The four epistles of A.G. Busbequius concerning his embassy into Turkey being remarks upon the religion, customs, riches, strength and government of that people : as also a description of their chief cities, and places of trade and commerce : to which is added, his advice how to manage war against the Turks / done into English. — Legationis Turcicae epistolae quatuor. English

The four epistles of A.G. Busbequius concerning his embassy into Turkey being remarks upon the religion, customs, riches, strength and government of that people : as also a description of their chief cities, and places of trade and commerce : to which is added, his advice how to manage war against the Turks / done into English. — Legationis Turcicae epistolae quatuor. English

Table of contents

Title page

To the Right Honorable POWLETT St. JOHN, EARL of BOLINGBROOKE, And Baron of St. Iohn of Bletsoe.

The Four EPISTLES OF Augerius, Gislenius, Busbequius, Concerning his Embassy into TVRKY.

EPISTLE I.

EPISTLE II.

EPISTLE III.

THE FOURTH AND LAST EPISTLE.

BUSBECKEUS HIS ADVICE About the Method how to manage WAR against the TURKS.

The ORATION of Ebraim Strotschen, a Polonian, sent Ambassador by Solyman Emperor of the Turks, to Ferdinand the First, Emperor of Germany, made at Frankfort on the Main, before the States of the Empire, in the Sclavonick Tongue. Nov. 27. 1562.

The COPY of the Prudential Letters given to the said Ambassador by his Master, upon the Eight Years Truce, by the German Emperor.

The Names and Sirnames of the Turkish Ambassador, and his Attendants, from Constantinople and Buda, which entred into Frankfort with him.

Books printed for and sold by J. Taylor at• the Ship in St. Paul's Church-Yard.

Books printed for and sold by J. Wyat at the Rose in St. Paul's Church-Yard.

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THE FOUR EPISTLES OF A. G. BUSBEQUIUS, Concerning his EMBASSY INTO TURKEY.

Being Remarks upon the Religion, Customs, Riches, Strength and Government of that People. As also a Description of their Chief Cities, and Places of Trade and Commerce. To which is added, His Advice how to Manage War against the Turks.

Done into English.

LONDON, Printed for I. Taylor at the Ship, and I. Wyat at the Rose in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1694.

To the Right Honorable POWLETT St. JOHN, EARL of BOLINGBROOKE, And Baron of St. Iohn of Bletsoe.

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My Lord,

THE Translator of this ingenious and most useful Piece not surviving to see it publish'd, upon Perusal of the Copy, I found, the excellent Performance and Merit of the Work did not only deserve just Care of the Impression, but also some Eminent [Page] Person to Recommend its Appearance in the World. I embrac'd the Opportunity I had often wish'd, of expressing in some measure, my Respect and Zeal for your Lordship; wherein I do but Comply with all Admirers of true Worth and Honour. Every Body will allow, that a better Guardian could not be Chosen for this posthumous Offspring; and your Lordship will easily pardon my imploring your Protection of an Orphan. The Historical Part of this Treatise is so Iust and Exact, and the Remarques in it discover so much of Observation, [Page] Experience and Iudgment, that it seem'd a proper Offering for your Lordship's Acceptance; who are particularly happy in a sensible and just manner of Thinking. Nor has your Lordships Felicity Terminated in a true Discerning of Things; you have reduc'd your Sentiments to Practice, and prov'd the Iustness of your Notions, by a singular and constant Regularity in your Life. You have hereby brought an Accession of Reputation to the memory of your Noble Ancestors, by preserving each Virtue of theirs with its utmost Lustre, even in a vicious [Page] Age. You continue to convince the World, that Temperance and Conversation, Management and Liberality, are consistent Virtues. Prudence, Iustice and Charity have carry'd an Ascendant in the whole Course of your Actions. You have not only been happy in having early made Choice of a good Principle to direct you; but in a constant Adherence to its Dictates. You were from hence instructed to express, upon all Occasions, a Hearty and Noble Concern for your Country, which is the true and ancient Test of English Worth; [Page] and I must do our Country the Right to say, they are highly sensible of it; as appears by that worthy and just Character which is universally given of my Lord Bolingbrooke. Your Relations and Friends have the next share in your Kindness; and among the latter, I may truly Rank all Persons of Merit. You have declin'd no Opportunity of Obliging any Man of Desert, and through your whole Life, have not given Occasion to make so much as One Man your Enemy. Wherefore I am safe in what I have said of your Lordship, and the World [Page] will only forgive my saying so little, in consideration of that Modesty which is Conspicuous amongst your Other Virtues. Wherefore I shall only beg Pardon for surprising you with this Address, and Permission to subscribe my self, among the rest of your Admirers,

My Lord,

Your Lordships most devoted Humble Servant N. TATE.

The Four EPISTLES OF Augerius, Gislenius, Busbequius, Concerning his Embassy into TVRKY.

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EPISTLE I.

SIR,

AS I promised you, at parting, to give you a full Account of my Journy to Constantinople; so, I shall now make good my Word, and, I hope, with Advantage too. For I shall also acquaint you with my Adventures in my Travel to Amasia, as well as That to Constantinople, the former being less used, and consequently far less known, than the later. My design herein, is, to allow you a part of the Solace, of what happened pleasurable to [Page] me; for so the ancient Friendship betwixt us obliges me, to appropriate no Joy to my self, but to communicate the same to you; but, as for what happen'd incommodious to me, (as, in so long and tedious a Journey, some things must needs do,) those I take to my self; neither would I have you concern'd in them, at all; for, the Danger being now past, the more grievous they were to suffer, the more pleasant will they be, even to my self, to remember and commit to Writing.

