Mephibosheth and Ziba, or, The appeal of the Protestants of Ireland to the King concerning the settlement of that kingdom by the author of The mantle thrown off, or, The Irish-man dissected.

Mephibosheth and Ziba, or, The appeal of the Protestants of Ireland to the King concerning the settlement of that kingdom by the author of The mantle thrown off, or, The Irish-man dissected.

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Title page

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

MEPHIBOSHETH & ZIBA, OR, THE APPEAL of the Protestants of IRELAND TO THE KING, &c.

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MEPHIBOSHETH & ZIBA, OR, THE APPEAL of the Protestants of IRELAND TO THE KING, &c.

OF such dismal and amazing consequence, to the British Protestants, have been those frequent Revolutions in the Government of Ireland, occasion'd by the constant Rebellions and vile Perfidiousness of the Natives; but more especially the two last Scenes, of Forty One, and the present deplorable juncture, have offer'd to the World so black and odious a Representation of their unparallel'd Barbarity and Insolence, as gives occasion of wonder at the present proceedings, as to the framing of a Proclamation for their Pardon. It is difficult indeed to imagine that those men who have committed so publick a Devastation in that lamentable Kingdom, been so inhumanly injurious to their kind and too indulgent Neighbours, t [...] English; as to divest those of their Substance a [...] Estates, who were formerly the chief Instru [...] [Page] of their Support; nay more, which are immers'd in Protestant Blood, should (after all their repeated Violences and horrid Outrages) be kindly and amicably treated by those whom they bear an utter abhorrence and detestation to. This (though design'd as an effect of transcendent Mercy) is a most insuperable Grievance to the Protestants of that Kingdom, and not to them peculiarly, but to England also, if rightly and duly reflected upon.

But that this is not gratis dictum, I shall endeavour to evince by the sequel of this Discourse, by asserting, That so unaccountable has the Antipathy of the Irish ever been towards the English, that those commonly inviolable Bonds both of Religion and Interest, (which we find so operative in other Nations) and with which they were link'd together, were not able to overcome it.

That even when the English were earnestly supplicated by their own Kings, to vouchsafe their assistance, and presented them with Victory over their Enemies and Competitors; yet at the same time, by such a monstrous Ingratitude, (as 'tis hard to conceive humane Nature to be guilty of) were barbarously assassinated by those Savages, to whom they had procured Deliverance.

But a better instance cannot be given of that radicared and unalterable Prejudice, which they bear towards the English, than its continuance by an uninterrupted hereditary Succession or lineal Descent from Father to Son, ever since the first footing of the British in that Kingdom; and therefore, as a terrour to their Children, when they would frighten them, they are wont to use this Irish expression, Hoot-a-Sasonought; the meaning whereof is, That the English are coming; by which means their Children [Page] suck in, together with their Milk, a natural aversion to them. So essentially true is that expression, Odiunt quos metuunt: Those whom Men fear, such they hate; humane Nature being impatient under Superiors, and by a powerful instinct of self-love, apt to convert their esteem of, into hatred against such persons whom they are not able to govern and controul; but rather whose high Power and Interest they look upon as dangerous to the repose both of themselves and others. And as this Principle is true in it self, so has it been carefully instill'd by the Irish Parents, into their Children, industriously cherishing and improving all the outward symptoms of their dislike to the Interest and Government of the English; against which, as they use their utmost endeavours to embitter and prepossess them, so are their Priests as active to sowre and corrupt their Judgments, with wild and terrifying notions of the Falshood and Heresie of the Protestant Religion; pronouncing the severest Anathemaes of eternal Condemnation to all that profess it, and representing to them, That they are without the Pale of the Church, and to be treated as common Enemies to the Faith; That they are no otherwise to be accounted of than as Dogs and Castaways, or a sort of infernal Spirits, which are sent into their Country, to inflict a punishment upon their Bodies, and for a trial of their Constancy in the Religion of the Holy Church: But that God will in his due time give them the victory over them, and that then they will do God good Service that are most instrumental in their destruction. These daily and repeated suggestions of the Priests, which operate upon their Votaries by a lasting and deep Impression, have (together with the leaven'd Principles of a byass'd and partial Education derived from their Parents) established such a fundamental hatred in their [Page] minds against any thing that bears the Stamp of English, that whenever by their Rebellion they wrested the Reins of Government from them, their implacable rage did not only extend to their innocent persons, but to every Vegetative and Inanimate Substance that bore but the Characters of their Improvement. And to me it seems an unparallel'd instance of an irreconcileable inveteracy, thus to destroy the flourishing effects of the English Industry, when no other way remain'd of executing their inhumane fury, tho' at the same time they thereby defac'd the beauty and ornaments of their Country, and consequently acted diametrically contrary to their own true Interest.

But, alas! this aversion was so deeply rooted by the aforesaid Artifices, consisting in the Education of their Parents, and Instructions of their Priests, that no acts of Clemency or Indulgence were ever found capable to prevail with them to adhere faithfully to the Government and Crown of England; no, not the highest Titles of Honour or Dignity; not their Matrimonial Alliances with the English; not the largest Priviledges or Immunities from the Crown; not the greatest places of Trust, or most weighty Employments in the State; not the highest opportunities of Advantage, or of secular profit: and in fine, not any Encouragements which were either in the power of the English to bestow, or of them to accept, could induce them to extinguish that Hatred in their Breasts, which upon all inviting occasions they executed upon the Protestants, trampling upon all their Obligations and Civilities by a most horrid Ingratitude and an insolent Contempt; and that Humanity, which in the very Breast of a Cannibal would claim some Power, seem'd so quite eras'd out of their Hearts in all their outrages towards [Page] the English, as if their Cruelties had quite unmann'd them, and (as it were) sunk their erect into a savage Shape of Wolves and Tygers.

Indeed, the gratifying of their Lusts was oftentimes of that prevalence with their Grandees, that to answer their importunity they were necessitated to enter into Marriage with English Families, in whose beauty and humour, though 'twas impossible for them not to manifest very great Complacency; yet were not their Amours to the Children sufficient to restrain their Barbarity from the Parents: an instance as unnatural to others, as peculiar to these Monsters; and should I undertake to enumerate the Tragedies committed by them, upon such whose near Relations they had taken to their own Beds, all Mankind must needs consider their unequal'd inhumanity with horror and amazement. But I refer the Reader to the History of Ireland, where he may meet with an abundant variety of places to this purpose, together with those various Tragick Scenes of such bloody Massacres and impious Assassinations, as no Story can parallel for the matter, nor Satan himself contrive more Butcherly Arts in the manner of their execution. But I shall not insist longer upon these things, which are but too lively imprinted in the Memories of the Irish Protestant Sufferers; but rather proceed to my present design, which is to shew,

That Pardon and Lenity to them, however it carries the face of Mercy, is yet in reality the contrary.

And in the second place, That it will not attain the end design'd, the more easie reduction of that Kingdom.

[Page]In relation to the first of these, it is to be consider'd, That Mercy, in its true and genuine importance, is a Work of Deliverance and Preservation, and wheresoever it is vouchsafed, a chief regard is to be had to the Security of Men's Rights and Interests. Now 'tis plain, That pardoning of the Irish cannot be capable of any such Interpretation, unless it be granted, That the British of Ireland have been Usurpers of their Rights.

'Tis but too apparent, That the present Insurrection of Ireland has wasted and destroyed the whole Kingdom; That thousands of the English have either become Sacrifices to the Rage and Cruelty of the Natives, or else have perish'd by Famine or other Disasters. If then it be demanded, Who were the Agents of this publick Mischief and Calamity? Was not all of it transacted by the Irish? That is a Truth which admits of no dispute. But if it be again ask'd, Were not the Natives irritated thereunto by provocations receiv'd from the English? This indeed may be controverted by some who are Foreigners to the State of that Kingdom; and therefore I think it fit to return an Answer to that Objection, by taking a short Survey of the late Condition of Ireland, immediately before this universal Devastation committed by the Papists.

Tyrconnel was seated at the Helm, a bitter and implacable Enemy to the British Protestants.

The Militia, all compos'd of English, had for a considerable time before been disarmed.

The standing Army, made up of English Souldiery, disbanded; and Irish, both Officers and private Souldiers, preferr'd to their places.

The Corporations divested of their old Charters, and then new modell'd by turning out the Protestants, [Page] and placing Natives of the Kingdom in the Magistracy and Government of them.

Papists made Judges, put into the Commission of the Peace, constituted Sheriffs, Coroners, Constables, &c. throughout the whole Kingdom.

The Protestant Clergy disturbed in their Ministry, and the discharge of their sacred Function.

Many of the poorer sort of Protestants practis'd upon by various Arts of the Popish Priests, and thereby seduc'd from their Religion, and turn'd Papists.

The Houses of the Sick invaded both by Seculars and Regulars, who would violently shut the Protestants doors against their own Ministers, and by a Thousand impious contrivances and unheard-of Machinations, so menace and terrifie them with the thoughts of Damnation to those of their Religion, as forced them in the agonies of Death to renounce the Principles of their Faith; or at least the Priests pretended that they did so, and that they came off Conquerors, the known and apparent refusal of many notwi [...]hstanding.

This transient Prospect of Affairs does sufficiently discover to us, That the Irish were under no hard or severe circumstances from the Protestants, and far from standing in awe of them, who (now that the course of things was so manifestly inverted) were become their Masters, instead of that of their Slaves and Vassals.

But perhaps it may be urged, That the Protestants were for espousing the Interest of King William, then Prince of Orange: And indeed, 'twas reasonably to be supposed, that all persons who had any valuable regard for their Religion, or to the retrieving of the Laws and Constitutions of the Land, were strongly inclined to favour and assist in so good [Page] and advantagious a Design. But then, alas! the English were in no capacity of putting their good Wishes in execution: They had been disarm'd, and thereby divested of all ability whereby to make any considerable defence, or to provide for their Security: Besides, they were under a strict Guard from their Enemies, who had all the power and strength of the Kingdom in their hands, and kept a vigilant and an attentive eye upon all their actions: which kept the English so much in subjection, and was so great a discouragement unto them, that hardly any attempted to declare for the Prince, till February; whereas most of the Rapin and Devastation was committed before.

This compendious description of Affairs will (I presume) be deem'd sufficient to satisfie all judicious and impartial men, that without the least provocation or plausible pretence of Right, the Irish Papists have acted the late Massacres, Burnings, and other publick Mischiefs and Calamities upon the Protestants of Ireland: which if they had been mutual and reciprocal injuries, though they that were in a good Cause, would have been Sufferers for their Loyalty and Service to the King; yet on the other hand, there might have been room for the King's Mercy. But where the inveteracy of a malicious Antagonist discharged it self in whole Vollies upon a quiet and inoffensive People, without any other inducement than that of a bare Surmise, that they were inwardly affected to King William; seems as irrational and unjustifiable an Argument for those violent Outrages committed thereupon; as 'tis haply, without Precedent (if duly reflected upon in all its circumstances and respects) that men so habituated to Rebellion, and profess'd Enemies to the [Page] Protestant Interest and Religion, should have a Pardon vouchsafed unto them.

I now proceed to shew, That a Pardon to the Irish cannot properly be interpreted an effect of Mercy, but in reality the contrary.

