to guide the Writer of his Life. However I have not been surrep­titious of whole pages together out ofPag. 59, 60, 61, 62, 63. Pag. 101. 102. 103. 104. the Doctors printed volumnes, and ap­propriated them to my self without any Mark or Asterism as he hath done. I am no such Excerptor: But he is in the pret­ty humor of the man who took all the Ships in the Attick Haven for his own, and yet was not Master of any one Vessel.

But all this while I misunderstand him, for possibly he meaneth his own dear words I have excerpted: If it be true, why doth he not speak in plain down right English, that the World may see my faults? For every one does not know what is excerpting. If I have been so [Page 13] bold to pick or snap a word from him, I hope I may have the benefit of the Clergy. But he would have done well to have particularized them, and set down my Crime in capital Letters; and then I should have demonstrated with better evidence, how he hath been inju­rious to me: But I stand in justification of my self; what words have I robbed him of, and am become the richer for them? Truly I was never so taken with him as to be once tempted to break the Commandments, because I love plain speaking, writing, and dealing, which he does not: I hate the word excerpted, and the action imported in it: Howso­ever he is a fanciful man, and thinks there is no Elegancy nor Wit, but in his own way of talking at this rate. I must say as Tully did, Malim equidem indisertam Cic. de orat▪ prudentiam, quam stultam loquacitatem.

But how have I excerpted his matter? Then I am sure to rob the Spittle-house; for he is so poor and put to hard shifts, that he has had much ado to compose a tollerable Story, which he hath been hammering and conceiving in his mind for four years together, before he could bring forth the pretty Faetus of intoller­able [Page 14] Transcriptions to molest the Readers patience and memory. How doth heftom p. 67, to 89. run himself out of breath; sometimes for twenty Pages together and more, atfrom p. 212 to p. 227. other times fifteen, ordinarily nine andfrom p. 228 to 236. ten, collected out of the Doctors old Books verbatim, before he can take hisp. 61, to 174. wind again, to return to his Story. I never met with such a Transcriber in all my days: For want of matter to fill up a Vacuum, of which his book was in much danger, he hath set down the Story of Westminster, as long as the Plowmans Tale in Chaucer, which to the Reader would have been more pertinent and pleasant. I wonder that he did not tran­scribe bills of Chancery, especially about a tedious Suit that my Father had for several years about a Lease at Norton, that would have furnished him with matter enough. I dare boldly affirm, abating this of Westminster, and his un­merciful Collections out of Certamen Epi­stolare and Theolog. Vetr. his Book would not have exceeded the bulk of the nine Worthies. After his writing out folio upon folio, he endeavours to excusepag. 241. himself after this manner, I hope (saith he) the perusal of those things, will be no [Page 15] less acceptable to the sober Reader, than the transcribing of them has been to my self. What if he has a mind to transcribe over all Dr. Heylyn's Writings? Must he to please his own fancy of scribling, obtrude them upon the Reader? He was to write the Doctors Life and not his Books. Must he spend his time and paper in needless excursions, from page to page, for nine, ten, and twenty pages together? No sober Reader can endure an historical Narrative that has so many out-leaps.Plat. in Parmen. Such a Writer he is as Plato describes, [...], who flurts up and down, now returning, and anon gone; sometimes in the way, but for the most part out of it, and at last sticks fast in the deep Mire. Transcriptions are so many digressions from the Theme or Subject, to which we must make a spee­dy return. For my part I must confess, that I have made use of several choice Collections out of my Fathers Treatises pro re nata, but they are brief and ne­cessary, not superfluous nor nauseous; I appeal to the Reader, whether they clog his Stomach, or beget a fresh ap­petite to what follows? much less do they confound his Memory to what is [Page 16] precedent. In other things I have offer­ed some discourses of my own where I saw occasion, to vindicate my Learned Father: In all I doubt not, but it will manifestly appear there is a multitude of more occurrences than can be found in the late Life-Writer, which will blow away his most malicious slander of my excerpting his matter.

But what is all this to the obliquies against the most reverend Doctor him­self; whose Name and Reputation he hath injur'd more than mine, by conju­ring up old Ghosts, and malignant Spi­rits of detraction, that has been allayed and charmed down above thirty years ago, and now are raised up again to disturb his Ashes, and traduce his Name, opprobious reports (though insignificant among wise Men) looks scandalously with the vulgar, that they had better been buried in oblivion, and perished in everlasting silence, than re­membred. For nothing ought to be recorded against the party whom we love and honour, that may give his adver­saries the least occasion to reproach his Name. Therefore no Man of prudence who pretends so high a reverence of [Page 17] Doctor Heylyn, (as the Author doth) would have published to the world those particulars following. 1. the Earl of Derbies p. 38. p. 35. p. 123. p. 31. p. 120. speech to him. 2. The rude usages he found in Court. 3. His writing Mercu­rius Aulicus. 4. His clandestine Marri­age. 5. His Marrying a Wife without a Portion. 6. His Parishoners of Alsford perswaded, they should never fix eye on him, unless they took a journey to a Goal or a Gallowes. All which matters true or false are unworthy to be mentioned in the Life of so venerable a person as Doctor Heylyn: but they are scandals, and, for the most part, untruths, as shall appear hereafter.

Concerning his Marriage though he was my Father-in-law, I cannot excuse it from being clandestine, much less justify the contrary (as the Author does boldly) against a general known Truth, beleived by every one in the University, affirmed by all, and not denyed by the Doctor himself. I have reason to know it above others, because this was wrong­fully charged upon me by Doctor Hood of Lincoln Colledg, as if I had intended to have done the like, when I desired to hold my fellowship a longer time than [Page 18] the year of Grace which had been gran­ted to others, perticularly to Mr. Cross, Rector of Great Chue in▪ Somersetshire, but denyed to me for this reason, which the Rector alledged against me, saying, You are to marry Doctor Heylyns Daughter, (we hear) and you will doe as he did. The good Man then forgetting himself that one of his own Daughters was marri­ed to a Fellow of Lincoln-Colledge the Mar­riage was kept private, and the profit of the Fellowship received by his Son­in-Law, who shall be nameless. It is more ingenious to confess an Errour, then make a weak defence or Apology for it, that does rather aggravate than extenuate the crime: While the Au­thor sweats to prove the Doctors Marri­age was not clanculour, because he or­dered it to be performed upon St. Simonpag. 13. and St. Judes day between ten and eleven of the Clock in the morning in his own Col­ledg Chappel, in the presence of a sufficient number of witnesses of both sexes, the wed­ding dinner was kept in his own chamber, &c. Yet all this while it was a Marriage clan­cularly, a Marriage in Masquerade, a Marriage incognito to the Colledge, be­cause the President and Fellows neither [Page 19] knew, nor beleived there was a true so­lemnization of Marriage in their Chap­pel; and though some of them were in­vited to the wedding Dinner, they took the invitation to a merriment, and not to a Marriage. Indeed it was not clan­destine against the Lawes of our Church and Realm, because the usual ceremonies and formalities of both were performed in the solemnization betwixt the parties, but such Marriage was expresly against the Laws and Statutes of the Colledg­Founder; and much more for a married Fellow to keep his Fellowship after. He is an absur'd Writer that will start in­to circumstances, and not prove the main matter which is controverted. But what mattereth it or availeth, whether the Doctors Marriage was clandestine or no? was he only the first example of this kind in the University? was not this done in his youthful dayes? In amo­re haec insunt vitia. Aristotle will excuse a young Mans faults, that cannot beArist. Eth. lib. cap. 10. so happy either in his judgment or practise as his Elders, [...]. How many Breakers are there of Col­ledge Statutes besides Doctor Heylyn? I [Page 20] beleive very few Fellows, but they are faulty in some kind or other. Yet I will not go about to accuse or condemn them, nor Apologise for him further than the rule of Rhetorick will allow, and that is, Quod negari non queat, re­sponsione voculari eludas, & rem facias risu magis dignam quam crimine. that which cannot really be denyed must be put offA. Gell. lib. 12. cap. 11. with a Jest, and so it will seem a laugh­ing matter rather than a Crime, for which we have the Example of Cicero, when he was accused about Money: And so it was the Doctors case about Matrimony; the whole affair and management of it was a most pleasant humour, which he he was resolved to carry on dramatically under a disguise, and yet the same was real. Mrs. Bride placed at the the head of the Table, the Town Musick playing, himself waiting most part of the Dinner, and no formality wanting, all which cir­cumstances were contrived Fallacies and yet most undeniable truths. Notwith­standing the Writer of his Life is most greivously offended, with any one that is not of his opinion about the Doctors Marriage, and the Colledge dividend, which he received betwixt that time and [Page 21] the Resignation of his Fellowship. Saith he most Davidically, But what shall be given to thee, or what shall be done unto thee, thou false tongue, I think still it was a Clandestine Marriage, and the Doctor was after bound to restore all emolu­ments from that time, but the Colledge did easily forgive him, and in testimony of their Love and extraordinary respect, many years after his Marriage, did ac­commodate him for some time of the War with convenient Lodgings for him­self, Wife, and Family, when they were driven out of all House and harbour from his two Livings, Alsford and Southwarn­borough. Why then the Writer should be so rugged as to fall into uncivil terms with that noble Foundation? I see no cause for it; much less to charge them with odious things to which they them­selves can best answer, if he will hearken to any reason: But he seems to me, for a time deprived, and (as it were) in a fit of Quakerism while he Canteth so dolefully, saying. They take Bread out of the mouths of Young Students, and send them to pag. 32. wander in solitary wayes, being hungry, and thirsty, and their Souls ready to faint in them

[Page 22]Notwithstanding I cannot but▪ com­mend his h [...]arty zeal and affection to­ward my Father-in-law, if he knew how to guide these two good passions with reason, and common discretion: But for the most part he is a high flyer into hy­perbolical comparisons, and never obser­veth a mediocrity betwixt too extreems, for one while he likens the Doctor to Joseph the Patriarch, another while to Moses the Prophet, and afterward sets him down in the office of Mercurius Auli­cus, or the Kings Diurnal-maker; in which last though he endeavours to bring him off again, as well as he can, I'le warrant the cutting of Alcibiades Dogs tail could not cause more talk in Athens, then this will, among our Fanatiques. And what was the ground work of those compa­risons? The Doctor is like unto Joseph because he lost a tryal at Law by a Jurypag. 14. of Taly-men. It was not the first time (saith▪ he) that a poor man was oppressed, and a righteous cause miscarri [...]d, but Joseph had never met those signal honours and dignities in Pharoahs Court, had he not been first sold by his Brethren for a bondslave into Egypt. The good Doctor was like unto Moses for getting, a Prebendary [Page 23] in Westminster, because (saith he) when Moses was deserted by his Parents (which Pag, 43. was never the Doctors case, no more than the other of a bondslave) for fear of Pha­raohs fury, God was pleased to provide him a Savior and a Nurse, when he was taken out of the bulrushes. Again the issue of the Doctors brain (because Books andPag. Children are issues) was far more nu­merous than that of his Body: Methinks that also is no sweet nor savory compa­rison. Nay himself is like the Doctor, for who should give an account of the Epist. deep actions of Doctor Heylyn, besides Doctor ▪Heylyn, or at least such an one who inherits his natural, if not his acquired accomplish­ments. The man hath a strange opinion of himself, that he is Doctor, Heylyn, be­cause he writes his Life, that he hath his natural parts, if not acquired. The Soul of St. Augustine (say the Schools) was Pythagorically transfused into the corps of Aquin. So the Soul of Doctor Heylyn into a narrow Soul: Who can beleive it the more for his saying, that an equal, if not a double portion of his Spirit is im­parted to him? I know there is a questi­on in Philosophy An Animae sint aequales? Whether Souls be alike? But their's as [Page 24] much difference betwixt those two, as be­tween the Spirits of Elijah and Elisha. I stand amazed at his similitudes and dissi­militudes, his presumption and high con­ceit of himself; that so small a Prophet should go hand in hand with Doctor Heylyn, who is not worthy to hold water to the hands of so great an Elijah. He hath other examples of most wide com­parison I could instance in which there ought to be Comparatio aequalitatis vel simi­litudinis' but I can find no anological matter in them, but what is strangly hook­ed in, or fetch'd as far as the Antipodes,

But he is both an Astrologer and a Di­vine that he undertakes to calculate the Doctors Nativity, and give his Judge­ment thereupon? although he knows Ju­dicial Astrology is not well approved of among Divines, and that such Astrologers are no more to be beleived than Gypsies, and Fortune-tellers, whose art is impu­dence and lying: As the Chaldeans affir­meth that the world hath continued above forty thousand years, Lactantius thereforeJact. lib. 7. c. 14. saith of them. Se quia posse argui non putabant liberum sibi crediderunt mentiri: because they think none can contradict them, they took the liberty to lye, and [Page 25] now let us see his art and wonderful skill in Figure flinging. The Birth of pag. 1. Doctor Peter Heylyn (saith he) according to the rules of our Astrologers, (which I sup­which I suppose he means the Almanack­makers) presaged firm constitution of body, and prosperous success in the civil affairs of humane Life. For it was November 29. 1599. at Burford in the County of Oxon, between eight and nine in the morning. A most excellent Astrologist! Quem mea non to­tum Bibliotheca capit. Who hit the hour so exactly, on which depended all the Doctors good Fortune, between eight and nine a clock in the morning, only he forgets, the rapid motions of the Heavens in that time, which might cause great alterations: I expect he will be more satisfactory in the next horary que­stion he publishes, for in this the rule and the example does not agree; because the Doctor had not firm Constitution of bo­dy, but many ill fits of Sickness, a very bad head, (for he must needs tell all he knows of him) that the flesh in the fore­part pag. 7. of his Head rotted to the Scull, where never any hair came afterward, he was sent to London, and kept to a strict Diet and [...]requent sweatings. God be thanked this [Page 26] was in the Doctors childhood, or else the World would think strange things of him. It seems some unlucky Star had a ma­levolent aspect upon his head, which the the Writer of his Life (though an Astro­loger) did take no notice of in his Na­tivity, and much worse Fortune had the Doctor in the affairs of humane Life, which if they had been prosperous ac­cording to Prognostication, no doubt he had been a Bishop, and not only a sub-Dean of Westminster, and probably he would have preferred this Author, whom his Son designed to write his Life. But still he persists in his Astrology, At which time (sayes he) the Sun was in the Horo­scope of his Nativity, and the Houses very well pag. 2. disposed. But I affirm the contrary, who think my self as great an Astrologer as he, Non tu plus cernis, sed plus tenerarius audes. That the Houses were very ill disposed that time, not only for the reasons I have already given, but to speak more judiciously upon the point, I find the Planets then were combust of the Sun, under a fiery triplicity, and the Lord of the ascendant in his Nativity was out of his essential dignities, the moon also Cadent and unfortunated by [Page 27] those Planets that had dominion in the sixth or eighth House, besides not a good Planet was then in Cazimi or the heart of the Sun; both the promittors and significators weak in the Radix of his Nativity; all which did signifie but in­different good Fortune to the Doctor, sometimes prosperous and improsperous, good health and bad, no firm Consti­tution of body (as he saith) but in­firm; often crazy, never ill but once of his Head when he was a Boy, which the Writer would for no good omit.

But I have found him out all this while where he has been tampering, and that is in Mr. Lillys Book of introduction to Astrology, who hath learnt him his coelestial Art, That the ☉ presents a Man of good corporature, of healthful constitution, very humane, &c. his head quickly bald, and so the Life-Writer sayes, never any hair Chr. Astrol. lib. 1. cap. 11▪ came afterward, when the flesh was rot­ted to the Scull. But Mr. Lilly is not at all so absolute and positive in his judg­ment upon Nativities between the hours of eight and nine in the Morning. In­deed he is the more subtil Astrologer, for he hath out-done Mr. Lilly in Christi­an Astrology, because he can prognosti­cate [Page 28] and foretel from the Stars, whe­ther a Child, when it is born, shall be baptised or no? and whether then it shall be Christened by the Minister with the sign of the cross? for (saith he) this re­verend man was in this particular fortunate, pag. 2. that he had the honour to carry the mark of the Cross, which was imprinted on him at the Font. Oh strange! under what a happy constellation was the Doctor born above other Christians. I thought it had been ordinary, but this was extra­ordinary, because he fell not into the hands of a Non-conformist: I beleived he was signed with the Cross, because I am sure the Heavenly Houses, which first set out the Cross to Constantine, are allwayes well disposed to this good sign, but whether he was Christened at home, or in Church, I am not fully satisfied, and if I should hold the contrary, he cannot confute me, for according to my Albumazar, and other learned Authors, the Heavens were then in that positure, that the Sun was separated from a square of Jupiter, and applyed to the square of Saturn, which often gives strange disap­pointments to things expected, so that still it remains a Question whether the [Page 29] Child was Christened in the Font. For my part I durst not pry so far into the Doctors Nativity, much less into the Baptism or Holy Font, but that the Au­thor incites me to it; For I medled no further, but that he was born in a happy year with Augustus Thuanus the famous Historian, which I wonder escaped his dash in the printed Folio. Therefore for that kindness I will give him this counsel, and I wish he may follow it hereafter, That he would study the Doctors Books, and not his Birth; and leave poring on his Astronomical Tables, and gazing upDiog. Laer▪ in vit. ▪to the Stars, lest he should happen some ill mischance, not minding his foot­hold, like Thales Milesius fall into a pit,Tacit. An­nal lib. 6. or meet with some worse disaster, some trap-door, which Tiberius Caesar provided for his Astrologers, si vanitatis aut sraudis suspicio in cesserat. If any jealousie came into his mind they were false and treacherous.

I cannot also but take notice of the Authors high opinion and conceit of him­self, because he is a little Writer, All Men (saith he) have not the abilities to write Books, so neither to pass sen­tence on them when written. And is it not a Truth as undeniable, Scribimus in­docti (que)? [Page 30] Are there not more Scriblers than learned Writers? The World is pestered too much with them, that swarm like Gnats and Flyes to buz the Head, and [...]urt the Eyes, and yet have no Hony or sweetness in them. I am of opinion, if there were fewer Books, there would be more Learning, and much better Scholars in every Age; for Authors then would be well read, digested and turned into good nourishment: Whence Petrus Comestor, who writ the Historia Scholastica, took his Name, Comestor Trith. de Scrip. Eccl. pag. 86.▪ sive manducator librorum, saith Trithem, quia scripturas quasi in ventrem memoriae manducarit. An Eater of Books and good Digester of them: Now they are hastily swallowed down without chew­ing, and, by reason of the gross stuff, and mean feeding in most Books and Writers are converted into excrementi­tious matter that passes away per latri­nam; and as Martial saith of a bungling Versifier in his time, Scribit Carmina, & quae legunt cacantes. Socrates was looked upon as the chief Oracle among the Phi­losophers, yet he left not one Book of his own writing to Posterity, saith Suida [...] ▪ Suid. Hist. No doubt there hath been, and is still in [Page 31] the World, most worthy, wise and learned Men, as those who have writ­ten many vast Volumes: For modesty in some, weakness of Body (and not of Mind) in others, fear of the Worlds censure; nay, continual study and rea­ding of Books, with which the mind of a Scholar is never satisfied, has hindred many a good Writer, so that it is no want of Faculty but Will: No Imper­fection ought to be charged on Mens Abilities, who are known Scholars; but if every one of them should undertake such a work, in a short compass of time, there would be more Writers of BooksLuth. colliq. than Readers. It was a Saying of Lu­ther, All of us have a▪ Pope [...]red in us. That is, an opinion of our own works, though there be no merit in them, which we may apply in this Case, that most Writers are in love with their Paper­works; but the World should first judge whether there is any excellency or real worth in them, otherwise it is a fond fancy, Narcissus like, for any one to be inamoured with his own Shaddow. But that which is worse than all this,

I perceive the Writer is not consistent with himself, but a [...] according [Page 32] to the Poets words, difficilis, facilis ju­ [...]undus acerbus es idem. Because one while he plays the Satyrist against the Fanaticks, and afterward turns Factor for the Papists, whose cause he could not plead better to please the holy Fa­thers of the Ignatian Society founded since Luther's time, than to render the Name of Protestant odious: `A Name ` (saith he) that imports little in it of `the positive part of Christianity. God forbid, and let us then put this into our Litany; Lord have mercy upon our Souls who profess our selves to be Pro­testants and not Papists, if the positive part of Christianity be wanting among us: For by Name, what doth he or can he▪ mean, but our Religion and Christian Profession? For the Name of Pro­testant it self, is but Thema simplex; I may say, vox & praeterea nihil, no more is Catholick, Christian, Orthodox, or any other Name: Nomina imponuntur rebus, Names are given to things to diver­sify and distinguish them one from ano­ther, or else how are they significative of themselves? While he goes about to un­christian the Name Protestant, or at least makes it Terminus diminu [...]ns, a very [Page 33] slighty Name indeed, he endeavours to overthrow the true Protestant Religion.

For ever since the first Reformation and change of Religion wrought among us, by our just and necessary separation from communion with the Church of Rome, we and our Fore-fathers have constantly gone under the Name of Protestants, though originally I acknowledge this Name was taken up by those Princes of Germany, who adhering to Luther's Doctrine made their Protestation at Spires (the impe­rial Chamber) and afterward set forth the Augustane Confession; since which time, the Church of England having cast off the Papacy, this Name hath been the [...] or remark of di­stinction betwixt us and Papists. Our Kings and Princes not only acknow­ledging the same, but have defended the Protestant Religion, his most sacred Majesty (whose Life God long preserve among us) in most or all his Speeches unto his High Court of Parliament, hath graciously declared to secure and defen [...] the Protestant Interest and Religion. His Royal Father, the most glorious Martyr of our Church, but two days before his Death, told the Princess Eliza­beth [Page 34] That he should die for the main­taining the true Protestant Religion; and charged her to read Arch-Bishop Laud's Book against Fisher to ground her against Popery. And why were the Jesui [...]s so active about his Death, that some of them be­came Agitators in the Independant Ar­my, but because it was agreed before by the Pope and his Council (saith Dr. du Moulin) that there was no way Vindicat. of the sinceri­ty of the Prot. Rel. for advancing the Catholick Cause in Eng­land, but by making away the King, of whom there was no hope to turn from hi [...] Heresie, because he was a Protestant. I cannot omit Arch-Bishop Laud's wordsp. 11, 12. at the time of his Tryal before the Lords, Anno Dom. 1643. Saith he, Not to trouble your Lordships too long, I am so innocent in the business of Religion, so far from all Arch Bish. Life p. 5, 6. practice, or so much as thought of practice, for any alteration unto Popery or any ble­mishing of the true Protestant Religion established in England, as I was when my Mother first [...]are me into the World▪ In his Speech upon the Scaffold before his Death, he saith thus of the King, I shall be bold to speak of the King, our gracious Soveraign; He hath [...]een m [...]d traduced for bringing in of Popery▪ [Page 35] [...]ut on my Conscience (of which I shall give God a very present account) I know him to be as free from this Charge as any Man living, and I hold him to b [...] as sound a Pro­testant (according to the Religion by Law established) as any Man in this Kingdom.

And now hath not this Name Pro­testant, which imports our Religion, been owned by all our Judges and Lawyers, the Lord chief Justice speaking of Papists;At the Try­al of Picke­ring, Gro [...] and Ireland, 1678. If they cannot (saith he) at this time live in a Protestant Kingdom with security to their Neighbours, but cause such fears and dangers, and that for Conscience sake; then let them keep their Conscience and leave the Kingdom. Mr. Justice Wild, in like manner, Had such a thing as this been acted by us Protestants in any Popish Country in the World, I doubt there would not have been scarce one of us left a live. I might bring in here Sir William Jones, Mr. Finch, Mr. Recor­der of London. And truly if we are ashamed of our Name, we may be of our Religion, and cannot blame Popish Plots to subvert it, if we hold not fun­ [...]lamentals, which are the positive parts of Christiani [...]y. The Jesuit hawketh not for [...]parrows; his zeal to destroy [Page 36] our Religion carries him through Fire and Water, Sea and Land, over Rocks and Mountains to gain a Proselyte, ac­cording to those Verses I find in Pa­reus, alluding to the Pharisee, and Hor▪ the Poet.

Nay, he hath the patience to stay at home, and there no dull Stoick can ex­cel him in this Vertue; if he be once commanded by his Superior, he willMaph. in vita Ign. obey though his work be no other, saith Mapheus, than to water a dry log of Wood for a year together▪ he will not presume to ask the reason why, but [Page 37] does it: Then how much more ready is he to propagate the Gatholick Cause, and in order thereto adventure upon any action, if it be to the hazard of his Life, while he is commanded by his Fa­ther General at Rome, and the Congrega­tio de Propaganda fide: What will not he undertake to extirpate the Name of Protestant, and think he does God Ser­vice; for if positive Christianity be not imported in it, then we are Nega­tives; we are Jews, Infidels, Pagans, and cannot be denominated Christians, for Positive and Negative are contradi­centia: there can be no reconciling or tacking them together, and acco [...]ding to my Logick a Contradiction is omnium oppositorum fortissima, the strongest and most forcible of all oppositions: But I would know what are the Principles of Protestantis [...], that are so contra­dictory to Christianity; they must be either credenda or facienda, matters re­lating to Faith, or Christian practice: Do we hold any points of Faith contra­ry to the Primitive Catholick Church? Or deny Obedience to the Commands of God either in his Law or Gospel? In a word, are Protestants Christians or [Page 38] no? Or only nominal and not real? I think they are the best and purest sort of Christians ever since the Apostolick times, that they come nearest the Gospel of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and the example of them at Antioch, who were first called Christians. We do not know how to distinguish men of the Church of England from the Church of Rome, but by this characteristial Name or Appellation, because in the times of Popery, as appears not only by Linwood, but by the constitutions of Otho and Othobon: The Ecclesiastical Body of this Nation was anciently cal­led the Church of England, Ecclesia Anglicana, and so it continueth to this day, but with this discrimination only, that we are Protestants in the Church of England and not Papists.

I know it will be objected this Name is abused by Fanaticks, who impudent­ly dare arrogate it to themselves, and are ordinarily now called Protestants What then? Abusus non tollit usum; they are Protestants Catachrestice, as Papists call themselves Catholicks: And if they will boldly usurp the Name, which no way belongs to them; their Tongues [Page 39] are their own, and they will speak: Who is Lord over us? (say they) And who can hinder them? The Hereticks of old time, who were ex parte Donati, of Donatus side, did the like, and yet the Orthodox deemed themselves never the worse for their Pride and Usurpati­on. The Name of Christian was com­mon both to them and the Orthodox, as Optatus the good Father tells them. Pro utris (que) illud est, quod & nobis com­mane Oplat. l. 5. c. 29. est & vobis. Such Scandals are unavoidable, therefore with patience must be born. And it was the like complaint of Lactantius, but what Re­medy? The Novatians, Valentinians, Marcionites, and Arrians saith he, Quili­bet Lact. Instit. lib. 4. cap. 30. alij nominantur Christiani, & Chri­sti [...]i esse des [...]runt, any other Hereticks were called Christians, though they were none. So that 'tis no wonder the Sectaries of our Age will confidently take upon themselves the Name of Pro­testants,; they do but as other Schisma­ticks, who were their ancient Prede­cessors,—Mutato nomine de te Fabula narratur—Yet some of the baser sort of them, as Quakers and Independents despise the Name of Protestant, and [Page 40] hold it in as great derision as the Pa­pists do, and no doubt have learned from the soul Mouth of Father Dole­man alias Parsons, and from Watson in his Quodlibets, to call us of the Church of England, Queen Besses Protestants: However it does not become any Son of the Church, much less the Rector of Bourton, to bite and snarl at the Name of Protestant which distinguishes him from a Mass-priest, especially in such times as ours, when Papist and Fanatick joyn hand in hand, mouth and tongue together a­gainst us, because our Church is of Queen Elizabeths Religion and Reforma­tion. A Queen notwithstanding the malicious slanders of her Enemies, the Popes Bull of Damnation against her, and the Non-Conformists now Con­demnation of her: She was the most admired Princess of Europe in her time, the glory and wonder of her Sex, etiam supera Sexum, saith Thuanus, Thu. Hist. l. 22. though himself a Papist; and Beza the Successor of Calvin at Geneva gives her this Character of high praise, which methinks our Dissenters should assent unto, that she was a Queen God sent from Heaven to be a Nursing Mother [Page 41] at home unto the Church of England, and to Protestant Churches abroad. Let us hear his words more fully, In Anglia opus Domini qui serenissimam illam▪ & ecclesiarum non tantum Anglica­narum Theod. Bez. de Minist. Evang. Grad. Pag. 91. fortissimam instauraticem verum etiam peregrinarum religiosissimam nutri­cem Flizabetham instaurandae suae Do­mui quasi sua ipsius manu coelitus demisit. God be thanked also the Reformation of Religion, and the Church of England became Protestant before her time: Our Religion being established by Law in the Reign of her young Brother the most excellent Prince, Edward the 6th. whose Laws were written in Milk, and not in Blood, like those of Queen Mary his Sister who succeeded him. Our Religion and Ecclesiastical Govern­ment by Arch-Bishops and Bishops, &c. is still the same as was in the Reigns of Edward the Sixth, and Queen Elizabeth of blessed Memory, in whose time this Kingdom was accounted Regnum Evan­gelii, Thu. Hist. [...] 13. the Kingdom of the Gospel. Now why our Dissenters should dissent, why they should be so averse to the Pro­testant Religion then established by Law, and is now the very same in all [Page 42] Articles of Faith, Form of Worship, and Ecclesiastical Discipline; and yet they are not satisfied: I must profess that I see no reason for their dissatis­faction but Will and Humor; that they are as they have been, and still resolve to be of a perverse and democratical Spirit, in all matters relating to Church and State, much less cause have they to reproach the Name of the most Re­nowned Queen Elizabeth, which has been held in exceeding great venera­tion among all Protestants in forreign Kingdoms▪ whose incomparable Ver­tues of▪ Learning, Piety, Prudence, Modesty, Meekness, Stoutness, and other rare Perfections are described by a Poet living in her days, and are as fol­loweth.

May be Englished thus,

Let us then▪ not be ashamed of our Religion, nor judge the worse of it, much less deny our Christian Name, since our departure from the Church of Romé, because Papists and Fanaticks [Page 44] nick-name us Queen Besses Protestants. Such dirt flung upon Majesty, rebounds back with shame on their own Faces, and will hereafter to their eternal confusion, who dare reproach the Lords anointed. The Pope himself first played [...] part to throw Dirt and Stones at her, by calling her misera Faemina a wretched Woman; afterward followed many Rabs [...]eka's, especially Sanders and Rishton, who termed her Lupam Anglicanam, the Wolf-Bitch of England, though she had more of the Lamb than the Wolf, for she thirsted not after Blood as her Sister Queen Mary did: Finally Parsons alias Cow- [...], a Priest's Bastard, writ a Cart-load of Libels against her. These were the Popes Birds, and many other of the same Feather employed by his Holiness, as the Alexandrians kept their Ibides to devour the Garbage of theDiodor. Si­cul. l. 3. City, and to cleanse their Streets, but they left more noisom filth of their own behind them.