You are not ignorant, that, when I returned from England, after the Solemnization of the Marriage of King Philip and Queen Mary, at which I was present, as an Attendant, in the Train of his Excellency Don Pedro Lassus, who, on that occasion, was sent thither, as an honorary Embassador, by Ferdinand, King of the Romans, my most gracious Lord; I say, you are not ignorant, how the said King Ferdinand, by his Letters, summoned me to this Journy. I received his Commands, by Letter, when I was at Lisle, on the 3d of November, and I made no longer stay, than to visit Busbec, only to take my leave of my Father and Friends; but, taking Tornay in my way, I hastned to Brussels, where I met the aforesaid Don Lassus, who spurred me on to the Voyage, shewing me the King's Letters to him too, commanding him to press me forward: So that I immediately took Horse, and made what haste I could to Vienna. My Journy thither was very troublesome, both by reason [Page] of my unaccustomedness to ride upon such inconvenient Horses, as I could then get; and also because the Season of the Year was not fit for Travel, the Weather being tempestuous, the Ways dirty, and the Days short; so that I was forced to borrow a great part of the Night, and to pass through uncouth, and almost unfrequented, Ways, in the dark; not without the great hazard of my Life.

Assoon as ever I came to Vienna, I was introduced into the Presence of King Ferdinand, by his Secretary of State, the Heer Iohn Vander Aa: That Prince received me with the respect he used to shew to those Persons, of whose Probity and Faithfulness he hath conceived a great Opinion: He was pleased to entertain me with a large Discourse, what Advantages he had promised to himself from me, and how much it concerned him that I should undertake this Embassy, and that speedily too; for he had solemnly promised the Bassa of Buda, That the Envoy, he was to send, should be in Buda, without fail, about the beginning of December next; and, for his part, he was unwilling the Turks should take any advantage to break their Agreement, upon pretence that he had failed in performing of his.

There were but 12 Days to the time prescribed, a space little enough to prepare for a short Journy, much less for so long and tedious a one; and yet some of those ten Days were to be cut off too, by a Journy, which [Page] the King commanded me to make to Comora, to visit Iohn Maria Malvezius; for the King, my Master, thought it very advisable for me, who had then but little Acquaintance in the Turkish Affairs, to consult that experienced Person, and to be informed by him, ore tenus, of the Manners and Disposition of that Nation; for Malvezius had been Ferdinand's Embassador, for several Years, with Solyman the Turkish Emperor at Constantinople; even from that very time that the Emperor Charles had, for weighty Reasons of State, made a Truce with the Turks, by his Embassador the Heer Gerard Velduvickius; for at the same time also, he made an 8 Years Truce with the said Solyman, in the Name of King Ferdinand.

At that time Malvezius was one of the Retinue of Velduvickius; and, when he was returned from thence, Ferdinand sent him back again to Constantinople, to reside there as his Embassador in Ordinary; that so he might prevent the Incursions of the Turks upon the Kingdom of Hungary, as having an Agent there, who might complain to the Grand Seignior himself of the Injuries of his Bassa's and Governors, and demand Satisfaction for the same.

But it happened, not long after, that an occasion being offered of uniting Transilvania with the rest of Hungary; and the Hungarians themselves did very much desire that it should be done, as judging it conducive to the Grandeur and Dignity of that Kingdom; Ferdinand [Page] was not willing to neglect so fair an Opportunity, and therefore he transacted the Matter with the Widow, and Son, of Iohn the Vayvod, (who was sometimes called King of Hungary) that he might receive Transilvania in exchange for other Provinces; and seeing these Transactions could not be wholly concealed from the Turks, Rustan the Grand Visier (Solyman's Son in Law, and the Chief of his Counsellors) used to send for Malvezius, and to demand of him, Whether those things were true, which were commonly bruited? He stifly affirmed, That they were utterly false, and offered to pawn his Head for the Truth of what he spake. But when Ferdinand was actually possessed of all Transilvania, so that the Matter could no longer be dissembled, the Grand Seignior was very angry with Rustan, for giving so much credit to Malvezius; and Rustan was more enraged at Malvezius, for putting so palpable a Cheat upon him. To be short, Malvezius is cast into Prison, his Estate, Goods and Family are seized. He was kept close Prisoner almost two Years, under strict Guards, whereby he contracted a Distemper, viz. Difficulty of Vrine, which afterward proved Mortal to him, in regard they suffered no Medicine to be brought unto him, for the Cure of his Dysuria; for, the truth is, the Turks are always upon the extreme, either over-fond, when they would shew themselves Friends; or over-bitter, when they are Angry. But seeing the state [Page] of their Affairs at that time, by reason of Domestick Discords, was very unsettled, and thereupon required rather Peace than War; and besides, the Matter of reducing Transilvania, by Arms, went but slowly and unsuccessfully on; they were easily persuaded to lay aside the thoughts of War, and to compound the Matter by a Friendly Agreement.

Matters standing thus, the Turks insisted upon the intire Restitution of Transilvania; but Ferdinand would by no means quit his Interest therein; neither would he vacat the Agreement with the Vayvod, as being neither obtained by Fraud, nor extorted by Force. And to bring down the Turks to those Terms, Anthony Wrantzius, a Dalmatian, Bishop of Agria, and Francis Zay, Commander of those Gallies or small Vessels, which the Hungarians call Saicks, (both of them faithful and industrious Persons, and therefore cull'd out by Ferdinand for that Employment) were sent Embassadors to Constantinople.

Upon their Arrival, Malvezius was delivered out of Prison, and sent back to Ferdinand with Letters from Solyman. In a small time after his return, he was sent back by Ferdinand to Constantinople, with his Answer to Solyman's Letters; and was designed to remain, as his Embassador in Ordinary there, when once Peace was established between them. Being on his Journy, when he had reached as far as Comora (a Castle seated on the Confluence [Page] of the Danow and the River Vaga, a Frontire Garison against the Turks) the Disease, which he had contracted in Prison, returned with such Violence upon him, that he was forced to make a stop, and despairing of his Recovery, he wrote to the Emperor Ferdinand beseeching him to appoint another Embassador in his stead.