To illustrate this to you, I think it reasonable to affirm, That that cannot be accounted an effect of Mercy, which is extended to such Criminals as have invaded and usurped the Rights and Properties of others; which is consequent to my first Position, That Mercy is to be confin'd within the Boundaries of common Right: and if this were not so, such as live most obedient to the Government, could expect no Security from it; which would be a Practice as disagreeable to the first Institution of Government in the World, as 'tis contrary to Nature and the common Reason of Mankind. Besides, by this means no Government could long subsist, because it must necessarily encourage such men as openly violate and contemn its Injunctions; and by consequence, such as most trample upon, must possess the places of Judicature, and the greatest Offenders become prime Ministers of State.

But to encounter this Argument more closely, 'Tis a Maxim receiv'd among Princes, To manage with a steady and equal hand in Affairs of State, and in consequence hereunto a general Pardon is reckon'd to be a mutual Good. But in pursuance to this (I presume) it will be granted, that such as have adher'd to the Interest of King William, and consequently have, upon all occasions, demonstrated their Zeal and Sincerity for the Protestant Cause and Religion, may reasonably put in as just a claim to his Mercy, as such who have declared their Enmity to both.

[Page]The Justice and Equality of this matter being thus considered, it is not to be suppos'd, that he who came to rescue our selves and the Reformed Religion from the violent Intrusion of Romish Idolatry and Slavery, would transfer our Possessions to those whose Injustice he came to punish and suppress. This seems to be an Act of greater severity than was that precipitate and hasty judgment of David to Mephibosheth, Let Ziba and thou divide: for in this case the Irish are in possession of the whole, and are so far from making any Overtures, or shewing any Indication of their Submission, that they have not so much as the Argument of that unworthy Sycophant on their sides, meeting the King on the way. Nay, so far have they deviated from the least of that Respect which is even owing to a Christian, that in their common Discourses they cursed the very name of the Prince of Orange, as the Off-spring of that man who was so fatal to the Romish Church in the Netherlands, which they feared, was an ominous presage of his Posterity's being so to the [...]. And if their inveterate malice against the British Protestants in Ireland was capable of any addition, they augmented it; for the Affection which was visibly discernable in them, to his now Sacred Majesty, whose Person and Government the Irish Papists have in so great an Abhorrence, and do, with the most impious Anathemaes, so inhumanly execrate and revile, that we may justly account their malice not inferiour to that of the Jews to our Saviour, in scourging his Effigies, as a meritorious Act in their Devotion.

But I would not be understood in this place, as if the Tenour of th [...]s Discourse were design'd to [Page] restrain the Fountain of the KING'S Mercy; but if the Current be diverted from its proper Channel, by turning it from his Enclosures into the Common, methinks there is a reasonable subject of Complaint against those, whose Avarice and too-interested a Regard to their private advantage (in prejudice to the publick welfare, not perhaps of one, but of three Nations) carry them beyond the bounds both of Reason and common Equity. We have had the most cogent and evincing demonstrations, That the Royal Affections of His Majesty are graciously inclin'd to us, by that wonderful Condescention shewn to his Irish Protestant Subjects, in that he permits, nay, commands them to speak; and since he is thus mercifully pleased to hear them represent their Grievances (the effects of their faithful adherence to the Cause he owns) they presume to request no more than this, Not to be debarr'd from the benefits of His Grace and Favour to them: They claim nothing of what in Justice belongs to their Adversaries; but desire their own, not the Possessions of others, but a Restitution of their proper Right, and this not to extend to Losses in War, (which those who outwardly seem to espouse, but secretly endeavour to undermine our true Interest, would insinuate) but for Robberies and other outragious Acts of Violence, committed in time of Peace: and these of so notorious a nature, that had even their own Popish Government, and King, been in any capacity of asserting but part of the Laws, the Offenders would (at least in some degree) have been constrained to make Restitution.

Nor do the Protestants of Ireland desire the Blood of any, the Principles of whose Religion, as well as [Page] natural Clemency, being such as permits them not to repay their Adversaries in their own Coin; but to chuse rather to leave them to God, and the King's Justice.

That which they would pray and intreat for, is only that which might be a means of preserving those, who have escaped the Irish Cruelty, as to their Lives, though not in their Estates: Namely [...] Reparation for their substance taken from them, without which, they must inevitably perish, being in a worse condition than were the Egyptians, when they told Joseph, that they had nothing left but their Bodies and Lands: whereas these poor Protestants, who are now most humble Supplicants to His Majesty, were never invested in the latter, their whole substance consisting in Personal Estates, which they were totally stripped and dispossessed of.

Some have urged His Majesty's Proclamation of Pardon in Scotland, as an Argument to infer the reasonableness and necessity of the like to be extended to the Rebels in Ireland; but 'tis plain to me, that an Instance of so great disparity, insisted upon by men of understanding, serves but to confirm the Apprehensions and Opinions of many in that, which 'tis not my business here to mention: Only this I will affirm, That it seems not to be chargeable upon our Prime Ministers of State, but upon a small Fry that hope to fat themselves in the Troubled Waters of Ireland.

They are not unacquainted with the Humour and Disposition of the Irish, and how subject they are to bribe, when reduced to any Exigency: For which reason they are very unwilling at present to dispossess them of that Wealth, which by Rapin and Spoil they have gained from the English; to the intent that it may be [Page] left to be offered at their Altars, to make an Atonement for them.

But to return, It seems easie to answer that Objection of the Proceedings of Scotland, which in no Circumstances or Respects, run parallel with the present Rebellion of Ireland.

Those of Scotland were guilty of no Murthers or Robberies, upon their first Excursion, but acted only in their own defence; whereas those of Ireland, began both, without any opposition, or the le [...]st disturbance given them by the British.

They of Scotland had a pretence (though weak and insufficient) of being induced to what they did, at the Instigation of their Lords, and Grandees, who were for the late King James, and acted under his Commission.

But they of Ireland had not so much as this colour, when they committed their Outrages in that Kingdom.

Nay, to come nearer to them, even their own Government issued out Proclamations for restraining their inhumane violence: Though 'twas plain, that this was only a pretence of Justice, there being no effectual course taken to bring notorious Offendors to the least, not to say, condign Punishment, but were rather secretly animated, and encouraged in their Villanies by their Gentlemen, and Grandees.

But to come to a period, as to this Affair of Scotland, they are a People of the same Nation, united in one common interest; nay, and in Religion too, as to the main and essential part of it: and his Majesties Pardon, when graciously vouchsafed to such, may be interpreted to be of an universal influence, and extent, because it comprehends as well Friends as Enemies, by reaching to those Relations which are general among [Page] them, and so in a manner including all; besides, what these Rebels did, was by vertue of a pretended Commission, and so their opposition, and acts of Hostility, may come under the Construction of a War, and in that respect more proper for pardon.

Whereas the Irish (not to enumerate Particulars, or to aggravate matters, which are notorious enough in themselves) can lay claim to none of these Reasons, in all which they are utterly Foreign, and bear no relation to the British Protestants.

I will now descend to a recital of those Reasons, which seem of force to perswade any unprejudiced and impartial man, That a General and Free Pardon will not attain the end designed, the speedy Reduction of Ireland.

We that by sad and lamentable experience are fully acquainted with the Humour and Genius of the Natives of that Kingdom, are none of us ignorant that Arts of Mildness and Indulgence, are not proper means to dispose them to obedience; the more that they are caressed, or favoured, the more rough, and intractable they appear to be: and all the Civilities, or acts of kindness, which have, or can be shewn to them, do but serve to heighten their Insolence, and Ingratitude, instead of begetting in them any hearty Affection, or esteem. That this is an Impartial, as well as Practical, and not a Malicious, or Speculative Notion of the evil temper, and vile Disposition of this people, as well their former, as their late unworthy carriage towards those of the English, who had been most obliging to them, is a demonstrative, and an infallible proof; by which the Protestants are now (though too late) convinced, that in this, they nearly resemble their Bogs, which are never to be [Page] trusted to by going gently over, but the only safety is by cutting your way to the bottom.

If any Proposals be made to them either in War, or Peace, they immediately draw this favourable Inference from it to themselves, That they are looked upon as very formidable, and considerable; That they are of the stronger side, and upon that account will never resolve to submit: I want not Instances which I could recount of this present Rebellion, of divers Gentlemen, who applied to some of the Irish Grandees, for their protection, upon assurance of former Friendship, (which the Irish are as profuse in the Expressions, as they are perfidious in the discharge of) and to that, they added promises of making suitable Retribution, to whatsoever acts of favour should be shewn to them; but instead of meeting with a return of kindness from the Irish, (as the former Civilities done to them, and their repeated acknowledgments of them, with most vehement Protestations of a sincere Friendship, might have made it reasonable for them to expect) were entertained with Insultings, and vile Expressions of Reproach, and Contempt.

Again, I cannot see, how a General Pardon will affect them to a suitable submission, or to a laying down of their Arms, it will rather make them more obstinate in their Rebellion, which I gather from the following Reasons.

First, If it be an Argument on our side, to hasten the Conquest, for fear of assistance from the French, or of our other Embroils; this seems to give equal encouragement to the Irish, to hold out, in expectation of those Advantages so favourable to their interest. The Irish Understanding and Courage is observed [Page] to be by themselves understood, and depended upon by Negatives: The Enemy, say they, are afraid of us; therefore they know, we are wise in Council, and strong in Arms; if not, they would never offer such terms to us. 'Tis a Maxim received amongst them, Never bid first; and they deduce this Consequence from it, That he's on the weaker side who does.

The Commonalty of the Irish are born up in this Rebellion by the assurances they have from their Priests, of being relieved by Catholick Princes: That the common Interest of their Holy Church and Religion, will oblige them to it: That the present Differences betwixt them and the French will be compos'd by the next Pope; there being nothing more common than for every Infallible Vicar of Christ, to act Diametrically contrary to his Predecessor; as being generally of another Interest, swayed by different Principles, and governed by new Maxims and Policies of State.

To this they add, That 'tis impossible for Catholick Princes to joyn with Hereticks to maintain the Interest of an Usurper, who is such an open and profess'd Enemy to their Church, in opposition to Saint James, whom they style, the Confessor, and doubt not to see him triumphant over the Hereticks of Europe: These and the like, are the usual Arguments of the Priests, which they artfully instil into the Common People.

Now what can more effectually confirm them in the belief of this opinion, than to offer them more than they can ask, (viz.) a Pardon for Life and Estate, together with the enjoyment of all they had before the Rebellion; and not only that, but what [Page] they have violently got since by Robbing and Pillageing of the English.

The Irish have not been shie in their frequent Discourses, That if they miscarried in this attempt, the Requital must be such as to put them beyond all expectation of another Opportunity: For they confessed, that what they did, proceeded not from any provocation given them by the English; nor could they have any pretence (the Government being wholly vested in themselves) whereas in the former Rebellion they wanted not matter of Complaint, for which Reasons they owned, That they could not think of Mercy, if that proved an Abortive, which they were labouring with all their might to bring forth to such perfection as to secure, and perpetuate to themselves the Catholick Interest, and Religion, all which is agreeable to their Motto, Now, or never; now, and for ever. And to confirm them in their Opinions in this matter, take the following brief account of their Actions.

Their Lords, and Clergy, put the Populace upon the most Violent and Irregular Courses, telling them, That they must now trust to their Musket and Skene; for their Actions have been such, as left no room for a Pardon from the English; and pursuant to this, there is scarce a Private Soldier, but will tell the Protestants that they expect no mercy, as being conscious to themselves, that they have left nothing undone that could provoke, or disoblige the Protestants.