Gods holy Law strictly chargeth, Principem populi tui non maledices, Thou shal [...] not speak evil of the Ruler of thy People. So it was Tiberius care (saith Tacitus) ne memoria Augusti, ne nomen Tacit. l. 6. [Page 45] Caesarum in ludibria & contumelias verterat, that the Memory of Augustus, and the Name of Caesars, might not be turned into contempt and reproach: For if Princes once are set down in the Chair of the Scornful, they will not sit long upon their Thrones; their Authority and Government is quickly despised when their sacred persons are vilified, and by every foul mouth that speaks evil of Dignities, the holy and reverend Name of King, who is a Vice-God upon Earth, shall be commonly profaned and reviled with such Antimonarchi­cal Men. King James, Queen Elizabeths Successor, the first Monarch of great Britain, and second Solomon for Wis­dom, lived a most vexatious Life▪ that never poor King was so harassed with a company of unreasonable per­sons, both of the Popish and Puritan Faction, the one working under Ground by secret Plots and Conspiracies against him, for which reason he commanded the Dialogue between Theodidactus and Phi­lalethes to be composed and printed; the other was not ashamed to play a­bove Board, in audacious and open practices, that he never could have an [Page 46] Inter-regnum of peace and quietness for them, but they were continually Thorns in his Eyes, and Pricks in his Side; for no other reason, as he sadly complains, but because he was their King. Crebrae Bas [...]l. Dor. pag. 147. adversus me (saith he) in tribunitiis concionibus calumniae spargebantur, non quod crimen aliquod designassem, sed quia Rex eram, quod omni crimine pejus habe­batur. There were frequent calumnies scattered against me in their popular Sermons, not that I had committed any crime or fault, but that I was their King, which was esteemed worse than all crimes: Their Principles we have seen by woful experience, tend to Anarchy and Confusion; which as that wise King foresaw, so he put a Hook into the Nose of the Leviathans or chief Leaders of that Faction, and counsel­led his Son King Charles the First, to hold the Reins strictly: and not remissy over them; for by tolleration their in­solences will grow intollerable: There­fore I cannot omit the solemn Protesta­tion which at last he made, and certain­ly will ever be remembred by the R [...]yal Family Testor illum magnum Deum, nec testamentum (saith he) [...] [Page 47] fas est mentiri, nunquam inter montanos aut limitaneos nostros latrones majorem in­gratitudinem Basil. Dor. pag. 148. aut perfidiam reperiri posse, quam inter hos phanaticos ne [...]lones, nec patere; si pacate vivere decreveris, & hi eadem tecum patria fruantur, nisi forte p [...]tientiae experiendae ergo, ut Socrates vixit cum Zan­tippe. I take the great God to witness, as if I were making my last Will and Testament (and it is not lawful for him that maketh a Testament to lye) that there can never be more unthankful­ness or perfidiousness found among our High-land bordering Robbers, than among those Fanatick Knaves; (so the King speaks in plain terms) neither do thou suffer them to enjoy the same Country with thee, if thou purpose to live peaceably, unless perhaps for the exercise of thy patience, as Socrates lived with Zantippe.

And had not the good King reason for all this, who knew well the Geneva Bibles, and seditious Notes upon them; some of them not only teaching diso­bedience to Kings and Princes, but the execrable Murther, of them, if they were Idolaters; and others did not only teach the lawfulness of breaking faith [Page 48] and promises, when it might conduce to the hurting of the Gospel, but rank­ed the Arch-bishops and Bishops, and all men in holy Orders of Academical Degrees, amongst those locusts in the Revelation which came out of the Pit.

And now I heartily thank the Author my Adversary, for his Narrative of Mr. Baxter, the Head of all the Tribes among our Non-conformists; but I wonder, he being so famous an Astrolo­ger could not by Talismanical Figures of Gaffarel, without the help of other Witnesses, read Mr. Baxter's name in the Stars, and see [...]ow he pulled off the Picture from the Majors Neck, telling him then as he was swimming in his gore, that he was a Popish Rogue, and that was his Crucifix. I admire this discovery was not made before by Art; for the proof of which the Narrator hath taken a great deal of pains in get­ting the Majors Hand and Seal, and Witnesses, for all which I commend him, that he has made sure work, ac­cording to the saying, Plus annulis cre­ditur, quam animis, the Seals of men are more to be trusted than their Souls. Indeed the Narrative at the first sight [Page 49] of it, seemed to me most strange and in­credible, especially those words follow­ing the Story of the Picture, viz. restored to the Poor-man now alive a [...] Wick near Parshore in Worcestershire, although at the Fight supposed to be dead, being after the wounds given him, dragged up and down the Field by the merciless Soul­diers. Mr. Baxter approving of the in­humanity, by feeding his Eyes with so bloody and barbarous a Spectacle. I was very much enclined to suspect the truth of the whole Narrative; insomuch that I then said to a Friend, that I gave the same credit to it as to the story of Fa­ther Garnet; ‘That his forhead receivedJoh. Heigh. Chr. Cathol a blow, as he was dragg'd upon the Stones, and where the wound was, the sign of the Cross appeared; and the Blood dropping down the Straw in the Hurdle, his Face and full Feature was printed upon the Straw, for which the Papists could produce Hands and Seals▪’ also for Judge Seth's Finger bleeding through his Glove, while he pronoun­ced Sentence against Campian the Je­suit.

But now I crave pardon of the Nar­rator for my unbelief, and confess my [Page 50] self abundantly satisfied in the truth of all the premises concerning Mr. Baxter, because they have been publickly at­tested, and more fully confirmed than before, Therefore let Mr. Baxter look to him self and his own Conscience, and not accuse or condemn others, much less Doctor Heyl [...], as one who speaks of blood with pleasure When theBaxt. Pref. to the A­b [...]idgm of Chu [...]. Hist. Sin of blood-guiltiness of a high and barbarous nature lyes crying at his own door; and I am [...]ure a more than or­dinary Repentance must expiate the guilt of so [...]oul a crime; for it is pec­catum [...], [...] crying sin, of which there be four [...]or in Scripture, as Aqui­nus telleth us in a distich.

Although the good Major through Gods mercy is yet alive, the Savage and inhumane dealing he found at the Hands [Page 51] of Hurdman and Mr. Baxter, his inno­cent blood most unjustly spilt upon the ground after so many years silence of it; now to the shame of Mr. Baxter makes a hideous cry: As Murder it self cannot be concealed, no more can those Actions that border upon it, but Di­vine Vengeance will pursue whosoever is guilty of either; which the very Heathen took notice of, when he saithHor. car. lib. 3. Ob. 2. Raro antecedentem scelestum deseruit pede paena claudo. The innocent Doctor is falsly accused of words, but now his Accuser is truly arraigned, and upon his indict­ment found guilty of bloody deeds: For he that is a Partizan with cruel men, or an Abettor and Encourager of them, is certainly a Pertaker with them, and not only an Accessary to the Fact but a Principal; as in all Sanguinary Causes according to our Statute Laws, there are no Accessaries but Principals; and I am sure in Foro poli, or the Court of Heaven, such Offenders are alike. But the Man is still alive! What then, the intention of killing him, and their leaving him for dead, is a breach of the sixth Commandment, as if it were actual homicide: Murther was intended, [Page 52] Mr. Baxter standing by, not once re­proving Hurdman, but setting him there­on by his own example, calling the Major Rogue; I say it had been Mur­ther with all cruelty to the height, (if the poor man had dyed) because it is against the Law of Arms, after a Battel fought, to kill our Enemy in cold blood. And as the Case now stands aggravated with all the Circumstances alledged, Mr. Baxter can no ways acquit himself, because he cannot be ignorant of this Rule, Nullum Praeceptum consistit in indi­visibili, that no Precept of Gods Law is tyed up to one single or individual act, but has a greater latitude in it; as all kinds of Murther is forbidden, whether of the beart, tongue or hand, unmerci­fulness, cruelty, revenge, hatred, ma­liceQuid inter­est an gla­dio teneas, an lingua percutias, indubiran­ter [...]ici­da est? Op­tat. Milen. lib. 2. p. 69. is Murther; Whosoever hateth his Brother (saith the Apostle) he is a Murtherer, and you know that no Mur­therer hath eternal Life in him. Also every Precept of Gods Law is both affirmative and negative; under the affirmative, all duties that possibly can be reduced to it are implyed, and un­der the negative, which is of greater force, because it binds ad semper (as [Page 53] the Schools say) all things which come within the verge of it, as cruelty, in­humanity, &c. are absolutely forbid­den.

Mr. Baxters personal presence gave countenance to the bloody action, much more in being a delightful Spectator of it, which ought to have been abhorred by him. Nero himself could not behold bloody Tragedies though he command­edTacit. in vi­ta Agric. them, saith the Historian, Et jussit scelera Nero non spectavit: Much more barbarous actions are hateful to the Eyes of all Christians; that Constantine after his Conversion, by publick Edict, did forbid all monstrous and bloodyEusib. in vit. Const. Spectacles in the Amphitheater. For a Minister of Jesus Christ, (as he calls himself) who preaches against hardness of heart, to be so cruel hearted himself, as not to pity a poor Christian weltring in his blood and wounds, for the cause only of his King and Country; to shew no mercy, nor Cristian compassi­on towards him, not so much as we would do to a Turk or an Infidel, but call him Rogue, Popish Rogue, violent­ly pulling from his Neck the Kings Picture, and seeing him dragg'd up [Page 54] and down in the Fields by merciless Souldiers. Honesco referens. It was a more lamentable sight than the Specta­cula nefranda, when Christians were torn in pieces by wild Beasts in the Ro­man Theater.

I must therefore say to Mr. Baxter, Acts 7. 1. as the High-priest, [...], Are these things so? I sincerely wish from my heart that he may, and I hope he will repent, and ask God and the Major forgiveness, which is the lest part of pennance and satisfaction he can perform for so heinous an Offence; and till then, with what confidence can Mr. Baxter preach to his Auditors? being a silenced Minister both by the Laws of the Land and his own Consci­ence, that must needs fly in his face, and sorely exagitate him, as it was once the Case of Origen, who sinned not maliciously, but out of fear and cowar­dice to save his life: This Scripture struck him to the heart; Why doest thou preach my Laws, and takest my Covenant in thy mouth, whereas thou hatest to be re­formed, and hast cast my words behind thee. If Mr. Baxter will look out of his broken Church History, into true Ec­clesiastical [Page 55] History, he shall find Origen'sSuida Hist. Repentance set forth by Suidas for a most excellent Example to imitate. He was called Syntacticus for compiling many Books, in which Mr. Baxter does strive to follow him, in writing many Books, full of Errors, but not so learnedly erreth as Origen did; and and probably if he will not leave the odious quality of abusing reverend and worthy men, his Books may hereafter run the same fortune with Origens, to be publickly condemned. For

He cannot forbear railing upon Dr. Heylyn, after he hath laid in his Grave near twenty years: Speaking of theBaxt. Pref. to his A­bridgment of Church Hist. late Wars, saith he, Not only Lads that knew it not, but Heylyn, the great Re­proacher of Reformers, would make men believe that it was Presbyterians in England that began the strife and War. What Heylyn? There be many Heylyns in England; which of them? So pro­fest an Enemy he is to Degrees, because he was himself (I hear) never a Gra­duate or an University-man, that he is a Despiser of those Dignities in others: For his insolency in this kind, and errors in other matters, he was once soundly [Page 56] swinged by the Doctor and the Correcti­on put an end to all the Epistolary Con­troversies between them, that he was fain then to lower his Top-sail, and durst never appear in the Doctors time, top and top gallant: In revenge of which, and therein he thinks he hath done a great Act, not to call him so much as Peter Heylyn, Mr. Heylyn, or Good-man Heylyn; nay, he will not allow him a Christian Name, because he will be out of Charity with him both alive and dead. This is the man that prefesseth so much mortification, hu­mility and self-denyal: Yet no man swelleth with more spiritual pride, Mare Adriatico superbior. But why is Heylyn a Reproacher of the Reformers? I can­not tell, unless this be accounted a re­proach (which rather tendeth to his credit) that he is an impartial Writer of Histories, relating the naked Truth of things without respect of Persons, and chiefly, because he utterly dislikes such a Reformation of Religion, that is carried on in a popular and tumultuary way, which I think cannot be justifiable neither by Law, Reason, nor Scripture, nor by all the Learning Mr. Baxter [Page 57] hath, or ever shall have to prove the contrary. I appeal to the ancient Fa­thers, and the primitive Christians in the first Centuries, whether this was judged by them, an approvable way of Reformation, that is effected by the vulgar sort, (who are not competent Judges of Religion) but by the Au­thority of the Christian Magistrate, with the advice and good counsel of the Clergy, which is the only regular and most Scriptural way; the other bends to Sedition, Blood-shed, and Confusion, if it be left to the Multi­tude: Which caused the good Father to complain of the Donatists. Basilicas Oplat. Mi­len.. l. 2. p. 54. invasistis, multi ex numero vestro, per loca plurima, cruentas operati sunt caedes. And what outragious acts were done by the Donatists, against Churches, Altars, consecrated Vessels, and necessary utensils for the Sacrament? Haec omnia furor lib. 6. p. 154 vester aut rasit, aut fregit, aut removit, saith Oplatus. All these things your fu­ry hath raz'd down or defaced, or taken them away. And hath not this been the practice of some Reformers? God be thanked not in the Church of England, and let other Churches of [Page 58] the reformed Religion look to them­selves; I am sure it is a detestible Prin­ciple, which the Primitive Christians from their hearts did abhor, that if the Magistrate will not reform the Church and State, then the people must. Their Piety and Patience is most exem­plary to us; that we should rather suffer for true Religion, than make resistance or Reformation by rebellion. It was a seditious saying of Donatus. Quid est ibid. lib. 3. pag. 81. Imperatori cum Ecclesia? What hath the Emperor to do with the Church? But be he either Heathen or Christian, and if Christian, either Orthodox or Hetero­dox in the Faith, the good Catholicks did not then seek to establish their Re­ligion, vi & armis, much less without his Authority, or at least connivance of their Emperors, publickly exercise their Religion.

Secondly that which so imbitters Mr. Baxter against Dr. Heylyn, is, (saith he) That Heylyn would make men believe, that it was Presbyteriaas in England, that began the late Strife and War. And who believes otherwise, but they who have a bloody mind to War again? Have we not seen it with our Eyes, and others [Page 59] who were unborn then, have heard with their Ears the same, by many Wit­nesses and Writers besides Dr▪ Heylyn. What, must men deny their senses? It is not in the power of the Doctor, nor any other, to possess people with a be­lief and perswasion of things, whether they will or no; but as they appear e­vident to sense, reason or understanding, they give credit to them accordingly. Mr. Baxter imitates the Papists; He thinks of the War, as they do of the Gun-powder Plot, that it is so long a­go, it must be either forgotten, or can­not be proved: He and those of his Tribe, would be blowing their Trum­pets again for a second War, and cry out, to your Tents O Israel; but God in his mercy I hope will preserve the Land, that is grown more wise by sad experience of the late troubles, than to be twice deceived. The pretence of Reformation and Reformers, (whose Credit Mr. Baxter would still hold up, he cannot endure they should be touch­ed) was the Pulchra Laverna of Rebeli­on, both in England and Scotland. Who were the first Reformers but the Pres­byterians? Who was it? An Episcopal [Page 60] man or a Presbyterian, that said Strike [...] Plea p. 196. the Basilick vein, for nothing else will cure the plurisy of our State? and after fol­lowed the fatal stroke given upon the Lords anointed, to the terror and con­sternation of the whole Kingdom, but much more to the shame and confusion of it. And how many years after was this Nation ridden with the Reformers? That it might have been called instead of France, Regnum Asinorum, for the unmerciful loads of Oppression it groan­ed under; till at last wearied and tired out with them, it kickt off her Riders, and I am confident will never take to them again. For what were the fruits of the godly Reformation? Sacriledge and a continued Rebellion, Church and Crown Robberies; the King deprived of all his Right and Revenues, and the Church of her ancient De­means and Dignities; from both which (as no good consequence any one might conceive) did follow a horrible Anar­chy and confusion; not only Dr. Hey­lyn, but the World it self is judge of these things, whether the Presbyterians were not the Principal, and I may say the only causes of the late Wars, and [Page 61] those evils attending them. I think the Doctor set the Sadle upon the right Horse.

But I am sure Mr. Baxter doth not, when he puts Lads and Dr. Heylyn to­gether, who are [...], and very ir­reverently conjoyned together; yet perhaps those Boys think themselves as good Men as Mr. Baxter, and possibly to have as much Learning, however more discretion in them than appears in him, who shamefully complains of his feebleness to his Wife: For mo­desty sake I dare not set down theMr. Baxt. Breviat. of her Life p. 73. words, written at the end of his Letter to her, which he hath printed in his Narrative of her Life. But who are these Lads that knew not the War, and yet will be talking of it? I very well apprehend his meaning, and confess I was then but a Youth, but now am old and gray-headed, that what I have written I hope to make good, and fear not to meet Mr. Baxter upon a fair Challenge any where in the half-way, except between Lynsel and Longford. In the mean while, he who Styles him­self so proudly in the Title page of his Church History, Richard Baxter a [Page 62] Hater of false Histories: Let him not falsisie Dr. Heylyn, nor others, who approve themselves truer Historians than himself, whom I now attach for falshood in saying this scandalous story of the Doctor. That he himself had laid much of the Baxt. Pref. to Ch. Hist. War on the Arch-Bishops and Bishops, and on the Parliaments complaints of Popery, Arminianism and arbitrary illegalities. In his Hist. of Presb. pag. 465. pag. 470. In all which pages ne [...] quidem, there is not a word or syllable can be found of these things, nor to such purpose; that I wonder he hath the face to charge Dr. Heylyn with them, when he pro fesseth himself to be a Hater of false Histories, no sooner the word is out of his mouth, but within a page or two he makes this abominable falsity. I do suspect him now more than ever a­bout Major Iennings business, and con­clude him to be guilty. Could any one rationally think, that the Doctor (who in all his Time and Books, appeared a most zealous Champion for the Bishops; and in that cause I may say was Dr. Irrefr agabilis) would lay to their charge much or little, that they were procatar­cical causes of the War; especially [Page 63] when he vindicates them in all his Wri­tings from this malicious aspersion, which the Puritan Faction would have thrown upon them. He was not a man of contradictions like Richard Baxter in most of his Writings, for which every Lad is apt to lug his Beard, as the Poet said of the Stoick, vellent tibi barbam lascivi pueri—No, no, he had a wiser Head-piece, and better Memory than any Baxter: That he never exposed him­self to shame or censure for any con­tradiction that could be fouud in all his Writings. Qualis ab in [...]epto processerit, & sibi constet.

Instead of Mr, Baxters Allegation, the Doctor tells us in the same page 464, 465. that the Assembly of Divines (so called) in their Confession, larger and lesser Catechism, held forth such a Doctrine touching Gods Decrees, that they gave occasion of receiving the old Blastian Heresie, in making God to be the Author of Sin; ‘that the Bill against Bishops he observes took date from the fifth of November, the day defigned on the blowing up of the Parliament by the Gun-powder Traytors, that not­withstanding the House of Commons [Page 64] had taken the Scotch Covenant, they never intended to set up Scotch Pres­bytery, only held. fair quarter with them for a time, because in April, 1646. They published this following Declara­tion. That they were not able to consent to the granting of an arbitrary and unli­mited Power and Iurisdiction to near ten thousand Iudicatories to be erected in the Kingdom, which could not be confistent with the fundamental Laws and Govern­ment of it, and which by necessary conse. quence did exclude the Parliament from having any thing to do in that Iurisdiction. Page 470. the Doctor tells us again, That the English Puritans laid their heads and hands together to embroil the Realm, out of a confidence, that having alienated the greatest part of the Tribes from the House of David, they might advance the golden Calves of Presbyterians in Dan and Bethel, and all other places whatsoever in the Land; and for the maintenance there­of, had devoured in conceit all Chap­ter Lands, and parcelled them amongst themselves into Augmentations: But no sooner had they driven this bar­gain, but a Vote passed for selling [Page 65] those Lands, towards the payment of those debts of the Common-wealth. Nor have they lived to see their dear Presby­tery settled, or their lay Elders entertain­ed in any one Parish of the Kingdom.’

Now I have recited all those passages out of the pages Mr. Baxter refers us to; what hath he gained to his cause, but a confutation of it? As it wa said of Caesar's Conspirators, iisde [...] [...] ­bus, quibus Caesarem foderunt [...] occi­derunt. With the same Daggers they stabbed Iulius Caesar, they killed them­selves, So Mr. Baxter hath destroyed himself and the good old Cause with his own Weapons, by reciting Dr. Hey­lyn against Dr. Heylyn: The Dr. though dead, he yet speaketh, and hath van­quished his living Adversary: For what man out of these premises could draw a conclusion, except Mr. Baxter by his Kederminster Logick, that Heylyn had laid much of the War upon the Arch­Bishops and Bishops, &c. when there is no mention of War or Bishops in the Case: No quantum to be found of much or little in it; no minimum quod sic: Nay, nothing at all to prove Mr. Bax­ter's position and scandalous defamation [Page 66] of the Doctor: Therefore I must say to him the words of the old Comedian. Dehine & quie [...], porro moneo, & de­sinat maledicere, ne ma [...]cta noscat sua. If the Dr. himself had been still living, (as some of his Elders are) neither Mr. Baxier, Mr. Hickman, nor M. Bur­net, no one of them durst have adven­tured a single Duel with him in any point of Learning; but he would have said to every such Gladiator, as Cicero did to Mark Antony. Catilinae gladios contempsi, non pertimescam tuos. But now he hath neither hand nor sword, but is disarmed by Death.—miseran­dum & flebile corpus, it is no sign of true Vertue, or noble Valour in them; much less of a good Cause on their side, to insult ignobly over a dead Lion. As for Mr. Baxter, who will not let him rest quietly in his Grave, if my fraternal correption cannot amend him, I wish he may remember his good Wifes re­buke and deserved correction, she gaveBaxt. Brev. of her Life pag. 89. him, by his own confession. That he should make fewer Books, and write them better.

And I think this good counsel had not been unseasonable to the late Wri­ter [Page 67] of Dr. Heylyn's Life, to have trans­mitted that Task to any other person, who had been an ancient Friend and Acquaintance of the Doctors, rather than ambitiously assumed it upon him­self, who was a professed Stranger to him; by reason of which, no better account could be expected from him than what he has given, and that is un­satisfactory, a Life to the half, an imper­fect Creature, that is not only lame, (as the honest Book-seller said) but want­teth Legs, and all other integral parts of a Man, nay the very Soul, that should animate a Body like Dr. Heylyn. I am sure no man except himself, who was totally ignorant of the Dr. and all the circumstances of his Life, would have engaged in such a work, which was never primarily laid out or design­ed for him; but by reason of some un­happy differences, as usually fall out in Families, and he who loves to put his Ore in troubled matters, instead of clo­sing them up hath made them wider: Otherwise it is not material who had writ the Doctors Life, so it had been done by an able hand of a more know­ing person; therefore I must say of him [Page 68] as Plutarch doth of Tib. Grac [...]us, Plut. in vit. Gra [...] [...], he is a bold Undertaker, and rash Talker of those matters he does not understand: And so I have done with him, unless he creates to himself and me a future trouble.

Now I hope any ingenious Reader will plainly see, I am forced to a just and necessary Vindication of my self.

Si quis me atro dente petiverit inultus, ut Hor. Epod. flebo puer? and chiefly of my Father in Law; to whom as I am bound in gratitude for the favours I received from him in his Life time, so I could do no less than perform this little Task of writing his Life, and that without passion and par­tiality, being free from motives of both,Cor. Tacit. lib. 1. as the Historian said, Quorum Causas pro­cul habeo. However for holding the Reader in so long suspence, I have en­deavoured to make a mends in the fol­lowing Life, which in a manner I have composed new, retaining only what I had before written, and still remains in the printed Folio, entitled Keimelia Ecclesiastica; but now with that (which was so shamefully abused) I am sure the Work is complete and perfect, [Page 69] and I hope will afford this general be­nefit; First to encourage all young Scholars in the Love of Learning by the Example of so Reverend a Divine, and excellent Historian as Dr. Heylyn. And secondly, to remind others of some principal transactions both in Church and State during his time. And so I conclude in the words ofSalus. Jug. Salust. Age nunc, illa videamus Judices, quae consecuta sunt.

THE LIFE OF THE Most Reverend and Learned DIVINE, Dr. PETER HEYLYN.

TO write the Lives of worthy I Personages, was ever accoun­ted a most laudable Custom a­mong the Heathens: For to perpetuate the Memory of the Dead, who were eminent in Vertue, did manifestly con­duce to the publick benefit of the Living; much more the Ancient Chri­stians in their time, both solemnly re­tained this Practice, and adjudged it an Act of Piety and Justice to the De­ceased; If they were Men of Fame for Learning or other Vertues, to cele­brate their Praises to Posterity; and by this means stir'd up Emulation in others [Page 72] to follow so noble Precedents before them.

For which Cause,. St. Jerome writ II his Catalogus illustrium Virorum, before whom also Eusebius with others in short recorded to future Ages, the holy Lives of those Primitive Fathers, who were signally active or passive for the Chri­stian Faith. Suum cui (que) decus posteritas Tacit. lib. 4. rependit, (saith the Historian) Posteri­ty doth render to every man the Com­mendation he deserves.

Therefore for the Reverend Doctor's III Sake, and in due veneration of his Name, which I doubt not is honoured by all true Sons of the Church of England, both for his learned Writings and con­stant Sufferings, in defence of her Doctrine and Discipline established by Law: Here is faithfully presented to them, a true and complete Narrative of his Life; to answer the common Ex­pectations of men in this Case, who would read his Person (together with the ordinary and extraordinary occur­rences of Providence that befel him) as well as his Books, that were long before published to the World.

To give satisfaction in the former,IV [Page 73] here is nothing inserted but the Re­lations of Truth, which hath been often heard from his own Mouth spoken to his dearest Friends, or written by his Pen in some loose fragments of Pa­per, that were found left in his Study after his Death; upon which, as on a sure Foundation, the whole Series and Structure of the following Discourse is laid together; but would have been more happily done, if he had left larger Memoirs for it. Nothing was more usual in ancient times, than for good men (saith Tacitus) to describe their own Lives. Suam ipsi vitam narrare, In vita Jul. Agricol. fiduciam potius morum, quam arrogantiam arbitrati sunt, upon a confidence of their right behaviour, rather than to be supposed any arrogancy or presumpti­on in them.

First of all I shall begin with his Birth. V In that Country above all other enobled with the famous seat of the Muses, to which he was a constant Votary; By Cambden Oxford is called the Sun, Eye,Cambd. Brit. and Soul of Great Brittain; by Matthew Paris the second School of the Church,Cosmog. fol. 306. by the Reverend Doctor, co-eval to Paris, if not before it, the glory of [Page 74] this Island and of the Western parts: Yet it cannot be denyed, as high praises have been attributed by Learned Men to the most famous University of Cambridge, that I dare make no com­parisions betwixt those two Sisters of Minerva for the Love I owe to either of them, who were both my dear Nur­ses: However the University of Oxon was long since honoured with the TitleEx Angel. Rocha pag. 214. of Generale Studium in nobilissimis qua­tuor Europae Academiis, and this glori­ous Title conferred upon none else in former times, but the Universities of Pa­ris in France, Bononia in Italy, and Sa­lamanca in Spain. Near which Oxon or noble Athens, he was born at Bur­ford, an ancient Market Town of good Note in the County of Oxford, upon the 29th. day of November, Anno Dom. 1600. In the same year with the cele­bratedQuenst. Dialog. de Pat. illust. vir. Historian Jacob. August. Thuanus, on both whom the Stars poured out the like benign influences: But the former, viz. Peter Heylyn, had not only the faculty of an Historian, but the gift of a general Scholar in other Learning, [...], as will appear to any one that reads his laborious Wri­tings.

[Page 75]He was second Son of Henry Heylyn VI Gentleman, descended from the ancient Family of the Heylyns of Peutre-Heylyn Cosmog. in Montgomeryshire, then part of Powis­Land, from the Princes whereof they were derived, and unto whom they were Hereditary Cup-bearers; for so the word Heylyn doth signifie in the Welch or Brittish Language; an ho­nourable Office in most Nations, which we find in Divine as well as Prophane History; whereby Nehemiah became so great a Favorite with Artaxerxes, that he obtained a Grant for the rebuilding of the holy City. Magni honoris erat Pin­cernae munus apud persas, saith Alex. ab Alex.

If Camden Clarencieux be of good Au­thority,VII (as with most he is unquesti­onable) the Doctor deriveth his Pedi­gree from Grono-ap Heylyn, who de­scended from Brockwel Skythrac, one of the Princes of Powis-Land, in whose Family was ever observed, that one of them had a Gag-tooth, and the same was a notable omen of good Fortune; which Mark of the Tooth is still con­tinued in the Doctors Family. These and such like signatures of more won­derful [Page 76] form, are indeed very rare yet not without Example: So Seleucus and his Children after him, were born with the Figure of an Anchor upon their Thigh, as an infallible mark of their true geniture, (saith Justin) Origenis hujus argumentum etiam posteris mansit, si qui­dem filij, nepotes (que) ejus anchoram in fe­more Justin. lib. 15. veluti notam generis naturalem ha­buere.

The aforesaid Grono-ap Heylyn, from VIII whom the Doctor is one of the Des­cendents, was a man of so great Autho­rity with the Princes of North-Wales, that Llewelleu the last Prince of the Country, made choice of him before any other, to treat with the Commissi­oners of Edward the First, King of England, for the concluding of a final Peace between them, which was accor­dingly done; but afterwards Llewellen, by the perswasion of David his Bro­ther, raised an Army against the King, that were quickly routed, himself slain in Battel: and in him ended the Line of the Princes of North-Wales, who had before withstood many puissant Mo­narchs, whose attempts they always srustrated by retiring into the heart of [Page 77] their Country, and (as the Doctor saith) leaving nothing for their Enemies Cosm. fol. 326. to encounter with but Woods and Moun­tains after they had reigned Princes of North-Wales for the space of four hundred and five years. A goodly time, that scarce­ly the greatest Monarchies in the World have withstood their fatal period and dissolution, as Chronologers usuallyAlsted. Chr. Synch. observe. Anni quingenti sunt fatalis Peri­odus Regnorum & rerum publicarum, saith Alsted.