Upon the receipt of his Letter, Ferdinand was at a stand; he did not fully believe, nor yet altogether disbelieve, him; he was inclined to suspect, that the Memory of his former Sufferings, and the fear of future ones, did deter him from that Employment, rather than the danger of his Disease; and yet, on the other side, he did not think it creditable for himself to employ a Man that had so well deserved of him and of the Common-wealth, in any Service against his Will. But the Death of Malvezius, which followed a few Months after, did sufficiently convince him, that his Disease was not pretended, to decline the Employment, but was really a Mortal one.

Upon this, I was substituted in the Place of Malvezius. But being unexperienced (as I said before) in the Affairs and Manners of the Turks, King Ferdinand thought it adviseable for me to bestow a Visit upon Malvezius, in his Sickness; that so, by his Directions and Advice, I might be better cautioned and arm'd against any Impositions of the captious Turks. Two Days I staid with him, which was as much as the straitness of my time [Page] would permit; and I husbanded them so well, as to be informed, by him, what I was to act and what to avoid, in my daily Conversation with the Turks.

Whereupon I posted back to Vienna, and began, with great application and diligence, to prepare Necessaries for my Journy. But such was the flush of Business, and so little the time allowed to dispatch it, that, when the Day fixt for my departure came, tho' the King did earnestly press me forward, and I had been toilsomly busy all the day in equipping my self, and in causing Bag and Baggage to be pack'd up, even from the fourth Watch; yet it was the first Watch of the following Night, before I could be quite ready; but then the Gates of Vienna, which at that time of Night us'd always to be shut, were opened on purpose for me. The Emperor went abroad a Hunting that Day, but he told his Followers, That he did not doubt but that I would be upon my Way, before he returned from his Sport in the Evening, and it fell out accordingly; yet so, that I was but just gone before he came home.

At 11 a Clock at Night, we came to Ficiminum, a Town in Hungary, 4 Miles from Vienna; there we Supp'd, for our haste was so great that we came Supperless out of Town; from thence we travelled towards Comora. The Emperor, among the rest of his Commands, had enjoyn'd me to take along with me to Buda, one Paul Palinai from Comora, [Page] a Man well acquainted with the Rapins and Depredations of the Turks, and so was best able to assist me in my Expostulations with the Bassa of Buda, and in my Demands for satisfaction of Injuries received. But he, not in the least suspecting that my departure would have been so punctual at the Day appointed, had not yet stirred from his own House, and there was no Body could tell, when he would come; which uncertainty troubled me very much. I acquainted King Ferdinand therewith, by Letter, and all the next Day stayed at Comora expecting his coming.

But the third Day, I passed over the River Vaga, and prosecuted my Journy towards Gran, the first Garison of the Turks I came to in Hungary. Col. Iohn Pax, Governor of Comora had sent 16 Horse with me (of those that the Hungarians call Hussars) to be my Guard; and he had given them a Charge not to leave me, till they came in sight of the Turkish Convoy, for the Governor of Gran had signified to me, that his Soldiers should meet me half way. We travelled about three Hours through a vast Plain, when, behold! there appeared afar off 4 Turkish Horse; and yet, notwithstanding, my Hungarian Guard accompanied me still, till I desired them to retire; for I was afraid that if they should come up to the Turks, some troublesome Bickering would have intervened betwixt them.

[Page]As soon as the Turks saw me to draw near, they rode up to me, and saluted me by my Coach-side; thus we passed on a while togegether, discoursing interchangeably one with another, (for I had a little Youth for my Interpreter.) I expected no other Convoy, but when we descended into a low Valley, I saw my self, on a sudden, surrounded with a Party of about an 150 Horse. It was a very pleasant Spectacle to a Man, unaccustomed to see such Sights; for their Bucklers and Spears were curiously painted, their Sword-handles bedeck'd with Jewels, their Plumes of Feathers party-coloured, and the Coverings of their Heads were twisted with round Windings as white as Snow; their Apparel was Purple-coloured, or at least a dark Blew; they rode upon stately Praunsers, adorn'd with most beautiful Trappings. Their Commanders came up to me, and after Friendly Salutation they bid me Welcome; and asked me, how I had fared on my Journy? I answer'd them as I thought fit; and thus they led me to Gran, for so the Castle is called, situate on an Hill, whose Foot is washed by the Danow, with a Town adjoining, built in a Plain. I retired into the Town, the Arch-bishop whereof is Primate of Hungary, and for Dignity, Authority and Opulency, is inferior to no Nobleman of that Kingdom.

Here I was entertained, not after a Courtly, but after a Military, manner; for instead of Beds, they spread abroad course shaggy Rugs [Page] of Tapestry upon hard Boards; there were no Bed-ticks nor Sheets: Here my Family had the first taste of Turkish Delights (forsooth;) as for my self, I fared better, for my Bed was carried along with me, whithersoever I went.

The Day after my Arrival, the Sanziac of the Place (for so the Turks call a Governor, because a Sanziac (i. e.) a gilded brass Ball, is carried before him on the top of a Spear, as a Cornet to a Troop of Horse) was very earnest to speak with me; and tho' I had no Letter, nor any other Command to deliver to him, yet such was his importunity, that go I must. And when I came, I found he had no Business with me, but only to see and salute me, and to ask me something of my Errand; and thus, exhorting me to promote a Peace, he wish'd me a happy Journy. In my Passage, I admir'd to hear the croaking of Frogs in such a cold Season of the Year as the Month of December; the cause was, the Waters stagnant in those Places are made warm by sulphureous Exhalations.

Leaving Gran, I went towards Buda; but, to be sure, I took my Breakfast before-hand, which was likely to be my Dinner also; for there was no Place to bait at, before I came to Buda. The Sanziac, or Governor of the Place, with all his Family, together with the Horse which he commanded, came out of the Town with me, to bring me on my Way: I could by no means persuade him to omit [Page] this Office of Respect. The Horse, as soon as they came out of the Gates, began to shew me some sport, curvetting and discharging one against another; they threw their Bonnets on the ground, and Galloping their Horses with full speed, by them, they took them up by the Points of their Spears; and many such Ludicrous Pranks did they perform. Amongst the rest of them, there was a Tartar, who had thick Bushy Hair hanging down over his shoulders; they told me, that he always went Bare-Headed, and would never have any other fence for his Head, either against the Violence of the Weather, or the Hazards of a Battle, but his own Hair. The Sanziac, after he had accompanied me as far as he pleased, returned home, but not before we had taken our leaves one of another, and he had left some Guides for my Journy, in my Retinue.