Now if after all this, they be Courted and Addressed to, before a Blow is struck by the King's Army, which is sent over; they will be so far from making a right use of this Indulgence, that it will [Page] only raise their Scorn, and puff them up with Insolence and Ambition, equal to that of their obtaining a Victory: For however his Majesty in great mercy and tenderness of Christian Blood, may make Proposals to them; yet their Earthy, and Slavish Nature, is such, as will induce them to believe, that nothing but fear of them, begets those tenders of Pardon and Mercy, and whilst they are prepossessed with Apprehensions of so base a a Composition, and Alloy, offers of Indemnity to their Grandees, is to them Huzza's of Victory.

The next Reason in maintenance of my opinion, is, that giving Pardon to all that lay down Arms, &c. will be a means to enlarge the War: For no doubt the Generality of Men of Estates will make their submission to the English Government, but this outward compliance will only render them the more useful to their own Party, both in respect of giving them Intelligence, and Advice, and of supplying them with Money, which they may receive out of their Estates in the English Quarters, and their Friends out of that in the Irish.

It seems a vulgar, and dangerous errour to believe, that taking away the Men of Estates from the Irish, will be a means of obliging the rest to submit, whereas it rather portends the quite contrary, and I'm really of opinion, that the Irish Ambition is nothing beyond having them in their Quarters.

This renders them formidable in the opinion of their own Party, that they should be so courted, and sortifies the Commonalty with an Assurance, [Page] that when matters are come to the worst, they can have recourse to a Pardon.

This may be deemed a Maxim of War calculated for the World of the Moon, that upon a Rebellion, the men of Estates, and Leaders into it, as soon as they have formed an Army and headed them, till they had seized upon all the English Estates, should then be invited to Pardon, and thereby be capacitated to attend, not only the present success of this, but of another Rebellion: which as it has been a practice too frequently pursued in the English Conquests of Ireland, as its fatal Consequences have but too fully evinc'd; so is it matter of Astonishment, and Admiration to see the same measures re-assumed in the present juncture

This seems an Invitation to them to Rebel, to vouchsafe a pardon to such, by whose influence and example the inferiour sort have been prompted, and instigated to it: For the Rabble are not capable of making an head, but by the Government, and direction of their Superiors; but when once they are gathered into a body, they are then more easily managed, and commanded without them: And 'tis doubtless a signal advancement to their common interest and design, to protect, and preserve them 'till the next opportunity presents, of making another attempt.

On the contrary, it appears to be much more reasonable, to believe, that the pardoning the Populace, and excluding their Commanders, would be a more expeditious Expedient whereby to obtain the Kingdom: For though the Irish Heads of their Clans influence the Common People, whilst the Lands, and Herds follow them, yet that homage, and Dependance, [Page] ceaseth of course, when they are divested of both. This common experience evinceth to be true, by shewing how careless and unnatural the vulgar Irish are to their Grandees, when they find it their interest not to adhere to them.

This would quickly receive a Demonstration, if a Proclamation were issued forth, extending only to Private, and Inferiour men, or at least to none exceeding the degree of a Captain.

Before the late King James's Accession to the Crown, men rarely heard the poorer sort speak of their Old Lords, but with sad Complaints, that they had ever been the occasion of their ruin; and whatever they now do, proceeded more from a dependence upon Foreign aid, than any Confidence they placed either in their Chieftians, or themselves

And if now an Experiment were made, which they would adhere to, whether their English, or Irish Landlords? This would no longer remain a Question, for they are by so much the more sensible of the great advantages derived to them from the English Government, by how much they are possessed with a deep sense and apprehension of their present Sufferings, under their own, or rather French Tyranny, when the English Farthing is become their Sixpence.

It is not rational for Men to adhere to such as are in no capacity, either of securing themselves, or their Dependants: Separate them from the opinion of Foreign Assistance, and they will soon despair of their own Strength, and forsake their Grandees; but to reduce them by pardoning their Lords, is (if it should take) the only way to fix [Page] them perpetually to them, and suggest to them an opinion, that they are very considerable abroad in their Foreign Alliance; or else, That the English would not make court to them at home, when they are at their Devotion, and lie at their mercy, as now they must be own'd to do.

Besides, the bringing in the common People by their Lords, is to make them own their Deliverance to them, and consequently to be under a stricter and more indispensable obligation of homage and subjection to them, than formerly; which (I presume) would be a thing neither honourable nor safe.

The ordinary People have no inclination to travailing, no, not so much as removing from one Province to another. Let them but enjoy the conveniency of returning to their Cabins, and of living quietly under the protection and security of the English Laws and Government, and they will account to have made a very good and advantagious exchange.

Thus having, in general terms, described the present constitution and circumstances of the Irish, I shall now descend to particulars, and first look back into their ancient forms and modes of Government, before the arrival of the English in that Kingdom, which nearly resembled that of the Arabs, though not so regular: for their chief regard was to the Power and Force of him that govern'd, not to the Right of Succession; it was enough, if he were of the same Family, whether Brother or Son. Elder or Younger, and in proportion to these wild Maxims, they enjoyed their Estates. He that was accounted the most Warlike, or more truly speaking [Page] most barbarous, the rest of the Family submitted to him.

This Savage Custom prevailed upon them till the coming of the English, whose presence among them gave some check to it; yet could never be extirpated, till the English Laws and Government were established in their Country, which to this day (notwithstanding their present Usurpation) they cannot but acknowledge to be an Happy Conquest; but though the advantages of it be great to themselves, yet there are many of them so unreasonably prepossest in favour of their former Confusion, or rather in prejudice to their present Change, because done by the English, as to wish again for their Onions and Garlick of Aegypt, and to anathematize the best Reform'd amongst them, for introducing the English Customes and Restraints upon a Free People, as they accounted themselves, when indeed they were but Slaves to their own Brutality and Lust.

I shall not stuff Paper with what our Chronicles and Histories of Ireland relate, as to the Title and Interest of England to that Kingdom, nor repeat the Treasure of Blood and Coin it has cost, to preserve it under the English Government; but shall only observe to the Reader, that it never continu'd so long without a Deluge of Blood, as in the late Calm and peaceable Interval, since the War of Forty One, which was not ended till Fifty Three, nor the Kingdom setled till Sixty Three. So that by a proper computation, it was not perfectly quiet in the possession of the British Protestants above Twenty Two years; for we must commence the date of our Troubles in that Kingdom from the Late King's ascending the Throne. This is then but [Page] a short Rest of Twenty two years for that desolate Kingdom, (tired with the long fatigues of a constant War, and almost all its British Veins quite emptied of Protestant Blood) and yet the longest and most profitable that ever the English enjoy'd there, much of which is attributed to the Conquest of Cromwell, who thought it a diminution to his Honour, to condescend to any terms with so base an Enemy; and had not the Interest of their Patron, the late King, prevailed in the Settlement of that Nation, but lest them in the same condition they were found in at the Restauration of King CHARLES the Second, Ireland had been in the greatest Tranquillity of any of the three Kingdoms, and consequently an entire Interest for our Deliverer, His present Majesty.

It is now a matter deserving our consideration, Whether that Kingdom, as it remains in the Irish and French hands (whether by both or either united) it can be reasonably suppos'd to with▪ stand His Majesty's Forces and Subjects in that Kingdom.

In order to which, first reflect upon the Irish, as to their Commanders; and secondly, as to their Troops.

First, As to their Commanders; Notwithstanding that they boast of some few Colonels, and inferiour Officers, yet they cannot nominate one Man that ever actually did or can Command a Field. Their great Captain Justin Mac Carthy might be as good in a Cellar as any General in Europe; but in a Field (as the King of Denmark said of him, when he was sent to him) his Army must not be commanded by Glass-Eyes.

[Page]Their Offi [...]ers being thus mean, their Troops are next to be considered, and they perchance in the general, are the most abject wretches in the world▪ taken by force from the Spade and Cabin, who by Blows and continual Instruction, were brought to handle their Arms, but not one in ten can fire a Musquet without shut eyes and a trembling hand. I speak not this at randome, or by hear-say, but upon good grounds. 'Tis true, their Horse are better, but yet we have had a demonstration of their behaviour and all their actions in the North.

This being a true Character of their own Force, their dependence must be upon the French Auxiliaries, to supply these Defects; but how that suits with the Irish Interest and Design is not difficult to imagine.

The Irish Gentry (for I must say that the common People desire not War with the English) put themselves upon this Rebellion, not so much out of a Loyal Adherence to their King, as to be free Lords of the Soil, and are now under no predominancy, if they are capable by their own strength to continue their Deliverance, otherwise they had better be under the English mild Government than the French Arbitrary Power, whose cruel Tyranny to his native Subjects affords no Invitation or Encouragement to others, to put themselves under it.

By this short Enquiry, it seems plain, That the present posture of Affairs in Ireland, are not in so good a disposition, as to entitle those wretched People to demand terms, but rather to throw themselves upon and acquiesce in the King's Mercy; and that to descend to Capitulations with them, much [Page] more to give their Leaders Pardon, is to encourage and revive a running Enemy.

If then it be granted, That they are not in a capacity to oppose the Arms of England, and that one Fourth of the Kingdom is already in the actual possession of the Protestants, the best of the Irish Forces lost, and that many of them living have laid down their Arms. This being premised, the next thing to be considered, is, What Motives there are for giving Pardon to their Chief Commanders, and those which are insisted upon are two.

The first is, That by giving a General Pardon, the Kingdom will be the sooner gain'd.

The second, That a Pardon will preserve the Towns and Cities, which the Irish will burn, if made desperate.

To the first of these I shall return a two sold Answer.

First, That a Pardon to the Chief Lords and Men of Estates, will not affect the Army, for that few of them are consider'd there as Souldiers, in regard that other men, subordinate to them, are the Commanders and Leaders in the Army; so that pardoning them secures not the men of action, who lie under such circumstances as a general Pardon will not free them from.

Secondly, A Pardon for all Crimes and Misdemeanours relating to the Crown, will be no Security to the private Souldiers, Captains, Lieutenants, &c. my Reason is, For that all the Robberies and Spoils done to the English, were committed by such, though at the secret instigation and encouragement of their Great ones. Now the English cannot prefer [Page] an Action at Law against any but these private men; and if thereby they become obliged (as in Justice they ought) to make restitution of what they have made a violent Seizure from the other, that must certainly bring on their inevitable Ruin, which will make it as equal to them to die in the Field as in a Gaol.

And now, as to the second Motive, That a General Pardon will prevent Burning and other Devastations, I answer, That it will have the quite contrary effect, and consequently be an occasion of more Mischief; which I undertake to demonstrate from the following reasons.

First, It is an unalterable Maxim, rivetted amongst [...]em, as well by the Principles of their Religion as natural genius and common Custom, to do as much Mischief as they possibly can to the Protestants; and as soon as they receive an account of this Pardon, will be very industrious to leave what marks they can of their inveterate Fury; and 'tis possible for them to effect this in a days time throughout the Kingdom, and yet keep within the compass of their Pardon.

Secondly, This General Pardon will not prevent Burning and other destructive Arts of the English Plantations, but rather promote them; for that their Lords being reinvested in their Estates, will consider, That if the English Houses and Improvements be destroyed, their Estates will be the sooner inhabited, for that the English coming in poor, will have nothing to build or improve their Estates: so that in course, the Irish Lands must be first Peopl'd.

[Page]For these reasons it seems evident, That a General Pardon will not have the effect propos'd, neither as to the more expeditious reduction of that Kingdom, nor for the preventing of the Ruin and Devastation feared from the Irish.

The next consideration, in order to the former, is, What Mischiefs will attend a General Pardon, and how it will affect the English or British Interest; which shall be laid down in these seven following particulars.