But this little Monarchy of Wales, IX may be compared to a Finger, or Toe, `or the least joynt indiscernable in the vast Body of the four great Empires, and yet withal shows the mutability of them, and all worldly Powers: That Time will triumph in the Ruin of the strongest States and Kingdoms, as is most excellently represented to us by Nebuchadnezzar's Image of Gold, Silver, Iron and Brass, that mouldred away, though durable Mettal, because it stood upon feet of Clay: So unstable are all mortal things. And of no longer duration (are the most high and mighty Powers under Heaven) than the Brit­tish Monarchy; which caused the Histo­rian [Page 78] to complain, that the more he me­ditated with himself of things done both in old and latter times, tanto ma­gis ludibria rerum mortalium cunctis in negotijs obversantur. ‘So much the more (saith he) the uncertainties andTacit. lib. 3. mock Vanities of Fortune in all worldly Affairs came to his remem­brance.’

Notwithstanding those great altera­tions X in Wales, no longer a Kingdom of it self, but annexed to the Crown of England, the Family of Peutre Heylyn, from whom the said Grono-ap Heylyn de­scended in a direct Line, removed not their station for all the Ages past, but continued their Seat until the year An. Dom. 1637. At which time Mr. Rowland Heylyn, Alderman and Sheriff of London, and Cousin German to Dr. Heylyn's Father, dying without Issue­male, the Seat was transferred into another Family, Into which the Heiresses marri­ed. This Mr. Rowland Heylyn was a man of singular Goodness and Piety, that before his Death, caused the WelchArch-Bish. Life. p. 152. or Brittish Bible to be printed at his own charge in a portable Volume, for the bene­fit of his Country men, which was be­fore [Page 79] in a large Church Folio; also the Practice of Piety in Welch; a Book though common, not to be despised; besides a Welch Dictionary for the bet­ter understanding of that Language: All which, certainly was a most piousBellar. de verb. d. l. 2. c. 15. Po­pulus non capit fruct­um sed detrimen­tum. work, notwithstanding their opinion to the contrary, who think that the Bible in a vulgar Tongue, is not for Edi­fication but Destruction. Yet God hath been pleased in all Ages, to stir up some devout men of publick Spirits, as Sixtus Senensis the Monk, confessethSix. Sen. Bib. l. 6. that Christians may read the holy Bible [...] their own Edification and Comfort, and not be kept hood-wink'd in blind­ness and heathenish ignorance. Not to mention what other Nations hath done, King Alfred caused both the Old and New Testament to be published in the vulgar Tongue for the benefit of this Land; and in the Reign of Richard the Second, the whole Scripture was set forth in English, as Polyder Virgil Polyd. Virg. Hist. Ang [...]. 120. testifies, that when the Parliament en­deavoured to suppress the same, John Duke of Lancaster stood up in defence thereof, saying, We will not be the refuse of all men, for other Nations have Gods [Page 80] Laws in their own Language, so ought we. Therefore seeing such noble Precedents of godly Zeal, for the general instructi­on of the People; it was a most ex­cellent work of the good Alderman Mr. Rowland Heylyn, to print those Welch Bibles, which were before rare and costly, but now grown common in every mans hand, and in his own Mo­thers Tongue.

As the Doctor was of honourable ex­traction XI by his Father's side, so his Mo­thers Pedigree was not mean and con­temptible, but answered the Quality of her Husband, being a Gentlewoman of an ancient Family, whose Name was Eliz. Clampard, Daughter of Francis Clampard of Wrotham in Kent, and of Mary Dodge his Wife descended in a direct Line from Peter Dodge of Stop­worth in Cheshire, unto whom King Ed­ward the First gave the Seigniory or Lordship of Paden hugh in the Barony of Coldingham, in the Realm of Scotland; as well for his special Services that he did in the Seige of Barwick and Dunbar, as for his valour showed in several Battels, Encontre son grand Enemy, & Rebelle Le Baillol Roy d' Escose & Vassal D. H. Cosm. fol. 339. [Page 81] d' Angle terre. as the words are in theIbid. the Dr. saith he hath this Charter in his custody: original Charter of Arms given to the said Peter Dodge by Guyen King of Arms, at the Kings command, dated April the 8th. in the 34 [...]. year of the said King Edward the First. One of the Descendants from the said Peter Dodge was Uncle to Dr. Heylyn's Mother, and gave the Mannor of Lechlade in the County of Glocester, worth 1400 l. per An. to Robert Bathurst Esq Uncle to the Doctor, and Father to the Loyal Knight and Baronet Sir Edward Bathurst lately deceased.

The Doctor in his green and tender XII years was put to School at Burford (the Place of his Nativity and Education) under the care of Mr. William North, then School-master; by whose good Instructi­ons and his own wonderful Ingenuity, he grew up to that proficiency in Lear­ning, that he was admired both by his Master and Scholars; because his en­trance into the Free-School, was at the time of Child-hood, when he was but six years old; betwixt which time and the space of four years after, he plyed his Book so well, that he appeard more than an ordinary Latinist, being Composer of [Page 82] several Exercises both in Prose and Verse, particularly a Tragy-Comedy upon the Wars and Destruction of Troy, with other exercises Historical, which fore­shewed what an excellency he would af­ter attain unto in all kind of generous Learning.

Such early Blossoms are for the most XIII part blasted, or seldom bring forth fruit to ripeness and perfection; that few Examples can be named of precocious Wits, as have been long Liv'd, or come near to the years of Old Age, as the Doctor did; excepting one famously known above others, Hermogenes the Rhetorician; of whom it was said, [...]. He wasSuid. Hist. an old Man when he was a Child, and a Child when he was an old Man: In his Child-hood he was often brought before Marcus Ant. the Roman Emperor,Suid. who delighted to hear his Talk, for the natural Eloquence that flowed from him: But though he lived long, his Wit and admired Parts soon decayed; and for his long Life, saith Rhodiginus C. Rhodig. [...]ct. An­tiq. l. 21. 16. of him, ut unus ex multis he was one (as it were) of a thousand. Yet a Reverend Father of the Christian [Page 83] Church the glory of his time, St. Au­gustine, did far excel Hermogenes the Orator; for he tells us in his Confessions, that in secunda pueritia, that is about the Age of twelve, Legisse & intellexisse Lo­gicos & Rhetoricos Aristotelis Libros, he read and understood the Books of Ari­stotles Logick and Rhetorick; by whichS. August. Confes. l. 4. Learning and Study of Divinity, well managed together, St. Augustin ap­peared the only Champion in the Field for the Orthodox Faith, confounded the Manichees, Donatists, and other Here­ticks; and finally he lived to a great old Age, a Blessing which ordinarily ac­companied the Primitive Bishops and holy Fathers, and still is continued, as may be observed, to the worthy Pre­lates of our Church: But to find many of prodigious Wits and Memories from Child-hood, and for such Persons to live unto extraordinary years, and keep up their wonted Parts, most Vigorously after they are turned Sixty, which is the deep Autumne of Mans Life; I believe Dr. Heylyn had the happy Fortune in Youth and Age above many others, that his Vertues and excellent Abilities kept equal ballance together for all his Life, [Page 84] primus ad extremum similis sibi—that as he began happily, so he went on; like Isocrates his Master, who being always the same, could say, Nihil habeo quod senectutem meam accusem. He had no­thingValer. Max. l. 8. c. 13. to accuse his old Age with.

After he was first diciplin'd under XIV his Master North, whom Death took from the School to another World, he was committed to his Successor Mr. Da­vis, a right worthy Man and painful Schoolmaster, who train'd him up in all points of Learning befitting a young Scholar for the University; where he was admitted at the fourteenth year of his Age Commoner in Hart-hall, and put under the Tuition of Mr. Joseph Hill an ancient Batchelor of Divinity, and formerly one of the Fellows of Corpus Christi Colledge, but then a Tutor in Hart-hall: After whom Mr. Walter Newbery, a zealous Puritan in those days, undertook the Charge of him, who little thought his Pupil would afterward prove so sharp an Enemy to the Puritan-faction: But by the help of his two Tutors, who faith­fully discharged their Office in reading Logical Lectures to him, and other [Page 85] kind of Learning; his own Industry also, and earnest desire to attain unto Academical Sciences, setting him forward beyond his years and standing, he was encouraged by his Tutor and good Friends (who saw his Parts were pro­digious) to stand for a Demy's Place in Magdalen Colledge at the time of their Election: But he being very young, and the Fellows already preingaged for another, he missed the first time, as is usual in this Case; with which disap­pointment he was not at all discouraged, but cheerfully followed the course of his Studies; and among other Exercises for recreation sake, and to shew his Wit and Fancy, he framed a Copy of Verses in Latin, on occasion of a pleasant Journy he took with his two Tutors to Woodstock, which Verses he presented to the President and Fellows of Magda­len Colledge, who at the next Election in the year 1615. unanimously chose him Demy of the House, where soon after he was made Impositor of the Hall, which Office (no small honour to him being then but fifteen years of Age) he executed with that trust and dili­gence, that the Dean of the Colledge [Page 86] continued him longer in it than any of his Predecessors; for which he was so envyed by his Fellow Demies (as that malignant passion is always the Concomitant of honour) that they called him by the Name of perpetual Dictator. About the same time, being very eager upon his juvenile Studies, he composed an English Tragedy, called by him Spurius, that was so ge­nerally well liked by the Society, that Dr. Langton the President, command­ed it to be acted in his Lodgings.

After those and many other Specimina XV Ingenii, fair Testimonies of his Wit and Schollarship, he easily obtained his grace for the Degree of Batchelor of Arts in the year 1617. Then accor­ding to the Colledge Statutes and Custom, that requires some Exercise to be performed by a junior Batchelor in the long Vacation; he read several Lectures of Geography to which his Ge­nius naturally led him, and carried them on so pleasantly in a new Method not observed by others, by joyning History with Cosmography that made the Work very delightful; For scarce any memorable Action done in any Na­tion, [Page 87] Country, or famous City in the World, but he hath recorded it, which was a wonderful Task for a Youth of his years; that all his Auditors, grave Fellows as well as others, was struck into deep admiration of his profound Learning and Wisdom; that forthwith the whole Society, nemine contradicente, admitted him Probationer Fellow in the Place of Mr. Love, and that before such time he had fully finished the reading of his Lectures: And for a further en­couragement of him in his Studies, be­ing also a good Philosopher as well as Geographer, the Colledge chose him Moderator of the Senior Form in the Hall, that brought both credit to his Name and profit to his Purse; for which in Gratitude to them, as he ever shew­ed a grateful mind to his Patrons and Benefactors, he presently writ a Latin Comedy, called by him Theomachia, which he finished and transcribed in a Fortnights time, and dedicated the same to the Fellows, who were so highly pleased with his Ingenuity and Pains, that on July the 19th. 1619. he wa [...] admitted Fellow in that honourable So­ciety according to the usual Form. In [Page 88] verum & perpetuum Socium. After which followed a new honour upon him, as all Degrees in the University are ho­nourable, and but the just reward of Learned Men; that in the year 1620. the University conferred on him the Degree of Master of Arts; and surely a young Master he was, that not one of twenty is capable of this Degree at his years, but more remarkable it was at that time, because he was one of those Masters that first sate with their Caps on, in the Convocation-house, by Order of the Earl of Pembroke then Chancellor of the University, who signified his Lord­ships Pleasure by his especial Letters: That from that time forward, the Masters of Arts, who before sate bare, should wear their Caps in all Congregations and Con­vocations; which has been ever since observed.

He now a Master of Arts in the Uni­versity,XVI and Fellow of a Noble Col­ledge, than which no greater encourage­ments can be imagined for young Men, to follow their Studies, and put audacity into them, to shew their Parts, espe­cially when they have gained by their Learning and Merits both Preferment [Page 89] and Honour: He was perswaded by seve­ral Friends, to publish those Geographical Lectures which he read in the long Vacation, that others might taste the sweetnes and pleasure of those Studies, besides his own Fellow Collegians: Accordingly having got his Fathers con­sent for the printing of them, and the perusal and approbation of his Book by some Learned Men, at the Age of twenty and one years, the young Wri­ter comes forth November the 7th. Anno Dom. 1621. Whose ingenious Wri­tings found such general Acceptance, manibus omnium teruntur, that scarce any Scholars Study was without them; and to this day, since their enlargement by several Editions, are as commonly cited upon occasion, as any Authentick Author that's extant. The First Copy was presented to his Royal Highness King Charles the First, then Prince of Wales, unto whom the young Author dedicated his Work, and by the young Prince, was as graciously received, be­ing brought into his Highness presence by Sir Robert Carr, afterward Earl of Ancram, but then one of the Gentle­men of the Princes Bed-Chamber.

[Page 90]Having so fortunate a Beginning to XVII gain the Prince his Patron; he desisted in Geography, and proceeded to higher Studies, that might capacitate him for greater Services hereafter, both in Church and State: In order thereto, first piously he took along with him the Episcopal Blessing of Confirmation, by the Hands of Bishop Lake, in the Parish Church of Wells, September the 15th. Anno Dom. 1623. the fruits of whose Fatherly Benediction, devout Prayers, with imposition of Hands, did mani­festly appear in this true Son of the Church; Whom the Almighty did bless, and daily increase in him the manifold gift of Grace, bestowed on him the Spirit of Wisdom and Understanding, &c. And certainly such singular benefits does accompany this Apostolical Institution, mentioned in Scripture constantly used in the Primitive Church, that the neg­lect or contempt thereof from the hands of Gods Bishops, no doubt deprives us of many good Blessings which we should otherwise receive from the hands of God. Being thus confirmed by the Bishop, according to the Order of the Church of England; he afterward ap­plyed [Page 91] himself to the Study of Divinity,St. Basil. Hex [...]m. which St. Basil calleth [...], the Theory or Contemplation of the Great God, or his Being, so far as he hath revealed himself to us in the Book of Nature and Scripture. This Know­ledge excelleth all other, and without it who knoweth not the saying, Omnem Scientiam magis obesse quam prodesse, si desit scientia optimi, that all other Know­ledge does us more hurt than good, if this be wanting: Notwithstanding he met with some discouragements to take upon himself the Profession of a Divine, for what reasons it is hard for me to con­jecture; but its certain at first he fonnd some reluctancy within himself, whether for the difficulties that usually attend this deep mysterious Science, to natural reason incomprehensible, because con­taining many. matters of Faith, which we ought to bel [...]eve and not to questi­on, though now Divinity is the com­mon mystery of Mechanicks, to whom it seems more easie than their manual Trades and Occupations; or whether because it drew him off from his former delightful Studies, more probably (I be­lieve) his fears and distrusts of himself [Page 92] were very great to engage in so high a Calling and Profession, and run the hazards of it, because the like Examples are very frequent, both in Antiquity and modern History; however so time­rous he was upon this account, lest he should rush too suddenly into the Mi­nistry, although his abilities at that time transcended many of elder years, that he exhibited a Certificate of his Age to the President of the Colledge, and there­by procured a Dispensation, notwith­standing any local Statutes to the con­trary, that he might not be compelled to enter into holy Orders till he was twenty four years old; at which time still his fears did continue, or at least his modesty and self-denyal wrought some unwillingness in him, till at last he was overcome by the Arguments and powerful Perswasions of his Learned Friend Mr. Buckner; after whose ex­cellent Discourses with him, he followed his Studies in Divinity more closely than ever, having once tasted the sweetness of them; nothing can ravish the Soul more with pleasure unto an Extasie, than Divine Contemplation of God, and the Mysteries in his holy Word, which the [Page 93] Angels themselves prye into, and for which reason they love to be present in Christian Assemblies when the Gospel is preached, as the Apostle intimates to us: That by continual study and medita­tion, and giving himself wholly to read Theological Books, he found in himself an earnest desire to enter into the holy Orders of Deacon and Priest, which he had conferred upon him at distinct times in St. Aldates Church at Oxon, by the Reverend Father in God Bishop Howson: At the time when he was ordained Priest, he preached the Ordination Sermon upon the words of our Saviour to St. Peter, Luke 22. 32. And when thou art converted, strengthen thy Brethren. An apposite Text upon so solemne Occasion. Being thus ordained to his great satisfacti­on and contentment; the method which he resolved to follow in the Course of his Studies was quite contrary to the common Rode of young Students; for he did not spend his time in poring upon Compendiums and little Systems of Di­vinity, whereby many young Priests [...]hink they are made absolute Divines, when perhaps a Gentleman of the [...]ish doth oftentimes gravel them in an [Page 94] ordinary Argument; But he fell upon the main Body of Divinity, by stu­dying Fathers, Councils, Ecclesiastical Histories, and School-men, the way which King James commended to all younger Students for confirming them in the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England, that is most agreeable to the Doctrine of the Primitive Church.

By this time, his Book of Geography XVIII in the first Edition, bought up by Scholars, Gentlemen, and almost every Housholder, for the pleasantness of its reading, was reprinted and enlarged in a second Edition, and presented again to his Highness the Prince of Wales, who not only graciously accepted the Book, but was pleased to pass a singular Com­mendation upon the Author; But after­ward the Book being perused by his Royal Father King James, the second Solomon for Wisdom, and most Learned Monarch in Christendom, the Book put into his Majesties hand by Dr. Young; then Dean of Winton, and Mr. Heylyn's dear Friend; the Kings peircing Judge­ment quickly spyed out a fault, which was taken no notice of by others; as [Page 95] God always endows Kings his Vice-ge­rents with that extraordinary gift, (the Spirit of discerning) above other Mor­tals, Sicut Angelus Dei est Dominus meus Rex, (saith the holy Scripture) as an Angel of God, so is my Lord the King, who lighting upon a Line, that proved an unlucky Passage in the Author, who gave Precedency to the French King, and called France the more famous Kingdom; with which King James was so highly displeased, that he presently ordered the Lord Keeper to call the Book in, but this being said in his An­ger and Passion, no further notice was taken of it: in the mean time Dr. Young took all care to send Mr. Heylyn word of his Majesties displeasure; the News of which was no small sorrow to him, that he was now in danger to lose theOvid. I. 2. Kings Favour, Nil nisi peccatum mani­testa (que) Eleg. 1. culpa falenda est. Paenitet ingenij, ju­dicii (que) mei—that Mr. Heylyn could have wished them words had been left out: Dr. Young advised him to repair to Court, that by the young Prince's Pa­tronage, he might pacifie the Kings An­ger, but not knowing wheth [...] the Prince himself might not be also offen­ded, [Page 96] he resided still in Oxford, and laid open his whole grief to the Lord Dan­vers, desiring his Lordships Counsel and best advice, what Remedy he should seek for Cure; according to the good Lord's Counsel, he sent up an Apology to Dr. Young, which was an Explana­tion of his meaning upon the words in question, and then under Condemnati­on: The Error was not to be imputed to the Author, but to the Errata of the Printer, which is most ordinary in them to mistake one word for another; and the grand mistake was, by printing is for was which put the whole Sentence out of joynt, and the Author into pain, if it had been of a higher Crime than of a Monosylable, it had not been pardon­able, for the intention of the Author was very innocent.—Quis me decepe­rit error?

The words of his Apology which he sent up to Dr. Young for his Majesties satisfaction, are these that followeth.

Thus Mr. Heylyn apologized for him­self, in his Letter written to the Dean of Winton, who shewed the whole A­pology to the King, with which his Majesty was fully satisfied as to the sin­cere intention and innocent meaning of Author; yet to avoid all further scruples and misconstructions that might arise here­after, Mr. Heylyn, by the advise of his good Friend, the wise and most wor­thy Dean, took order that whole Clause which gave so much offence, should be left out of all his Books, It a pleri (que) ingenio sumus omnes, nostri nosmet paenitet, as once the Comedian said.

Having undergone such troubles about France, he was resolved upon a further Adventure, to take a Voyage thither, with his faithful Friend Mr. Leuet of [Page 102] Lincolns Inn, who afterward, poor Gentleman, through misfortune of the Times, lived and dyed Prisoner in the Fleet. They both set out An. Dom. 1625. and after their safe arrival in France, took a singular interview of the chief Cities and most eminent Places in the Realm, of which Mr. Heylyn gives a more accurate account, and description (though his stay was not there above five Weeks) than Lassel the Priest doth of his five years Voyage into Italy. And now Mr. Heylyn was sufficiently convinced with his own Eyes which was the more famous Kingdom, that after his return home, he composed a History of his Travels into France, and being put into the Hands of several Friends, was at first printed by a false Copy, full of gross Errors and insufferable mistakes, that he caused his own true Copy to be printed, one of the most delightful Histories of that nature that hath been ever heretofore published; wherein is set out to the Life, the Monsieurs and the Madams, the Nobility and the Pezantry, the Court and Country; their ridiculous Customs, fantastical Gate, Apparel and Fashions, foolish common Talk, so [Page 103] given to levity, that without singing and dancing they cannot walk the open Streets; in the Church serious and su­perstitious, the better sort horridly A­theistical.

Besides all he hath written in that in­genious Book, I think he hath in short most excellently deciphered them in his Cosmography, where he maketh a second review of their pretty Qualities and Conditions; as thus, if the Reader has a mind to read them. They are very Cosmog. fol. 176, 177. printed A. D. 1655. quick witted, of a sudden and nimble ap­prehension, but withal rash and hair-brain'd, precipitate in all their actions, as well mi­litary as civil, falling on like a clap of Thunder, and presently going off in Smoke, full of Law-suits and Contentions, that their Lawyers never want work; so litigi­ous, that there are more Law-suits tryed among them in seven years, than have been in England from the Conquest: Their Women witty, but Apish, sluttish, wanton, and incontinent; generally at the first fight as familiar with you, as if they had known you from the Cradle, and are so full of Chat and Tattle, even with those they know not, as if they were resolved sooner to want Breath than Words, and never to be silent [Page 104] till in the Grave: Dancing such a sport to which both Men and Women are so ge­nerally affected, that neither Age nor Sick­ness, no nor Poverty it self, can make them keep their Heels still when they hear the Musick, such as can hardly walk abroad without Crutches, or go as if they were troubled all day with a Sciatica, and per­chance have their Raggs hang so loose about them, that one would think a swift Galli­ard might shake them into their Naked­ness, will to the dancing Green howsoever, and be there as eager at the sport, as if they had left their several infirmities and wants behind them: Their Language is very much expressed by their Action, for the Head and Shoulders must move as significantly when they speak, as their Lips and Tongue, and he that hopeth to speak with a grace, must have in him somewhat of the Mimick: They are naturally disposed for Courtship, as makes all the People complemental, that the poorest Cobler in the Parish hath his Court cringes, and his Eau beniste de Cour, his Court-holy water (as they call it) as perfectly as the best Gentleman­Huisher of Paris. They wear their Hair long, goes thin and open to the very Shirt, as if there were continual Summer; in their [Page 105] Gate, walk fast, as if pursued on an Arrest. Their humour is much of scof­fing, yea even in matters of Religion as appeareth in the story of a Gentle­man that lay sick on his Bed, who seeing the Host brought unto him by a Lubberly Priest, said that Christ came to him, as he entred into Jerusalem, Riding upon an Ass. I cannot for­get another of the like kind, a Gentle­man lying sick upon his Death Bed, who when the Priest had perswaded him, that the Sacrament of the Altar, was the very Body and Blood of Christ, refused to eat thereof, because it was Friday. And so far the good Geogra­pher, who hath pleasantly and truly described them.

But now we must come to him as a XXI Divine, wherein he acted his part as well as of a Cosmographer, when he was called unto the Divinity School to dis­pute in his turn, according to the Sta­tutes of the University, on April 18th. A. D. 1627. He comes up as oppo­nent, and on Tuesday the 24th. follow­ing he answered pro forma, upon these two Questions.

• An Ecclesia unquam fuerit invisibilis?
• An Ecclesia possit errare?

Both which he determined in the Ne­gative. Upon occasional discourse with him at Abington, he was pleased once to shew me his supposition which I read over in his House at Lacyes Court; but I had not then either the leisure or good luck to Transcribe a Copy of it, which would have been worth my pains, and more worthy of the Press, to the great satisfaction of others; for my part, I can truly say, that I never read any thing with more pleasure, and heart delight, for good Latin, Reason, and History, which that exercise was full of; but since both it, and many other choice Papers in his Study, through the care­lesness of those, to whose Custody they were committed, I suppose, are utterly lost and gone, ad blattarum & tinearum epulas.

In stating of the first Question that XXII caused the heats of that day, he tells usAppendix to the Ad­vice on Mr. Sa. Hist. himself; ‘I fell upon a different way from that of Doctor Prideaux, the Professor, in his Lecture De Visibilitate [Page 107] and other [...]ractates of and a­bout that time, in which the Visibility of the Protestant Church (and con­sequently of the Renowned Church of England) was no otherwise proved, than by looking for it in the scattered Conventicles of the Bere [...]garians in Italy, the Waldenses in France, the Wickliffs, in England, and the Hussites in Bohemia, which manner of proceeding not being liked by the Respondent, as that which utterly dis­continued that Succession of the Hie­archy which the Church of England claims from the very Apostles and their immediate Successors: He rather chose to find out a continual visible Church in Asia, Ethiopia, Greece, Italy, yea Rome it self, as also in all the Western Provinces than subject to the power of the Roman Bishop, when he was the Chief Patriarch.’ Which Mr. Heylyn from his great knowledge, and more than ordinary abilities in History, strenuously asserted and proved, to which the Professor could make but weak replies (as I have heard from some knowing persons who were present at that Disputation) because he was drawn [Page 108] out of his ordinay byass from Schola­stical disputation to Forreign Histories, in which encounter, Mr. Heylyn was the invincible Ajax—Nec quisquam Ajacem superare possit nisi Ajax. But chiefly the quarrel did arise for two words in Mr. Heylyns Hipothesis, after he had proved the Church of England received no Succession of Doctrine or Government from the Berengarians, Wickliffs, &c. Who held many He­tordoxes in Religion, as different from the established Doctrine of our Church, as any points that was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome; that the writers of that Church, Bellarmine himself, hath stood up, as cordially in maintainance of some fundamental points of the Christian Faith against Anti-Tri­nitarians, Anabaptists, and other Here­ticks of these last ages, as any one Di­vine, and other learned Men of the Protestant Churches, which point Mr. Heylyn closed up with these words. Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino sic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis. At which words the Reverend Doctor was so impatient in his Chair, that he fell up­on the Respondent in most vile terms, [Page 109] calling him Papicola Bellarminianus, Pontificius, &c. To draw the hatred of the University upon him, according to the saying, Fortiter calumniare & aliquid adhaerebit, grievously complaining to the younger sort of his Auditors, unto whom he made his chiefest addresses, of the unprofitable pains he took among them, if Bellarmine, whom he had labou­red to confute for so many years should be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus.

Notwithstanding the Respondent ac­quitted XXIII himself most bravely before all the Company, ascribing no more ho­nour to Bellarmine, then for his deserts in learning, and integrity in that par­ticular point before spoken of, which any generous Man would give to his Learned Antogonist. For many Luther­ans and Calvinists, I may say (pa [...]e tanti viri) so angry at a word, have not grudged, much less judged it any Crime to praise the Cardinals Learning. Doctrinam & nos in ipso Commendamus Joh. Aud. Quensted. in dial. de pat. Illust. vir. saith a rigid Lutheran, and St. Paul him­self would not stick to call him who was an inveterate Enemy of the Christi­ans, most noble Festus. And though [Page 110] Cardinals we know were originally but Parish Priests, by Pride and Usurpation have made them [...]lves Compeers to Kings; that which is unjustly once ob­tained, by time groweth common and familiar, that none will refuse to give such their ordinary▪ Titles of Honour, although they com [...] by indirect means, and not by merit to them. Bellarmine also was of no poor and base extraction, but better than his Fellows; for which reason he was created Cardinal by Cle­ment the Eight. Hunc eligimus (saith he) quia est nepos optimi & sanctissimi Quensted. pag. 327. Po [...]tificis, because he was the Nephew of Marcellus the Second, who said, that he could not see how any could be sa­ved who sate in the Pontifical Chair: Non video quomodo qui locum hunc altissi­mum Onuph in vit. Marc. tenent salvari possunt.

After those heats of disputation were XXIV over, Mr. Heylyn took a Journy to London, where he waited on Bishop L [...]d, then Bishop of Bath and Wells, who had heard of all the passages that had hapned at Oxford, of which Mr. Heylyn gave a more perfect account to his Lordship, who was pleased to read over the Supposition, at which Dr. Pri­deaux [Page 111] was so highly offended; but the good Bishop on the other side com­mended it, and encouraged Mr. Heylyn in his Studies; ‘saying that he himself had in his younger dayes, maintained the same Positions in a disputation, in St. Johns Colledge, that Mr. Heylyns Hypothesis could not be overthrown in a fair way, exhorting him to continue in that moderate course: And that as GodA. B. Lauds. Life page 166. had given him more than ordinary gifts so he would pray to God, that he and others might employ them in such a way and manner as might make up the breaches in the Walls of Christendom.’ Mr. Heylyn to clear himself from the sus­picion of Popery, which Dr. Prideaux had most unjustly branded him with, in November next following, Preached before the King, on those words, Joh. 4. ver. 20. Our Fathers Worshipped on this Mountain, &c. In which Sermon he declared himself with such smart zeal, and with as quick Judgment a­gainst several errors and corruptions in the Church of Rome, that his Sermon was otherwise resented by the King and Court, then his supposition by the Kings Professor at Oxon.

[Page 112]And when that clamour was revived again by his Enemies, that he had some inclinations to the Romish Religion, he gave such satisfaction in his third and fourth Sermon Preached at White-Hall, in the year 1638. Upon the Parable of the Tares, on these words, Matth. 13. vers. 26. Tunc apparuerunt Zizania. Then appeared the Tares also, that some of the Court did not stick to say that he had done more towards the Subver­sion of Popery in those two Sermons, than Dr. Prideaux had done in all the Sermons which he had ever Preached in his Life. For that Doctor was a better disputant than a Preacher, and to give him his due, a right Learned▪Man in his place of Regius Professor, yet withal so Dogmatical in his own points, that he would not abide to be touched, much less contradicted by Mr. Heylyn—Non aliam ob causam, nisi quod Virtus in vtro­que, summa fuit—More especially being a Great Man, at that time very popular in the University, profoundly admired by the Junior Masters, and some of the Seniors inclined to Puritanism, his own Colledge then observed to be (Com­munis pestis Adolescentum) the Common [Page 113] Nursery of West Country Men in Pu­ritan principles, so that Mr. Heylyn could expect no favour nor fair deal­ing in the way of his disputation, when it ran contrary to the Professors hu­mor.