When I drew near to Buda, a few Turkish Chiaux's met me on the way, (they are in the nature of Pursuivants, or Sergeants at Arms, to carry about the Commands of the Grand Seignior, or his Bassa's, and are Officers of great esteem in that Nation,) by them I was brought to Lodg in the House of a Citizen, who was an Hungarian, where my Baggage, Coach and Horses, was better provided for, than my self; for the Turks take special care, that Horses, with their Equipage, be well accommodated; as for the Men, if they have but an House over their Heads to shelter them [Page] from the Weather, they think they may shift well enough for themselves. The Bassa of Buda sent one to visit me, and to bid me welcome, his Name was Tuigon, (which in Turkish signifies a Stork,) by him he excused himself to me, that he could not admit me into his Presence for some Days, because of a grievous Disease he laboured under, but as soon as ever he recover'd a little strength, he said, he would wait upon me. This delay was the occasion, that the aforemention'd absence of Palinai was less prejudicial to me, than otherwise it would have been, (to say no more,) for he used great diligence to post after, lest he might come too late, and accordingly he overtook me a little while after.

I was detained at Buda a long time, by reason of the Sickness of the Bassa; 'twas thought his Disease was Grief, which he had conceived for the loss of a great Sum of Mony, which was stoln from the place in which he had hid it, for he was commonly reported to be a Penurious and Sordid-Spirited Man. When he heard, that I had brought the Heer William Quacquelben with me, a great Philosopher, and an excellent Physician too, he earnestly intreated me, that he might give him a Visit to administer some Physick to him, in order to his Cure. I easily granted his Request, but soon after was almost ready to repent of my Facility: For the Bassa grew worse and worse, and, 'twas thought, he would not have recovered; so that I was afraid, if he [Page] had Died, the Turks would say, my Physician had Kill'd him; and, by that means, the good Man might have run a great Hazard, and I my self also might have born part of the Infamy, as being accessory thereunto; but it pleased God to free me from this Anxiety, by restoring the Bassa to his Health.

'Twas at Buda I got the first sight of the Ianizaries, so the Turks call their Praetorian Foot; their Number, when it is fullest, is Twelve Thousand, and their Prince disperses them all over his Dominions, either to Garison his Forts against an Enemy, or to be a Safeguard to Christians and Iews, against the injurious Rage of the Multitude; for there is no well Inhabited Village, Town, or City, wherein there are not some or other of these Ianizaries to Protect Christians, Iews, and other helpless Persons, from the Fury of the Rabble. The Castle of Buda is always Garison'd by them; their Habit is a long Garment down to their Ankles; upon their Heads they wear the Sleeve of a Coat, or Cloak, (for from thence, as they say, the Pattern was drawn,) their Head is put into part of it, and part of it hangs down behind, flapping upon their shoulders; in the Front, or Forepart of it, there ariseth a Silver-Cone, somewhat long, guilt over with Gold, and wrought with Jewels, but they were of an ordinary sort. These Ianizaries usually came to me by Couples; when they were admitted into my Dining-Room, they bowed down [Page] their Heads and made Obeysance, and presently they ran hastily to me, and touched either my Garment, or my Hand, as if they would have kiss'd it; and then forc'd upon me a Bundle, or Nosegay, of Hyacinths, or Narcissus's, and presently they retired backward, with equal speed, to the Door, that so they might not turn their Backs upon me, (for that is accounted undecent, by the Rules of their Order,) when they came to the Door, there they stood, with a great deal of modesty and silence, with their Hands upon their Breasts, and fixing their Eyes upon the ground, so that they seemed liker our Monks, than their Soldiers. But when I had given them some Cash, (which was the only thing they aimed at,) they bowed their Heads again, and giving me thanks with a loud Voice, they wished me all happiness, and departed. The Truth is, unless I had been told before, they were Ianizaries, I should have thought them to have been a kind of Turkish Monks, or Fellows of some College or other amongst them. Yet these are the Ianizaries that carry such a 'Terror with them, wheresoever they come.

Some Turks supp'd with me often at Buda, and were mightily taken with the delicious sweetness of my Wine: It is a Liquor that they have but little of in Turky, and therefore they more greedily desire it, and drink it more profusely, when once they come where it is. They continued Carousing till late at [Page] Night, but afterwards I grew weary of the sport, and therefore rose from Table, and went to my Chamber; but as for Them, they went away sad, because they had not their full swing at the Goblet, but were able to stand upon their Feet. As soon as I was gone, they sent a Youth after me, desiring me to let them have their Fill of Wine, and that I would lend them my Silver-Cups to drink it in; for they were willing, by my leave, to sit at it all Night in some Corner or other of the House. I granted their request, and ordered so much Wine to be given them, as they desired, with Bowls to drink it in. Being thus accommodated, they tippled it out so long, till they were even Dead-drunk, and tumbling down, lay fast asleep upon the ground. You must know, that it is a great Crime in Turky to drink Wine, especially for those who are well stricken in Years; as for the Younger sort, they think the Offence to be more Venial, and therefore more excusable in them. But seeing they expect no less Punishment, after Death, for drinking a little Wine, than if they drank never so much, when once they have tasted of that Liquor, they go on to drink more and more; for having once incurr'd the Penalty of their Law, now, they think, they may sin gratis, and account Drunkenness as a matter of Gain. This Opinion, and others mo [...]e absurd than This, do the Turks hold concerning Wine, of which I will give you a remarkable Instance: I saw an [Page] Old Man at Constantinople, who, after he had taken a Cup of Wine in his Hand to Drink, us'd first to make an hideous Noise; I asked his Friends, Why he did so? They answered me, that, by this Outcry, he did as it were warn his Soul to retire into some secret corner of his Body, or else wholly to Emigrate, and pass out of it, that she might not be guilty of that Sin which he was about to commit, nor be defiled with the Wine, that he was to guzzle down.