First, It will be an encouragement to the Irish, to commit the same Outrages again, and will animate them to an embracing of the first opportunity, which they have now more reason to expect to prove favourable to them, than formerly, since that the French are engaged with them in one bottom, and are link'd together in a general Interest, as being (as 'tis said) by vertue of the late Compact, entituled to a share in the Kingdom. Now, if at any time the French should be at leisure, by concluding of a Peace with his Enemies abroad, he may, at pleasure, pour an Army into Ireland, where the Natives there will be in a readiness to give them a kind reception, and that without hardly exposing themselves to any hazard, in regard that they will suppose that they will be no Losers by it. Since a Pardon attends their greatest Outrages, the worst that can ensue, will be only to bring them in, and to secure them from committing more.

Secondly, It will enrich the Irish, and impoverish the English, who, at a moderate computation, may be deem'd to have lost in Personal Estates, Money, Goods, and Cattel, to a greater value than the Land [Page] of the whole Kingdom amounts to, all which is in the possession of the Irish, which as it renders the Protestants of little use in defence of the Kingdom, so on the other side, it strengthens the hands of the Irish, and makes them formidable and very capable of raising disturbances in it. Money commands Men, and Men command Kingdoms, and the Irish were never since the Conquest, Masters of more, if they pass unquestioned, with the Personal Estates of the British Protestants.

Thirdly, It will be the irresistible Ruin of the Protestants of that Kingdom, seeing that all the Tenants are despoiled of their Stocks; so that a Tenant having no Cattel to put upon his Land, can consequently pay no Rent, nor be capable of living in the Kingdom. A Calamity better indeed exprest with Tears than Ink; and 'tis no small addition to so lamentable a subject, to see some Thousands, that twelve months ago, and less, lived perhaps as plentifully as any People of Europe, at this day Wandring Beggars, and some perishing in the Fields for want of Sustenance, as they must inevitably do, if Ireland were in the English hands tomorrow, upon the Conditions of a General Pardon to the Natives. Great (I had almost said, infinite) numbers there are, that in November last lost personal Estates, to the value of Thousands, not having now Clothes to their Backs, nor Bread to eat.

They are now scattered through this Kingdom, some relieved by the Benevolence of their Relations, others by the publick Charity of the Kingdom, and by reason of the distance of their abode, are the less remarkable; but when once they meet together [Page] in the same place, from whence they were expell'd by Irish Robberies and the like acts of an inhumane violence, it may reasonably be said of them, as of the Prophet's dry Bones, Can these live? and his return will be the proper answer, Thou Lord, knowest. For, should they have no Reprize on the Irish Estates, they must inevitably perish at the very doors of their Enemies.

Fourthly, As this will ruin all men of Personal Estates, so will it also have the same effect upon those of Real: For, their Tenants being lost, their Lands must of Course lie waste, and even quite depopulated: For, the Landlords of Ireland were as well stripped of their Personal Estates, as their Tenants, and generally came for England, with as small a Provision for their Subsistence in it; so that in their return, they will not have a Penny to buy Stock, nor a Bed to lie upon.

Fifthly, As it destroys all the Protestants that have, or had, an Interest in the Kingdom; so it for ever deterrs any new Planters. It can never be forgotten, That in the midst of Peace a Nation was destroyed in a day, and the Authors indemnified that did it.

Who will adventure themselves in such a Country, or, at least, attempt to go to a place that lies at the mercy and devotion of Savages, and is not protected by its Friends.

Sixthly, A General Pardon will make it a perpetual Charge to England, as well as place it beyond a possibility of its reimbursing the expence its reduction will now contract upon this Nation; besides [Page] the apparent hazard of multiplying the like charge and trouble, by being expos'd to the same Work in a few years again; for, as long as their Grandees enjoy their Estates, they will influence the populace, so as to have them at their beck, for any design, which they will not be wanting to promote, against the Government.

Seventhly, A General Pardon will be the only Instrument of preserving all the Irish in the Kingdom, and for the reasons already mentioned, of diminishing the English, which will make it a perfect Irish Colony, who are wonderfully productive of their Breed, and must therefore necessarily be kept in Obedience, by a powerful Army, which will be very expensive to the CROWN, for that it is the English Trade and Consumption, that made the Revenue of Ireland, which sinking to a low ebb, must be supplied out of England.

These Reasons, being allowed to be of force, against granting of a General Pardon to the Irish; I will in the next place offer what seems an Expedient in this Affair, whereby the Irish may not be made desperate, nor yet the losing Protestants irrecoverably ruined: but that both the one and the other, may be rendered useful to the King and Kingdom, and yet even the Irish not excluded from his Majesty's mercy.

I cannot undertake so much as a regular computation of the Numbers of the Irish, but know in one County where the Protestants were numbered 700, the Papists amounted to 7000. And tho' other Counties of that Kingdom are better planted with British, yet at the [Page] lowest, and most moderate reckoning, there is above five Irish for one British.

Now if of so many Millions (for it is not to be supposed that one Irish Papist in that Kingdom is, or indeed can be free, both as a Native, and as of that Communion, as not being admitted to Mass, or Confession, a prohibition from either of which they believe to be Damnable, that joins not in the Extirpation of Hereticks) an Hundred should be excepted from Pardon, could this reasonably be interpreted an Act of Severity, or a design to extirpate a People: Do we find in any Story such a Decimation? Pardon me, that I use the word so improperly, for here is not one of Twenty Thousand taken off: if such moderate Justice can be excused to the Protestants, it can deserve no less then Adoration from the Papists, nor could such a Miraculous Mercy proceed from any Monarch, or Religion, but ours.

Notwithstanding all which, 'tis matter of admiration to see the Shimeis of our Age (the Family of Saul) throw up the Dust of their Cloven Feet, and scurrilously call our David a Man of Blood; though to this day, he has not suffered one drop to be spilt: but in his Royal Will carefully imitates the exemplary goodness of his Blessed Master, who in the discharge of his Embassy into this lower World, affirms, That the design of his Negotiation, was not, to destroy, but to preserve the Lives of Men: And even in the Pardon proposed, the Exception is under Eighty, and though all of them so notoriously immersed in Blood and Rapin, that the very Cannibals would deem them quite divested of Humanity; yet His Majesty leaves a Door of Mercy, wherein for them to enter, if they will but testifie by [Page] their Actions, that they strive to merit an Admission.

But when this does justly silence the Enemies of God, and the King, as it reasonably ought to do, yet they will still impertinently object, That though the Lives of these men, may be so wrapt up by their own behaviour, as to render them capable of meriting their preservation, yet their Estates must be sacrificed to the Resentments of the present Government: and to make their Seditious noise, carry some sound of truth, they sum up their Estates by Multiplication, and that to thrice as much as they really amount to.

But why do not these Iusticiaries who express so great a care, and sollicitude for the Irish, give us an account of what the British have been deprived of, which is so great, that all the Irish Papists Estates of that Kingdom, were they to be sold, could not make satisfaction for one Moiety, which they have robbed the Protestants of, in their Personal Substance.

But I hear some of them say, by an equal Parity of Reason, that the British desire satisfaction out of Irish-mens Estates; Merchants may expect reparation for their losses at Sea out of Prizes taken by the King's Ships. This Argument may well be thought to proceed from men of Abdicated sense, as well as Interest: For pray, wherein consists the Parallel? Merchants venture themselves with the expectation of divers Accidents, and Contingencies, and accordingly lay their designs of profit in a form proportionable to their hazards.

And to shew the Consideration, the Government has for them, and what relief they are to expect upon a loss at Sea, the Parliament provided in the Statute [Page] for Subsidies of Tunnage, and Poundage, that in such Cases, they should receive back the Customs they paid.

Now though it be impossible to run the Comparison, yet the Gentlemen of Ireland, I durst be Guarantee for, will thankfully acknowledge the like satisfaction: Give them but as much as they have paid in Quit rent, Taxes, Harth-money, Customs, and Excise, since they were put into a Legal Possession of that Kingdom by King Charles the Second, and they will desire no more.

I confess these Pot-guns of the Jacobites are not worth answering, yet I cannot forbear mentioning one thing more:

Who are they that commit Robberies at Sea? if Pirates, and especially of the King's Subjects, are they treated like Enemies of War? And will they be established in a quiet, and peaceable possession of what they have robbed from their fellow-Subjects? The case is the same in Ireland: Our fellow-Subjects, for so they were entitled, before this Rebellion; set upon their quiet and innocent Neighbours, and seized violently upon their whole substance. How equal the Parallel then is, of losing Ships at Sea by a Foreign Enemy, and such Robbers at home, a Child may judge.

But to come to that I propose as an Expedient to answer the thing designed, (viz.) a quick and easie Conquest of Ireland.

In the pursuit of this Topick, the Question that will arise from it, will be, whether pardoning the Commonalty in general, and excepting some few of the Grandees, or pardoning the chief men with the Commonalty, under the same Qualifications, will [Page] most contribute to the safe and effectual reduction of that Kingdom.

I shall espouse the first of these, by asserting, That pardoning the Commonalty, and excepting some of their greatest men, will soonest prevail, and that for these three Reasons

First, Pardoning the Commonalty, and excepting some of their chiefest men, will encourage the Populace to submit upon that very assurance, and consequently upon their own bottom, without any dependance upon the Heads of their Clans; which of how contemptible a consideration soever it may appear to some, is certainly a matter of the greatest moment in the Reduction of that Kingdom. For 'tis as well the assiduous contrivance, as common interest of the Irish Grandees, to keep the Commonalty under the Circumstances of a constant dependence upon them, endeavouring to possess them with an opinion, that 'tis by their means, and upon their account only, that the others obtain terms and security, by which politick influence upon the ordinary sort, in the closing of one Rebellion, they lay a foundation for, and so not only give Birth, but add Fuel to another: For the Heads of Clans, as well by themselves, as by the co▪operating instigation of their Priests, carefully instil into the Ignorant Multitude, that let them make an insurrection when they please, they can incur no danger; for at the utmost extremity of things they are, and must ever be the Grand Instruments of their Preservation: Let them be never so deeply involved in Blood and Rapin, yet that their power and interest is such, as must necessarily bring them off: They are the Tall Cedars, that can at any time defend the lower Shrubs, and what need they fear, since they are under so strong a [Page] Guard, and Protection, whose Persons are so formidable, as well as inviolable to the English, as always to shield them from harm.

But if this deluded Mobile see, that the King has no regard to their Leaders, but on the contrary excludes the greatest of them from Pardon; this will demonstrate to them, that 'tis his Royal Mercy, not the interest of their Lords, that must preserve them: This will remove the opinion of their dependance upon their Lords, and consequently oblige them to suitable apprehensions of His Majesty's Clemency to them; by which means deriving their preservation from the Crown, they will wholly depend upon it: whereas they never were yet separated from the interest of their Clans, but in those few years of Cromwel's Government, the good effect whereof those who were Eye-witnesses of it in Ireland, and now living, can give a description; when most of the Commonalty went to Church, and Doors with a Wooden Latch were as secure, as an Iron Grate in the Reign of King Charles the Second.

Secondly, Pardoning the Commonalty, without any dependence upon their Commanders, being extended as a matter of meer Grace and Princely favour to them, will possess those poor people with apprehensions of the good Inclinations of the English towards them, which will induce them to a ready submission.

They (as most barbarous People) are generally of Diffident, and Timorous Natures, and 'tis with some difficulty, that they can be prevailed upon to believe, that their Crimes shall be forgiven. This, I suppose, may proceed from the fierceness, and cruelty of their own Dispositions, as not looking for those unexpected returns of kindness from such, whom they have testified [Page] so Implacable an Aversion, and Prejudice against.