After these Academical contests,XXV growing weary of Obs and Sols in Scholastical disputations, which was ever opposite to his Genius, and for this purpose being unwilling to be alwaies Cloystred up within the Walls of a Colledge, where he must be tied to such Exercises; besides a Man of an Aiery and active Spirit, (though studious and contem­plative,) would not be perpetually de­voted to a Melancholly recluse Life; also emulation and envy, the two inse­perable evils that accompany Learned Men in the same Society, hath frequent­ly stirred up animosities and factions among them. That I have known some ingenious persons, for this reason, have been wearied out of a Collegiat Life; resolved therefore he was to Marry, and alter the condition of his Life, which he thought would prove more agreeable to the content and satisfacti­ofTacit. His [...] lib. 4. his mind. Neque aliud probis quam [Page 114] ex Matrimonio solatium esse, saith the good Author, because Marriage is the only comfort of minds honestly given; accordingly a fair Fortune was offered to him, a Wife with a thousand pounds Portion, and a Gentlewoman of a very Ancient Family, and of as excellent Education, Mrs. Letitia High-Gate, third Daughter of Thomas High-Gate of Heyes Esq one of his Majesties Justices of Peace for the County of Middlesex, (who in his younger dayes, whilst his Elder Brother was alive, had been Pro­vost Marshal General of the Army un­der the Earl of Essex at the action of Cales) and of Margery Skipwith his Wife, one of the Daughters of that Ancient Family of the Skipwiths in the County of Leicester, of which Family still there is a Worthy person living, Sir Thomas Skipwith Knight, a Learned Serjeant in the Law: Which said Thomas High-Gate the Father beforementioned, was se­cond Son of that Thomas High-Gate, who was field Marshal General of the English Forces, before St. Quintine un­der the Command of the Earl of Pem­brook, Anno Dom. 1557. And of Eliza­beth Stoner his Wife a Daughter of the [Page 115] ancient Family of the Stoners in the County of Oxon.

To this young Gentlewoman, Mrs.XXVI Letitia High-gate aforesaid, Mr. Heylyn was no stranger, for his Elder Brother Mr. Edward Heylyn had married some years before her eldest Sister. His Seat was at Minster-Lovel in Oxfordshire, where his Son (to whom Dr. Heylyn was Uncle) now liveth, viz. Hen. Heylyn Esq an ancient Col­lonel, and an excellent Commander in the Army of King Charles the First, and a most accomplished Gentleman in all respects to the honour of his Family. Another of the Sisters of▪ Mrs. Letitia High-gate, married Robert Tirwhit Esq one of the ancient Family of the Tirwhits in the County of Lincoln, Master of the Buck-hounds in the Reign of King Charles the First, a Place of honour and of great Revenue: Finally to the honour of that Family Sir Henry Bard of Stanes Knight, who afterward was created Viscount Lord Bellamount, did marry the Daughter of Sir William Gar­diner, whose Lady and Mrs. Letitia High-gate were Sisters Children, that unfortunate Lord, (who is mentioned [Page 116] in the Marquesse of Worcesters Apo­thegmes) for a brave Commander and Governour of Camden House in the time of War, did attend his sacred Ma­jesty all the time of his Exile until the Treaty at Breda, when he was sent (as I have heard) on some Ambassage into the Eastern Countries, where travelling in Arabia deserta, for want of a skilful Guide, was swallowed up in the Gulf of Sands. These were the Relations, and many others of Quality (which I for­bear to mention) of Mrs. Letitia High-gate. And whereas the late Writer disparages the young Gentlewoman, that her Portion was never paid; I am sure he has done her that Wrong which he can never recompence, for her Elder Brother did both pay her and the other Sisters Portions, who were all married to Persons of Quality; himself had an Estate left him by his Father to the va­lue of 800l. per Annum. he married an Heiress, whose fortune added to his Estate, on which they lived nobly for many years, before he fell into losses and misfortunes, caused by his own ex­travigant Pleasures, and chiefly of Ga­ming at Dice and Cards. Quem dam­ [...]osa [Page 117] Venus, quem Praeceps alea nudat. To the said Letitia High-gate, Mr. Heylyn was an earnest Sutor, For indeed he could not make a better Choice, for the excellency of her Person, Wit and Friends, all concentring together for his more happy Contentment, she being also a discreet, Religious young Lady, which is a Blessing to a Clergy-man: his Courtship of her was not after a Ro­mantick manner, nor as a Gallant of the times, but like a Scholar and a Divine, as appears by a Copy of Verses, writ­ten upon a rich guilded Bible, which he presented to her; and the Verses are as followeth.

The Verses with the Bible were most XXVII affectionately received by her, as the best Tokens of Love that could be given, to lay the Foundation of a fu­ture [Page 119] Happiness betwixt them, that was now begun so Religiously with the Book of God, which they both intended to make the Rule of their Life and Love. Soon after the Solemnization of Marri­age followed, by the consent of Friends on both Parties; in the presence of whom and other Witnesses, they were married by Dr. Allibone his faithful Friend, upon the Festival day of St. Simon and St. Jude, in Magdalen Col­ledge Chappel, where he was Fellow, but now the Husband of a good Wife; of whom we may say as the Poet,

At his Marriage with this vertuous XXVIII Gentlewoman, he had a good Estate of his own besides her Portion to begin [Page 120] the World with; for he had a Rent Charge of Inheritance paid him out of the Manor of Lech-led in the County of Glocester, and the Adv ousan of Brad­wel living near Lech-led, both which were left him by his Father, as a Com­petent Portion for a younger Brother; but he wisely parted with the Advousan, resolving not to bury his Parts in a Country Parish; where if he had been once setled, possibly his Fortune might have proved like other Mens, never to have been Master of more Lands or Goods than the Tythe or Glebe of his own Parsonage: Therefore he took the first opportunity offered to him, as a more probable means of his future preferment; and that was to attend the right Honou­rable the Earl of Danby, to the Isles of Guernsie and Jersie: (of which after­ward he writ a Description) And for this goo [...] Service he so much endear'd himself to his Lordship, who took great notice of his extraordinary merits, that at their return back, the Noble Lord commended him, not only to some Lords in Court, but presented him to Arch­Bishop Laud, then Bishop of London, who had cast a singular Eye of favour [Page 121] upon him before, but now reminded by the Earl, he presently got him admitted Chaplain to the King, knowing that step. to Preferment would carry him on further, because the rise of the Clergy is either from the Press or the Pulpit, in both which Mr. Heylyn was exercised. The good Bishop instructed him with Counsel and wise Cautions, how to be­have himself in all Circumstances sutable to the Calling and Dignity of his Place; telling him amongst other things, That the King did not love Silk nor Sattin Chaplains; which Mr. Heylyn ever ob­served both young and old, never ruf­fling in Silks like some of his Brother­hood: but went alway in a plain, grave, and decent habit.

In humble gratitude to the Earl his XXIX original Patron, who first recommend­ed him to the Bishop, and afterward brought him to the honour of acquain­tance with Noble-men, among whom he found such a general love and respect, that their Lordships would often call him to a familiar Conversation with them; by which means Mr. Heylyn acquired more than an ordinary In­terest in Court: He could not study [Page 122] out a more ingenious way to please and oblige all their Lordships, than the Vindication of the most noble Order of the Garter, and that by writing his History of the famous Saint and Souldier of Christ Jesus St. George of Cappadocia; which Work he performed so admirably well, for History, Learning and Lan­guage; all these not vulgar, but incom­parable in their kind, that I would fain see the Fellow that can second it; es­pecialy considering that never any one before Mr. Heylyn durst attempt the work, by reason of the many difficulties occurring in Story: But what could re▪ sist the Authors Ingenuity and Industry, who had importunum Ingenium, a restless working Head, and a Mind indefata­gable for Study. Perrupit Acheronta Her­culeus labor—Hor. So various and per­plexed are the infinite stories that go of this Saint, that one would think it were an impossible thing to find out the Truth. Great care was taken by Anterus Bishop of Rome An. Dom. ▪238. (who was a Martyr himself) to preserve the Memory of the Christian Martyrs, by causing all their Acts and Passions to be written by publick Notaries, and [Page 123] afterwards laid up in the Register of theAnterus Statuit pri­mus ut om­nes res gestae Mar­tyrum a no­tariis scri­berentur, conscriptas recondi, in aerario Ec­clesiae mandavit Platin. tae vit. An. Greg. l. 7. 29. Church, as Platina tells us; and we find in Gregories Epistles, that in the Ancient Martyrologies the time of their death, and place where they suffered is de­scribed, but not the circumstance and manner of their deaths, whereby hath risen so many Fables, and incredible stories, especially of St. George which the Monks of old hath filled their Le­gends with: And on the other side, some because they would be contradictory to them, do run into another Extreme of things, not regarding whether they a [...]e true or false, they stigmatize St. George with all the reproaches imagi­nable, making him not a Saint but a De­vil, at the best the bloody George of Alexandria, who was a Butcher rather than a Bishop, that caused the slaughter of so many poor Christians for being Orthodox and not Arrians, more kind and favourable are they, that condemn him for a fiction a mere Chimera, andDr. He [...]lyns Epist. before his History▪ Non Entity, and will allow him no place (as the Historian saith) on Earth, in heaven, nor hell it self.

From all which slanderous Accusati­ons XXX of the one side, and from the Fop­pish [Page 124] Superstitions and Forgeries of the other; Mr. Heylyn hath redeemed, St. Georges Honour and Reputation prov­ing by undeniable Authorities, that St. George was a blessed and glorious Mar­tyr for Christ, so believed and owned in all Christian Nations, a Canoniz'd Saint through Christendom, the Patron both of our English Nation anciently deemed, and of the most Honourable Order of Knighthood in the World. The History was at first presented to his Majesty by the Author, and afterwards to the Knights of the Noble Order, by his Majesty it was most graciously accepted, and by the Nobility highly praised. Notwithstanding Dr. Hack­wel, the intimate friend of Dr. Prideaux for whose sake to revenge the old quar­rel, appeared against the Author, andAppend. to the Histo.▪ of K. Ch. treated him neither with that ingenuity which became a Scholar, nor that Cha­rity, as becomes a Christian. The King hearing of Dr. Hackwels sharp reply to this History of St. George, sent for Mr Heylyn, Commanding him to consider the Arguments of his Adversary, and for this purpose to go to Windsor, and there search into the Records of the [Page 125] Order. But there was little need for that, because all Dr. Hackwels Argu­ments and Accusations were Idem per Idem, the very same repeated over, which Mr. Pryn had before laid down in his Book called Histriomastix, which occasioned a second Edition of Mr. Hey­lyns History, wherein he answered the Arguments of both his Antagonists, who never troubled him more upon that point, and Dr. Hackwell for his part, in the next Edition of his book about the decay of Nature made an ingenious re­traction of the passages relating to St. George. Which blessed Saint and Mar­tyr, Mr. Heylyn the more zealously de­fended with his pen, not only for the reasons before mentioned, but from a perticular obligation, wherewith he thought himself bound above others to prosecute the History. Because several Churches being Dedicated to the Hon­our of God by St. Georges Name, per­ticularly St. Georges Church at Burford, Hist. of St. George cap. 8. par. 2. where it pleased God ` (saith he) `to give me first my natural being and `and afterward my Education, in which `regard I hold my self bound in a man­ner to vindicate St. George his Hon­our [Page 126] where his memory was anciently precious, and the only Church in it Dedicated by his Name. Finally the memory of this Saint shines in our Cal­ender, prefixed before the publick Liturgy of the Church of England, where he is specially honoured with the name of Saint, as is not any of the rest excepting those which saw our Saviour in the Flesh.

Let me finally add what the Author of the Present State of England, in Hon­our of St. George hath written, The great­est Angl. No. tit. cap. 19. Monarchs (saith he) of Christendom, have been enrolled, and have taken it fo [...] an honour to be of this Order: a Saint so univers [...]y Received in all parts of Christendom, so generally attested by the Ecclesiastical Writers of all Ages from the time of his Martyrdom to this day, that no one Saint in all the Calendar (except those attested by Scripture) is better vindicat­ed.

The publishing of this History met XXXI with that general good entertainment for the rarity of its subject; that a Gentle­man of quality one Mr. Bridges, out of a real respect and Love to the Au­thors Learning, presented him to the [Page 127] Parsonage of Me [...]sie Hampton in Gloce­ster-shire, to which if things had happened successfully, Mr. Heylyn had then been Successor to the Reverend Sebastine, D. D. Rector of that Living, and Mar­garet Professor in the University of Oxon. But contrary to his Patrons and his own expectation it proved a Living of most litigious Title, from whence followed a chargeable suit in Law, oc­casioned by Bishop Goodman, the worst of all his Predecessors, that sate in the Sea of Glocester, who outwardly pre­tended great kindness to Mr. Heylyn, for his Learning sake, but like the Fox in the Fable, (when he praised the Crows singing,) to get the meat out of his mouth, for after he had perswaded Mr. Heylyn to leave his presentation in his hands, and enter a Caveat in his Court, and promising, that he would grant no Institution to any person till the Title was cleared, his Lordship immediatly after gave Institution to another, (who was his friend) one Mr. Jackson, who was presented by Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxon, that pretended the right of Patronage and presentation to that Par­sonage. And no wonder Mr. Heylyn [Page 128] found such base dealing, when this Spi­ritual Father so prevaricated with his Mother the Church of England, from which he Apostatized most shamefully. No doubt he was a Jesuite in voto, or had a Pope in his Belly before he crept into the Bishoprick, His Lordships Hi­pocrisie was detected in a Sermon af­terwards Preached, for which he was not only questioned, but sentenc'd to a Recantation before the King. But much more scandal he gave at the time of his Death, á scandal so unseasonably and untimely (saith Dr. Heylyn) as ‘if the Devil himself had watched anObservator reseued p. 222. opportunity to despight this Church. Because some have gladly cherished this occasion to draw the rest of our Prelates into a General suspicion, yet Christian Charity should instruct them not to think evil of all for the fault of one, or prejudge any one Man much less the whole Body of the Cler­gy for the fault of another. It rather should be wondered at by all moderate and discreet Men, that notwithstand­ing so many provocations of want and, scorn, which have of late been put upon them, there should be found but [Page 129] one of that sacred order to fall off to Popery, though to say truth, it was not in this Bishop a late falling off, but a pursuance rather of some further inclinations, which he had that way, that being thought to be the reasons why he refused Subscription to the Canons in Convocation.’

Seldom misfortunes go alone, but one XXXII of them is a Prologue to another; though in conclusion of all, the Scene may end with a pleasant Epilogue: And fo it fared with Mr. Heylyn, who met with a second disappointment by the hand of Fortune, he being yet neither Parson, Vicar, nor Curate, but one of his Ma­jesties Chaplains in ordinary; he was now presented to another Living, of which he missed his aim, but thereby was fortunate in his very misfortune. For having attended the King, and preaching in his course at White-hall, his Majesty was so well pleased with his Sermon, that within a few days after Mr. Heylyn was presented by the King to the Rectory of Hemingford in the County of Huntington: Soon after he applyed himself to the Bishop of Lin­coln for Institution, which was not on­ly [Page 130] denyed him, but the Bishop, more boldly than did befit his Lordship, dis­puted his own Title against his Sove­raign, and fell upon Mr. Heylyn with most foul opprobrious Language, be­cause he presumed to defend the Kings right against his Lordship, which he proved by the Instruments of Convey­ance made from the other Party; at which the Bishop was the more highly offended with him, that such a young Divine should have so great know­ledge of the Law, and especially to argue the Case with his Lordship: But this was not the main business, Latet Anguis in herba, there was a Snake in the Garden; for his Lordship had a subtile design under disguise, or other­wise he would have easily waved his right of presentation, pro hac vice, to pleasure the King in the preferment of his Chaplain, or at least preserving his own right, bestowed the Living upon Mr. Heylyn; But then here lyeth the matter, his Lordship had been crossed in his wonted method, that is, to give with one hand and take away with the other, which he could not for shame do with a Kings Chaplain; For when he [Page 131] bestowed a Living upon any Person, as he had many in his Gift, being both Lord Bishop and Lord Keeper, he would tye the Incumbent to pay an annual pension out of it, to be dis­posed to such charitable and pious uses as he thought fit; so that the stream of his Charity flowed out of other mens Pur­ses, and not his own; at the best he robbed Peter to pay Paul, which the Incumbents felt by dear Experience, whom he kept at a low pittance, that for the most part they lived but poor­ly, for the heavy Taxations laid upon them. By this means he had more Pen­ [...]ers▪ than all the Noble men and Bishops in the Land together: And though he made no particular benefit to himself out of those Livings, then his Name cryed up for a noble Bene­factor, in all other things to fill his own Coffer, he was so covetous and extremely tenacious, that he would never let go what once he had laid hold on; for at the same time, he was both Bishop, Dean, Lord Keeper, Parson of Walgrove, and held the poor Prebendary of Asgar­by, in which last I have the honour to suc­ceed his Lordship.

[Page 132]The King hearing the News of Mr.XXXIII Heylyn's rough Entertainment at Bugden, how his Royal Presentation was slighted, and his Chaplain with ill words abused; was not a little offended with the Bishop, on whom he had heaped so many Dignities one upon another both in Church and State, I will not say undeservedly, if his Lordships Loyalty and Integrity had been answerable to his other great Abilities. But his Ma­jesty was pleased for the comfort of his poor Chaplain so disapointed and bad­ly treated by the Bishop, to send him this gracious Message by the Attorny general Mr. Noy: (not usual with Kings to private Persons) That he was sorry he had put him to so much charge and trouble at Bugden; but it should not be long before he would be out of his Debt: Nor long it was, for within a Week af­ter a Prebendship in the collegiate Church of Westminster (where the Bishop of Lincoln was Dean) fell void, by the Death of Mr. Darrel, which the King bestowed upon Mr. Heylyn, and with it sent a most gracious message by Mr. Noy again: That he bestowed that Pre­bendary on him to bear the charges of his [Page 133] last Journy, but he was still in his Debt for the Living.

So that he is now entred into one of XXXIV the fairest Preferments that hath all the accommodations and pleasures, which a Scholars heart can wish; a learned So­ciety; a well furnished Library; a magnificent Church, that hath an excel­lent Quire in it for a Chorus of heaven­ly Voices; the one enough to stir up the coldest heart to Devotion, and the other to the veneration of Antiquity, where so many ancient Monuments of Kings and Queens in Henry 7. Chappel have their Sepulture: The most accurate pile of building in Europe, by some cal­led the wonder of the World; near which the Courts of Judicature, the High Court of Parliament, and not far from thence, his Majesty's Pallace-royal at White-hall; that if one would converse with all sorts of famous Men, Divines, Lawyers, States-men, and other Per­sons of Quality, he could not find out a Place more sutable to the hearts desire; besides situated healthfully upon a firm gravelly Foundation, and pleasantly on the River Thames, about whose Banks may be seen along that River for many [Page 134] Miles, most princely Buildings, stately Palaces, fair Towers and Fields, as an old German Poet describeth, whose Ver­ses are thus translated by the Doctor himself in his Cosmography.

Therefore Mr. Heylyn was happily XXXV disappointed of his former Expectations, (as Providence ordained) to embrace a more noble Preferment; that he might say now rejoycingly as Chaerea did, Ecquis me vivit hodie fortunatior? cui tam subito tot congruerint commoda? Or rather in the Scripture words, The lines are fallen unto me in pleasant places, yea, I have a goodly Heritage. for certain­ly [Page 135] he could not be seated in a better manner, all those delightful convenien­ces considered; and yet to add more pleasure to them, he spared no cost to beautifie and enlarge his Prebends house, in the mean time his Wife lived in the Country with his Brother Mr. Edward Heylyn at Minster Lovel in Ox­fordshire, and sometimes with his Uncle Raynton at Shilton in Barkshire, a man of a good Estate, who was afterward High Sheriff of the same County.

So soon as he was settled in his Pre­bends XXXVI house, several of his Friends a­bout Town came to visit him, and give him joy. Amongst others of most noble Acquaintance, that he had gained by his frequent attendances in White-hall, the right Honourable Lord Falkland was pleased first to honour him with a Visit, and brought along with him a Miles gloriosus, one Mr. Nelson, an old Sea-Captain, with whom his Lordship seemed to be mightily delighted, for his new way of Discovery to find out the Longitude of the Sea, with which the Captain had troubled all the Mathemati­cians about Town, who generally dis­sented from his Opinion, that at last [Page 136] by his Majesties Order the decision of this Sea-question was referred to Mr. Heylyn, as a Person thought fit to de­termin it; but he could neither satisfie the Captain, nor the Lord with any further answer at present, than That his Majesty was mistaken in him, for his skill and knowledge did lye more in the historical than philosophical part of Geo­graphy: At which the Lord Falkland seemed to be much displeased, think­ing that he had spoken thus, either out of slight to his old Captain, or through some aversness in himself to be engaged in the business; but Mr. Heylyn quick­ly satisfied his Lordship to the contrary, that he intended to use all possible means by his own study, and consult with others more learned than himself in this point, non conamur tenues grandia and afterward give the King and his Lord­ship a full account of the whole matter.

Several Letters passed betwixt his Lordship and Mr. Heylyn, but in one XXXVII partienlarly, ‘his Lordship commended the honest old Captain to his judicious care and consideration, telling him that in the credibility of that phaenome­non his Majesties resolution would be [Page 137] much guided by his judgment; which he found would be of special Authority with him; that he press'd the point oft­ner to him, because he conceived it a Du­ty which he owed to the Truth it self, to have it made manifest one way or other, that is either to be freed from the Cap­tains imposition and pretence, if upon Tryal it appeared to be fallacious, or else to be approved and declared for right and perfect, (if such it be) to the silencing perpetually of all milici­ous Impugners thereof, that the World may be deprived no longer of the participation and use of so publick and common a benefit.’

After the receipt of his Lordships XXXVIII Letter, Mr, Heylyn, who was ever for­ward to promote any probable Notion. in Learning, and as ready to obey his Lordships Commands, he both studied the point himself, and conferred with the learned Mr. Oughtred, who was a person most likely for his admired abili­ties in this kind of Learning to give sa­tisfaction; but his Judgement ran quite contrary to the Sea-Captain, with whom he discoursed about his Hypothesis, and [...]wed him his Error, of which he gave [Page 138] a full account to Mr. Heylyn in a Letter as followeth.

I asked him the Ground whereon he went, and told him the difficulties which others found. His Ground (he said) was by the Nodes of the Moons Circle, because the Moon accompanied the Earth, having it the Center of her Orb. The difficulties which others imagined, was the finding out the place of the Node or ☊ upon the Superficies of the Earth. His Principle I determine to omit till more leasure, for I had but one whole day to stay in London. The difficulty of the place of ☊ I saw factible at Sea, and accordingly let him under­stand it. Now being at London, I de­sired conference with him, and thus I proceeded. You require for the Discove­ry of the Longitude, the distance of ☊ up­on the Earth; Well, imagin you were now at Sea in an unknown place, and that I gave you in degrees of Longitude the distance of ☊ from that Place where you are; what, will you conclude? He was entring into I know not what, by demands of, if this, and if that: But I held him to the Questi­on in the Hypothesis, telling him, he had [Page 139] what he required. At last he answered; Why? methinks you have already done it your self? You have the distance of ☊ in the degrees of Longitude of the ☊ from an unknown place, and therefore the difference of the ☊ is also unknown, except in that place only: But we require the distance from the other known place which you promised to argue? At last he began to be sensible of his mistake, and I advised him to desist from such undertakings; and being of so great an Age, to labour the discovery of another Voyage, or rather only labour to at­tain to the blessed end thereof, being alrea­dy opened to us by our Saviour. And this was the end of our Communication, and will be I suppose of that business also. I wonder how for these twelve years, where­in he hath mused upon this Subject, and hath had conferrence with so mamy lear­ned men, would receive no Answer: But it seems they gave him too much liberty of digression; and he having a very ill expression of his confused conceipts, en­tangled himself more and more in perplexi­ties.

Thus at last the old Captain was weaned from his dear Opinion, which [Page 140] he had doted upon for so many years; but to his further grief, and worthily to be lamented by others, followed the Death of his Friend and learned Lord, who was the honour of his time and degree. And had his Lordship but lived unto these times of ours, since the Institution of the Royal Society, un­to whom he had commended the Hypo­thesis, their profound Learning and ex­quisite Knowledge, rare Invention and Judgement, by which they have made so many wonderful Discoveries of things, would have quickly satisfied his Lord­ships scrupulosity, which was more to be regarded than the Captains Fancy: ‘For this noble Society has made parti­cular Enquiries of Tides, Currents,Notit. Angl. Cap. 23. and Depths of the Sea, since their first foundation, having a vast number of Experiments, a new Instrument (saith Dr. Sprat) to sound the Depth of the Sea without a line.’ The Seas longi­tudeDr. Sprats Royal Soci. is easie, once taken under their con­sideration.

Mr. Heylyn being released of this XXXIX troublesome Captain, and the Seas lon­gitude, which was out of Mr. Heylyn's reach, and proper Element; he thought [Page 141] it more useful and necessary, to study the Statutes of the Land, the Laws and Cust­omes of this Nation, Acts of Parliament, old Statutes and Records, to compare them with the times and circumstances occur­ring in story, whereby he might inable himself by this means to do better ser­vice both to Church and State. And this was a most profitable, as well as de­lightful diversion from his other studies. His Improvements appeared to be so great therein, that afterward he utter­ly confounded the utter Barister and Scribler against the State, Mr. William Pryn of Lincolns-Inn, who being called to question for his Histrio-mastix, Mr. Heylyn was sent for to the Council-Table, where his Majesty commanded him to read over that seditious Book, and col­lect thence all such passages, as were scandalous and dangerous to the King and State, and write them down in such Logical Inferences as might naturally arise and follow upon the Premises: All which Mr. Heylyn exactly perfor­med, and delivered his Copy to the Attorny General Mr. Noy, who pre­sented the same to the King and Lords of the Council, of whom it was ob­served [Page 142] that they urged not any thing a­gainst Mr. Pryn upon his Tryal, but what was contained in Mr. Heylyns Pa­pers of Collection, who took occasion at the same time, to publish a Book touch­ing the punishments due by Law, and in point of Practice against such notori­ous Offenders, as Pryn, Bastwick, and Burton, the Triumviri of Sedition.

For this and other good services which XL with wonderful Prudence as well as Diligence Mr. Heylyn faithfully perfor­med; his Majesty was graciously plea­sed to requite him, as Caesar did those Servants who best merited, he bestow­ed upon them Riches and Honours, saith Sueton, Quanto quis servitio prompti­or opibus & honoribus extollebantur. Therefore the Parsonage of Houghton in the Bishoprick of Durham, worth near 400 l. per Annum, being made void by the Preferment of Dr. Lindsel to the Sea of Peterborough, the King bestowed upon Mr. Heylyn, which afterward he exchanged with Dr. Marshal, Chanter of the Church of Lincoln, for the Parso­nage of Alresford in Hampshire, that was about the same value; to which exchange Mr. Heylyn was commanded by his Ma­jesty, [Page 143] that he might live nearer the Court for readiness to do his Majesty service. Neither was he envyed for this or his other Preferments, because every one knew his merits was the only cause of his promotion. For men of eminent Worth and Vertue, when they are ad­vanced, saith my Lord Bacon, Their Fortune seemeth but due to them, for no Bacons Essa▪ cap. 9. man envyeth the Payment of a Debt. That as his Majesty was pleased most graciously to express upon his loss of the Living by the Bishop of Lincoln; so according to his Royal Promise, he doubly repayed that Debt by a Living of twice the value; into which he was no sooner instituted and inducted, but he took care for the Service of God to be constantly performed, by reading the Common-prayers in the Church e­very morning, which gave great satis­faction to the Parish, being a populous Market Town; and for the Communion Table, where the blessed Sacrament is con­secrated, he ordered that it should be placed according to ancient Custom, at the East end of the Chancel, and Railed about decently to prevent base and pro­fane usages; and when the Chancel [Page 144] wanted any thing of Repairs, or the Church it self, both to be amen­ded.

Having thus shewed his care first for XLI the house of God, to set it in good or­der, the next work followed, was to make his own dwelling-house a fit and convenient Habitation, that to the old Building he added a new one, which was far more graceful; and made thereto a Chappel next to the Dining­room, that was beautified and adorned with Silk hangings about the Altar; in which Chappel, himself or his Cu­rate read Morning and Evening-praye [...] to the Family, calling in his Labourers and Work-folks, for he was seldom with­out them while he lived, saying, that he loved the noise of a Work-mans Hammer: For he thought it a deed of Charity, as well as to please his own fancy by of­ten building and repairing to set poor people a work, and encourage painful Artificers and Tradesmen in their honest Callings. He built a Hall in the middle of the House, from the very Foundati­on, upon the top whereof was a high Tower of Glass; on one side of the Hall a fair Garden with pleasant Walks, [Page 145] Cypress Trees, and Arbours; on the other side upon the Front a spacious Court, at the Gate, of which next the Street, a high wooden Bridge that went cross over the Street into the Church-yard, on which himself and Family went to Church, to avoid the dirty common way, which was almost unpassable. Be­sides he made many new Conveniences to the Out-houses, and Yards belonging to them; all which was no small charge to his Purse; for I have heard him say, it cost him several hundreds of Pounds in Alresfords-house, where he in a manner buried his Wifes Portion; yet after his Death, his Eldest Son was unreaso­nably sued for dilapidations in the Court of Arches, by Dr. Beamont his Fathers Successor; but the Gentleman pleaded his Cause so notably before Sir Giles Swet, then Judge of the Court, that he was discharged, there being no reason or justice he should be troubled for dilapidations occasioned by the long War, when his Father was unjust­ly turned out of his House and Li­ving.

After so much cost bestowed upon XLII Alresford, and his Prebend-house in West­minster [Page 146] he constanly resided in one of those places, where he kept good Hos­pitality, and took care to relieve the Poor, following also his wonted studies, not only in History, but Fathers, Coun­cils, and Polemical Divinity, the better to prepare himself for a new encounter with the old Professor Dr. Prideaux, for he resolved to go on in his Univer­sit [...] Degrees, notwithstandiug his remo­val from Oxon, and to perform those Exercises required in that Case, in which he always came off with credit and applause. Being now to take his Degree of Batchelor in Divinity, in July, An. Dom. 1630. Upon these words Mat. 4. 19. Faciam vos fieri Piscatores hominum. Upon the Sunday after he preached the Act Sermon, upon this Text, Mat. 13. 14. But while men slept, his Enemy came and sowed Tares among the Wheat, and went his way. Where he made a seasonable Application of this Subject, (as the Times then stood) of the danger of Lay-Feofees in buying up Impropriati­ons. A godly project it appeared at the first sight, but afterwards a Tare fit to be rooted up.

The Pretension of those Feofees seemed to be very just and pious, but their Intention and Practice was quite contrary, by planting many pentionary Lectures in many places, where the Preachers were Non-conformists, from whom could be expected no better fruits than the overthrow of Episcopal Go­vernment. The words of Mr. Heylyn's Sermon as to this particular, are as fol­loweth.