But to return to Buda.

'Twould be too tedious for me to give you a large Description of this Place, and it were a Task fitter for one that writes a Book, not a Letter; yet not to be wholly silent, Buda lies in a pleasant place, and in a very fruitful Country, it is extended all along the Brow of an Hill, so that on one side it borders on a rising ground, abounding with choice Vineyards, and on the other side it is watred by the River Danow, running by it; and beyond the Danow, there is the Town of Pest, and a large Campain adjoining, both which Prospects are in view of Buda, so that this Place seems naturally designed for the Metropolis of Hungary. It was anciently Adorned with many stately Palaces, belonging to the Nobles of Hungary, but those goodly Piles are now either quite fallen to the ground, or else have many Props to support them from tumbling down; they are Inhabited mostly by the Turkish Soldiers, whose daily Pay being but [Page] enough to support them, they have no overplus to lay out in Tyling, or Repairing, such large Structures; and therefore they do not much regard, whether it Rains thro' the Roof, or whether the Walls be full of Clefts, provided they have a dry place to set their Horses, and their own Beds, in; the upper part they think concerns them not, so that they make a great part of the upper Stories to be Inhabited by Weazels and Mice.

Besides, 'tis a piece of Religion in Turky, not to covet Magnificent Buildings; for, (say they) 'tis a sign of a Proud, Lofty, and Aspiring Mind, to covet Sumptuous Houses, as if so frail a Creature as Man did promise a kind of Immortality, and an Everlasting Habitation, to himself, in this Life; when alas! we are but as Pilgrims here, and therefore ought to use our Dwellings, as Travellors do their Inns, wherein if they are secured from Thieves, from Cold, from Heat, and from Rain, they seek not for any other Conveniencies. So that all over Turky you will hardly find a stately House, tho' the Owner of it be never so great, or Rich, a Man; the Commonalty of them live in Huts and Cottages; the Nobles are for handsome Orchards, Gardens, and Baths; but as for their Houses, tho' the Numerousness of their Families require large ones, yet they have no handsome Gate-houses, or Porches, belonging to them, nor Court-Yards, nor any thing else Magnificent, or worthy of any Admiration. [Page] Herein they resemble the Hungarians, for, except Buda, and (perhaps) Presburgh, there is scarce any City in Hungary that you can call well-built. This Custom, I suppose, they derived from their Ancestors, for they being a People given to Camp-discipline and therein trained, did not care a rush for building great Houses, but looked upon their Towns only as Temporary Habitations, which they were about to leave.

Moreover, whilst I was at Buda, I was very much taken with the sight of a strange kind of Fountain that is without the Gate of the Town, in the way leading to Constantinople, the Water whereof at top was boyling hot, and yet in the bottom there were Fishes playing up and down; so that you would think, they must needs be throughly boyled, before you could take them out.

'Twas the 7th of December, before the Bassa was so well recovered as to admit me to his Presence; and then, after I had sweetned him with some Presents. I made my Complaint to him of the Insolency and Ravagings of the Turkish Soldiers; and demanded Restitution of what they had wrongfully taken away, contrary to the express Articles of the Truce made, and which he himself, in his Letter to Ferdinand, had promised him satisfaction for, if he pleased to send an Envoy to Buda. But he, like a cunning Gamester, made as many Complaints of the Injuries and Losses They had sustained by Our Soldiers: And as [Page] for his Promise to restore the Places they had wrongfully seized and taken away from the Emperor; he eluded it, by sheltring himself under this Dilemma, Either I made a Promise, or I did not; if I made no Promise, then you can demand nothing of me: If I did make a Promise, I know, Sir, you are a Person of that Understanding as not to conceive, that I can or will perform it; for I am sent hither by my Master to enlarge, not to diminish, the Bounds of his Empire, so that I must by no means make his condition worse than it was; 'tis my Master's Business, (Sir) not Mine; what you have to say on this Head, pray propound it to him, when you come to Constantinople: To be short, Sir, you know I am but newly recovered, and therefore am not in a condition to maintain any further Discourse. When this course Complement was put upon me, I thought 'twas time to be gone, neither could I get any thing else from him, only a Truce, till the Grand Seignior's mind was known.

I observed, that when I was introduced to the Bassa, they observed the old Roman Custom of crying aloud, Welcom, Welcom; and so wishing an happy Issue to my Negotiation: I observed also, that the Turks count the Left Hand to be most Honourable in some particular Cases; the reason they give, is, because the Sword is worn on that side, and he that is on the Right Hand has, as it were, the Command of the Sword of him that is at his Left, whereas his Own is free,