Now whilst they crowd under their Leaders, they are fostered up in that Opinion, which the way prescribed of reducing them, will take them off, and make them sensible that the Protestants look not on them as the Authors, but the forced Instruments of this Rebellion; which, when they are made apprehensive of, will soon divert the stream from its former Current, and their private Soldiers will fly from their marked out Commanders, as from a Plague, or publick Contagion. Now that this is no Novel Notion, their very practice in former Rebellions does fully evince, when the Father to save his own, would betray his Sons Life, which was the usual method throughout the whole Kingdom: Neither is it in the power of their Priests (how Arbitrary soever in the exercise of their Function) to govern, or restrain them longer, than whilst their own Party can protect them; their Secular, carrying so great a Predominancy over their Spiritual Interest, as makes them inseparable Slaves to their Cow, and Pottato-Garden; and he only commands them that is Lord of the Soil, without any regard to Proximity of Blood, or Ancient Property.

But to proceed to my Third Reason, That pardoning the Commons, is the ready way to put a period to the Rebellion: Our Laws, as well as Reason acquaint us, That the King's General Pardon is no security to any private man for personal actions, for any Robberies, or Mischiefs done to the Protestants. Now all the waste, and havock committed in Ireland, was done by the Commonalty, though by private orders, [Page] and instructions of their Leaders, and to their greatest profit.

These men will be told by their Lawyers, That this Pardon is but a snare to bring them in, and that private Actions which will be commenced against them, will rot them in Gaol.

But the General Pardon excepting so many men of Estates, and in express words declaring that they shall be converted to a restitution of what the Protestants have lost, this will quiet, and allay the fears of the Commonalty, that they shall be free from Actions and Suits at Law, by the satisfaction the Estates of their Commanders will make.

If these Reasons be allowed sufficient for the confirmation of what they are alledged, the next thing that falls under our present Consideration, is, What Settlement will most effectually conduce for the speedy planting of that Kingdom: for that there is too apparent Reasons to fear, that the greatest part of the Farmers, and Traders are now incapacitated, and consequently can be of little use, or benefit, till something be raised to put them in stock; so that it must necessarily be a new People that must bring that upon the Wheel, for it is not visible how the late English, or British Interest can make it more.

Now to invite both His Majesties Subjects, as well as Foreigners of the Reformed Religion, into that Kingdom, these things offer to their encouragement.

First, To take off the Umbrage and Fears of new Rebellions.

And to give a rational prospect and assurance of advantage to such as shall come there, for the future.

[Page]For the First, to remove the fears, which men are generally possess'd with of Insurrections in that Kingdom, there needs a retrospection into that Government, since its first Conquest by the British, and then see the success it had: which useful Animadversion will naturally lead men to a consideration of what misfortunes and miscarriages it has since been incident to; and to what in a more especial manner it has been of late obnoxious; it being a received Maxim, as well in the Body Politick, as Natural, that the most secure way of applying a wholesome Remedy, is first to make a right discovery of the Disease.

The Deportment of the English in their first Government of Ireland was managed with abundance of Candour, and Generosity of Temper, by all means and ways imaginable, indulging a Savage People over-run with rudeness and barbarity: and seeing that they were then united in the Principles of one Religion, it might be conjectured no artful undertaking, or task of extream difficulty, to reduce them to an entire obedience to the Civil Government, who stood so unanimously well affected to that of the Ecclesiastical.

But it was afterwards found a Work of a far different nature, and much harder to effect, to reform the Errors and Innovations introduced into their Church, than to propagate Christianity, where it was never established before: the Irish hating, in religious matters, what came from the English Clergy; and so inveterate they were against their Reformers, that they would anathematize all such as seem'd inclined to favour them, giving it in strict Charge to their Children, never to imitate the Customs and Manners of the English; which, to create the greater abhorrence [Page] against, as well as to demonstrate their implacable rancour, would (agreeably to their more early nurture and education of their Off-spring) put the first Food into their Mouths with the point of a Sword; a true Hieroglyphick of their savage Cruelty, as well as their expressions were a denotation of their great Barbarity, which they used upon that occasion, Wishing that they might never die, but with a Sword in their hands, in the midst of their enemies.

This Barbarism the English Government thought to eradicate, by reducing them to the more easie Discipline of Civility, and that to be done by the gentle methods of Kindness, and a favourable Indulgence to their Lords and the Heads of Clans, making them Presents, & giving them a legal power over their Followers and Tenants, thereby to wean and alienate them from that Arbitrary Violence which they had usurp'd before; all which, like Honey in a vitiated Stomach, turned to Choler, and they became the greater Enemies to good Laws and Constitutions, by having the opportunity put into their hands of converting them from a regular administration to vile and enormous Abuses.

To this the English Government superadded that powerful Tye of Marriage, that so uniting in Blood might be an Introduction to English Humanity and Civility; but all this was like Corn sown upon Thorns, choaked up by the natural brutality of that ungrateful People, insomuch, that they could not be brought to any part of conformity (no, not in their Garments) to English Fashions, until by Statute-Laws they were compelled to decency: Such an invincible detestation they bore to the Manners and Customs of the British, which recalls to my mind a passage I was in part an eye-witness of: A Gentleman of [Page] the Irish marrying one of Lynster, whose Education there being something refined by conversing with the English, and coming to his own House, according to the Custom of the Country, all his Tenants and Clans, brought in Beefs, Muttons, &c. in a great abundance, and the Lady finding more than could be spent while 'twas fresh, ordered to have some of it powdered up; which these People hearing of, renounced their Lord and Lady, as invaders of their ancient Priviledges and Liberties, which (as they affirm'd) were never violated before in that House, where 'twas never known that Flesh was salted, but on the Trencher.

I must intreat the Reader's Pardon for this digression, and return to the still-mistaken tenderness of the English Government, which was so very indulgent, that though the Irish were never twenty years quiet, and scarce half so long, till King James the First, yet did the Kings and Queens of England not only vouchsafe Pardon, but likewise heapt Creations of great Honour and Dignity upon those who, in the general acceptation, were irreconcileable Enemies both to It and Them. I will not stand to enumerate particulars, but rather referr the Reader to the several Authors that have writ of that Kingdom, and shall only give a succinct account of some passages of the Rebellion of Forty One, too deeply imprinted in the Memories of Men, ever to be eras'd or forgotten, which, if Sir John Davis, that writ so excellently of the Defects of the Kings of England in the Civil Policy, in the Government of Ireland, had lived to be a Spectator of, he would have enlarged that admirable Discourse, in which he prophetically lamented what we have by two Rebellions since fatally found true: In the Rebellion of Forty [Page]One, their barbarous and inhumane Massacres demonstrated to the World the cruel design of the Irish, quite to extirpate and destroy the whole Race and Progeny of the British, which in their former Insurrections they had in some measure spared, but were resolved to correct that Errour in this, which they looked upon themselves to have been guilty of in former Rebellions, and as a demonstration of their carefulness in the execution of so damnable a Design, there was not found Five of the Roman Catholicks innocent, though they cannot but acknowledge, but that even in the time of Cromwel's Government they had fair Trials, and no Articles entred into with them, but were most inviolably and punctually observ'd, even to the Priviledges of a little Town call'd Featherd, where, until the Restauration of King Charles the Second, the Irish not only enjoyed their Estates, but had the keeping of their Town, chose their own Officers, &c.

But in all the Promises or Articles made with the Irish, Cromwel observed one standing. Rule, never to give a Pardon for Estate to any of their Grandees, nor grant terms for Priests to remain in the Kingdom. Had the Monarchs of England acted by the same measures before that, I mean, since the Reformation, there had been no such National Revolution in that Kingdom; as the vast multitudes of the Protestant Exiles in this give but too lamentable a proof of, and consequently there had been no occasion for this Discourse: for by that means the Irish could never have been capable of making an Insurrection, and so could not have come under such Circumstances, as to require a Pardon for their Security, not to relate the wonderful good effect which Seven years continuance of that Government [Page] met with in that Kingdom, which was, That most of the Common People went to Church, and some of the discreetest of their men of Estates began to hearken with great attention to Discourses made upon the Fopperies and absurd Innovations of Popery. The Country flourished to a vast degree, grew rich and populous to a Miracle, and had the same Settlement been confirm'd, in which it lay under at the Restauration of King Charles the Second, there had been no possibility left for the effecting of those fatal Mischiefs which have prevail'd with so irresistible a force in that poor Kingdom. But his Mercy to this perfidious People was, upon its first vouchsafing, feared to be an ominous presage of Cruelty to the British Protestants: And we have now but too fatal experience of the truth of what even at that time it portended. By what has been insisted upon, it seems sufficiently plain, That the Success attending the Indulgence of the English Government to the Irish, has alwaies been to enable and animate them to fresh Rebellions, in which their inveterate Genius has fully shewn, That they were never wanting upon the least inviting opportunity, alwaies with open Arms and as ready Hearts embracing the Enemies of England, as their Patrons, in imitation of the vile and ungrateful Carriage of the Samaritans to the Jews, whom they owned as Brethren, when they were in Prosperity, and stood in need of their assistance and protection; but disclaim'd all kind of relation or affinity to them, when they were distrest by other Nations, and so either called for their Relief, or else supposing that the Enemies of the Jews would proceed against them as their Friends and Confederates, resolved to untwist all the Bonds of their Alliance, and to side with the common [Page] Adversary, when it appeared to be for their Interest so to do.

And something parallel to this, is also the demeanour of the Irish toward the Spaniard, who in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth▪ were their Catholick Guardians, from whom they boastingly derived their original Extraction and Descent: Now the Spaniards are their Paltroons, and the French their Deity, and so as Catholick as they pretend, would not stick to make court to the Turk, were he in a capacity to invade England, and to offer them assistance.

The premises of this Discourse seem very copious as to the asserting a necessity of extraordinary acts to take off the fears that, by the experience of former Precedents, may reasonably be judg'd to attend that Kingdom, and to give encouragement for new, as well as for old Inhabitants.

Now there seems nothing possible to secure that Kingdom, but the extirpation of two Setts of Men among them, such as are invested in the greatest Command and Authority over their Bodies; and the Priests and Clergy, who have so absolute a Government over their Souls. For these are the men that have been the great Instruments and Incendiaries of all their Rebellions, that have as well forwarded as headed the easie Multitude, and without whose Instigation the Populace would have submissively acquiesced under, and never appear'd against the British. And if our long experience of former Times and Revolutions be deem'd a competent Testimony in this case, With what greater shew of Reason have we now cause to be afraid of the time to come, especially if we consider the present juncture and Constitution of Affairs? For now the French have found the way into that Kingdom▪ and are [Page] throughly acquainted with the Interest, Situation, Strength, or rather Weakness of it; are entituled to a proportion in it by vertue of the pretended Right of the late King James, and in order to that, have Livery and Seisin given them. This ministers just occasion of fear, that they will give frequent Alarums to that Kingdom, which never had before a foreign Enemy in the bowels of it; the Spaniards seeing but the edges and out-skirts of it, whereas the French industriously pry into every corner, upon the favour of him that delights in the destruction of these Kingdoms, which to facilitate, or rather to the utmost of his power compleat, gives up the distressed innocent Protestants of Ireland into the barbarous hands of the French King, whose Success and Dexterity, though not Inclination, is greater in the Butchering Hereticks, as the good and great King James calls the Protestants of these Kingdoms.