‘For what is that which is most aim­ed XLIII at in it, but to cry down the standing Clergy of this Kingdom; to under­mine the publick Liturgy by Law established; to foment factions in the State, Schisms in the Church, and to have ready Sticklers in every place for the advancement of some dangerous and deep design? And now we are fallen upon this point, we will proceed a little further in the pro­posal of some things to be considered. The Corporation of Feofees for buying in Impropriations to to the Church, doth it not seem in appearance to be an excellent piece of Wheat, a noble and gracious part of Piety? Is not this [Page 148] Templum Domini, Templum Domini! But blessed God that men should thus draw near to thee with their mouths, and be so far from thee in their hearts? For what are those entrusted, in the management of this great bu­siness? Are they not most of them the most active and best affected men in the whole Cause, & magna partium momen­ta, and chief Patrons of this growing Faction? And what are those that they prefer? Are they not most of them such men, as are and must be ser­viceable to their dangerous Innova­tions? And will they not in time have more Preferments to bestow, than all the Bishops of the Kingdom? And so by consequence a greater number of Dependents to promote their Interest? Yet all this while we sleep ànd slumper, and fold our hands in sloth, and see perhaps, but dare not note it. High time it is assuredly you should be a­waked, and rouse your selves upon the apprehension of so near a danger.’

If we look further upon this new devise and holy project, it being obser­vedFull. Ch. Hist. Fol. 195. (as Fuller saith) that those who hold the Helm of the Pulpit, always steer the [Page 149] peoples hearts as they please. The Feofees therefore placed their Lecturers in Mar­ket Towns and Corporations, that were most populous where they might carry the greater sway of electing Burgesses to serve in Patliament; or for the most part these zealous Preachers were such as had been silenced and suspended in the Ecclesiastical Courts, or those that were well Wishers to Non-confor­mists. The Parties themselves trusted in this design of buying Impropriati­ons; were of such affections as promi­sed no good unto the peace and hap­piness of the Church of England, being twelve in number, four Ministers, four Full. Ch. Hist. Fol. 136. common Lawyers, and four Citizens; all of them known to be averse unto the Discipline of the Church, that as Dr. Heylyn saith, ‘If such publick mischiefs be presaged by Astrologers from the Conjunction of Jupiter and Saturn; though the first of these be a PlanetExam. Hist. p. [...]09. of a most sweet and gentle influence, what dangers, what calamities might might not be feared from the Con­junction of twelve such persons, of which there was not one that wished well to the present Government. [Page 150]And therefore I may say of them as Do­miti [...]s Aenobarbus said unto his friends when they came to congratulate with him for the Birth of Nero. Nihil ex se & Agrippina nisi detestabile & malo publico nasci potest.’

But now we must come to the Divi­nity XLIV Schools again, where Mr. Heylyn must undergo the publick exercise of disputation for his degree of Doctor, and appear before his severe Judge and Moderator Dr. Prideaux, whose ani­mosities and angers since the former Disputation, in all the tract of time from the year 1627. to 1633. were not abated, or in the least cooled, but more inflamed; that the Professor took upon himself the Office of an Opponent rather than of a Moderator, so that those to whom the Opponents part belonged, could hardly put in an Argument for his passion. In the former Disputation Mr. Heylyn asserted the visibility and infal­libility of the Church; but now he in­sisteth upon its Authority; and his Questions were these following.

• 1. An Ecclesia habeat authoritatem in de­terminandis fidei controversiis?
• [Page 151]2. Interpretandi S. scripturas?
• 3. Discernendi ritus & ceremonias?

All which he held in the affirmative.XLV (as himself gives an account of theAppend. to the Adver. in Mr. Sa. Hist. p. 214, 215. whole disputation) according to the plain and positive Doctrine of the Church of England, in the twentieth Article, which runs thus in terminis, viz, Habet Ecclesia ritus sive ceremonias statu­endi jus & in fidei controversiis authori­tatem, &c. ‘But the Doctor was as little pleased with these Questions, and the Re­spondents stating of them as he was with the former; and therefore to create to the Respondent the greater odium, he openly declared that the Respondent had falsified the publick Doctrine of the Church, and charged the Article with that Sentence, viz. Habet Ecclesia ritus sive ceremonias, &c. Which was not to be found in the whole Body of it: And for the proof thereof, he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him, beginning thus, Non licet Ecclesia quicquam instituere quod ver­bo Dei scripto adversetur, &c. To which the Respondent readily answered, that he perceived by the lines of the Book [Page 152] which lay on the Doctors Cushion, that he had read that Article out of the Harmony of Consessions publisht at Geneva, Anno 1612. which therein fol­lowed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edward the Sixth, Anno 1652. in which that sentence was not found, but that it was other­wise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation, Anno 1561. to which most of us had subscribed in our seve­ral places; but the Doctor still per­sisting upon that point, and the Re­spondent seeing some unsatisfiedness in the greatest part of the Auditory, he called on one Mr. Westly (who former­ly had been his Chamber-fellow in Mag­dalen Colledge) to step to the next Booksellers-shop, for a Book of Ar­ticles; which being observed by the Doctor, he declared himself very wil­ling to decline any further profecution of that particular, and to go on direct­ly to the Disputation: But the Re­spondent was resolved to proceed no further, us (que) dum liberaverit animam suam ab ista calumnia, as his own words were, till he had freed himself from that odious calumny; but it was [Page 153] not long before the coming of the Book had put an end to the Controver­sie, out of which the Respondent read the Article in the English tongue in his verbis, viz. The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies, and Autho­rity in controversies of Faith, &c. which done, he delivered the Book to one of the standers by who desired it of him, the Book passing from one hand to another till all men were satisfied. And at this point of time it was, that the Queens Almoner left the Schools, pro­fessing afterwards that he could see no hope of a fair Disputation from so foul a beginning. The Doctor went about to prove that it was not the Convoca­tion, but the High Court of Parlia­ment which had the power of order­ing matters in the Church, in making Canons, ordaining Ceremonies, and and determining Controversies in Re­ligion; and could find out no other medium to make it good, but the Au­thority of Sir Edward Cook (a learnedAppendix to the Adv. p. 218. but meer common Lawyer) in one of the Books of his Reports. An Argument (if by that name it may be called) which the Respondent thought not fit to gra­tifie [Page 154] with a better answer than Non credendum esse cui (que) extra suam artem.’ And certainly a better answer could not be given by Mr. Heylyn (I may say) Non Apollinis magis verum at (que) hoc re­sponsum.

This last exercise completed him in XLVI all degrees that the University could conferre upon him; being now a Doctor in Divinity, he returned home with ho­nour; where shortly after news was sent him that the King had bestowed upon him a Prebendary at Windsor, by the in­tercession of Dr. Neale, then Arch­Bishop of York; but it proved other­wise, for that Prebendary was promised to Dr. Potter, when he presented to the King, his Book called Charity mistaken; and he also went without it, by reason of the Bishop of Gl [...]cester, not being translated to the Church of Hereford (as was then commonly reported) who kept the same Prebend in his hands, by which means both the Candidates were disapointed. This Goodman Bishop of Glocester at that time affected a remove to the See of Hereford, and had so far prevailed with some great Officers of State, that for mony (which he offered [Page 155] like Simon magus, and it was taken) hisArch-Bish. Life p. 248. [...]onge d' eslir issued out, and his Election passed: But Arch-Bishop La [...]d coming opportunely to the knowledge of it, and being ashamed of so much baseness in the man, who could pretend no other merit than his mony; the wretched Bishop was glad to make his Peace, not only with the resignation of his Election, but the loss of his Bribe. While these things were agitated, the the young Doctor new come from the University, where he had run through so hard a Task with the Regius Professor, though he missed Windsor, took this occasion to make himself merry as the Poet did; musa jocosa mea est—Ov. And so fell into this vein of Poetry.

But this Fancy was soon turned into a XLVII mournful Elegy, by the death of his noble Friend the Attorny General Mr. Noy, whose memory he could never forget for the honour of delivering to [Page 156] him the gracious message from his Ma­jesty, and for the intimacy he was plea­sed to bear to him as a bosom friend; that he imparted to the Doctor all the affairs of State, and transactions of things done in his time; which made him so perfect an Historian in this particular; and shew­ed him his papers, manuscripts and la­borious Collections, that he had gather­ed out of Statutes and ancient Records for the proof of the Kings Prerogative, particularly before his death at his house in Brainford where the Doctor kept Whitsontide with him in the year 1634. he shewed to him a great wooden Box that was full of old Precedents, forObserv. on the Hist. of K. Ch. p. 121. levying a Naval aid upon the Subjects, by the sole Authority of the King when­soever the preservation and safety of the Kingdom required it of them. Mr. Ham­mond L' Strange acknowledges that Mr. Noy was a most indefatigable plodder and searcher of old Records. The learnedL' Str. fol. 131. Antiquary Mr. Selden (though no friend to the King nor Church) con­fesses in his excellent book, entituled, Mare Clausum, That the Kings of England [...]sed to levy mony upon the Subjects without the help of Parliament, for the providing [Page 157] of Ships and other necessaries to maintain that Soveraignity which anciently belonged to the Crown. Yet the honest Attorny General for the same good service to the King and Country, is called by Hammond Le Strange, The most pestilent ibid. fol. 131. vexation to the Subjects, that this latter Age produced. So true is the old Proverb, some may better steal a Horse than others look on. For it is usual with many, not to judge according to the merits of the cause, but by the respect or disrepect they bear to the Person, as the Come­dian once said.

[Page 158]The death of Mr. Noy, the more sad­ly XLVIII afflicted the Doctor, to lose so dear a Friend and an entire Lover of learned men; during whose time, no unhappy differences brake out betwixt the Dean of Westminster and the Prebends of that Church, but all things were carried on smoothly by his Lordship, because he knew well that Dr. Heylyn had a sure Advocate in Court, both in behalf of himself and his Brethren, if they stood in need of help; that no sooner this wor­thy person departed the World, but the Bishop so extremely tyrannized over the Prebendaries, infringing their Pri­viledges, violating their Customes, and destroying their ancient Rights; that for the common preservation of themselves and their Successors, they were forced to draw up a Charge against his Lordship, consisting of no less than thirty six Articles, which were presen­ted by way of complaint and petition of redress to his sacred Majesty, who forth­with gave order for a Commission to be issued out unto the Arch-Bishops of Can­terbury and York, the Earl of Manchester, Lord Privy Seal Earl of Portland, the Lord Cottington, the two Secretaries of [Page 159] State, Sir John Cook and Sir Francis Windebank: Authorizing them to hold a Visitation of the Church of Westmin­ster, to examine the particular charges made against John Lord Bishop of Lin­coln, and to redress such grievances and pressures, as the Prebends of the said Church suffered by his misgovern­ment.

The Articles were ordered by the XLIX Council Table to be translated into La­tin by Dr. Heylyn, (which according­ly he performed) to avoid the common talk and scandal that might arise, if ex­posed to the publick veiw of the vulgar; on April, 20. A. D. 1634. the Commissi­on bore date, which was not executed but lay dormant till December 1635, the Bishop expecting the business would never come to a hearing, he raged more vehemently, dispossessed the Pre­bends of their Seats, refused to call a Chapter, and to passe their Accounts, conferred holy Orders in the said Church without their consent, contrary to an ancient Priviledge, which had been inviolably retained from the first foun­dation of the Church; he permitted also Benefices in their gift to be lapsed [Page 160] unto himself, that so he might have ab­solute power to dispose them to whom he pleased, Quo teneam nodo? With ma­ny other grievances, which caused the Prebends to present a second Petition to his Majesty, humbly beseeching him to take the ruinous and desperate estate of the said Church into his Princely con­sideration.

Upon which the former Commission L was revived, a day of hearing appoin­ted, and a Citation fixed upon the Church door of Westminster, for the Bishops and Prebends to appear on Jan. 27. Upon the 25th. instant. The Pre­bends were warned by the Subdean to meet the Bishop in Jerusalem Chamber, where his Lordship foreseeing the Storm that was like to fall upon his head, car­ried himself very calmly towards them, desiring to know what those things were that were amiss, and he would present­ly redress them, (though his Lordship knew them very well without an Infor­mer) to which Dr. Heylyn replyed, that seeing they had put this business in­to his Majesties hands, it would ill be­come them to take the matters out o [...] his into their own. Therefore on Jan. [Page 161] 27th. both Parties met together before the Lords in the Inner-star Chamber; where by their Lordships Order; the whole business was put into a metho­dical course; each M [...]day following being appointed for a day of hearing till a Conclusion was made of the whole affair. On February the 1st. The Lords Commissioners, with the Bishop and Prebends met in the Council-Cham­ber at White-hall, where it was first or­dered that the Plaintifs should be called by the name of Prebends supplicant: Se­condly, they should be admitted upon Oath as Witnesses: Thirdly they should, have a sight of all Registers, Records, Books of account, &c. which the Bishop had kept from them: Fourthly, that the first business they should begin with, should be about their Seat, because it made the difference or breach more visible and offensive to the World, than those matters which were private and domestick: And lastly it was ordered, that the Prebends should have an Ad­vocate to plead their Cause, defend their Rights, and represent their Grie­vances. Accordingly the Prebends un­animously made choice of Dr. Peter Hey­lyn for their Advocate.

[Page 162]The business now brought on so fair­ly,LI the Lords Commissioners met again on February the 8th. following, before whom the Bishop put in his Plea about the Seat or Great Pew under Rich. 2. from which he had disgracefully turned out the Prebends, and possest it wholly to himself, or the use of those Stran­gers to whom he had a special favour; thinking scorn, that honoured Society should sit with him, a Bishop. But the Prebends Advocate proved their Right of sitting there by these particulars. First their original Right. Secondly their derivative Right. Thirdly their possessory Right. How excellently he managed their Cause, and what a mean defence the Bishop made for himself, would be too tedious and impertinent to insert here, concerning none but the Church of Westminster. Finally upon hearing the matters on both sides, it was ordered by general consent of the Lords Commissioners, That the Prebends should be restored to their old Seat, and that none should sit there with them, but Lords of the Parliament, and Earls el­dest Sons, according to the ancient custom.

[Page 163]But what were those differences about LII a Seat, to the Disputes risen at that time about the Sabbath? In the History of which Dr. Heylyn was then engaged, and in a short time he perfected it, to satisfie the scrupulous minds of some mis­guided Zelots, who turned the observa­tion of the Lords-day into a Jewish Sabbath; not allowing themselves or others the ordinary Liberties, nor works of absolute necessity, which the Jews themselves never scrupled at. Against which sort of Sabbatarians, the Doctor published his History of the Sabbath. The Argumentative part of that Subject was referred to Dr. White Bishop of Ely; the Historical part of it to Dr. Heylyn. Huic nostro tradita est provincia: Both of their Books ne­ver answered to this day; but pickird at by Mr. Palmer and Mr. Cawdrey, two Divines of the Smectymnian Assemb­ly, and by some other sorry Writers of less account: But the foundation and superstructure, both in the logical and historical Discourses of those two Pillars of our Church, stand still unmovable; the latter though an Historian upon the Subject does fully answer all the material [Page 164] Arguments of the Adversaries side brought out of Scripture, as well as History: Neither doth the Bishop nor the Doctor in the least encourage or countenance in all their Writings any Profaneness of the Day, when Christian Liberty is abused to Licentiousness: Nor on the other side would they have the Religious Observation of the Day brought into superstition: For Sunday amongst some I have known, hath been kept as a Fast Day, contrary to the ancient Opinion and Practice of the primitive Church; who judged it a Heresie and not an Act of Piety. Nefas est die D [...] ­minica jejunare, that the day should be spent from Morning to Evening so strictly in preaching and praying, in repetition upon repetitions, in doing works of superogation which God ne­ver required at their hands, nor any Christian Church commanded, to make the Sabbath a burden, that ought to be a Christians delight, is new Divinity a­mong the reformed Churches; in Ge­neva it self, before and after Divine Ser­vice, the People are at liberty for man­ly Recreations and Exercises.

Upon complaint made before Lord [Page 165] chief Justice Richardson of some disor­ders by Feasts, Wakes, Revels, and or­dinary pastimes on Sundays; perticu­larly in the County of Somerset. His Majesty ordered that the Bishop of Bath and Wells should send a speedy ac­count of the same.

The Bishop called before him seventy two of the Orthodox and ablest ClergyA. L. Life pag. 242 men among them, who certified under their several hands, that on the Feasts dayes (which commonly fell upon Sundayes) the service of God was more solemnly performed, and the Church was better frequented both in the fore­noon and afternoon, then upon any Sunday in the year.

To decry the clamours of the Sabbatarians, a Lecture read by Doctor Prideaux at the Act in Oxon, An­no 1622. was translated into english, in which he solidly discoursed both of the Sabbath and Sunday, according to the judgment of the ancient Fathers and the most approved Writers of the Pro­testant and Reformed Churches. This Lecture was also ushered with a preface: In which there was proofe offered of these three propositions. First that the [Page 166] keepiug holy one day of seven is not the moral part of the fourth Comman­dement. Secondly that the alteration of the day is only an humane and eccle­siastical constitution. Thirdly that still the Church hath power to change the day, and transfer it to some other. The ‘name of Prideaux was then so sacred,A. B. life pag. 16 that the Book was greedily bought up by those of the Puritan faction, but when they found themselves deceived of their expectation. The Book did cool their colors and abate their clamour.’

Since our Saviours reproof of the LIII Jews, for their superstitious fear of trans­gressing the traditions and Command­dements of their Fathers by which they kept the Sabbath with more rigour than God had commanded, they are now bent upon the other extreme as Bux­torf Buxt. Sy­nag. Jud. Cap. 11. tells us, so hard a thing it is to keep a medium between two extreams. Quanto voluptatis isti percipiunt (saith he) tanto se devotius Sabbatum colere sta­tuunt. The more pleasures they take on the Sabbath day, the more devoutly they thought that they keep the Sabbath. So that the rigid Sabbatarian hath no ex­ample of Jew or Christian, and I am [Page 167] sure no Command of God in Scripture, nor President in Antiquity or Ecclesi­astical History, but will find there the Lords-day is from Ecclesiastical Institu­tion. I speak not this (I abhor it) to animate, or the least encourage people in looseness and debauchery, to neglect the Duties of Religion, or the Worship and Service of God upon this holy day, which they ought as they tender their Souls, with singular Care and Consci­ence to observe; but hereby I think my Father in Law is justified, (though his own Book is best able to vindicate him­self) that his Opinion is orthodox, both ac­cording to the Doctrine of the Church of England, and the judgement and practice of Protestant Churches, that the Lords-day should be Religiously ob­served; and yet withal, the lawful liber­ties, and urgent necessities of the People preserved, and not to be so tied up, and superstitiously fearful, that they dare not kindle a Fire, dress Meat, visit their Neighbours, sit at their own Door, or walk abroad, no nor so much as talk with one another, except it be in the Poets words.

To which I may add a more smart and witty Epigram, upon the scruple and needless disatisfaction in them, not on­l [...] Observ. on the Hist of K. Ch. pag. 90. about the Sabath but our Church and Religion; in those Verses of Dr. Hey­lyn to Mr. Hammond L' Estrange, as fol­loweth.

Notwithstanding this scrupulosity in LIV them, the World knows their hypocri­tical Practices under all those zealous Pre­tences, how light they are in the Ballance, and how extraordinary a thing it is, to find from their hands downright honesty and plain dealing; they are too much [Page 169] like the Scribes and Pharisees, who by godly shews of long Prayers, sad Coun­tenances, Justification of themselves, that they were the only Righteous, and all others Sinners; played the Hypocrites most abominably; to deceive the vulgar sort, they made Religion a meer mock and empty show [...], saith our Saviour, to be seen like Stage-players inErasm. An­not. in loc. a Theater, Nam tota actio est histrionica, as Erasmus well observeth, their whole carriage was dramatick, to make a feign­ed Pageantry and Ostentation of Piety. Yet John Lord Bishop of Lincoln, in compliance with this Sect, out of discon­tent and revenge, because deprived of the great Seal, and commanded by the King to retire from Westminster; trans­formed himself into one of these Angels of new Light, and made himself the Archangel and Head of their Party. First of all by writing his pretended Letter to one Titly Vicar of Grantham, against the holy Communion Table stan­ding Altar-wise; to which Dr. Heylyn made a sudden and sharp reply, in his Book entituled, A Coal from the Altar; to which the Bishop within a Twelve­month after (he took time enough for [Page 170] the Work) did return an Answer un­derArch Bish., Life p. 311. the Title of The Holy Table, Name and Thing, pretending withal that this was written long ago by a Minister in Lincolnshire, against Dr. Cole, a Di­vine in Queeu Marys Reign. No sooner the King heard of this new Book, but he sent a Command to Dr. Heylyn, to write a speedy Answer to it, and not in the least to spare the Bishop; Neither did the Doctor baulk the grand Sophos, but detected all his false Allegations, and answered them that were true, which the Bishop had wrested to a con­trary sense, if we will look into the Doctors Book, called by him Antidotum Lincolniense. All this while the Bishop (as it must be confest being a man of Learning) writ against his own Science and Conscience; so dear is the passion of revenge, to gratifie which, some men wilfully sin against the Light of their own Souls; therefore the Bishop, according to the Apostles word was [...], condemned of himself: For look upon him in the point of practice, and we shall find the Commu­nion Table was placed Altar-wise in the Cathedral Church of Lincoln, whereof [Page 171] he was Bishop, and in the Collegiate Church of Westminster, of which he was Dean; and lastly in the privateExam. Hist: pag. 278. Chappel of his own house, (as Dr. Heylyn saith) in whieh it was not only placed Altar-wise, but garnished with rich Plate and other costly Utensils, in more than ordinary manner. By all which, the Bishop needed no further refuta­tion of his Book, than his own Example, that in those places where he had Au­thority, the Holy Table did not stand in Gremio and Nave of the Quire as he would have it fixed, but above the Steps upon the Altar, close to the East end of the Quire, ex vi catholicae consue­tudinis, according to the ancient man­ner and custom in the Primitive Catho­lick Church. But hinc illae lachrymae ever since, this mischief followed his Book, that in most Country Churches to this day, the Table is set at the hither end of the Chancel, whithout any Traverse or Rails to fence it; Boys fling their Hats upon it, and that which is worse, Dogs piss against it; Country Juries write their Parish accounts, Amercia­ments, By-Laws, &c. all which is a most horrible profanation, and not to be suf­fered.

[Page 172]But now John Lord Bishop of Lincoln, LV who would have removed the holy Communion Table from its proper place, and had displaced his Prebends of their ancient Seat, was himself at this time, Anno Dom. 1637. thrown out of his Episcopal Chair, by sentence of the Star-Chamber, for endeavouring to cor­rupt the Kings Evidence in a Cause of Bastardy brought before his Majesties Justices of Peace, at Spittle Sessions, in the County of Lincoln; which business afterward came to a hearing before the Lords in Star-Chamber, by whose de­finitive sentence, the Bishop was suspen­ded ab Officio & Beneficio, deprived of all his Ecclesiastical Preferments, deep­ly fined, and his Complices with him; and afterward committed to the Tower of London, where he continued Priso­ner for three years; and in all that space of time, his Lordship did never hear Ser­mon Arch-Bish. Life p. 324. or publick Prayers, to both which he was allowed liberty; but instead thereof he studied Schism and Faction, by his own Example, and his Pen dis­guisedly.

During the time of his Lorships Im­prisonment,LVI Dr. Heylyn was chosen [Page 173] Treasurer for the Church of Westminster; in which Office he discharged himself with such diligence and fidelity, that he was continued in it from year to year, till the Bishops release out of t [...]e Tower, and his removal back again to Westminster. While he was Treasurer, he took care for the repairs of the Church, that had been neglected for many years: First of the great West-Isle that was rea­dy to fall down, was made firm and strong; and of the South-side of the lower West-Isle much decayed, he caused to be new timbred, boarded and leaded; but chiefly the curious Arch o­ver the preaching place (that looketh now most magnificently) he ordered to be new vaulted, and the Roof there­of to be raised up to the same height with the rest of the Church; the charge of which came to 434 l. 18 s. 10 d. He regulated also some disorders of the Quire, perticularly the exacting of Scon­ses or perdition mony, which he divided among them that best deserved it, who diligently kept Prayers, and attended upon other Church Duties.

Whilest he was Treasurer, his Bre­thren LVII the Prebendaries, to testifie their [Page 174] good affections to him, presented him to the Parsonage of Islip near Oxford; a very good Living, worth about 200l. per Annum, then by the death of Dr. King made void; but by reason of the distance from Alresford (though stan­ding most conveniently to taste the sweet pleasures of the University) he thought fit to exhange it for another nearer hand, the Rectory of South-warn­borough in the County of Hampshire, that was in the gift of St. Johns Colledge in Oxon, to which exchange he was fur­thered by the Arch-Bishop, who car­ried a great stroke in that Colledge, of which he had been President. It plea­sed God soon after, to visit him and his Family at Alresford with a terrible fit of Sickness, of which none escaped (the Disease was so contagious) but the Cook's boy in the Kitchen, who was then Master Cook for the whole Family; and he performed his part so well, in making their broths and other necessaries, that he was the best Physitian among the Doctors, for by his Kitchen Physick the Sick was cured. No sooner Dr. Heylyn recovered of the distemper, but he be­took himself from his Bed to his Book, [Page 175] and fell upon a more than ordinary piece of study. The History of the Church of England since the Reforma­tion. An easie matter for others to tread the Path when he had found out the Way. Though he is dead, he yet speaketh, and the truth of things with­out respect of persons; not to ingra­tiate himself with the Parliament, and Presbyterian party, to make our Reli­gion it self Parliamentary, which Pa­pists and Presbyterians affirm; he spa­red no pains nor cost to search into old Records, Registers of Convocation, Acts of Parliament, Orders of Council Table, and had the use of Sir Robert Cottons Library to take out what Books he pleased, leaving a pawn of Mony be­hind for them. In all his other Writings what a faithful Historian he hath ap­peared to the World, is sufficiently known, and will be shewed in this par­ticular. In the mean while let not men be too credulous of anothers Transcrip­tions, that are under question, an ver­bum de verbo expressum extulit? Whether they are copyed out exactly from the originals, (wherein lyes the main con­troversie in matter of fact) which I [Page 176] am not bound, nor other men, to believe till we are convinced by our own Eyes; besides it is an inglorious encounter to fight with a mans Ghost, after he has been dead near twenty years, with whom the late Historian, nor any other whilst he was living, durst venture with him in the point. The Heathens scorn'd to rake in the Ashes of the dead,Tacit. in vit Agric. but as Tacitus says of Agricola, ut in loco Piorum manibus destinato placide quiescat, that he might rest without disturbance in the place appointed for Souls. How­ever the Doctors Learning and Fideli­ty in History is so publickly known, that it is not in the power of any Scot or English Aristarchus: to blast his good Name. And let this suffice at present.

Whilst he was so intent upon the Histo­ry LVIII of Reformation, he found little en­couragement to go on in these studies; for the discontents that boyled in this Nation, and the Commotions then begun in Scotland, upon pretence of the Com­mon-prayer imposed upon them: And a mere pretence indeed it was; for here­in [Page 177] was nothing done, but with the con­sent and approbation of their own Scot­tish Bishops, who made what Alterations in the Liturgy they pleased, to which they had his Majesties Royal Assent; but the blame was wholly laid upon the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, who only commended the Book to them, spe qui­dem Elench. mot. nup. laudabili sed eventu pessimo, as the learned Dr. Bates said, the success be­ing improsperous, though the enter­prise commendable, the Arch-Bishop unjustly censured for it; he caused Dr. Heylyn to translate the Scotch Liturgy into Latin, and his Lordship intended to set out his own Apology with the Book, to vindicate himself from those aspersions thrown upon him, that the World might be satisfied with his Ma­jesties Piety and Goodness, and his Lordships own care and readiness to serve that Nation; but their hasty Re­bellion (to which they were ever pre­cipitant) put an end to the Bishops Apology, and the Doctors Translation.

Hamilton whom Dr. Burnet doth so highly applaud, had a party that not only opposed this Liturgy, but betray­ed the King on all occasions; nay some [Page 178] of the Bed-Chamber who were Scots, were grown so sawcy and impudent, that they used to ransack the good Kings Pockets when he was in Bed; to transcribe such Letters as they found, and send the Arch-Bish. Life p. 355. Copies to their Country-men in the way of Intelligence. To speak the matter in a word, he was grown of Scots in Fact a King, though not in Title, His Ma­jesty being looked on by them as a Cy­pher in the Arithmatick of State.

The Scotch Covenanters, after the un­happy War was begun, called it Bellum Episcopale, the Bishops War, raised only to uphold their Hierarchy; but the truth is as the Doctor proveth, Though Liturgy and Episcopacy, were made Observ. on the Hist. of the Reign. of K. [...]. p. 151. the occasions, yet they were not the causes of the war, Religion being but the Vizard to disguise the business; which Covetous­ness, Sacriledge, and Rapine had the grea­test hand in; for the King resolving to revoke all grants of Abby Lands, the Lands of Bishopricks and Chapters, and other Religious Corporations, which have been vested in the Crown by Act of Parliament, were conferred on many of the Nobility and Gentry in his Fathers Minority, when he was under Protectors; whence the Nobili­ty. [Page 179] of Scotland made use of discontented and seditious Spirits, (under colour of the Canons and Common prayer) to embroyl that Kingdom, that so they might keep their Lands, and hold up their Power and Tyranny over the people.

To appease the Tumults in Scotland, LIX and quench the sparks of Sedition, that began to kindle in England, the King called a Parliament, and issued out his Writ for Clerks in Convocation; at which time the Doctor was chosen by the Colledge of Westminster, their Clerk to sit in Convocation, where he pro­posed a most excellent expediency, (which would be of happy use if still con­tinued) for the satisfaction of some scrupo­lous Members in the House of Commons, about the Ceremonies of our Church; That there might be a mutual conference by select Commitees between the House of Commons and the lower House of the Convocation, that the Clergy might give the Commons satisfaction in the point of Ceremonies, and all other things relating to the Church; which motion from him was well accepted and gene­rally assented thereto; And no doubt a most happy success, would have fol­lowed [Page 180] upon it, not only to take away all scruples, but to beget a Reverence and Love from the Commons to the Clergy, by such a mutual Conference and Conversation. But this Parliament being then suddenly dissolved put a period to that and all other business, at the news of which, brought unexpected­ly to the Doctor, while he was bufie then at the election for the School of Westminster his pen fell from his hand, himself struck dumb with admiration.

A sad and unfortunate day it was, saith the Doctor and the news so unpleasing, Obser. on the His. of K. Ch. pag. 176. brought hi [...] by a friend, whilst he was wri­ting some dispatches, it so astonished him (though he [...]ad heard some inkling of it the night before) that suddenly the Pen fell out of his hand, and long it was before he could recollect his Spirits to give an answer.