[Page]Matters being thus composed at Buda, as well as we could, my Companion Palinai returned to the Emperor, but I, for my part, shipp'd my Horses, Coaches, and all my Family on some Vessels, prepared for me on the Danow, and so passed down the Stream to Belgrade; this was a shorter Cut, and also more secure; for my Journy by Land to Belgrade would at that time have cost me at least 12 Days, especially having such a deal of heavy Baggage with me; and, besides, we had been in danger to be Robb'd by the Heyduc's, so the Hungarians call a sort of plundering Thieves and Robbers: But upon the Water there was no fear at all of them; and, besides, we compassed our Journy in 5 Days. The Vessel, in which I was, was drawn along by a lesser Pinnace, in which there were 24 Oars; the other Vessels had but two large Oars apiece. The Mariners rowed Night and Day without any intermission, excepting only a few Hours that the poor Souls borrow'd to sleep and eat in. In my Passage down the River, I could not but observe the venturousness, not to say temerity, of the Turks, who were not afraid to sail on in the mistiest Weather, in the darkest Night, and when the Wind blew very hard, too; and, besides, there were many Water mills, with several Trunks and Boughs of Trees hanging over the Banks, which made our Passage very dangerous; so that some times our Vessel, by the boisterousness of the Wind, was driven to the Bank, [Page] and there dash'd against old stumps of Trees hanging over, so that it was like to split; this is certain, that she lost some Planks out of her Hulk, which made a terrible crack and noise when they were loosed therefrom. This noise awak'd me; leaping out of my Bed I advis'd the Mariners to be more cautio [...]s; they lift up their Voices, and gave me no other Answer than Alaure, i. e. God will help, and so I might go to Bed again, if I would. Tho' We sped pretty well, yet I am apt to believe, that, at one time or other, such dangerous Sayling will be fatal to some Passengers. In our Passage, I saw Tolna, a handsome Town in Hungary; I cannot forbear to mention it, because there we had very good White-wine, and, besides, the Inhabitants were very courteous to us. Moreover, we passed in sight of the Castle of Walpot, seated on an Hill, and of other Castles and Towns besides; we saw also where the River Drave, on the one side, and the Tibiscus, or Taise, on the other, made their Influx into the Danow. As for Belgrade it self, it is seated at the confluence of the Save and the Danow; the old City is built in the extreme Angle of the Promontory, the Building is old, it is fortified with many Towers and a double Wall: Two parts of it are wash'd by the Save and the Danow, but on that part where it is joyned to the Land, it hath a very strong Castle on high Ground, consisting of many lofty Turrets made of square Stone; before you come into the City, [Page] there is a vast company of Buildings, and very large Suburbs, wherein several Nations do inhabit, viz. [...]Turks, Greeks, Iews, Hungarians, Dalmatians, and many others. For you must know that ordinarily over all the Turkish Dominions, the Suburbs are larger than the Towns, but take them both together, they give the resemblance of large Cities: 'Twas at this Town, that I first met with some ancient Coins, wherein, as you know, I take a great delight, and my Physician aforesaid, Dr. Quacquelben fitted me to an Hair, as we say, for he was as much addicted to those Studies as my self. I found a great many pieces, which on one side represented a Roman Soldier, plac'd between a Bull and a Horse, (for 'tis known, that the Legions of upper Moesia did anciently encamp hereabouts) with this Inscription, Taurunum. This City, in the Memory of our Grandfathers, was twice violently assaulted by the Turks, first, under Amurath; next, under Mahomet who took Constantinople; but the Hungarians, under the Banner of the Cross, made such a vigorous defence, that the Barbarians were beaten off with a great deal of loss. But at last, in the Year, 1520. Solyman, in the beginning of his Reign, came before it with a vast Army, and finding it, either by the neglect of young King Ludovicus, or by the Discords of the factious Hungarian Nobles, destitute of a Garison able to defend it, he took that opportunity to assault it, and so easily became Master thereof. [Page] And that Door being once opened, an Iliad of Miseries broke in upon poor Hungary, of which she is sadly sensible to this day; for this Pass being gained, there followed the Slaughter of King Le [...]is Ludovicus, the taking of Buda, the inslaving of Transilvania, and a flourishing Kingdom hereby brought under the Yoke no [...]-without a Terror struck into the Neighbouring Nations, lest they also should partake of the same Calamities: By which Example, Christian Princes may take warning, never to think their Frontier Towns and Castles to be strong enough, nor sufficiently provided, against so potent an Enemy as the Turk. For the truth is, the Ottomans are herein not unlike to great Rivers, whose swelling Waves, if they break down any part of the Bank or Jitty that keeps them in, spread far and near, and do abundance of mischief; so the Turks, but far more pernic [...]ously, having once broke through the Obstacles that stopt them, make a vast spoil where-ever they come. But to return to Belgrade, that I may prosecute the rest of my Journy to Constantinople.

After I had provided my self in that City of all things necessary for a Land-Journy, I left Semandria, heretofore a Town or Castle of the Despots of Servia on the left side of the Danow; from whence we journied towards Nissa. In our way thither, the Turks shewed us, from the higher Grounds, the Mountains of Transilvania, with snowy Tops, but at a [Page] great distance from us; and, moreover, they pointed with their Fingers, where the Ruins of Trajans Bridge were: After we had past the River called Morava, we came to a Town of the Servians, named, Iagodna; there I observed the Funeral Rites of that Country, which differ very much from ours; as you may find by this Relation following.

The dead Body was placed in a Temple, with the Face uncovered; near it were laid Victuals, as Bread, Flesh and a Flagon of Wine: The Wife and Daughter of the deceased stood by, in their best Apparel; the Daughters Hat was made of Peacocks-feathers. The last Boon that the Wife bestowed on her dead Husband, was a purple Bonnet, such as noble Virgins us'd to wear in that Country. Then we heard their Funeral Plaints, Mournings and Lamentations, wherein they asked the dead Corps, How they came to deserve so ill at his Hands? Wherein had they been wanting in their Duty and Observance, that he had left them in such a lonesom and disconsolate Condition? And such like Stuff. The Priests that ministred in this Service were of the Greek Church. In the Church-yard, there were erected on Poles or long Staves, several Pictures of Stags, Hinds and such kind of Creatures, cut in Wood; when I asked them the reason of this strange Custom, they told us, That their Husbands or Fathers did thereby signifie the celerity and diligence of their Wives or Daughters in [Page] managing their Houshold Affairs. Moreover by some Sepulchres, there hung Bushes of Hair, which Women or Maidens had placed in testimony of their grief for the loss of their Relations. We were also informed, that it was the custom of that Country, after Friends on both sides had accorded about the Marriage of a young Couple, for the Bridegroom to snatch away his Bride, as it were by force; for they do not think it handsome, that a Maid should consent to her own Devirgination or first Nights Lodging with her Husband.

At a small distance from Iagodna, we met with a little River which the neighbouring Inhabitants called Nissus, and we kept it on our right hand almost all the way till we came to Nissa; yea, and beyond the Town, upon the Bank thereof, (where there were some remains of an old Roman Way) we saw a small Marble Pillar, yet standing, wherein there were some Latin Letters inscribed, but they were so defaced, that they could not be read: As for the Town of Nissa, for that Country, it is a decent one, and full of Inhabitants.