Now, if the common Herd of the Irish be separated from their prime Leaders, and from their Wolves in Sheeps clothing, there will be none left to blow up the Coal of Treason or Sedition among them, or any to head or animate them in it: And the progress of a few years of careful Instruction from our Protestant Clergy, in the Rudiments and first Draughts of our Profession, will initiate them into the more safe Religion and easie Government of the British. Besides, if the French have no Confederates left in that Kingdom, to give them a favourable reception, (as in this case they would not) there would be no great reason to fear them, neither would they dare to attempt the Country without that dependence.

[Page]If it should be thought hard usage to dispossess the Irish-men; it may be answered, that there are Fields of Mercy for the King to extend: and this desired for the preservation of the Protestant Interest, is but a small Enclosure; not one, as I said before, of Twenty: Thousand; nor was there ever greater Criminals up to the Elbows in Protestant Blood in the Rebellion of Forty One: the very same individual men that are engaged in this, found guilty, and once Condemned for that, and how their Estates after forfeiture were torn from the British Protestants, is no secret to the World. Nor is it unknown, that upon their Restauration, in the year One Thousand Six Hundred and Sixty two, above Sixty Thousand Protestants were drove out to seek their Bread, and scattered through the World: This was nothing. But to banish less than an Hundred must be great Cruelty, though men twice guilty of Blood and Treason, and those whose Estates they are in present possession of, stained with neither.

This is a Compendious, as well as an easie way to remove the fears of future Rebellions, and gives good assurance for the time to come, that the Commonalty will be united as one people with the British, when they have neither Lord, nor Priest to follow▪ And when they have no Instructers to bear up the credit of their old Superstition, they will of course become Proselytes to the Protestant Communion; for the people are naturally zealous of their erroneous Traditions, instill'd into them by their Priests, and are of a Credulous Disposition; which shews, that the Authors of these being once removed, the effects will soon cease, and the people for want of their own, will naturally resolve themselves into the Reformed Religion: We know that 'tis a common principle of Mankind, to have some Religion or other; and then most ignorant, and barbarous parts [Page] of the Universe, adore the most Contemptible Beings, rather than be divested of a Deity: which mis-application of their Worship, cannot be thought an Argument, that there is no God, as some Atheistically dispute; but on the contrary, presupposes his▪ Existence to be engraven in such legible Characters, in the minds of men, which so powerfully inclines them to so firm an assent to that infallible truth, as to believe every thing to be a God, rather than that there is none at all: They can easily from a continued Chain, and Concatenation of Subordinate Causes, collect one prime and Metaphysical one; and tho' they do not understand its Nature, they question not its Existence: Thus the Academicks, and Peripateticks, Epicureans, and Stoicks in Cicero, ransack'd the great variety of Nature, some making Fire, some water, some the Four Elements, some Nature it self to be a God; but notwithstanding these mis-apprehensions concerning the true Object of Divine Worship, few, or none questioned a Supream and Independent Being, the great Creator of that admirable Fabrick of the World, of so orderly an Harmony, and Contexture in all its parts, as sufficiently denotes the infinite Wisdom, and Soveraign Power of that Grand Architect, who made Heaven and Earth, the Sea, and all that in them is. This being then a perpetual, and unalterable Instinct in Humane Nature, to embrace some kind of Religion, or other; it must needs follow, that the Irish, when they are debarr'd from their false, must in consequence adhere to the true, and Reformed Worship of God: From which, as the Priests by all the Impious Arts of Romish Policy, endeavour to frighten, and discourage them, by loading it with Ignominious Reproaches of Novelty and Falshood, and of certain Damnation attending the Profession of it; so on the other hand, if these Vermin [Page] were once removed, who poison and corrupt the minds of the people, tincturing them with strong prejudices, against what can be offered, for their confutation by the Protestant Clergy; a more easie access would be obtained for wholsom instruction and advice to enter, and their own reason, together with that of their interest, would beget in them a sober, and more impartial attention, to the excellent frame, and constitution of our Religion, than their present implicit belief of the dictates of their pretended Infallible Church suffer them to be capable of. All Protestants know, that 'tis not possible for Humane Nature to resist those invincible Arguments, which may be urged to them in vindication of our Church, and Religion, if they will but lay aside their Prejudices, and be so just to their own reason, as to give it its true Empire, and Praedominancy in a right judgment, and discriminative determination of truth from errour: This (as I have hinted already) the removal of their Priests, (who delude their Votaries like the Indian Bramins, or such as waited upon the Oracles of old) and a sensible apprehension of the great advantages derived upon themselves, by this strong endearment of their persons unto the English, would abundantly facilitate their Conversion: add to this, a true and lively Character of the Horrid Corruptions, and abuses of their Church, of its notorious degeneracy from its Original Institution, of the distinct times, and periods, of its declension from its former purity, into errour and superstition, upon what occasions, through what Interests, and by what indirect Principles, sinister Maxims, and secular Policies, they were first formed, and introduced; of the strange Artifices, and subtle inventions, and impious Machinations of their Priests, to retain them either in absolute ignorance, or erroneous apprehensions [Page] of Religion; locking up from them the Divine Oracles, lest they should these behold the things that belong unto their Peace, and which are able to make them wise unto Salvation; and consequently would fully discover to them, the great Deformities, and absurd Falshoods, the piae fraudes, Romish Intriegues, and Ʋnwarrantable Equivocations, so universally practised by that pretended Catholick Church: As well as representing how their common Argument of the Novelty of our Religion, may by turning the point to them, be justly retorted upon themselves, in as much that 'tis not we, but they who are the Novelists; not we who relinquished their Communion, but they who forsook that of the Ancient Church: not we, by our separation from their Corruptions, but they by their erroneous Additions to that Faith, which was first delivered unto the Saints: Not we, who reduce all things to the Primitive Standard, but they who have debauched the Principles of Christianity, by their Adulterating Innovations: Not we who (like that of the Jews) were first an independent National Church established in purity of Doctrine, and a wholsome Discipline; but by the Tyranny and Encroachment of this Usurper of an Universal Title, and Jurisdiction, became envassalaged to her heavy Yoak, as the Jews did to that of the Gentiles, and afterwards broke the Brasen Serpent of their Idolatry, pulled down the Images, and cut down the Groves, and took away the high places of their Superstitious Devotion, and reduced our selves to our antient Platform: but they parallel to these heathenish Violations of the Jewish Oeconomy, had introduced such notorious Errors and Corruptions into the Church, as had almost eaten into the Heart and Life of Christianity, and vertually, if not formally, undermined, its very foundation; and then they impertinently demand that irrational [Page] Query, Where was your Religion before Luther? With how much advantage may men return the Argument by demanding where their's was before the Council of Trent? Inasmuch, as ours received its Establishment from our first Conversion to the Faith, from Joseph of Arimathea, Simon Zelotes, or whoever was the first Preacher of Christianity in Britain; but theirs, as it now stands, with its new Articles embodied into the Ancient Creed, which they have made equally necessary to Salvation with the prime Principles of Religion, is of no longer date, than that Council, as the Decisions of it do abundantly evince.

Next to an Impartial unfolding to them the apparent weakness of this pretended Argument of the Novelty of our Religion, the removing of another popular objection, of our granting a possibility of Salvation to men of their Church, and their denying it to those of ours, will be of great use to bring them to our Communion: and how easie is it, to represent to them, the Fallacy of this plain and absolute Sophism? for, do we grant a possibility of Salvation to all in their Church equally, and without any restriction, as the Priests contend for; and would make their rude, and ignorant Votaries believe? Or, is it only in cases of invincible ignorance, and that but a bare possibility; whereas we affirm a certainty of Salvation in our own Church; and can any rational man be supposed to be encouraged by this Concession (if it be any) either to persevere in a Religion which under the most favourable Qualifications that can be imagined, hath but a bare possibility of Salvation, attending it, and that to very few persons; or to espouse that, in preference to another, that hath all the warrantable grounds of a firm certainty, and the most convincing assurance that Religion can be capable of? [Page] Were not this to forsake a secure Ship, and in a Storm to put to Sea upon a Plank? or like an unskilful Pilot, that upon his approach to an Haven, should be told, that there are two different ways that lead to the Port; the one direct, and safe, the other circular, and full of dangerous Rocks and Shelves, and yet should make choice of the latter, because there is a bare possibility of escaping from Shipwrack. Again, granting a bare possibility of Salvation under the aforesaid limitations, is only an effect of Charity in us, and not of the least approbation of their Religion; and herein we imitate the Holy Apostle St. Paul, who as he gave an higher Encomium to this, than to any other Divine Grace: so also acknowledged, that such as built Hay and Stubble upon the Foundation of Christianity, should be saved so as by fire, that is, with difficulty; whereas such as did so, denied the possibility of St. Paul's Salvation, as the Church of Rome does to us. To this we may add the practice of the Orthodox towards the Donatists, who were so favourable in their Constructions of them, although Hereticks, as not to exclude them from the aforesaid possibility; but on the contrary, the Donatists like the Church of Rome, confined Salvation to themselves, and denied it to the Orthodox. But I shall not insist longer upon these Points, referring the Inquisitive Reader, for his more ample satisfaction, to Archbishop Laud's Book against Fisher the Jesuit, and to the Learned Dean of St. Paul's his Vindication of the said Book: But though the brevity designed, hinders me from protracting this Discourse upon this Subject, yet not from making a necessary Apology for what I have said already. Some may perhaps be so Censorious, as to suppose the foregoing Arguments to be designed by the Author, as a Model, or Platform for others to imitate, [Page] or transcribe in the reduction of the Irish Papists to our Church; and therefore to take off that imputation, I think fit in my own defence to make the following Asseveration, That my sole intention in it, proceeded from a pure Zeal to the Reformed Religion, and a desire to shew how easie it might be to work upon the Vulgar Romanists, by these or the like Motives, if their Priests were once removed from them: This, as it would certainly be a very great happiness to the Nation in general, by making it of one interest by being of one Religion; so would it be an act of Transcendent Charity to the Souls of these poor Wretches, who are miserably seduced by the Impious Delusions of their Priests, and with all good men ought to be the principal inducement of prohibiting them a free exercise of their innovated and depraved Superstition, which cannot be effectually accomplished without expelling their Priests out of the Kingdom: And if the British could be so happy as to live, to reap the benefit of the reduction of the Irish to their Church, it might reasonably be hoped, that this present would put a period to all future Rebellions in that Kingdom. To which I may add a Passage of a Country Fellow, who passing through the Rubbidge of London, after the Fire; and seeing a Crowd of people, came up to them, and enquired what was the matter? some answered, that they were waiting for the Committee to settle the Foundations; and one said, they had resolved the Buildings should be on the old Foundation; to which the Countrey Fellow with an Oath replyed, It had been as good then, that London had never been burnt. I leave others to make the Application, and shall only say with Lamentation, that what that poor Fellow spoke ignorantly, is verified of the Protestants of Ireland, who have no other [Page] Expectations to bear up their Spirits in this Deluge of misery, now violently descended upon them; but, that as the Blood of the Martyrs in the Primitive Church increased their Numbers; so this may lay a Foundation, by shewing the indispensable necessity of putting the Irish past the hopes of repeating the like Tragedy, and that nothing but such a method can possibly repair the Ruines of that Kingdom.

I have hitherto been shewing the Miseries and Calamities that have attended the British Plantations, by the frequent Rebellions of the Irish.

And then the Justice of making some Reparation at this time to the Protestants, out of the Estates of some of the most notorious Leaders of this Rebellion.

And have also shewn the great advantage such Justice would derive upon that Kingdom at this time, in new planting it.