The Convocation usually endeth in course the next day after the dissolution of Parliament: But the Doctor well knowing that one great end of calling Parliaments is to raise the King money for the publick concerns, he therefore went to Lambeth and showed the Arch­Bishop [Page 181] a preced ent in the reign of Queen Elizabeth for granting subsidies, or a benevolence by Convocation to be levyed upon the Clergy, without the help of a Parliament; whereby the Kings necessities for mony might be supplyed, and so it successfully fell out, the Arch-Bishop acquainting the King with this present expediency the Con­vocation still continued sitting, not­withstanding the dissolution of Parlia­ment. And when this was scrupled at by some of the house, the Doctor resol­ved their doubts, and rid them of their fears by shewing them the distinction betwixt the Kings Writ for calling a Par­liament and that for assembling a Con­vocation. Their different forms and independence of one upon another. Fi­nally it was determined by the King him­self, and his learned counsel in the Law, That the Convocation called by his Ma­jesties Writ, was to be continued till it was dissolved by his Writ notwithstand­ing the dissolution of Parliament. This be­nefit the King got by their fitting, six subsidies under the name of Benevolences, which the Clergy payd to him.

On Friday May 29 the Canons, of LXI [Page 182] that Convocation were unanimously sub­scribed unto by all the Bishops and Cler­gy. No one of them dissenting but the Bishop of Glocester for which he was de­servedly suspended, who afterward tur­ned Papist, and was the only renegado Prelat of this Land Of this Convocation. Sir Edward Deering to shew his wit (which he dearly payd for after) in one of his speeches to the house of Com­mons, was pleased to say, that eve­ry one, that had a hand in making their Ganons should come unto the Bar of the Collect of Speeches by Sir Edw. D [...]ering printed, 1642. House of Commons with a Candle in one hand, and a book in the other, and there give fire to his own Canons, which good fortune afterward fell upon his own book of speeches. NecLex est justior ulla, which by order of the House of Com­mons was burnt in the Fire by the hand of the common Hang-man. A publick disgrace that he worthily deserv'd for his proud Eloquence, in often pratling against the King and Church. In another of his speeches he tells them, That if they c [...]uld bring the Lords to sit in the House of Commons, and the King to be but as one of the Lords then the work was done. And finally in a nother Collection of Speeches, pag. 151. he so abuseth all [Page 183] the Cathedrals in the Kingdom with so foul a mou [...], as if he had licked up the filth of all the former Libells, to vomit it at once upon them. And yet this Gentleman afterward (as Doctor Heylyn Obser. p. 178. saith) made it his earnest suit to be Dean of Canterbury, which being de­nied him by the King, in a great dis­content he returned to the Parliament &c. But lastly to consider the sad con­dition of that Convocation before they were dissolved, the Doctor as one of their fellow members speaks most feel­ingly, during all the time of their sit­ting, they were under those horrid fears, by reason of the discontents fal­ling upon the Parliaments dissolution, ‘that the King was fain to set a Guard about Westminster-Abby for the wholeIbid. p. 181. time of their fitting. Poor men to what a distress were they brought, in danger of the Kings displeasure if they rose, of the peoples fury if they sate; in danger of being beaten down by the following Parliament, when the work was done; and after all, ob­noxious to the Lash of censorious tongues for their good intendments for notwithstanding their great care, [Page 184] that all things might be done with decency and to edification, every one must have his blow at them.’

For Pryn published the unbishop­ing of Timothy and Titus, and his other Libel of news from Ipswich, wherein he called the Arch-Bishop of Cant. Arch­Agent of the Devil, that Belzebub him­self had been Arch-Bishop, and all the Bishops were Luciferian Lords. ‘The like reproaches were thundered outArch-Bish. life. [...]. 4. pag. 309. of the Pulpit by Burton in his Sermon on Pro. 24. v. 22. where he abu­sed the Text, and Bishops sufficiently calling them instead of Fathers, Step­Fathers; for Pillars, Cater-Pillars, limbs of the Beast Factors for Antihcrist, and antichristian Mushromes.’ Bastwick laid about him before in his Flagellum E­piscoporum Latialium, when he had worn out that Rod, took another in his Lita­ny. Finally the Rabble had a cursed Song among them, to affront the poor Cler­gy with, as they met them; saying

[Page 185]And now the Fire smothering in the LXII Embers at last broke forth into an o­pen flame at the Session of the next Parliament, which was fatall both to Chureh and State: and finally to them­selves that with scorn they were turn'd out of doors by their own Servants who became their Masters. The first fitting of them, was on a dismal dayMasons Book of Martyrs pag. 202. notable and infamous, Novemb. 3d. when Henry 8 began the dissolution of Abbyes and Papists with Protestants were laid both on one hurdle and burnt together at the same Stake, the King then promi­sed his people should for ever be ac­quitted of Taxes, ut facilius illi monaste­ia Sand. de Sch. Augl. p. 202. concederentur, saith Sanders, that Mo­nasteries and Religious houses might be more easily granted to him. The Parli­ment opening on that critical day Arch­Bishop Laud was advertised in a letter to move the King, that for good luck sake their Session might be put off to another day, but this being looked upon by his Lordship as a superstitious conceit he waved the motion of it to the King, which proved afterward the fall of himself and the Hierarchie. At the ope­ning of this long Parliament, a general [Page 186] Rumor was spread abroad that Doctor Heylyn was run away for fear of an ap­proaching storm, that was like to fall on his own head, as well as on his Lordships Grace the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, but he, who was ever of an undaunted Spi­rit, would not pusillanimously desert the Cause of the King and Church then in question, but speedily hastned up to London from Alrèsford to coufute the common Calumny and false report raised on him by the Puritan faction, that he appeared the next day in his Gown and Tippet in Westminster Hall, and in the Church, with his accustomed formalities of Cap, Hood, and Surplice, employed also his Pen boldly in de­fence of the Bishops right, when the temporal Lords began to shake the Hierarchy in passing a vote, that no Bishop should be of the Committee for examination of the Earl of Strafford, being causa sanguinis, upon which the Doctor drew up a breif and excellent discourse full of Law and History, entituled de jure paritatis Episcoporum. The Bishops right of Peerage, (so consequently that they ought to sit in that Committee) their priviledge and right are maintain­ed [Page 187] by him, which by Law or ancient custom doth belong unto the [...].

It is worth our while, to see what LXIII he hath written upon this point in the cause of Bloud many years after the first discourse of the Bishops Peerage when there was little hopes of ever their returning again into the House of Peers. ‘That the Bishops were disabledObser p. 224. by some ancient Canons (saith he) from sentencing any man to death, and (it may be) from being present when any such sentences was pronounced, I shall easily grant; but that they were disabled from being assistants in such case, from taking the examinations or hearing the depositions of Witnesses, or giving counsel in such matters, as they saw occasion, I beleive not: Certain I am, that it is, and hath been other­wise in point of practice. And that the Bishops sitting as Peers in an En­glish Parliament, were never excluded before this time from any such assistance, as by their Gravity and Learning, and other abilities they were enabled to give in any dark or difficultObservator rescued, p. 283 business (though of blood and death) which were brought before them: [Page 188] As for the Councel of Toledo it saith nothing to their disadvantage, the Ca­non is, si quis sacerdotum discursor in a­lienis periculis extiterit apud Ecclesiam proprium perdat gradum, that if any Priest shall intermedle in Cases endan­gering the Life of others, let him be degraded. Hereupon I conclude, (as to the present business in hand) that the Bishops were to be admitted to all preparatory Examination, because their counsel and assistance would have tended rather to the preservation, than conduced to the endangering of the Parties Life. I saw about that timeObserv. on the Hist. of K. Ch. pref. (saith he) a little Manuscript Tract, entituled, De jure paritatis Episcoporum, that is to say, of the right of the Peerage of the Bishops, in which their Privi­ledges were asserted, as to that parti­cular: But they not willing to contend in a business which seemed so little to concern them; or else not able to strive against the present stream which seemed to carry all before it, suffered them­selves to be excluded at that time, without protesting to the contrary, or interposing in defence of their an­cient Rights. And this I look on as [Page 189] the first degree of their Humiliation; For when it was perceived that a bu­siness of sogreat consequence might be done in Parliament without their coun­sel and consent; it opened a wide gap unto their Adversaries: First to de­prive them of their Votes, and after to destroy even the Calling it self. But this was not the main point which the Commons aimed at; they were resol­ved to have a close Commitee, to take Examination in the business of the Earl of Strafford, and were not wil­ling any Bishops should be of it; for fear, lest favouring the Earls cause or person, they might discover any part of those secret practices which were had against him, and thereby fortifie and prepare him for his just defence, when the Cause should come unto a Tryal.’ Thus far the Doctor writ of this Subject, when he lived in Lacyes Court at Abingdon. What he presented to the Bishops themselves at the time of Strafford's Tryal, concerning the right of Peerage, deserved a rare commenda­tion, especially at that conjuncture of time, that he could command his Parts and Pen of a sudden to write on this [Page 190] Subject, or any other if there was need that did conduce to the publick good either of Church or State; and above all, make a quick dispatch in accom­plishing what he had once undertaken and begun; a Vertue for which Q. Cur­tius praiseth Alexander among other ex­cellent qualities, Nullam virtutem regis istius, magis quam celeritatem laudaverim, I can commend no Vertue more in this King than speed. So Lucan of Cae­s [...]r.

But for those quick dispatches, the LXIV Doctor endured many tedious waitings at the backs of Commitee men in that Parliament, especially in the business of Mr. Pryn, about his Histrio-mastix, for which he was kept four days under Exa­mination, because he had furnished the Lords of the Privy Council, with mat­ters out of that Book, which Mr. Pryn alledged was the cause of all his suffe­rings,Observator resc. p. 56. having joyned him in a Petition with the Lord Arch-Bishop, as the chief Agents and Contrivers of the troubles he had un­dergone. Great hopes had the Com­mittee [Page 191] by his often dancing attendance after them, to sift the Doctor, if they could gather any thing by his speeches, whether the Arch-Bishop had moved him to draw up those Exceptions against Pryn's Book; which he denyed, or at least was not bound to confess; for as he was faithful to his Soveraign, so he would never prove himself unfaithful to his chief Minister both in Church and State: For they would have been glad of any matter to put into their charge, a­gainst that worthy Prelate, against whom Mr. Pryn and others of his Ene­mies never ceased prosecuting, till the Parliament took of his head; and the Ax having once tasted of Blood, had a keen Appetite for more; went on to the Supreme Head of all.

Whilst the Doctor was thus harassed LXV before the Commitees, his old Friend the Bishop of Lincoln, in great favour with them and the whole Parliament, was set at liberty from his Imprisonment, and returned from the Tower to the Church (after so long a time of his sus­pension and indevotion) to say his Prayers, and hear his Brother Peter Heylyn preach in his course at the Abby in Westmin­ster [Page 192] Where notwithstanding the holi­ness of that place, (to which his Lord­ship had no regard or reverence, but only to the Name and Thing of it) he was resolved publickly to revenge him­self for old done deeds, that ought to have been forgotten; by disturbing the Doctor in his Sermon before all the Congregation, contrary to the Laws of this Realm, and with Reverence to his Lordship, against all good Manners, and the common Rules of Civility.

Cat. Strange! That a Bishop could not LXVI rule his passions for one hour, when no provocation was given by the Doctor, whose Sermon from the beginning to the end of it, throughout the whole Discourse, was pacificatory, exhorting Christians to Moderation, Love and Charity among themselves, for the pre­servation of the publick Peace, although they differed in some Opinions: For satisfaction of the Reader, I will set down the Doctors own words, viz.

Is it not that we are so affected with our own Opinions, that we condemn who­soever shall opine the contrary; and so far [Page 193] wedded to our own Wills, that when we have espoused a quarrel, neither the Love of God, nor the God of Love shall divorce us from it: Instead of hearkning to the voice of the Church, every man hearkens to him­self, and cares not if the whole miscarry so that himself may bravely carry out his own devices. Upon which stubborn hight of Pride, what Quarrels have been raised? What Schisms in every corner of this our Church? (To enquire no further) some rather putting all into open tumult, than that they would conform to a lawful Govern­ment, derived from Christ and his A­postles to these very Times. At the spea­king of which words, the Bishop of Lincoln sitting in the great Pew, (which was before the Seat of Contention) knocked aloud with his staff upon the Pulpit, saying, No more of that point, No more of that point, Peter. To whom the Doctor readily answered without hesitation, or the least sign of being dashed out of Countenance. I have a little more to say, my Lord, and then I have done. Which was as followeth, viz. Others coming into close and dangerous Factions, because some points of specula­tive Divinity are otherwise maintained by [Page 194] some than they would have them: Also re­gardless of the common Peace, that rather than be quiet, we will quarrel with our blessed Peace-maker for seeking to compose the differences, though to the prejudice of neither party. Thus do we foolishly divide our Saviour, and rent his sacred Body on the least occasion; rarely conceiving that a difference in a point of Judgment, must needs draw after it a disjoyning of the affections also, and that conclude at last in an open Schism. Whereas diversity of Opini ons, if wisely managed, would rather tend to the discovery of the Truth, than the disturbance of the Church, and rather whet our industry than excite our passions. It was S. Cyprians resolution, Neminem, licet alicui senserit, a Communione amovere, not to suspend any man from the Commu­nion of the Church, although the matter then [...], was (as I take it) of more weight than any of the points now controverted; which moderation, if the present Age had attained unto, we had not then so often torn the Church in pieces, nor by our fre­quent broils offered that injury and inhu­manity to our Saviours Body, which was not offered to his Garments.

At this, and all the other parts of [Page 195] his Sermon, the Auditory was highly pleased, but the Bishop in so great wrath that his voice, and the noise of his Pastoral Staff, if I may so call it had lik'd to have frighted the whole Flook or Congregation out of the Fold. Con­sidering the ill posture of Affairs, in which the Nation then stood overflow­ing with seditions and schisms. Na­vem Reipub. Fluitantem in alto tempesta­tibus seditionum et discordiarum, as Tully once said: I think a more seasonable Sermon could not have been preached, to move men of different perswasions unto Peace and Unity one with ano­ther, which is a most Christian Doctrine. After the Sermon was ended, he took St. Robert Filmore, his learned Freind with some other Gentlemen of quality, that were his Auditors, out of the Church along with him to his House, where he immediately sealed up the Book that contained this Sermon and o­ther Notes, to which they also set their Seales, that so there might not be the least alteration made in the Sermon, nor any ground to suspect it, which was presently after sent to the Bishop, who kept it in his hands for some days, [Page 196] in which time his passions allayed, being more calm at home than in the Church; sent the Book untouched back again to Dr. Heylyn; in whose Study it had lain dormant for the space of fifteen years; (when the danger of an old Sermon being called in question, must needs be over) by my perswasion and his con­ [...]ent, he was pleased to give me leave to open that Apocalyptical Book, that I might read and see the mystery that lay hid under the Seals for so many years, which indeed only proved a pious and practical Sermon fo [...] Edification, to moderate the heats of those fiery Spirits, that were like to make a Combustion in the whole Kingdom. The Bishop de­served a sharper rebuke for his own Sermon, which about that time he prea­ched before the King, when he made a strange Apostrophe from his Text to the Sabbath, falling down upon his knees in the Pulpit at the middle of his Ser­mon, beseeching his Majesty in most earnest and humble manner, That grea­ter care might be taken, for the better Ob­servation of the Sabbath day: Which was looked upon by many as a piece of most grand Hypocrisie, who knew his [Page 197] opinion well by his practice, for he did ordinarily play at Bowles on Sundays, after Evening Service; shot with Bows and Arrows, and used other exercises and recreations according to his Lord­ships pleasure. Nay, more than all this, as the Doctor informs us in his Animad­versions on the Church-History of Brit­tain, ‘he caused a Comedy to be acted be­foreAnimad. pag. 243. him at his house at Bugden; not only on a Sunday in the Afternoon, but upon such a Sunday also on which he had publickly given sacred Orders both to Priests and Deacons: And to this Comedy, he invited the Earl of Man­chester, and diverse others of the Neigh­bouring Gentry; though on this tur­ning of the Tide, he did not only cause these Doctors to be condemned for some Opinions which formerly him­self allowed of, but moved at the Assembly in Jerusalem Chamber, that all Books should be publickly burnt, which had disputed the Morality of the Lords Day-Sabbath.’ But the Bishop now re­stored to his dignity, by means of that unhappy Parliament with whom he was in high favour, expected that Dr. Heylyn should have submitted himself to [Page 198] his Lordship, and particularly acknow­ledge his Error in putting out the An­tidotum Lincolniense, which he command­dend him to call in; to which the Doctor replyed, that he received his Majesties Royal Command for the wri­ting and printing of that Book, in which he had asserted nothing, but what he was still ready to justifie and defend against the Opposers of it. And how could it be imagined otherwise, but he would vindicate his own Wri­tings? For men of known Learning and Integrity, satisfied with the truth and right of their Cause, its impossible to bring them over to a Retractation against their own Conscience. The Case ran thus betwixt St. Jerom the Pres­byter, and St. Augustin the Bishop. Hortaris me ut [...] super quodam Apostoli Capitulo Canam, absit.—unusquis (que) J [...]r. Epist. 18. abundet suo sensu.

No sooner was the Doctor out of the LXVIII Pulpit, but he must come again before the Chair of the old Committee, to an­swer unto new Articles that Mr. Pryn had drawn up against him; more es­pecially for a Sermon that he had prea­ched many years agoe; which Mr. [Page 199] Pryn (who had then Ears) heard him­self, and brought along with him some other Auditors, a Company of the Rabble sort to vex him. Urgeris turba circum te Stante—thrusting and justling the Doctor in the Croud, and railing against him with most vile speeches; to which be made no reply in this sorry Condi­tion, but patiently endured all their affronts and injuries; for it was to no purpose to take further notice of an ungovern'd Multitude. Non opus est argumentis sed fustibus, with whom no­thing can prevail but Club-Law: But contrary to all their expectation he got the victory of the day, and was dis­missed with a Quietus est, by reason of a Letter which he had wisely sent before hand (Ingenium res adversae nudare so­lent) to a leading Gentleman of that Committee, who was before his most bitter Enemy, but now mollified with the Letter, he allayed the fury of his Bre­thren. And glad was he to be so deli­vered out of the Lyons mouth, telling his Friends, that he would now go to Alresford with a purpose never to come back to Westminster whilst these two good Friends of his abode in it, viz. the [Page 200] House of Commons and the Lord of Lin­coln. Accordingly he hastened down to his Family and Parishoners, to so­lace his Soul with peace after his so long patience under Westminster troubles.

That is to say

Welcome was he to his Parishoners in LXIX the Country, who always loved him in the time of his Prosperity and Adver­sity, because of his affable and courteous behaviour; his Hospitality among them, and Relief to their Poor; his readiness to do his Neighbours any kindness, by Counsel or other assistance; his con­stant preaching during all time of his abode with them, and in his absence when he was called to Court, supplied them with an able Curate; he was resol­ved now to spend his days among them, [Page 201] and his Parishoners at South-warnborough, where he had the same respect and love. But the good Shepheard was soon driven away from his Flock by the un­happy Wars following; for the Seeds of Schism and Separation amongst the Saints, taking Root, quickly sprang up into open Rebellion, put all into disorder, dispersed Families asunder, parted nearest Relations, forced people from their Houses, and Ministers out of their Churches; necessitated him to fly for his own safety and preservation, (as Elijah persecuted by Ahab) being sent for by a party of Horse, under the com­mand of Sir William Waller, to bring him Prisoner to Portsmouth; he fairly escaped their hands, but continually disturbed with new Alarms of Drums and Trumpets sounding about him; he could find no other way of safety like going to Oxford, there to take Sanctu­ary with his Brethren the persecuted Clergy, who in the words of the Histo­rian, Adversum fortuita aspectu principis Tacit. Hi [...]. lib. 15. refoveri, were only comforted with the sight of their Prince in the sad time of their Crosses and Adversities.

The news of his flying to Oxford LXX [Page 202] quickly took Wings to the old Com­mittee in London, who forthwith voted him a Delinquent, and sent down an Order for Sequestration of all his Goods and Chattels. And first they fetcht away his Library, (for they thought he was too great a Scholar) the plunder of which he took deeply to heart, and ever accounted it the greatest of his Losses: For nothing is dearer to a good Scholar than Books, that to part with them, goes as much against his Nature and Genius, as to lose his Life; for he spendeth his days wholly in them, and thinketh that a horrible night of Igno­rance, worse than Egyptian darkness would overshaddow the World without their Learning. Omnia jacerent in tene­bris, saith Cicero, nisi literarum lumen accenderet. Yet neither had he suffered the loss of his Library nor houshold Goods so suddenly as he did, but for Collonel Norton his Neighbour, a Gentle­man of the Parliament party; by whose Command, his Souldiers seised on all that he had in Alresford for the use of the Par­liament, (as they pretended) but sold as they passed along to any Chapman at inconsiderable rates, Robin Hoods peny­worths, [Page 203] what they had a mind to; some of which Goods, his honest Neighbours bought on purpose to restore them a­gain to him, except the best of his Han­gings, Beds and other costly Furniture, which with his Plate, Coll. N [...]rton took to his own use, as the Doctor was informed. His Books carried away to Portsmouth; many of them were sold by the way, as Folio's for a Flagon of Ale a piece, which some of his good Pa­rishioners bought of the Soldiers, that the right Owner might come to them a­gain. The Carters, and such Fellows, as were employed in the carriage of his Library and houshold Goods, were pay­ed off in Books instead of Mony; for the Parliament Soldiers loved that, as they hated Learning: Yet notwithstan­ding the Books were so embezell'd and wasted by them, they were appraised at near a thousand Pound, and put into a publick Library, from whence they could never be redeemed.LXXI

After the loss of them, those Sabeans drove away his Goods and Chattels; they seiz'd upon his Corn and Hay, for immediately by order of the Commit­tee, the Tyths of both his Livings [Page 204] were sequestred and the profits of his Prebendary in Westminster, and what temporal Estate he had within their reach, taken from him that being as­ked by one of his acquaintance, how he lived? He answered him readily. By Horse-Flesh and old Leather; which seem­ing a Riddle, he explained afterward his meaning. That he saved only his Coach and Horses which brought him to Oxford, which he was forc'd to sell, and live upon the Mony. But that being spent—Non aetherea vescitur aura, as the Poet said he could not live like a Camelion upon the Air, he must find out some way of subsistence for himself and Family. A [...]d that was first of all to live upon Credit which seldom holdeth long, without an Estate to support it; and afterward upon the Charity of Friends, which is shorter liv'd for the heat of that Love, soon grow­eth cold, being put to hard straits, that he never knew before. Indocilis pauperiem pati, he must now learn a new Lesson how to shift in the world for a mere Livelihood. And more miserable he was that having been Master of a plentiful and noble Estate 800 l. per An­num [Page 205] in ecclesiastical Preferments, as heExtran. [...] p. 16. tells us himself, besides his own temporal Estate the Wheel of fortune should bring such a sudden alteration to turn him down from the Top of her to the bottom, as to be in so low and poor a condition, that he might justly complain of her, with the man in the Tragedy.Senec. in Oct. Trag.

May be englished thus,

Yet now he is but in the beginning of his misfortunes, and he hath a long race to run thorough them with Pati­ence, not being able to maintain him­self, and Family in Oxford, he sent his Wife to London; to get what mony she could amongst her nearest Friends and Relations, himself went out of Oxford An. Dom. 1645. walking as a poor [Page 206] Traveller in the Country not knowing well, whether he should goe, Ego her­ele Enuch. Act. 2. Sc. 3. nescio, quorsum eam: Ita prorsum ob­litus sum mei. Quo me miser conferam. Disguised both in his Name, and Habit, he sometimes went under the name of Barker, at other times took the name of Harding by which he was well known among his Freinds, and not discovered by his Enemies; his Habit changed from a Preist to a Lay-man, and in the likeness usually of an honest Country­man, or else of a poor decayed Gen­tleman, as indeed he was. The peril of the times made him such a Proteus in his Garb, because the Parliament was resolved, if they could take him, that he should follow his good Lord of Canterbury to another World, than that described in his Cosmography; but he happily outlived most of them, and died in Honour, which they did not. He wandred like a Jew, [...]vith a Groat in his Purse, and sometimes without it, till he got to some good Freinds House.

At his first setting out he was be [...] trayed by a zealous she-Puritan, one LXXIII Mrs. Munday at her House in Oxford­shire; [Page 207] her Husband was a true hearted Cavaleir, unto whose protection he com­mitted himself: He being one day gone from home, she Saint-like, unfaithful to her Husband and his Freind, sent Intelligence to some Parliament Soldiers, that there was a Cavaleir Doctor in her House; of which he had notice given him by two of her Husbands Sisters, who hated her pure qualities; that as soon as the Family was all in Bed, he went out at a back door, down a pair of Garden-stairs, from whence he took his March that Night, Factum est peric'lum [...]am Pedum visa est via, (as Phormio said) made what haste he could; and by the help of God Almighty and the good S [...]ars; he got sa [...]ely to another Friends house by morning; at which time the Soldiers beset Mrs. Mundays house, as the Country men did the Mountain; but the Cathedral Rat (as they then called him, and the dignified Clergy) was run away, that Mrs. Mundays Plot with the Soldiers proved a silly Fable. Ever after, the Doctor observed it for a Rule, never to come within the doors of a Holy Sister, whose house may be compared to that which Solomon descri­beth, [Page 208] Is the way to Hell, going down to the Chambers of Death; that had not Di­vine Providence protected him from the treachery of that base Woman, he had fallen into the hands of those Nimrods, that hunted after his Life. From pla [...] to place he shifted, like the old Travels of the Patriarcks; and in pity to his necessity, found a hearty entertainment amongst his Friends of the Royal Party, at whose Tables he was fed, for he had none of his own. His Children dispo­sed of into several Friends hands; his Wife among her Relations; himself de­pending upon the courtesie both of Friends and Strangers till he grew wea­ry, and tired out with this kind of Life, for Vilis est Amicorum annona.

It pleased God afterward to send him LXXIV some supplies of Money, that he setled himself, Wife and eldest Daughter at Winchester, in the house of a right honest man, one Mr. Lizard, with whom they Tabled a good while, where he had a comfortable time of breathing and rest after his former troubles, and to his hearts delight, the sweet enjoyment and conversation with Loyal Persons; for Winchester was then a strong Garrison [Page 209] for the King; and being near Alresford, he would go sometimes in disguise to visit his old Neighbours, whom he knew were true and faithful to him. But those Halcion days quickly vanished; as sel­dom Prosperity continues so long a time as Adversity; for that Town and Castle especially, which was thought in­vincible, to be taken by force of Arms were most treacherously delivered up to their Enemies in three days time: And now every house full of Soldiers quartered amongst them. Poor Dr. Heylyn was in more danger than ever, (had not Mr. Lizard took care of him as his dearest Guest, and [...]id him in a pri­vate Room (as Providence ordained) to save his Life; which Room was sup­posed to have been made formerly for the hiding of Seminary Priests and Je­suits, because the house heretofore be­longed to a Papist Family; and indeed it was so cunningly contrived, that there was no Door to beseen, nor entring in­to it, but behind an old Beds-head; and if the Bed had not been there, the Door was so neatly made like the other Wain­scot of the Chamber, that it was im­possible for a Stranger to find it out: [Page 210] In which Room, instead of a Papist, a right Protestant Doctor, who was a professed Enemy both to Popery and Puritanism, was now secured from the rage and violence of the Soldiers, who sought after him with no less eagerness, than if he had been a Heretick followed by the Spanish Inquisition, when he good man, was in the very next Room to them, adjoyning to the Dining▪ Cham­ber, where he could hear all their rail­lery and mirth; their Gaming at Cards and Dice; for those idle Lurdains spent their time only in riot and pleasure at home; and when they went abroad they would tread the Maze near the Town. He took his opportunity on the Market day to put on his travelling Robes, with a long Staff in his hand, and so walked out of the Town consi­dently with the Country Crowd, bid­ding adieu to the Conclave or little Room, that he left for the next distressed Gentleman; in the mean while his Wife and Daughter he intrusted to Mr. Li­zard's care, his faithful Friend.

And now he must again seek hi [...] LXXV Fortune, which proved more kind to him than she did before; yet he met [Page 211] with a hard Adventure not many Miles from Winchester, where some stragling Soldiers lighting on him, and catching hold of his hand, felt a Ring under his Glove, which through hasté of his escape, he forgot to pul off; which no sooner discovered, but they roughly swore he was some Run-away Cavaleir: The Ring being hard to get off, the poor Doctor willingly help [...]d them; in which time came galloping by some of the Parlia­ments Scouts, who said to their Fellow­Souldiers, look to your selves, the Cava­leirs are coming; at which words being a [...]righted, they took that little Mony that was in his Pocket, and so rid away without further search; and he good man jog'd on to the next Friends house, with some pieces of Gold that he had hid in his high Shoes, which if the Rogues had not been so hastily fri [...]ed away, would have been undoubtedly found, and might have cost him his Life by fur­ther suspitions of him, as it did the poor Jews (though not in the same manner) at the Seige of Jerusalem, who flying from their City fell into a worse Calamity, by one of them swal­lowing Gold, hid it in his Belly, which [Page 212] he was afterward seen to take out of his Dung when he exonerated himself; that caused the ripping up several of their Bellies, according to Josephus. HadJoseph. l. 6. cap. 15. the Doctor been then apprehended by the Soldiers, and sent up Prisoner to Lon­don; or could they have taken him at at any time (he had Intelligence from a Friend in the House of Commons) that the Parliament designed to deprive him of his Life, in revenge of the punish­ment inflicted upon Pryn, who for his seditious Libels written against the King and Church, was sentenced not only to lose his Ears, but was stigmatiz'd also up­on his left Cheek with the Letter S. to signifie he was a Schismatick. Whence Cant. the zealous Preacher at Glasgow, prayed to God after his Sermon to take away the Kings Idolatry, and said, that the dear Saints in England had their Nose Lysim. Ni­can. p. 43. and their Ears slit, for the profession of the Gospel. The Parliament then might pretend the revenge of Mr. Pryns suf­ferings, by a retaliation of a worse pu­nishment upon Dr. Heylyn; but the real cause that exasperated them, was the good Doctors Loyalty to his King, and fidelity to his Arch-Bishop, the two [Page 213] great Pillars of the Church, to whom all true Sons of the Church of England ought to be faithful. And finally the many Books the Doctor had written, and still likely to write more against the Puritan Faction, was the grand cause of all his flights and sufferings in the time of War.

At what Friends house he was now LXXVI secured from danger, though I have heard it named, indeed I have forgot; but from thence he travelled to Doctor Kingsmil, a Loyal Person of great worth, and ancient Family, where he continu­ed, and sent for his Wife and Daugh­ter from Winchester to him; and from thence removed to Minster-Lovel, (in Oxfordshire) the pleasant Seat of his elder Brother, in the year An. Dom. [Page 214] 1648. which he farmed of his Nephew Collonel Heylyn for six years. Being deprived of his E [...]astial Preferments, he must think of some honest way for a Livelihood.