'Tis time now to acquaint you with the Entertainment we met with at our Inns, for I believe you long to know. When I came to Nissa, I lodged in a publick Inn, the Turks call them Caravasarai, of which there are a great many in that Country; the Form of them is this, it is a large Edifice, that has more of length than breadth; in the midst [Page] of it there is a kind of Yard for the placing of Carriages, Camels, Mules and Wagons. This Yard is compassed about with a Wall about 3 Foot high, which joins, and is, as it were, built in the outward Wall, that incloses the whole Building; the top of this inner Wall is plain and level, and is about 4 Foot broad. Here the Turks lodge, here they sup, and here is all the Kitchen which they have, (for in the ambient Wall, before spoken of, there are ever and anon some Hearths built) and here are no Partitions between Camels, Horses with other Cattel, and Men, but the space of that inner Wall; and yet at the foot of that Wall, they so tye their Horses that their Heads and Necks are above it, or at least may lean over it; and thus when their Masters are warming themselves at the Fire, or else are at Supper, they stand near them as Servants us'd to do; and sometimes they will take a piece of Bread or Apple, or whatsoever else is offered them, out of their Masters Hand. Upon the same Wall, the Turks make their Beds, after this manner, first of all they spread abroad a piece of Tapestry, which is fitted as a Saddle-cloth by day, for their Horses: Upon that they put their Cloaks; their Saddles serve for a Pillow; and with the long Vests they wear at day, they cover themselves at night. And thus they take their rest, never provoking Sleep by any other Allurement. There is nothing done in secret, there all is open, and every Body may see what another [Page] does, unless the darkness of the night do hinder him. For my part, I did greatly abhor this sort of Lodging, because the Eyes of all the Turks were continually upon us, stareing and wondring at our carriage, according to the Customs of our Country. And, therefore, I always indeavoured to lodge at the mean House of some poor Christian! but, alas! their Cottages were so small, that many times I had not room enough, in them, for placing my Bed; so that sometimes I slept in my Tent, sometimes in my Coach, and sometimes again I turned into the Turkish Hospitals; which, to give them their due, are very convenient, and not unhandsomly built, for they have several distinct Apartments for Lodgings in them. There is no Man forbid the use of them, either Christian or Iew, Rich or Poor, they are open equally to all. Even the Bassa's and Sanziacs, when they travel, make use of them. In these I thought my self lodg'd as well as in the Palace of a Prince.

The Custom of these Inns, like Hospitals, is this: They allow Victuals to every particular Man, that comes in as a Guest: So that when Supper time came, there was a Servant that brought in a great wooden Dish almost as big as a Table; in the middle of it was a Platter full of Barley boyled to a Jelly with a little piece of Flesh, and about the Platter were some small Loaves, and here and there a piece of an Hony-comb. When I saw this, at first, out of Modesty, I refused it, saying, that my Servants [Page] were preparing my own Supper for me, and therefore advis'd them to give it to the Poor: He took it amiss, and prest it upon me, alledging, that I should not scorn their slender Provision, that the Bassa's themselves us'd to eat of it; it was the custom of their Country so to do; they had enough left to give to the Poor; and if I would not eat it my self, I should give it to my Servants; hereupon, I was enforced to take it, that I might not be counted uncivil by them. Take it then I did, and after I had tasted a little of it, I gave him thanks. The relish of it pleas'd me well, for that kind of Gruel, as it is commended by Galen, so it is very wholesome, and not unpleasing to the taste. Travellers may be entertained with that kind of Diet for 3 days, but when that time is expired, they must pack up and be gone. Here (as I told you) I was well intertain'd, but I met not always with such good Quarters. Sometimes, when I could not light upon an House, I lodged in a Stable; my People enquired after a large and capacious one, in one part whereof was an Hearth and a Chimney, and the other part was design'd for the Herds of Cattle; for that is the Make of the Turkish Stables, that the Herd and the Herdsman do lodge under the same Roof. I divided that part where the Fire was from the rest, by the sides of my Tent, and then I put my Table and my Bed by the Fire-side, and liv'd like an Emperor: As for my Family, they wallowed in a great [Page] deal of clean Straw, in the other part of the Stable: But some of them fell asleep by the Fire-side in the adjoining Orchard or Meadow where Supper was a preparing; the heat of the Fire was their guard against the coldness of the night, and they had as great a care not to let it go out, as the Vestal Virgins had of old at Rome.

I suppose, you will ask me, how my Family did relieve themselves against the inconvenience of their bad Lodging; especially seeing they could have little Wine in the middle of Turky, which might have been some Remedy for their ill Lodging at night. For the truth is, there is little Wine to be had in several of their Villages, especially if no Christians dwell among them: For I must tell you, that the Christians being wearied out with the Pride and Insolency of the Turks, do many times withdraw themselves from the common Road into desert Places; which tho' they are less fruitful yet are more secure; and so leave their better Possessions to the domineering Turks. And whenever we drew near to any such Places, where there was no Wine, the Turks would very fairly tell us of it beforehand; so that I sent my Steward the day before, with a Turk to guide him, to procure some from the next Villages of the Christians. And by this means it was, that the Distresses of my Family were something alleviated; 'tis true, I could not get any soft Featherbeds or Pillows for them, or other Blandishments for [Page] sleep; the Wine was instead of all: As for my self, I had some Flagons of choice Wine in my Chariot, so that I wanted none; thus I and my Family were provided for, as to Wine.

But there was one Inconvenience, which troubled us more than the scarcity of Wine, and that was, our sleep was miserably interrupted; for we being to rise betimes in the Morning, and sometimes before day, that we might come the sooner to our Inns at Night, our Turkish Guides, being deceived by the light of the Moon, would sometimes call us up at or about Midnight, with a great deal of noise and clamour. For the Turks have no Clocks to distinguish Hours, nor Miles to shew the distance of Places: Only they have a sort of Ecclesiasticks, which they call Talismans; this sort of People use a kind of Admeasurement by Water, and when they perceive thereby, that 'tis Morning, then they cry aloud from an high Tower, built on purpose, exhorting them to arise and worship God. They make the same noise in the middle between Sun-rise and Noon; and likewise, between Noon and Sun-set; and, last of all, when the Sun is set, they cry out, with a very shrill Voice, which hath no unpleasant Modulation, and which is heard farther than any Body would think. Thus the Turks divide the day into four spaces, longer or shorter, according to the Season of the Year: But for the Night-time, they have no certain Rule at all.