I am in the next Remarks to observe, how much it imports England to improve this opportunity, which the Enemies of their publick Peace and Tranquillity have put into their hands: and this is a subject of so copious a nature, as might claim a Treatise by it self; but my design being to awaken, not direct the Wisdom and Conduct of England, I shall only remind them of the Charge and Expence of English Blood that poor distressed Kingdom has already cost, and then lay before them the Advantage that would accrew to England, if Ireland was once reinstated and settled in Protestant hands. That the loss of Men is the greatest misfortune and severest punishment that can arrive to, and be inflicted upon a Nation, is confirmed by the Judgment of an infallible Author. For when the Prophet was sent to David, to offer three things to his choice; [Page] not one of them consisted in depriving him of Treasure, Herds, or Possessions, but every punishment was, the loss of Men.

It is not possible to give an exact account of the numbers, that Caldron of England, as Ireland may be truly call'd, has swallowed up in five hundred years; but according to the best computation that can be made, there has been by War, Famine, and Murders, of the British, more than Twenty Hundred Thousand Souls. By the several accounts in History, of the Supplies sent from England in the Rebellions there, the computation is made too large here to mention the particulars, but may reasonably be believed, if we recount the several Rebellions in Five hundred years, when there was never Twenty years free; and in the last, where some account was taken, it was found to exceed Two Hundred Thousand, and that after not Twenty years of perfect Peace; for although the Kingdom was for the greatest part quiet, during the Reign of King James, and some of that of King Charles the First, yet some places of it were constantly involv'd in Trouble.

It would hardly be believ'd in Story, since there is no precedent, That a Kingdom so frequently conquer'd, and so horribly outragious in their Rebellions and inhumane Massacres, should still be put into the hands of the Rebels, that are implacable in their hatred to their Conquerors; but it has rather been an Infatuation than Mercy in the English, to retain such Serpents in their Bosoms, which nothing can excuse, but that it is a Judgment of God to blind the Eyes of his People in this matter, that so these Philistines may be left to punish the Sins of these Nations, who have reason to repent for their past Omissions, and to pray that they may [Page] never more be incident to the same Errour and Miscarriage, lest the Message of the Prophet Ahab be ours, Because thou hast let go out of thy hand, &c.

After the loss of that which comprehends it, 'twill appear vain to mention the Treasure this Kingdom has buried there, but it is an additional aggravation to our other Misfortunes, and had half of it been expended in other Adventures, it might have been return'd with greater advantage than the whole Kingdom of Ireland has hitherto been worth: Not but that it is obvious to every eye, that Europe cannot shew such a spot of Ground, that may deserve the Motto Trajan gave to his Money in reference to Dacia, which applying to this fertile Island, we may thus express, Hiberniae Abundantia.

Having thus hinted at the Losses which England has sustain'd by Indulgence given to the Irish, I now come to discuss those Advantages which would accrue to this Kingdom, if regard were had in the next Settlement to the British Protestants, that have their Dependence in that Country.

And not to trouble the Reader with what he may see put forth, by a more accurate Pen, in that ingenious Discourse of the Interest of England in the preservation of Ireland: I shall only name some few things by him omitted, and first shew, That Ireland might be made a Nursery for Seamen to England; which upon too frequent experience is found to be so much wanting, that upon every Marine War, the Merchants Ships are forc'd to stay at home, for want of Men to supply them; so that it may be said, (though a Paradox) that by employing [Page] the hands of War, we destroy the Sinews of it, Money, by our Embargoes upon Trade.

Now, since England justly challenges the Priority in Trade, and will by no means admit Ireland to touch the forbidden Fruit, their Navigation, this is the way not only to keep them from transgressing, but also at the same time to employ them in being Fosterers (to use their own Language) to your Navigation, and that is, by keeping them imployed in Fishings. That Island seeming to be set in the Sea, as a Bait for the Inhabitants of the Deep, and might very well imploy Twenty thousand in that Service, which, besides the immense Treasure the product of their Labours would bring to England, this other signal advantage would accrew from it, (viz.) The having so many men at a call, and in actual readiness for the Service of England, since they will never be engag'd in Voyages abroad.

And as Ireland may be a Nursery for Seamen, so is it a Forrest, out of which the wooden, yet invincible, Walls of England may be repaired, the Timber of Ireland being in some respects, and for divers uses, more proper for building Ships, than the freer and clean Oak of England. Nor must we end here, but as we have begun with the Timber for Shipping and brought them on the Stocks, so must not leave them until flown from their Nests, with their Wings spread at Sea; it being practicable to build, rigg, and even from the Vane at the Topmast-head to the Bolt in the Keel, to set out a Ship to Sea from Ireland. I have seen one of two hundred Tunn so fitted, excepting the Sails, which might easily be had, if encouragement were given.

Iron is not wanting in that Kingdom; Flax for white Occum there is in great abundance; as also [Page] Hemp for Cordage, which is made there. And as before I mentioned the encrease of Seamen, so in this I might urge the addition of Ship-Carpenters.

I might enumerate, even to a Volume, the particular instances wherein Ireland may be of use to England, but I shall name for all but two more, that of Iron and the Linnen Manufactory, both of which drain out of England more than all the foreign Commodities imported into it besides: This, without a serious consideration of the Assertion, seems an extravagant Notion; I must therefore, before I pass from it, give some Reasons for my opinion, which be pleas'd to take in the following particulars.

First, The Consumption of Linnen is of greater value than Silks, or any foreign Manufactory; for, not the poorest Beggar at the Door, but bears a proportion in that Commodity.

Secondly, The Importation of Linnen admits of no Improvement nor Exportation to any part of the World, but our own Plantations; but Silks, I mean raw Grogreen, Yarn, Cypress, Cotton, and many foreign Commodities are in England improved and manufactured; so that upon Exportation they fetch into the Kingdom a great part of what was taken out, by the Importation; as is found by experience. The East-India Trade doth, notwithstanding the Gold and Silver carried thither, for purchasing Commodities, that after brought home by Exportation, bring in more ready Money than was sent out for their purchace.

[Page] Linnen and Iron are the Commodities, I mean those of Swedeland and the East Sea, which take from us the least of our Native Commodities, and by that means draw away so much Money, that the Computation being made, has been found to be the loss of England in some Millions by that Trade, of Linnen, &c. of France.

I presume, by these few Instances already nam'd, it will be allowed, That Linnen and Iron carry away the greatest part of the Coin and Treasure of the Kingdom; for Bills of Exchange are the same thing, and allowed so by men of Commerce.

Now, if Ireland, be capable of such a management, as to furnish the same Commodities, this will save the loss of so much Treasure, as yearly goes out of England into foreign parts to purchase them.

Experience is an undeniable Evidence in this case, and that which may be done in part, is not difficult to effect in the whole.

There was in the year before Tyrconnel's accession to the Government of Ireland, transported out of that Kingdom of Iron-pots, Bar-Iron, &c. to the value of more then Twenty Thousand pounds, and the Linnen Manufactory was in so hopeful a Progress, that of it a very considerable value was shipped into England, and afforded cheaper than it can possibly be brought from any parts of the World.

Now, if all that has been discours'd upon this Subject be apparently practicable, and that so vast an improvement may be made of Ireland, for the advantage of England, and that nothing hath been [Page] such an insuperable Obstacle and Impediment unto it, as the great Indulgence given to the Irish, and consequently the fresh instances of Rebellion in that Kingdom, as deriv'd from the former: It seems then extreamly rational to remove those publick Discouragements, by laying a Foundation of future Safety, and of a firm and lasting Peace in that Kingdom, which would invite Inhabitants thither, that might secure that Nation to the CROWN of ENGLAND, with less Cost and greater Returns for that Charge now expended upon it.

I shall close this Discourse with a succinct account of what advantage such a Settlement would bring to His present Majesty, and his Successors; which I shall endeavour to shew in the following particulars.

First, As to the encrease of Subjects, We find that King David, (who was a man after God's own Heart) ambition'd nothing beyond the numbers of his People; and it had not been his Sin, but Glory, to have encreased them; but his fault consisted in this, (viz.) The numbring of them, of which God had made a solemn Promise to the Patriarch Abraham, That they should be as the Stars in Heaven, that cannot be numbred. So said the Angel, Look and see if thou canst count them. This may be inverted in the Story of Ireland, where the numbers slain are harder to be reckoned than are those of the living.

But if there was thought to be near Two millions of Souls in Ireland, at the beginning of this last Ravage, we may reasonably account it possible, [Page] for there to have been five times that number, if Acts of Violence had not put a period to more mens Lives, than that of natural Death: And in proportion to this, With what vast incredible multitudes of men (may we reasonably compute) would these Kingdoms have abounded, and consequently how rich and invincible?

Secondly, How would it contribute to the eternal Fame, and immortalize the Memory of our Gracious and Victorious King, to all Posterity, that under his most Auspicious Reign such an happy Model, and frame of Government should be established, as none of his Predecessors could ever attain unto? Which would verifie that of our great and miraculous Deliverer, which was said of David, And he shall be as the light of the morning when the Sun ariseth.

Thirdly, This would infinitely augment their Majesties Revenue; as to which, that Ireland may be made considerable, is apparent from the several Gradations already made in that Kingdom.

In all the Kings and Queens Reigns precedent to Queen Elizabeth, we hear of nothing, but of sending Money into that Kingdom.

In her Reign there was something raised in the Kingdom, conducing to its support, which was in proportion to the Forfeitures and Abatements of the Irish Interest, for that nothing improved the Receipts but the lessening of them, which made room for more industrious people.

[Page]In the Reign of King James the First, there was a farther Enlargement and Encouragement given to the British Protestants, and accordingly the Revenue encreased from thirty five thousand pounds to fifty.

King Charles the First made some addition to the British Settlement, and by the encouragement of Grants, to strengthen defective Titles, advanc'd the Revenue to eighty thousand pounds, and so incredibly did that Country grow and improve under the hands and industrious management of the British, that where Money was formerly, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, debased twenty pound per Cent, beyond the intrinsick value of Sterling, it came to that pass, that Gold became a Burthen to the Kingdom, and men in their Bargains made exceptions of it in Payment, but the bloody Massacre in Forty One soon put an end to that Flood of Prosperity.

In the Reign of King Charles the Second, upon his Restauration, the Protestants lay under some discouragements, occasioned from their Fears of a Rising from the indulgence given to the Natives, procured by the Interest of the late King James, then Duke of York, whose Darlings and especial Favourites they were, by means of whose interessed regard for them, many (by his powerful sollicitations to his Brother) were restored to their Estates, that were Capital in their Crimes. This gave just occasion of Jealousie to the British Protestants, that most of their Enemies would meet [Page] with the like success; and during this Inundation, the Revenue of Customs and In-land Excise, dwindled to less than 70000 pounds per Annum: But upon the King's better information of the settlement of Ireland, great Encouragements were revived to the Protestants, and then in one year commencing in 1664, the Customes, and import Excise, that upon an exact account made the precedent year but 34000 pounds clear, made 86000: So great an alteration did the promised security of the Protestant Interest, effect in that Kingdom: And in the same proportion did the In-land Excise advance from 36000 to 80000 pounds, and from that time forward, until the Accession of the late King to the Throne, did the Revenue rise, and amount to 140000 in the Import Duty, and above 100000 pounds, in the In-land Excise: But from the Reign of the late King, it daily declined; a plain Demonstration that the Revenue of Ireland, like the Army of the Israelites, prevailed no longer than the hand of Moses was lift up in favour of them.

Now by the same rule of proportion, that the Intradoe of Ireland flourisheth with the growth and increase of the Protestants, may his present Majesty expect the Augmentation of his Revenue, as that Kingdom shall be established in the hands of the British; and were it proper in this Discourse to descend to Particulars, it would be no difficult province to evince, how possible it is for that Kingdom to be improved to double the value it ever yet made to the Crown.