Yet notwithstanding he followed his LXXVII studies, which was his chief delight; for though the [...] Powers had si­lenced his Tongue from preaching, they could not withold his Pen from writing, and that in an acute, and as sharp a stile as formerly, after he had done with his frequent visits of Friends, and long perambulations. For the publick good of the Church, to uphold her ancient maintenance by Tithes, being rob'd then of all her other dues and dignities, though himself was sequestred of both his Livings, and made in [...]apable of re­ceiving any benefit by Tithes; yet for the common cause of Christianity, and in mere compassion of the Presbyterian Clergy, (though his profest Enemies) he published at that time (when Tithes were in danger to be taken away from them) an excellent little Tract, to undeceive [Page 215] the People in the point of Tithes; and proveth therein, That no man in the Realm of England, payéth any thing of his own toward the maintenance of his Parish Minister but his Easter Offerings.LXXVIII

At the same time, he enlarged his Book of Geography into a large Folio, which was before but a little Quarto, and intit [...]led it with the name of Cos­mography; of which it may be truly said, it does contain a world of Learning in it, as well as the Description of the World; and particularly sheweth the Authors most excellent Abilities, not only in History, and smoothness of its style, that maketh the whole Book de­lightful to the Reader; but in Chronolo­gy, Genealogy, and Heraldry; in which last any one may see, that he could blazon the Arms, and describe the De­scent and Pedigree of the greatest Fa­milies in Europe. In which pleasing study while he spent his time, his good Wife, a discreet and active Lady; look­ed both after her Housewifery within doors, and the Husbandry without; thereby freeing him from that care and trouble, which otherwise would have hindred his laborious Pen from going [Page 216] through so great a work in so short a time. And yet he had several divertise­ments by company, which continual­ly resorted to his House; for having (God be thanked) his Temporal Estate cleared from Sequestration, by his Composition with the Commissioners at Gold-Smiths Hall, and this Estate which he farmed besides, he was able to keep a good house, and relieve his poor Brethren, as himself had found re­lief from others Charity; that his House was the Sanctuary of sequestred men turned out of their Livings, and of several ejected Fellows out of Oxford; more particularly of some worthy per­sons I can name, as Dr. Allibone, Mr. Levit, Mr. Thornton, Mr. Ashwel, who wrote upon the Creed, who would stay for two or three Months at his House, or any other Acquaintance that were suffering men, he cheerfully received them, and with a hearty welcom they might tarry as long as they pleased. The Doctor himself modestly speaks of his own Hospitality; how many (that were not Domesticks, had eaten of his Observ. re­scued. p. 51. Bread and drunk of his Cup.

A Vertue highly to be praised, and LXXIX [Page 217] most worthy of commendation in it self; for which Tacitus giveth this CharacterTacit. lib. de mor. Ger. of the old Germanes, Convictibus & Hospitiis, non alia gens Effusius indulget. Greater Hospitality saith he, and Enter­tainment, no Nation shewed more bounti­fully, accounting it as a cursed thing, not to be civil in that kind according to every mans ability; and when all was spent, the good Master of the House would lead his Guest to the next Neighbours House, where he, though not invited, was made wel­com with the like courtesie. Among others kindly entertained, Mr. Marchamont Needham, then a zealous Loyalist, and Scourge to the Rump Parliament, was sheltered in the Doctors House, (being violently pursued) till the Storm was over; the good Doctor then, as his Tutelar Angel, preserved him in a high Room, where he continued wri­ting his weekly Pragmaticus; yet he afterward, like Balaam the Son of Beor, hired with the wages of Unrighteous­ness, corrupted with mercinary Gifts and Bribes, became the only Apostate of the Nation, and writ a Book for the pretended Common-wealth, or rather I may say, a base Democracy, for which [Page 218] the Doctor could never after endure the mention of his name, who had so dis­obliged his Country and the Royal Party, by his shameful Tergiversati­on.

The good Doctors Charity did not LXXX only extend it self to ancient Friends and Acquaintance, but to mere Stran­gers, by whom he had like to run him­self into a Premunire: For word being carried to him in his Study, there was a Gentleman at the door, who said he was a Commander in the Kings Army, and car [...]estly desired some relief and harbour; the Doctor presently went to him, and finding by his Discourse and other Circumstances, what he said was true, received him into his House, and made him very welcom: the Gentle­man was a Scotch Captain, who having a Scotch Diurnal in his Pocket, they read it, fearing no harm thereby, but it proved otherwise; for one of the Doctors Servants listning at the door, went straight way to Oxford, and in­formed the Governour Collonel Kelsey, that his Master had received Letters from the King; whereupon the Gover­nour sent a Party of Horse to fetch him [Page 219] away. Strange News it was, knowing his own Innocency, to hear that Soldiers had beset his House so early in the Morning, before he was out of Bed; But go he must to appear before the Governour; and when he came, that treacherous Rogue his Man did confident­ly affirm, that he heard the Letters read, and was sure he could remember the very words, if his Master would pro­duce the Letters: Upon which the Doctor relates the whole story to the Governour, and withal shews the Diur­nal, which the Governour read to the Fellow, often asking him, is this right? Is this the same you heard? To whom he answered, Yes Sir, yes; that is the very thing, and those words I remember: Upon which, the Governour caused him to be soundly whipt, instead of giving him a reward for his Intelligence; and dis­missed the Doctor, with some Com­plements, ordering the same Party of Horse that fetcht him, to wait upon him home.

Being thus delivered from the treachery LXXXI of his Servant, his great care was to provide one more faithful; which the good Lady Wainman, his Neighbour [Page 220] hearing of, commended to him one of her own Servants, whom Sr. Francis her Husband had bred up from a Child, whose fidelity he need not fear in the Worst of times, when a Mans enemiesTacit. Hit ib. 4. may be of his own Household, as Q. Vibius Serenus was betrayed by his own Son, Reus pater, accusator filius, idem Ju­dex et Testis saith the Historian, the Son was both Acuser, Judge, and witness against his Father.

After he had lived many years in LXXXII Minster-Lovel, he removed from thence to Abingdon, where he bought a House called Lacies-Court, of which he bestow­ed much cost in repairing and build­ing some Additions to it, particularly of a little Oratory, or Chappel, which about the Altar was adorned with Silk Hangings, the other part of the Room plain, but kept very decent, wherein himself and his Family went to prayers, most Rooms of his house were well furnished, and the best Furniture in them, as in the Dining-Chamber, and next Room to it, were saved by his good Neighbours at Alresford, who were so far from thinking, (except some malicious persons among them) that they [Page 221] should never fixe eye on him more un­less they took a journy (which I hate to mention) to a Gaol or a Gallowes that they questioned not his return again to Alsford, and the enjoyment of his plun­dered goods. This house in Abingdon he purchased for the pleasantness of its situation, standing next the Feilds, and not distant five Miles from Oxford, where he might be furnished with Books­at his pleasure, either from the Book-Sel­lers Shops, or the Bodlean-Library, perticularly he was beholden to his Reverend and Learned Friend Doctor Barlow, now Lord-Bishop of Lincoln who sometimes accommodated him with choice Bookes, of whom I have heard the Doctor say, if the Times ever alte­red, he was confident, that man of lear­ning would be made a Bishop, which in­deed is now come to pass. Such a fresh appetite to Study and Writing, he still retained in his old Age, that he would give his mind no time of vacan­cy and intermission from those Labours, in which he was before continually ex­ercised,Ju. Scalig. Epist. de Vetus. et Splend. Gent. Scal. p. 47. tis said of Julius Coesar Scaliger an indefatigable Student as his Son Writes of him. Nullum tempus a Studiis [Page 222] Literarum et lucubrationibus relinquebat, but he was then forty years of Age before he began the course of his Studies, having spent his former dayes in the Camp of Mars and not of the Muses: The Doctor from a Child devoted his whole Life to painful Study, not allowing himself ease in the worst of times, and in the midst of his troubles.

For at the time of his sad Pilgri­mage LXXXIII when he was forced to wander and take Sanctuary at any Freinds House, his thoughts were not extrava­gant, but studiously intent upon these matters, which he digested afterward into Form, and Use, when he came to a settled condition. And in the begin­ing of his troubles, being under the displeasure of the House of Commons, on the complaint of Mr. Pryn, when his Enemies took the advantage some to Libel and others to write against him, perticularly Doctor Hackwel (be­fore mentioned) at such an unseasona­bleAppendix in Advert. p. 10. time, with whom Doctor Heylyn saith he would not refuse an encounter upon any Argument, either at the sharp or at the Smooth, afterward when Mo­narchy and Episcopacy was troden un­der [Page 223] foot, then did he stand up a Cham­pion in defence of both, and feared not to publish, the stumbling Block of Disobedience, and his Certamen E­pistolare; in which Mr. Baxter fled the Feild, because there was impar congressus betwixt him, and (as I may say) an old Soldier of the Kings, who had been used to fiercer Combats with more famous Goliahs. Also Mr. Thomas Fuller was sufficiently chastised by the Doctor for his Church History, as he de­served a most sharp correction, because he had been a Son of the Church of England in the time of her prosperity, and now deserted her in her adverse For­tune, and took to the Adversaries side: And it was then my hap, having some business with Mr. Taylor my fellow Colle­gian in Lincoln-Colledge, then Chaplain to the Lord-Keeper, Mr. Nathanial Fines, to see Mr. Fuller make a fawning address to my Lord with his great Book of Church History, hugged under his Arm, which he presented to the Keeper after anHor. Ep. 13. uncouth manner, as Horace describeth—Sub ala fasciculum portas librorum ut rusticus agnum. The many falsities, defects and mistakes of that Book the [Page 224] Doctor discovered and refuted; of which Mr. Fuller afterward being inge­niously ashamed, came to the Doctors House in Abingdon, were he made his Peace, both became very good Friends, and between them for the future was kept an inviolable bond of Friend­ship.

In the Year 1656. the Doctor prin­ted LXXXIV some observations upon the History of the Reign of King Charles, published by H. L. Esq: with whom the Doctor dealt very candidly, and modestly cor­rected some of his mistakes in most mild and amicable terms, telling him, viz. ‘Between us both the History will beEpistle de­dicatory. made more perfect, and consequently the Reader will be better satisfied, which makes me somewhat confident, that these few Notes will be so far from making your History less vendible then it was before, that they will very much advantage and promote the Sale: And if I can do good to all, without wrong to any, I hope no man can be offen­ded with my pains and Industry,’ In answer to which Mr. Hammond L'E­strange led by his passion, and not by reason, fell upon the Doctor in such un­civil [Page 225] words, unbecoming a Gentleman that as the Doctor saith, he never was accustomed to such Billings-gate Lan­guage. ‘There was indeed a time (saithExtran. Va­pulans. E­pistle to the Reader▪ he) when my name was almost in every Libel, which exercised the Pati­ence of the State for seven years to­gether, and yet I dare confidently say, that all of them together, did not vomit so much filth upon me, as hath pro­ceeded from the Mouth of the Pam­phleter, whom I have in hand.’ There­fore the Doctor returned a quick and sharp reply to him in his Book, En­tituled Extraneus Vapulans, wherein with admired Wit and Eloquence he gave Mr. L'Estrange a most severe, yet civil correction. His Brother Mr. Roger L'Estrange a most Loyal Gen­tleman, hath since made amends for his Brothers Faults, by his good service done both to Church and State.

The next Book which the Doctor pub­lished, An. Dom. 1657. Ecclesia Vindi­cata, or the Church of England justified, he de [...]ted it, (as a gratefu [...] Testi­mony of his mind) to his Master then living, Mr. Edward Davis, formerly School-Master of Burford, and now Vi­car [Page 226] of Shelton in the County of Berks, to whom he ever shewed a Love and Reverence: and had the Doctors Power been answerable to his will and inten­tion, he had design'd more considera­ble Preferments for him, but the sudden and unexpected alteration in his own affairs prevented, (so soon almost as he was preferred) that he could shew no other Specimen of his gratitude. What saith the Heathen? Diis parenti­bus & Precaeptoribus non redditur aequiva­lens. An amends can never be made to God, our Parents and Tutors; and certainly he hath but little of a Christi­an in him that can forget this Lesson.

About the same time he was harassed LXXXVI before Olivers Major General for the Decimation of his Estate, hoc novum est aucupium: For he thought there had been an end of all further payments, and punishment for his Loyalty, by compounding for his Estate in Gold­smiths-Hall, that he argued the Case notably with them, but all in vain, for Arguments though never so acutely handled, are obtuse Weapons against the Edge of the Sword. ‘He tells us that his temporal Estate was first [Page 227] brought under Sequestration, and un­derObserv. resc. p. 50.▪ a Decimation since, only for his adhaesion to those sacred Verities to which he hath béen principled by E­ducation, and confirmed by Study.’ While he was arguing his cause before the Major General and his Captains, one Captain Allen formerly a Tinker, and his Wife a poor Tripe-Wife, took upon him to reprove the Doctor for maintaining his Wife so highly, like a Lady; to whom the Doctor roundly re­plyed; That he had married a Gentle­woman, and did maintain her accor­ding to her quality; and so might he his Tripe-wife: Adding withal, that this Rule he always observed, For his Wife to go above his Estate; his Chil­dren according to his Estate, and himself below his Estate; so that at the years end he could make all even. Soon after these things, came out the Order of Decimation against him; a Heathenish Cruelty in this Case; if Mens Estates are as dear to them as their Lives, (be­cause the one without the other renders them miserable) may be compared to that of Maximian, the Tyrant and cruel Persecutor of the Church, that put the [Page 228] Christians to such a bloody Decima­tion, that every tenth man of them was to be killed: And this other was bar­barous enough in its kind, that all the Gentry of the Nation, (not only the tenth part of them) who had engaged in his Majesties Service; should first be compelled to compound for their own Estates, and afterward without mercy Decimated; that brought an utter ruin upon many of their Families.

Notwithstanding all this, the Doctor LXXXVII like the Palm-Tree, crescit sub pondere virtus, the more he was pressed with their heavy loads, did flourish and grow up in his Estate; that through the blessing of God, being neither the Sub­ject of any mans Envy, nor the Ob­ject of their Pity; he lived in good Credit, [...]nd kept a noble House; for I my self be­ing often there, can say, I have seldom seen him sit down at his Table without company; for being nigh the Univer­sity, some out of a desire to be ac­quainted with him, and others to visit their old Friend, whom they knew rare­ly could be seen but at Meals, made choice of that time to converse with him: And likewise his good Neighbours [Page 229] at Abingdon, whom he always made welcom, if they were honest men, that had been of the Royal party, and was ready to assist them upon all occasions; particularly in upholding the Church of St. Nicholas, which otherwise had been pulled down, on pretence of uni­ting it to St. Ellens; but in truth, to disable the sober party of the Town, who were loyal people, from enjoying their wonted Service and Worship of God in their own Parish Church, of which they [...]ad a Reverend and Or­thodox man, one Mr. Huish, their Minister; and in his absence, the Doctor took care to get them supplied with able men from Oxford. Great endea­vours were on both sides; the one party to preserve the Church, and the other to pull it down, because it was thronged with Malignants, who seduced others from their godly way: Religion always hath been the pretence of factious minds, to draw on others to their party, as one saith well, Sua quis (que) arma Ubbo. ▪ 4. His. F [...]s. sancta praedicat, suam causam Religiosam, Deus, Pietas, cultus divinus praetexun­tur. Every one proclaimeth their own Quarrels to be a holy War; the cause [Page 230] Religion, God, Godliness, and Divine Worship must be pretended.

Several Journies the good Doctor took LXXXVIII to London, sparing neither his pains nor purse, in so pious a cause; for the ma­naging of which, he employed diverse Solicitors; sometimes before Committees, at other times before Oliver's Council, where it was carried dubiously, and rather inclining to the other side; at which the Presbyterian party caused the Bells to be rung, and made Bonefires in the Town, to express their Joy, tri­umphing in the Ruin of a poor Church; but the day was not so clearly, their own as they imagined, Dum res quamvis afflictae, nondum tamen perditae forent, as the Orator said; for the Church yet stood against all its Enemies, God pro­tecting his own House, and his zealous Servants for it, in a time when they could look for little favours from the Powers that then ruled, who had not so much respect for Gods House, as the Heathens had for their Idol Temples, and for those that vindicated them, as Justin saith on this occasion. Diis proxi­mus Justin. l. 8. habetur per quem De [...]rum majestas vindicata sit. For which he praiseth [Page 231] Philip of Macedon, calling him, Vindi­cem Sacrilegii, ultorem Religionum, &c. During those troubles about the Church, Mr. Huish the Minister thereof, durst not go on in his ministerial Duties, which no sooner the Doctor heard of, but to animate and encourage him, he writ a pious Letter; a Copy of which I then transcribed, which is as followeth, and worth the inserting here.

After this good Letter, Mr. Huish XC went on in his Prayers as formerly, and this little Church withstood all the batteries and fierce assaults of its Ene­mies, who were never able to demolish it, or unite it to St. Ellens, so well had the Doctor managed the business for the publick good and the benefit of the Pa­rish; for as to his own particular, he might have spared that pains and charge, having (as we said before) a Chappel [Page 236] in his own house, where he constantly used the Common-prayer for his Fami­ly devotions, being no lover of other Forms, much less of extemporary Effu­sions, for the impertinencies, tautologies, and irreverent expressions that usualy attends them, though such Prayers are most admired by the Vulgar, because some of them think themselves excellent­ly gifted that way; as the Doctor tells us a story of a Puritan Tradesman, Meeting [...]ne time (saith he) by chance, my old Cha [...]r-fellow Mr. L. D. at Din­ner, my Chamber-fellow being the only Dr. Heylyns Discourse touching the Form of Prayer. p. 161. Scholar in the company, was requested to say Grace, which he did accordingly; and having done, the Tradesman lifting up both his Hands and Whites to Heaven, calls upon the company saying, dearly beloved Brethren, let us praise God better; and thereupon began a long extempore Grace of his own conceiving.

But to return again, As he had a re­spect to the Cause of the Church, so he was careful of his own concern, to answer Dr. Bernard, an Irish Dean, but now Chaplain to Oliver, one of his Almoners, and a Preacher in Grays­Inn, who had put forth a Book enti­tuled The Judgement of the late Primate [Page 237] of Ireland, &c. in reply to which, the Doctor published, Respondet Petrus, and an Apendix in answer to certain passages of H. L' Est. History of the Reign of King Charles: In the one, he treateth learnedly about the Sabbath: the other relating to the Lord Primate, the Articles of the Church of Ireland, and the Earl of Strafford; to neither of which his Adversaries could make a Reply; but instead thereof, Dr. Bernard endeavoured to procure an Order fro [...] Olivers Privy-Council, to burn the Book, which caused a com­mon report, that Dr. Heylyn's Book of the Sabbath, was publickly burnt; but according to the old saying, Fa­ma est mendax, for the Book never saw. the Fire, nor any Answer to it; and if it had been martyr'd in the Fire, it would have proved more for the Authors credit than disgrace, as Tacitus tells us in the like Case of Cremutius Cordus, whose Book was decreed byTac. An [...] the Senate to be burnt, punitis Ingeniis (saith he) gliscit authoritas, when good Wits are punished, their credit groweth greater.

An ordinary Scandal hath been [Page 238] thrown upon learned men, who have been zealous Defenders of the Church of England, to brand them with the ignominious name of Papists, or be­ing Popishly affected, because they have abhorred the other extreme of Puritanism, in which kind of Slanders the Doctor hath sufficiently received his share; that Hammond L' Estrange Apend. to the Adv. called him, An Agent for the Sea of Rome. A heavy charge this is, if it carried the least semblance of Truth; but what honest man may not be so belyed: Si accusare suffecerit, quis in­nocens erit? When the Doctor in all his Writings, (and no man I may say more) hath declared his judge­ment against the Church of Rome; and upon every occasion, as▪ he meets with her, whets his Pen most sharply, to lance her old sores, and and let the World see what filthy cor­ruptions and errors abound in her; more particularly in his Book of Books, Theologia Veterum upon the Apostles Creed, the Sum of Christian Theology, positive, polemical, and philological; and in all his Court Ser­mons upon the Tares, especially the [Page 239] fourth Sermon; also in his great Cosmography, where he sets out the Popes of Rome in their pontifical Colours: Therefore for the Vindica­tion of him from this foul aspersion, with which some have maliciously be­spattered many of our excellent Di­vines; I particularly thank the Reve­rend and Learned Dr. Stillingsleet for his Answer to T. G. who would have made use of the Puritans accusa­tion for the Papists purpose, but the worthy Doctor quickly refuted him, and ever after put him to silence, in citing Dr. Heylyns fourth Sermon up­on the Tares, where he lays at the Door of Papists, the most gross Ido­latry, greater than which, was ne­ver known among the Gentiles. This being brought into discourse at such time as the Arch-Bishops Book against Fisher the Jesuit was newly publish­ed, it was affirmed by some, that the Doctor in his Sermon had pulled up Popery by the Roots, yet one of the Company most maliciously re­plyed thereunto: ‘That the Arch­BishopArch-Bish. Life p. 339. might print, and the Doctor might preach what they pleased against [Page 240] Popery, but that he should never think them, or either of them to be the less Papists for all that.’ A Censure of so strange a nature, (saith the Doctor himself) that he believed it is not easie to be parallel'd in the worst of times. But what need is there of producing Sermons or other Testimo­nies in his behalf, when his general Conversation, more severe than or­dinary, fully attested, that as he was a strict Observer of all the Rites and Orders of the Church of England, so a perfect Abhorrer of Popery and Roman Superstitions, that he would not so much as hold corresponden­cy with a Papist, or with one so re­puted; as I can instance an Example of one Mr. Hood whose Family and the Doctors were very kind, when he lived at Minster, being near Neigh­bours; but the Gentleman afterward changing his Religion, and turning Papist, came to Abington, to give him a Visit in his new House; the Doctor sent his Man Mr. Gervis, who was his Amanue [...] to bid the Gentleman be gone, and [...]t the Doors of him; saying, that he heard he was [Page 241] turn'd Papist, for which he hated the sight of him, and so my Gentleman went away, never daring to give him another Visit. In which he followed the Example of his Lords Grace of Canter­bury, that when Con was sent hither by the Pope to be assistant to the Queen in her Religion; ‘the wise Bishop kept himself at such a distance withArch-Bish. Life p. 386. him, that neither Con nor Panzani be­fore him, (who acted for a time in the same capacity) could fasten any ac­quaintance on him; nay, he neglected all intercessions in that Case, and did shun (as it were the Plague) the com­pany and familiarity of Con.’

THE TRUE LIFE and DEATH OF THE Most Reverend and Learned DIVINE Dr. PETER HEYLYN.
Part. II.

LIKE a true Christian and obe­dient Son of the Church, the good Doctor did patiently un­dergo all the persecutions, reproaches, and clamorous speeches, both of Papists and Puritans; not regarding what the height of their malice could speak, or their virulent Pens could write against him; because he was able to defend himself. But that which drew all the odium and inveterate malice upon him, from the several Factions then preva­lent, was his Loyalty, Learning, and [Page 246] Conscieuce, that he constantly asserted the Kings Prerogative, the Churches Rights, (not infringing the Peoples privi­ledges,) in the defence of which he was continually employed untill his Ma­jesties most happy Restauration, which was the longed hope and earnest de­sire of this poor distracted Nation. Quia non aliud patriae discordantis reme­dium Tacit. An. lib. 1. fuisse, quam ut ab uno regeretur, As the Historian said, which cannot be Englished better than in the words of his Majesties late gracious declaration. That Religion, Liberty and property were all lost and gone, when the Monarchy was shaken of, and could never be reviv'd till that was restored. Therefore the Peoples Representative in Parliament, induced by necessity as well as duty, did unanimously vote, like the Elders of Judah, to bring home their Lord the King to his native Kingdom, of whose wish'd return we did then all sing, as the Poet of Augustus.

That is to say

And now the Sun shone more glori­ously XCII in our Hemisphere then ever; the Tyrannical powers being dissolved, as the historian said Non Cynnae, non Syllae dominatio & Pompei Crassique poten­tia in Caesarem—The Kingdom ruledTacit. lib. 1. by its own natural Prince, and only lawful Soveraign; the Church restored to her ancient Rights, and true Reli­gion established among us; every man sitting under his own Vine with joy, who had been a good Subject and a Sufferer; the Doctor was restored to [Page 248] all his former preferments, of which he had been deprived for Seventeen years. After his re-entrance into his Pre­ [...]dary of Westminster, he had the Ho­ [...]r to attend his Sacred Majesty at the [...]e of his Coronation, in the So­ [...]y of which, according to his office and place, (as Subdean of the Church) he presented upon his knees the Royal Scepter unto his Majesty, in whose exile [...]o the utmost of his power he had exercised his Pen in the def [...]nce both of the Crown, Scepter, and Miter, his Soul then transported with joy, that he should survive the usurped powers, and see with his old bad eyes, the King settled upon his Fa­thers Throne, and peace upon Israel. In the Evening after the Ceremonies of the Coronation were over, while the Ordinance was playing from the Tower, it happened to thunder violently, at which some persons who were at sup­per with him, seemed much affrighted. I very well remember an expression of his upon the same, according to the Poets word Intonuit laetus, that the Ordinance of Heaven answered those of the Tower, rejoycing at the solemnity, with which [Page 249] the Company being exceedingly pleased, there followed much Joy and Mirth.

Thus being settled in Westminster, he XCIV fell upon the old work of building a­gain and repairing, which is the costly pleasure of Clergy men, for the next Generation; because building is like planting, the chief benefit of which ac­crues to their Successors, that live in ano­ther Age; as Cicero said of them who took delight in planting Oake-Trees, Serunt Arbores, quae prosi [...]t alteri saeculo. He enlarged his Prebends House, by ma­king some convenient Additions to it; perticularly, he erected a new Dining Room, and beautified the other Rooms, all which he enjoyed but for a little time, of which he made the best use while he lived, to serve his God, and seek after the Churches good; in which work he was as industrious after his Majesties hap­py Restauration as he was before, to testifie his Religious zeal and care, that all things might run on in the old right Channel; for which reason, he writ a fervent Letter to a great States-man of that time, earnestly pressing him to ad­vise the King, that a Convocation might be called with the present Parliament, [Page 250] which was a thing then under question; his Letter is as followeth.

Soon after, a Convocation was called XCV by his Majesties Writ; and during the time of their siting (while he lived) he seldom was without Visitors from them, who constantly upon occasion, came to him for his Advice and Directi­on in matters relating to the Church; because he had been himself an ancient Clerk in the old Convocations. Many Persons of Quality, besides the Clergy, for the reverence they had to his Lear­ning, and the delight they took in his Company, payed him several Visits, which he never repayed, being still so devoted to his studies, that except going [Page 256] to Church, it was a rare thing to find him from home. I happened to be there when the good Bishop of Durham, Dr. Cousins, came to see him; who af­ter a great deal of familiar discourse be­tween them, said, I wonder Brother Hey­lyn thou art not a Bishop, for we all know thou hast deserved it. To which he an­swered, much good may it do the new Bishops, I do not envy them, but wish they may do more than I have done. Although he was but a Presbyter, I believe their Lordships thought him worthy of their holy Order; I am sure he was reverenc'd by some of them as St. Jerome was by St. Augustine. (Quamvis Episcopus major est Presbitero Augustinus tamen minor est Jeronimo.) The one of which was an old Presbyter, the other a young Bishop, but both of incomparable Learning and Vertues. The old Presbyter writeth thus to St. Austin the great Bishop ofS. Jer. Ep. 18. ad Aug. his time. In scripturarum campo juvenis, non provoces senem. Nos nostra habuimus tempora: nunc te currente, & longa spatia transmeante nobis debitur otium. For the good Doctors indefatigable pains and continued industry, he was second to none. For his Writings and Sufferings [Page 257] in the Cause of Monar [...]by and Episcopacy, he did spend himself, and was spent: For the sad Persecutions he suffered in the time of War, his Enemies hunting [...]fter his Life, as Ahaziahs Captains did for the man of God; the woful shifts and straits he was put to, to secure him­self from violence; how many times he narrowly escaped death from the hands of his Enemies, as a Bird out of the Snare of the Fowler? What fears and distracti­ons were often upon him, that he might say, O si nescissem Literas, I would to God I had not known a Letter of the Book; for his Learning and Loyalty were the cause of all his Calamities, yet not­withstanding he lived in an ungrateful Age, that no respect was shewed to him or his: But he returned only to his own in Peace, which he enjoyed a little while before the War, and less time after the Churches setlement. It hath been the Lot many times of great Scholars, to be neglected, which made his Enemies rejoyce, and not a little in­sult over him, to see him only passed by, and of all others remain in Statu quo, in the same Condition he was in before, which after the happy revolution of [Page 258] publick affairs neither Law nor Justice could hinder him of. I will not say of him as the Cardinal did of Melancton, that most Learned Divine of the Refor­mation. O ingratam Germaniam quae tan­ti Melch. Ad. in vit. Mel. viri tantos (que) labores non pluris aestimet. It fa redalso ill with Luthers Memory af­ter his Death, whose Widdow hoping some favours would be shewed to her for his merits, was shamefully disappoin­ted. Praeter viduitatis incommoda quae mutiplicia, experta est magnam ingratitu­dinem ibid. in vit. Luth. multorum pro quibus sperans benesicia ob ingentia mariti in Ecclesiam merita tur­piter frustrata est. So ordinary it is fo [...] men of admired worth, who have done publick service either in Church or State, to be soonest forgotten.

Now having run through the princi­pal XCVI circumstances of this Reverend mans Life, it behoves us to say something of his Person, Conversation, Qualities, and the memorable Accidents hapning be­fore the time of his Death, and so leave his Memory among worthy men.

For his Person; he was of a middle Stature; a slender spare man; his Face oval, of fresh complexion, looking rather young than old; his Hair short [Page 259] and curl'd, had few or no gray hairs; his Eyes quick and sparkling, before he had the ill fortune to loose his Sight: His natural Constitution being hot and dry: It was conceived by skilful Oculists, his Brain, heated with immoderate study, burnt up the Christaline humor of his Eyes: And this was most probable, he being continually engaged in writing either for Church or State; his Brain was like a Laboratory kept hot with study, decayed his Eyes, if there be any truth in the Naturalists Observation, magna Plin. Nat. His. lib. 11. cap. 36. cogitatio obcaecat, abducto intus visu. And this he look'd upon as the saddest afflicti­on that ever befel him in his whole Life: Yet no doubt he was comforted, with the words (which he had often read in Socrates) of Anthony the good Monk unto Dydimus that learned man of Alexandria. ‘Let it not grieve thee at all (saith he) O noble Dydimus, that thou art bereaved of thy corporal Eyes, andSocrat. [...]. 4. cap. 20. carnal sight; for though you want such Eyes as commonly are given to Flyes and Gnats, yet hast thou greatly to rejoyce that the Eyes wherewith the Angels do behold their Maker, wherewith God is seen of Men are not taken from thee.’