I have now come to a period of my design, and having given a true, and (I hope) Impartial Account of the Nature, Temper, and Constitution of that hitherto unhappy Kingdom, together with a [Page] description of the proper Causes of those dismal Revolutions, and Vicissitudes, which have attended the fortune of its English Inhabitants: I shall in few words Apologize for this Narrative, which I do believe to be the sense of the British Protestants, whose lot is fallen in that Akeldama.

We do not then presume, to anticipate the King's unlimited Clemency to all his Subjects, or desire that it should be wholly engrossed by such as are Protestants, much less to offer Reasons for the utter extirpation of the Natives; but rather wish their Reformation than Confusion; and to the end that they may become our Brethren, as well in Religion, as Temporal Interest, do humbly offer these Remarks, by which (we presume) it doth evidently appear, that without the total remove of their Pestilent Deluders, the Priests, and extirpating the most considerable of their Leaders, and men of Estates, that Kingdom can never be established upon the firm basis of a durable and lasting peace: but on the contrary be exposed to greater danger and distress, than it has ever been subject to, since the Conquest: For, besides the Foreign pretensions that were never so plausible, as now, the English will not be encouraged to plant so readily there, as they have formerly done, by which the Irish will soon fill the Kingdom; and by their Prodigious increase in their numbers, will improve proportionably in their strength, which with assistance from the French, will render them as well invincible in their own thoughts, as really more formidable than ever to the British, and so bring this rising Phoenix to ashes, out of which it can never be expected to revive.

But all our hopes (under the Divine disposer of all things here below) are wrapt up in His present Majesty's [Page] great Wisdom and Conduct, in which, without the least reluctance we chearfully, and most humbly, acquiesce; and agreeably to the Title, and patient submission of our Mephivosheth, make our devout and hearty Prayers, for the Long and Happy Reign of their Majesties.

For we were all but Dead Men, when the Lord our King came for our Deliverance; and if it be his Will, let the Ziba's of that Kingdom take all, so that we may live in Peace, under the benign influence of his Government, who hath saved us from the Jaws of that Roman Beast, which was open to devour not only us, but these Nations, and hath so seasonably preserved us from sinking into an Abyss of Destruction, at a time, when there seemed none to help, or to deliver.

And now that powerful, and all wise Providence, which has so eminently appeared in the preservation of this great Instrument and Protector of the Reformed Religion, give him a wise, and understanding Heart to govern this People, whom he hath sent to save, in such a Miraculous, and extraordinary manner: And bless their Majesties with a Long, Peaceable, and Prosperous Reign in this World, and Crown them with Eternal Glory, and Immortality in the next. Amen.

FINIS.

§

§

[Page]

[Page]

Mephibosheth and Ziba: OR, THE APPEAL OF THE Protestants of Ireland TO THE KING, CONCERNING The Settlement of that KINGDOM.

— [...]. Plat. in Sympos. ex Hesiod.

By the Author of the Mantle Thrown off: Or, The Irish-man Dissected.

§

LICENS'D,

August the 30th. 1689.

LONDON, Printed for R. Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-Yard. MDCLXXXIX.

THE PREFACE TO THE READER.

[Page]

[Page]

IF we compare our present, with all the Circumstances of our late unhappy condition, by descending to a considerate recollection of those desperate Attempts of Arbitrary Government, to violate our Religion, and the Laws, and to enslave these Kingdoms, by a Despotick Invasion upon our just Rights and Properties: we must either account it the signal effects of a wonderful Providence, or else make our Ingratitude as great a Miracle, as was that of our Deliverance: And as we chiefly owe all to that Divine hand, who by his over-ruling influence disposes of Sublunary Affairs, by turning them which way soever he pleases; so must we subordinately to him, ascribe the present Settlement to his Instrument, and the Restorer of our Peace, his now Sacred Majesty. Now as all good men here must needs express the happiness and Tranquillity they enjoy, by acknowledgments of this nature; so it may be presumed, that his Protestant Subjects of Ireland, are not wanting in a right sense of that affectionate tenderness, and regard for their interest and present condition, which his Majesty has graciously vouchsafed [Page] such evincing Demonstrations of. For if the greatness of any danger, does justly require a proportionable estimate upon the Means conducing to a Deliverance from it; then consequently the British Protestants of Ireland are by so much their more obliged unto higher Testimonies of Gratitude, for his Majesty's Princely Endeavours to reinstate them in their Religion, Laws, Liberties, and Possessions, than were those of England, by how much all these were in a greater measure infringed and now actually and totally violated. But as this is a truth, which (by more than bare Arguments of presumption) I fully perswade my self, that no Protestant of that Kingdom, is so insensible of, as to dispute, whatever some unreasonable Male Contents, and Factious Ill-spirited men, fondly attempt to do, that are Inhabitants of this; yet seeing His Majesty has expressed so much condescention, as to vouchsafe liberty to such of them as are in London, to offer their Reasons in the framing up of a Proclamation of Pardon to the Irish Rebels, it might justly be accounted a betraying as well of their Majesties, as of their own interest, not to endeavour by lawful methods, a just preservation of both.

I know it will be difficult for them to avoid a censorious imputation of partiality and prejudice, especially by such as are in the bottom disaffected to them; or rather in the main to the Protestant Cause, how zealously soever they assume the outward shape of it. To this sort of men, the most Candid, and Indifferent representation of the present Insurrection of Ireland, will be looked upon with an evil Eye, and under stood as an effect of Self-Interest. Others there are that may misinterpret their Proceedings, not out of a General Disaffection to the British Protestants, but because at this distance it is impossible for them (how intelligent soever in matters of State and Government) to be throughly acquainted with the Humour and Genius of [Page] the Native Irish, of which none (I presume) can be such Competent Judges as those, who have been long conversant in the Country, and have had the Opportunities of inspecting into all their Affairs, and to observe how their begotted Zeal, their insuperable Cruelty, and aversion to the English, their Natural Inconstancy, and Perfidiousness in the breach of Faith, and the most Sacred and solemn Obligations, which they can possibly lie under, or be engaged in, raised and fomented partly by the vileness of their Tempers, but chiefly by the instigation of their Priests, who are the publick Incendiaries of that Kingdom; and whilst the people are governed by their Arbitrary influence over them, it must happen of course, that such implacable Enemies to the Reformed Religion, will possess their blind and slavish Votaries with a like antipathy, both against it, and its Professors: By which 'tis plain, that if they were well inclined, yet lies it not in their power to be true to the English, the Infallible Dictates of their Priests superseding all other Considerations with them. Not to enumerate their other Qualities, I shall only add their Dexterous Obsequiousness under the Protestant (which has been no small Delusion, and mischief to the too Credulous English) and their insupportable Tyranny and Insolence under their own Government. We usually say, that Experience is the best School-master; and that an Ocular, and Practical, is preferrable to a remote and speculative knowledge, which being a Maxim, Non solum dato, sed concesso, as well granted as allowed on all hands, it must needs follow, that the Protestant Nobility and Gentry of Ireland, are most capable of understanding its proper constitution, and of proposing such Expedients, as my produce the most durable, as well as equal settlement of that Kingdom.

I say, equal settlement, because though their Sufferings have been such, as may in Justice demand a Retribution [Page] from the Invaders of their lawful Possessions; yet on the other hand, do the Principles of their Religion, as well as natural Clemency and Compassion (which their Enemies even in the late Reign, could not but acknowledge, how far soever they were from imitating them) restrain them from thoughts of Blood, and from a mutual exercise, and return of the like measures of Severity, which have been shewn to them, their Profession not allowing them any such Latitude, as to do evil that good may come of it; seeing that the Apostle has thought fit to pass Sentence upon that unlawful Practice, so common in, and peculiar to the Church of Rome, by that plain Asseveration, that their Damnation is just.

But though both their Religion, and, their Natures, carry a powerfull propension in them to acts of Mercy; yet neither (I suppose) will debar them from recovering of their own, by having justice done upon such, as have violently rent it from them; nor will yet hinder them from taking such justifiable, but effectual courses, as may incapacitate their Adversaries to commit the like for the future: And besides the common equity, we may draw the reasonableness of the first of these, from the pungent necessity, which the English are reduced to through the Rapin, and Outrages of the Irish, especially such whose substance consisted chiefly in Personal Estates, for which if they should have no compensation from their injurers, such, by consequence, must (notwithstanding the reduction of that Kingdom) remain in a miserable, and distressed, who liv'd formerly in a very opulent, and comfortable condition: And then as to others who have real Estates to return to, (tho' they have likewise incurred great losses in their Stock, &c.) yet I perswade my self, that there are hardly any of them, but would desire to be divested of both, and to continue in their present Exile, under all the hardships of an indigent and mean Estate, rather than return to their own [Page] with the conditions of a General Pardon, and Indemnity to the Irish; who are so naturally, I had almost said essentially prone to Rebellion, as to grasp at the next opportunity, which must needs end in the inevitable ruine, and final Extirpation of the British.

A serious Consideration upon all which, has by a natural Sympathy to my distressed Countrey-men, as well as out of an hearty Zeal to Religion, and a due regard to the preservation of the Protestant Interest, incited me to commit the following Sheets to publick view: for which boldness, I could expect no pardon, if a matter of so universal a nature, as is the settlement of a Nation, did not with all Candid and Judicious men, give a great allowance to the infirmities of so honest a design. And tho' I heartily wish, that some more accurate Pen would undertake the Subject, the neglect whereof seems to be an unpardonable omission in those, whose Learning and Parts entitle them to an ingenious defence both of themselves, and others in that Kingdom; yet their silence in a juncture, and upon an occasion, which so nearly concerns them, if they have a due regard to their Religion, and to a firm and lasting settlement of their Country, made me choose rather to say something, tho' impertinently, than to be wanting altogether to the maintenance of so good a Cause, wherein men of Learned Education, and of a great interest in that Kingdom, are unaccountably defective; excepting that Ingenious Gentleman Colonel Phillips, to whose Character and Vindication of Ireland, that Nation stands infinitely indebted. Another reason to the former, is, in pursuance to a Letter dated from Tunbridge, and writ to a Friend in London upon this occasion, wherein I promised a larger Discourse; and to make my word good, have adventured upon the following Tract; in which the Reader will find the substance of that Letter, together with many other ample, and additional Improvements, the design whereof (to represent it in a [Page] word) is to shew how improper it is to vouchsafe a Pardon to the Nobility and Gentry of the Irish Papists, in order to reduce the Populace to Obedience; but that the quite contrary, is the best method, as well for a safe and durable, as for a ready and expeditious Conquest of that Kingdom, &c. But I will detain you no longer in the Porch, but send yon to the Main Work in the ensuing Relation.

Information about this book

Title statement

Mephibosheth and Ziba, or, The appeal of the Protestants of Ireland to the King concerning the settlement of that kingdom by the author of The mantle thrown off, or, The Irish-man dissected.

H. B.

Edition statement

1689

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Text Creation Partnership,

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2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A30918

ID [STC]

Wing B76

ID [STC]

ESTC R8543

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12530000

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12530000

ID [VID]

62756

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A30918)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62756)

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— Mephibosheth and Ziba, or, The appeal of the Protestants of Ireland to the King concerning the settlement of that kingdom by the author of The mantle thrown off, or, The Irish-man dissected., H. B..

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[8], 63 p.

Printed for R. Chiswell ...,. London :: 1689.. (H.B. is the author of The mantle thrown off.) (Reproduction of original in Huntington Library.)

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