[Page 260]Our blessed Saviour said, the light of the Body is the Eye; for without these two Luminaries which God hath placed in the Microcosm of man: None can be said in this World to live a true hap­py Day, who are under such a continu­al Night of Darkness; but that the in­tellectual Light of the Soul, the Candle of the Lord within us, supplies that miserable defect with a far greater felicity by extraordinary endowments of theSen. lib. 10. Nat Quest. mind, which Seneca calls, melior pars nostri; and it is the best part of man in­deed: though all the Members and Parts of our Bodies are so excellently com­pacted together by the Wisdom of the Creator, and have such a necessary de­pence upon one another for the exer­cise of their several Offices, that the Compositum of Man cannot be com­plete without them; and chiefly the Eye being the guide of the whole Body, hath preheminence over the rest of the Members, saith the Philosopher, [...],Arist. lib. 1. Met. because by it we receive the greatest share of Knowledge and Understanding, it being the principal Organ of sens [...] for that use.

[Page 261]But the loss of his Eyes, considering the Cause, was no blemish to his Person, but rather a Mark of Honour, as the Caeci among the Romans, a noble Fami­ly were so called, because of the no­table service they did for the publickAlex. ab Alex. lib. 1. cap. 9. good, Claros & illustres viros, militiae domi (que) ex oculorum vitio cognomenta in­venere, saith Alex. ab Alexand. Thus Constantine the great, in honour of Paphnutius sufferings for Christian Reli­gion, kissed the hole in his face, out ofHoly State. l. 3. c. 15. which the Tyrant Maximinus had bored his eye: the good Emperor making much of the Socket (saith Mr. Fuller) when the Candle was p [...]t out. These outward Win­dows being shut, the Doctor enjoyed more perfectly the sweet and seraphical contemplations of his own Mind, without [...] disturbance from other Objects; which [...]eing removed, he did take a compla­cency and delight only in himself, as Tully saith, Habet animus quo se delectet, Tull. lib. 5. Tusc. etiam occlusis sensibus. I may say truly of him thus, (though he was my Father in Law) that he was the venerable Bede of our Age, for many excellent Tractates he published which he never saw with his own Eyes, and they were done in [Page 262] as exact a manner, as when he had his faculty of sight at the best. The like Socrates saith of Dydimus when he wasSocr. Eccl. H. l. 4. c. 20. blind; he not only interpreted Origens Writings, and made Commentaries upon them, but set forth excellent Treatises to defend the Orthodox Faith against the Arians. The Doctors Cosmography was the last Book he writ with his own hand, after which voluminous work, his Eyes failed him, that he could neither see to write nor read without the help of an Amanuensis, whom he kept to his dying day; yet he was not so totally deprived of his sight, (as some imagin) but he could discern a Body or Substance near hand, (though not the Phisiognomy of a Face) so as to follow his Leader, when he walk'd abroad.

He macerated his Body with the im­moderate XCIX exercises of his mind, ofte [...] fasting, and taking little or nothing for the space of two or three days when he was upon painful studies, which made him look at such times like a Sceleton; yet then he was also of a cheerful Spirit. He followed no excercise for his health, but walking in his Garden, and then he used a kind of low whistling with him­self, [Page 263] either to recreate his Spirits, or else (as it were) to sound an Alarm against his Enemies; like the old Ger­mans, who affected a such like Tone, asperitas soni, & fractum murmur, whenCor. Tac [...]. de mor. Ger. they went to War. All this while he was in deep Meditation, preparing for an encounter with his Adversary in some polemical discourse: The Pen being his only Weapon, in which he was as fortunate, as Alexander with his Sword; of whom its said, Cum nullo Just. Hist. lib. 12. hostium unquam congressus est, quem non vicerit, He fought with none of his Ene­mies, but he overcame them; so the Doctor had the same good fortune in all his Pen-Combates to be Conqueror: For which cause he was ordinarily cal­led the Primipilus, and chief Defender of Prelacy; by Smectymnus, the Bishops Darling, by others, the Puritan Episco­pal man. For his Zeal and Courage, I may truly say of him, he was a right Peter, of whom Casaubon observes out of the Greek Fathers, Petrum suisse Casaub. Exer. Cont. Baron. l. 4. c. 6. [...], [...]ervido ingenio virum. St. Peter was a man of a hot temper and dis­position, that set him forward on all occasions, more than the other Disciples; [Page 264] So the Doctor was of the like dispositi­on naturally, and inclined the more by study, much watching, and sitting up late at Nights, that threw him often into Fevers, to which he was very sub­ject; not withstanding his hot▪ temper and constitution, he did so wisely cor­rect and govern it, that he never fell into those Paroxisms, as to suffer his rea­son to be extinguished with passion, but his most fervent zeal was ever at­tended with deep knowledge, for he had an acute Wit, a solid judgement, and exuberant fancy, to which was adjoyn­ed, (that which is rare to be found in all these excellences together) a most pro­digious, and yet faithful Memory; that he did not usually take Notes, or make Collections of Readings out of Authors, (as most Scholars do) but committed what he read to his own Memory, which I believe never failed him, in whatsoever he treasured up to make use of hereafter: Therefore it was a pittiful charge of Mr. H. L' Estrange against him, that he misreported the words of Pareus, in putting down quomodo forExtra. vap. p. 131. quando; to which the Doctor answers thus for himself, whereby we may see [Page 265] what a true▪ Repository of things his Memory was. ‘I must tell you, (saith he) for him that is plundred of his Books, and keeping no Remembran­ces and Collections of his Studies by him, he cannot readily resolve what E [...]i­tion he followed in his consulting with that Author. He always thought that Tenure in Capite, was a nobler, and and more honourable Tenure than to hold by Copy; and therefore carelesly neglected to commit any part of his Readings unto Notes and Papers, of which he never found such want, as in this perticular which you so boldly charge upon him.’

When the Esquire tax'd him againC. for having many Helpers, as if he were beholden to other mens studies and pains about the composing of his Books, that was such a notorious Scandal, that every one who knew him, could confute; he in modest and most pious manner, replied thus, ‘Though I cannot say, that IExam. His. p. 206. have many Helpers, yet I cannot but confess in all humble gratitude, that I have one great Helper, which is instar omnium, even the Lord my God; Auxilium meum a Domino, my help [Page 266] cometh even from the Lord which hath made Heaven and Earth as the Psal­mist hath it. And I can say with the like humble acknowledgements of Gods mercies to me, as Jacob did, when he was askt about the quick dispatch which he had made in preparing savory meat for his Aged Father; Voluntas Dei fuit, & tam cito occurreret mihi quod vo­lebam. Gen. 27. 20. It is Gods good­ness, and his only, that I am able to do what I do: And as for any humane Helpers, as the French Courtiers use to say of King Lewis the Second, That all his Council rid upon one Horse, because he relyed upon his own Judgement and Abilities only: So I may very tru­ly say, that one poor Hackny-horse will carry all my Helpers used, be they never so numerous. The greatest help which I have had (since it pleased God to make my own sight unuseful to me) as to writing and reading, hath come from one, whom I had entertained for my Clerk or Amanuensis, who though he reasonably well understood both Greek and Latin, yet had he no further Education in the way of Learning, than what he brought with him from the [Page 267] School, and a poor Country School.’

His adversaries accused him some­times for se [...]erity in his writings, but CI they never could for virulency, no, not the strict Sabbatarians who were cheifly offended with him, for his History of the Sabbath. The Ministers of Surrey and Buckinghamshire returned him thanks in the name of themselves, and their party for dealing so Candidly with them by all meek and loving perswasions, when he writ upon that Subject, and especially for his preface before the History. He once met with some rude usages in Court, though that is the place ordinarily of best breeding, and most civility, no other reason could be imagined but because he was envyed by his Fellow Chaplains, who saw him then a rising man, and most like­ly to be an Ascendant over them, if the old King and Arch-Bishop had lived. As to the Earl of E. Speech, calling him a begging Schollar, such great Persons doe take the Liberty to say what they please of their Inferiours, and none must controul them; how ever the young Scholar came not to his Lordship as a Mendic [...]nt, for he asked [Page 268] nothing at his hands but to accept the Vindic [...]tion of his order, which the Earl was bound to defend for his Honour sake, but could not with that Learning as the Historian had done. In the height of his prosperity, he abated nothing of his wonted Studies, but rathet increa­sed them, as it was said of him, Ego quo major fuero tanto plus laborabo. HisCapitolin: cap. 2. whole Life (I may say) was a conti­nued Study unto death for all his de­light, time, thoughts and business was taken up in his Books, that he lived no longer then he could be an Author, and that at the last a most profitable one to his King and Country, as in his History of the Presbiterians which was his Farewel Book to the World, which no sooner he had prepared for the Press but he dyed like the ancient Romanes, of whom Tacitus saith cecidere omnes versi in hostem, thy fell with their faces turn'd towards the Fnemy. Fi­nallyAn. lib. 15. he worthily deserved that Cha­racter of praise and thanks, which the good Emperor A. Severus bestowed on them, who discharged their office well, saying, Gratias tibi agit Respublica, Lamprid. cap. 4. but it was his ill Fortune to live in such [Page 269] ungrateful times, that according to the French proverb, Qui sert commun nul ne le paye, & Sil defaut chacun labbaye. He that serues the good of the Com­munity, is controlled by every one and rewarded by none. Yet however to his perpetual Honour, it may be said of him truly as was of the famous Scaliger, and whosoever reads his Life will con­fess the same. Viz.

Clarissimi & illustrissimi sumus, Principi­bus Jul. Caesar Scalig. vet. pag. 63. & proceribus noti sumus. Literarum amantissimi sumus, Ab omni ambitione & invidia remotisumus, inimici nostri virtu­tem, non vitium in nobis hactenus insectati sunt. We are descended of an illustrious family; to Princes and Nobles we are well known, most lovers also of Learn­ing, far from Ambition in our selves, and the envy of others. Our Eenemies may rail at our Vertues, but they can­not reprove us for Vice.

Therefore in the next place we shall CII speak of his Conversation, that was free from all Scandall, or common imorali­ties which none of his most inveterate Enemies could tax him with, but only for his Religion and Loyalty, in which they thought he was too forward and [Page 270] more Zealous than many others, but that was no Crime, but Conscience. He was strict in the Education of his Chil­dren to train them up in Religious ex­ercises, especially to get the Scripture by heart; that one of them having a singu­lar memory like her Father, could give an account of all the Historical passages methodically from Chapter to Chapter, through most of the Bible, which an old Presbyterian Minister in Lincolnshire desiring to hear from her, she perfor­med accordingly, at which the good man stood amazed, saying. I did not think Episcopal men brought up their Children in this manner, for Doctor Heylyns sake I shall have a better opinion of them then ever I had. So strangely is that party prepossest with prejudice, and unchristi­an thoughts, as if the Episcopal Clergy did not Educate their Children in the Fear of God, whose care and conscience is, and hath alwayes been, to instruct them in this Lesson, To fear God, and honour the King, which whole sentence, and sometimes only the lat­ter clause of it, for fear of Popery and arbitrary Power, some zealous Pres­biters have caused to be raz'd out of [Page 271] their Churches painting. At last this man had the good luck to meet with Dr. Heylyn at his own Parish of Laceby in Lincolnshire, where after some dis­courses, the Doctor so well setled him in all points, that he lived and dyed a true Conformist to the Church of England. His chief pleasure was to converse with Scholars and Divines, from whose company his house seldom cooled, and they were as much delighted with his learned Society for their own improvements; that any one might say of him in this Case, who familiarly com­muned with him, Nunquam accedo ad te, quin abs te abeam doctior. If he had no such company, his ordinary conversation was very pleasant at Meals with his own Family; but if he was disturb'd o [...]t of the [...] times, by them or Strangers (ex­cepting Scholars) whereby he was taken off from his usual studies, indeed he was morose, and somewhat peevish for a while, till he diverted his thoughts from his Book, and then no man could be more complaisant, and very jocular; yet withal keeping up the gravity that became his degree. For an hour after Dinner he would stay with ordinary [Page 272] Guests, and then no more to be seen of him till Night; but like Diogenes in Dolio, he was musing in his Study. He made seldom visits to his Friends, but lov'd to be visited himself, at which they took no exception, knowing his i [...]rmity of fight, rendered him un­able to stir abroad or otherwise he could have repayed the like ceremonies. I have known several Reverend Persons, who were old Bishops before the War, have honoured him with visits in A­bingdon, and some new [...]shops now living, as the right Reverend Fathers the Bishop of Durham, the Bishop of Lincoln, and the Bishop of Exeter. And he wanted not good campany a­mongst his own Neighbors in Abingdon, per [...]ularly Doctor Tucker a Civilian, Mr. Jennings an ingenious Person, and ejected fellow of St. Johns C. in Oxon, and Mr. Blower a witty Lawyer,CIII who were his constant Visitors, and in whose company he was extremely delighted at all times.

For his generosity on all occasions (as well as free Hospitality) to help the publick concerns at the time of any royal aid or Benevolence, to serve his [Page 273] Prince and his Country, no man could shew himself more active and forward to contribute according to his Power, and sometimes above it, when he was s [...]arce warm in his Ecclesiastical Preferments; soon after which, the sad Wars broke, forth, that despoiled him and the regu­lar Clergy. In the year 1639. when his Majesty began his Journy against the Scots, upon the liberal contribution of the Clergy, he gave fifty Pounds out of his Parsonage in Alresford, and for Southwarn-borough, thirteen pounds thir­teen shillings and four pence; at the same time when he had not payed of his first Fruits for this Living. He was the first of all the Clergy that subscribed in Hampshire; being a leading man; his good Example so moved others, that the Clergy of that County exceeded their other Brethren; they raised for the Kings use the sum of 1348l. 2s. 4d. After his Majesty, King Charles the Second most happy Restauration; towards the Roy­al Benevolence he gave fifty Pounds, for his Parsonage of Alresford, besides his share of a thousand Pound, as he was Prebendary of Westminster. I should have added also, (which I had almost [Page 274] forgotten) in the beginning of the War he gave to the Old King, Mony and Plate to the value of an hundred Pounds; by all which freely parted out of his Purse, and more than his Estate could well bear, having many Children to provide for; he sufficiently confuted the Calumny of L' Strange, who said, according to his gentile and new mode of writing hard words, the Doctor wasL' Strange Hist. fol. 45. Philargurous, when poor man what he parted with, and what he was plundred of, he had scarce enough left to insconse his Person from frigidity, according to the good squires Language.

For his Charity to the Poor, he had CIV always a liberal Heart, to cast his Bread upon the Waters when he had Bread to cast, that is, when he was in a condition to relieve others; at which time he gave Alms to his Enemies, as well as to the honest Poor of the Kings Party; for being asked the question when he lived in Abingdon, whether he would serve St. Ellens poor, being of the adverse Party against the Royalists? He an­swered, no exception ought to be made in the Case of Charity. Wherein he follow­ed the Example of our blessed Lord, [Page 275] who had compassion on the poor Samari­tans as well as upon the Jews, to whom he shewed many acts of piety and good­ness, besides the Cure of their bodily infirmities; its probable he gave them an Alms-peny, for which reason Judas carried the Bag, that had a common stock in it for the Poor, to be used, as occasion served. The good Doctor hath sent Meat from his own Table to the Prisoners in Goal, and at Abington such as were condemned to dye, he took pains to instruct and prepare them for Death, and to administer the holy Sa­crament unto them before their Execu­tion, particularly to one Captain Fran­cis, and his Company condemned with him, at Abingdon Assizes, the Captain being a known Royalist, for which reason it was thought, the Judge was so severe against him upon his Tryal, and plainly partial in the Examination of Wit­nesses of both sides. The Doctor after the Sentence of Condemnation, went to Prison to pray with him, and admini­stred the Sacrament to him and the other Prisoners, who were penitent; provi­vided Bread and Wine for them at his own Charge; all which certainly was [Page 276] the most Christian Act of Piety and Charity that could be shewed to those miserable Souls. I could instance many other particulars, which manifested his goodness, wherein he ought to be fol­lowed as a worthy Example, but that its time now to draw near to his End.

For do the Prophets live for ever? as the good Prophet himself said. No, 'tis the deplored Condition of Mankind to live a while, for to dye; after the holy men of God, had served God in their Generation, they must fulfil the end of their Prophesie with their Lives; as God said to Daniel. Tu autem abi ad termiuum. Go thou thy way till the end be, for thou shalt rest and stand in the Lot at the end of the days; on which, Geierus and Junius▪ Comment thus.

Compara te ad mortem, disposita domo [...]ua, & contentus hac revelatione, non ultra labores & requiesces a laboribus, cor­pore Geicr: & Jun: in loc: in Sepulchro, Anima vero in sinu Abrahae, stabis in haereditate tua caelesti & aeterna, vel illa ejus parte quae tibi ex dècreto Dei continget.

Prepare thy self for Death, set thy [Page 277] house in order, be content with this Revelation; thou shalt labour no more, but rest from all thy labours and troubles, with thy Body in the Grave▪ but thy Soul in Abra [...]ams Bosom; thou shalt abide for ever in thy cae­lestial Inheritance, and in that degree of Glory which God hath decreed for thee. So all these things happened to this good man; and I may call him prophetical, because he strangely fore­saw his own Death, set his house in order, and prepared himself according­ly, and an end was soon put after to his Days, and of making many Books because much study, as Solomon [...]aith, is a weariness of the flesh, though the Mind or Spirit of a Man is never tired out or can be satisfied, because Know­ledge is no burden. By the Almighties good pleasure and providence, he was now removed from his House in Abingdon to his house in Westminster, (where he lived not long) and from thence to the House of Darkness, where all must take up their last Lod­ging. The Grave is mine house (saith Job) I have made my Bed in the Dark­ness. What Man is he that liveth and [Page 278] shall not see Death? Shall [...]e deliver his Soul from the hand of the Grave? Is not this the House appointed for all Living? According to the French Proverb, three things carry away all with them.

Therefore we shall speak of the CVI Circumstances foregoing his Death, and the memorable Accidents happning to him about the same time. He had be­fore been greivously afflicted with a Quartan Ague, that deadly Enemy un­to old Age, and seldom cured by the Physician. Febris quartana opprobrium [Page 279] medici. The poor Doctor had wrast­led with the Disease a long time, and seemingly got the victory of it, for the paroxysms or usual fits of this sore distemper had departed from him, but withal so violently shaken him, and left such a weakness behind them, so ex­hausted his strength and vital Spirits, that any one might perceive what strange alterations his sickness had wrought in him; for he was before of a fresh lively complexion; a man vigo­rous in action, but now grown feeble and weak, of a pale discoloured coun­tenance, the fore-runner of Death, his Cheeks fallen, his Eyes a little sunk within his Temples, and leanness of Face and whole Body, that shewed he was hastning on fast to the end of his Pilgrimage: Yet I dare not say there is such a predetermined Term of every mans Life, which is immutable, but the great God of Heaven from whom we derive our Being, can lengthen or shorten our days, as his Wisdom plea­seth; and on the other side, this is a Decree most absolute and irrevocable, Statutum est▪ omnibus ut semel moriantur. It is appointed for all men once to [Page 280] die. In reverence of which Decree, such a heavenly man as the Doctor was, could not but be prepared (as every reli­gious Soul is) for to dye, or put off his mortal Body.

Before which time two Accidents CVII happened to him, one suddenly after the other, which he looked upon as presaging Providences of his Death; for he was a man very critical in his observation of unusual things, and I may say in this particular, prophetical: For on the Saturday Night before he sickned, he dreamed that he was in an extraordinary pleasant and delight­ful Place; where standing and admi­ring the beauty and glory of it, he saw the late King his Master, who said to him Peter, I will have you buried under your Seat at Church, for you are rarely seen, but there or at your Study: Which Dream he told his Wife the next Morning; saying, it was a signi­ficant one, giving her charge, when he dyed, there to bury him. A few hours after, his Maid holding his Sur­plice against the Fire to air it, one of the Billets upon the fire, tumbled down, the Flame of which catched hold [Page 281] of the Surplice and burned it; at which Accident, so soon following his Dream, he said, That was ominous, and he should never wear Surplice more, as in­deed he did not; like Aa [...]on the high Priest when he was stripped of his priestly Garments by Gods own appoint­ment, he must certainly dye. These two Accidents falling out together, made such a strong impression upon his mind, that on the same day (though he was seemingly well as he used to be) he did not go to Church, but on the Munday following went forth in the Morning, stayed out all the Day, in which time he bought a House of one Mrs. Floyd in the Almonry, payed his Mony for it, renewed the Lease of it, and brought home the Writings; and then told his Wife, the reason of his being from home all that time (which was an unusual thing with him) was, because he had bought her a House to live in, near the Abby, that she might serve God in that Church, as he had done, All which she not know­ing before, seemed strange and terri­fying to her, not thinking the pre­cedent Accidents of the Dream and [Page 282] Surplice could have wrought such an indelible impression on his fancy, she urged all the arguments and perswa­sions she possibly could, to drive away this Melancholy humor, but all in vain, for he still persisted in his opinion, which proved too sad a truth: Because he was a man, who rarely dreamed in his Life, and when he did, he could remember no circumstances of it, which puts me in mind what Pliny hath wri­ten to this purpose, that there be some persons of so curious and excellent tem­per, who are seldom or never distur­bed with Dreams, but if it so happen to them at any time, it is a deadly sign.Pli [...]. Hist. [...]at. l. 10. c. 75. Quibus mortiferum fuisse signum (saith he) contra consuetudinem somniorum in venimus exempla.

That there is a truth in some Dreams CVIII I do not question; though I would not have men too credulous of them: Be­cause this is not now Gods oeconomy or his ordinary way of dispensation under the Gospel, to manifest his mind to us, as he did to the Patriarchs before the Law, and afterward to the holy Prophets, to whom he made known himself [...], at sun­dryHeb. cap. 1. 17. [Page 283] times, and in divers manners, and particularly in this way and man­ner of Dreams; yet as God cannot be limited in his Will and Power at any time, when he hath a mind to do an extraordinary thing: I would there­fore not too rigidly condemn all Dreams for delusions, that are ascertained to us by the Testimony of wise and credible Persons, whom we know are no way enclined to be either fanciful or fana­tick. Omiting what Artemidorus hath written in his Oneirocriticks, IRhodogin. l. 27. c. 9. take Caelius Rhodoginus for a most lear­ned and faithful Author, who reports of himself, that when he could not explain a hard passage, he met with in Pliny, that puzled his Brain, it was made known and revealed to him in a Dream, if he did look in such a Book he should find it. Librum arri­pui (saith he) sicut somniaveram sic comperui. `I took up the Book, and `found the same accordingly as I `dreamed. Neither was that less won­derful, which Joseph Scaliger tells us of his Fathers Dream, who in his Sleep read an Epitaph which he never saw with his Eyes, or ever heard of be­fore, [Page 284] yet proved most true; whence he inferreth by this Example, theJul. Caes. Scal. vita pag. 48. prodigy, and yet certainty of some Dreams. Prodigiosa etiam us (que) ad mi­raculum ex somniis vaticinatio. We may believe his Relation; for he was a man of that Integrity, and great Spirit, as he would scorn to tell a Lye. I cannot omit what Dr. Heylyn himself hath written of Arch-Bishop Laud, ‘That he was much given to take notice of Dreams, and commit them to writing. Amongst which I find this for one; that on Friday Night, the 24th. of January 1639. his Fath [...]r (who died six and fortyArch-Bish. Life p. 422. years before) came to him, and that to his thinking, he was as well, and as cheerful, as evel he saw him; that his Father asked him what he did there; and that after some speec [...], he demanded of his Father, how long he would stay there? And his Father made this Answer, that he should stay till he had him along with him. A Dream which made such im­pression on him, as to add this Note to it in his Breviate, that though he was not moved with Dreams, yet he thought to remember this.’

[Page 285]I know many impute those Dreams in our Sleep to a melancholy temper, which the Doctor was never subject to, either in time of Sickness or Health, but was a Man always of most cheer­ful Spirit. I confess that black humor presenteth strange things to the Ima­gination and Phantasie of some Persons, that Aristotle in his Problems ascribes the Prophesie of the Sybil Women thereto, and Cardanus, the Revelati­ons of Hermites, because living in solitude, and on bad diet. Quantum Card. de Subtil. l. 18. p. 1187. poterat (saith he) in illis humor me­lancholicus. The old Philosophers also were of opinion, that all Prophesie did proceed from the strength of Ima­gination, by the conjunction of the Understanding; which they call In­tellectus possibilis, with the other facul­ty of the Intellectus agens; whereby they concluded, (contrary to the holy Scripture) that old men were not capable of prophecying, by reason of the weakness of their imagina­tion, and other natural facul­ties decayed in them, through Age; but the quite contrary ap­peareth in Scripture Examples, that [Page 286] that they were generally aged men, or well stricken in years, who had the gift of prophecy, though their eye sight fai­len them, as did with Jacob, yet they were called Seers, because they foresaw future things, they were so old, that for their Age and gravity they were sometimes upbraided, so Elisha by the Children was mocked, who undoubt­edly were so taught by their ungodly Fathers, to say of him go up thou baldhead. Neither doth a melancholy constitution (as some have imagined) make men prophetical either in sleep­ing or waking, but on the contrary renders them uncapable, as is evident by the examples of Jacob, and Elisha; the first of whom being in deep sadness, (which is the inseparable Companion of melancholy) for the loss of his Son Jo­seph, was at the same disabled from prophecy or otherwise he could have told what Fortune had befallen his Son, who, was not dead, but sold by his Brethren. Hence Mercer tells us it was an ordinary saying among the Rab­bines Men. in Gen. c. 31. Maeror prophetiam impedit, In like manner the Prophet Elisha for the sor­row of Elijah his Master, taken away [Page 287] from him, and the anger he had con­ceived against Jehoram that wicked Prince, whilst these two passions were predominant over him, he could not prophesie, till the Minstrel played with her Musical Instrument, to drive away his melancholy sadness, and then the hand of the Lord (its said) came up­on him, and he prophesied saying, Thus saith the Lord, &c.CX

By all which I hope it is evident, that hypocondriacal persons, who are grie­vously afflicted with melancholy are not thereby disposed to prophesie, and then by necessary consequence it fol­loweth, that Dreams arising from the same natural cause cannot be said pro­phetical, no more then that of Albertus magnus who dream'd that hot ScaldingRhodig. lib. 27. lcap. 7. Pitch was poured upon his Brest, a [...]d so soon as he awakned from his sleep, he vomited up abundance of adust Chollar. Such Dreams certainly arise from the ill habitude of the Body, through fullness of bad humors.

But there is another sort of Dreams CXI which may be called divine or superna­tural, which are imprinted on the mind of man, either by God himself or his [Page 288] holy Angels, from which necessarily fol­lows prophecy; because such extraor­dinary impressions are usual for those ends. And this I take to be the Reverend Doctors Dream, who was a man of so great Piety as well as Stu­dy, that I cannot think otherwise, but that he was able to discern the different motions of his Soul, whether they were natural or supernatural, of which last he was so firmly assured by his own reason and great Learning, that no arguments could disswade him to the contrary, St. Austiine saith. Animam habere quandam vim divinationis in seipsa. That the Soul of man hath a certain power of Divination in it self, when it is abstracted from bodily actions, I confess then it must needs be drawn up to higher Communion with God than ordinary; but more immediately I ra­ther think with Tertullian, a little be­fore death, about the time of its sepa­ration from the Body, because many dying persons have wonderfully fore­told things which afterward came to pass, the reason of which, that good Father giveth (and therein I judge heTertull. lib. de An. cap 53. was no Montanist) when he saith. Qui­a [Page 289] Anima in ipso divertio penitus agitari enunciet quae vidit, quae audit & quae in­cipit nosse [...] Because the Soul then acts most vigorously at the last Broath, declares what things it seeth, it hear­eth, and what it begins to know, now entring into Eternity.

So the heavenly and pious Doctor ac­cording to the prenotions of his Death for­seeing his time was short, gave his Wife strict charge again (that very night as he was going to Bed and in appearance well) that she should bury him accor­ding to his Dream, she affrighted with this dreadful charge, sate by him, while he fell into a Sleep, out of which he soon awaked in a Feverish distemper, and violent Hick-up, which she taking no­tice of said, I fear Mr. Heylyn you have got cold with going abroad to day, but he answered very readily, no, it was Death [...] Hick-up, and so it proved, for he grew worse and worse till he dyed. Now some I hear impute the cause of his sick­ness to the eating of a Tansey, but this is false, for I heard the contrary relation from her own mouth, his Dream was on the Saturday night, his Surplice happened to be burnt on Sunday mor­ning [Page 290] all which day he pass'd in private mediatation in his Study, and on the Monday, what time he had to spare he spent in providing a Settlement for his Wife as aforesaid.

But to return again to his good XIII mans sickness, of which the true cause as his Physician said, was the reliques of his long quartane Ague not purged out by Physick, to which he was al­waies averse, threw him into a malig­nant Fever [...], in which [...]he remained insensible till some few hours before he dyed, but when it pleased God to restore unto him his Senses again, he most zealously glorified his Name with praises and thanksgivings for his mercies towards himself and Family, earnestly praying for them, and often commen­ding them to Gods Heaveuly care and protection, at the same time he left [...] little Book of Prayers with his dear Wife for her devotion, which she shewed af­terward to me, being a Collection of many, Collects out of the Common Pray­er, to every one of which he had added a most fervent Prayer of his own com­posure, that little Book she said should be the Prayer-Book of her Devotion [Page 291] while she lived. Finally as his time grew shorter and shorter, he prayed with more vehemency of Spirit sometimes to God, sometimes to his Saviour, and to the blessed Comforter of his Soul, rejoycing exceedingly, that he should live to Ascension day, uttering forth most heavenly expressions to the sweet Comfo [...]t of others aud principally of his own Soul with a [...], or full assurance of his Salvation, through Christ Jesus, which last unspeakable joy and consolation above all other, God is pleased to be bestow upon the faith­ful, and seal it to them with the earnest of his Spirit at the hour of Death. At which time, his Soul now ready to de­part, and be with Christ his Saviour, one Mr. Merrol a Verger of the Church coming into his Chamber to see him, he presently called him to his Bed side, saying to him. ‘I know it is Church time with you, and I know this is Ascenfion day, I am ascending to the Church Tri­umphant, I go to my God and Saviour, unto joyes Caeleftial, and to Halleluja's eternal,’ with which and other like ex­pressions he dyed upon Holy Thursday An. Dom. 1663. in the Climacterial year [Page 292] of his Life, threescore and three, in [...] number the Sevenths and ninths do of­ten fatally concurre. He was after­ward buried under his Sub-Deans Seat according to his Dream and desire. His Death lamented by all good men, be­cause there was a Pillar, though not a Bishop falln in the Church, of whom I may say in the Poets words.

God Almighty had blessed him with CXIV eleven Children, four of which are still living. His Monument is erected on the North side of the Abbey in Westminster, over aganst the Sub-Deans Sea [...], with this following Epitaph which the Reverend Dean of the Church then, Dr. Earl did himself compose in honour of his Memory.