[Page]So then our Turkish Guides being deceived by the brightness of the Night (as I told you before) called us up before Sun-rising, and we started out of our Beds in great haste, that so they might not impute any unlucky Accident, upon the way, to our slothfulness; in the Morning, we pack'd up our Baggage, and put my Bed and Tent in our Wagons, harnessed our Horses, and were ready for our Journy; only expected the word of Command. But (would you think it?) our Turks, when they found their Mistake, fairly went into their Nests again; and after we had waited for them a great while, I sent to them, to tell them, we were all ready; and now the delay was on their side, my Messengers brought me word, from them, that the Moon-light had deceived them, and, therefore, they were gone to sleep again; for it would be a great while before it would be time to go; and they persuaded us to try to sleep again too. And, thus, we must either unpack all our things again, to our no small trouble; or else we must endure a great part of the coldness of the Night in the open Air.

To prevent this Inconvenience for the future, I charged the Turks not to be so troublesome any more, as to rouse me out of my sleep; for if they would but tell me over Night, at what time they would rise in the Morning, I would be sure to be ready at the time appointed; for I had Watches, by me, that I intended to make use of, which would [Page] not fail to acquaint me with the precise Hour of the Morning; and if they over-slept themselves, they should lay it to my charge; so that they need not scruple to trust me with the Hour of their rising. They seem'd to be somewhat satisfied herewith, and yet did not lay aside all their Solicitude neither; for in the Morning betimes, they awaken'd my Valet de Chambre, desiring him to go to me, and to see how the Index of my Watches did point; he did so; and returned Answer to them, as well as he could, That 'twas much or little to Sun-rising, according as he found it. When they had thus tried him once or twice, and found that he hit the Time right, they trusted me for the future, and admir'd the Structure of our Watches, that could so faithfully declare the Time; so that ever after, we slept out our sleep, without any Disturbances from them.

From Nissa we came to S. Sophia; the Journy thither, and the Weather, for that time of the Year, was very tolerable. Sophia is a Town big enough, and well inhabited both by Citizens and Strangers: It was heretofore the Royal Seat of the King of Bulgaria; and afterwards (if I mistake not) of the Despots of Servia, whilst that House stood, before it was overthrown by the Turkish Arms.

Afterward, we continued our Journy, for many Days, through the pleasant, and not unfruitful, Vally, of Bulgaria; all the time we were in that Country, we had little other [Page] Bread, but only Cakes bak'd under Ashes upon the Hearth; they call them Togatch. The Women and Maids sell them, (for they have no Bakers in those Parts;) and when they perceive any Guests a coming, that are likely to pay for what they have, presently they knead a little Dough, with Water, without any Leaven; and lay it (upon Tiles) under the Ashes, and so bring it out piping hot, as we say, and sell them for a very small Matter; other Victuals is also very cheap there; a good Weather-sheep may be bought for 35 Aspers; a Chicken and a Hen will cost but an Asper; a sort of Coin with them, of which 50 make but a Crown.

I must not omit to acquaint you with the Habit of those Bulgarian Women. They commonly wear nothing but a Smock or Shift, made of no finer Linen-thread, than that we make Sacks of. And yet these course Garments were wrought, by them, with several sorts of Strip'd-needle-work after a homely fashion: With this loose party-coloured Habit they mightily please themselves, so that when they saw our Shifts, made of the finest Linen, yet they wondred at our Modesty, that we could be contented to wear them without various Works of divers Colours wrought in them.

But that which I most of all admired in them, was the Tower, (if I may so call it,) which they wore on their Heads, for such was the Form of their Hats. They were made of [Page] Straw braided with Webs over them. The Figure of them doth differ from the Hats Women wear in our Country, for Ours hang down on the shoulders, and the lowest part of it is the broadest, and so it arises as it were into a Pyramid, at Top; but Theirs is narrowest below, and so rises up like a Top, almost Nine Inches above the Head, but that part of it that looks upwards, towards the Sky, is both very capacious, and also open, so that, it seems made to take in Rain, and Showers, as ours are to shelter us against them; but in that space interjacent between their upper and lower part, there hang pieces of Coin, little Pictures or Images, small parcels of painted Glass, or what-ever is resplendent, tho never so mean, which are accounted very ornamental among them.

Those kind of Hats do make them look taller, and also more Matron-like, tho' they are easily blown off their Heads, by a blast of Wind, or by any light motion they fall off themselves.

When they appeared to us in this Dress, methought, they resembled Clytemnestra or some Hecuba or other, (in the flourishing time of Troy) coming upon the Stage. This Sight suggested to me some pious Meditations, viz. How frail and mutable a thing that which is called Nobleness of Birth, is; for when I ask'd of some of these Lasses, they that seem'd to be the handsomest among them, concerning their Stock and Lineage, they told me, They [Page] were descended from the chief Nobles of that Country; and some of them were of a Royal Progeny, tho' now it was their Fate, (as they said) to marry Herdsmen or Shepherds. For Nobility is very little esteemed in the Turkish Dominions. For I my self did afterwards see, at Constantinople and other Places, some Descendants from the Imperial Families of the Catacuzeni and the Paloeologi, living more contemptuously among the Turks, than ever Dionysius did of old at Corinth; nay, the Turks esteem no Men for their Birth, but only for their own perform'd Accomplishments, excepting only the Ottoman Family; for That they have a high Veneration, upon account of its Original.

It is thought that these Bulgarians had their Original from Seythia, near the River Volga, and that they changed their Habitations and came into these Parts, when other Nations, either compelled by force or prompted by choice, changed theirs; and that they were called Bulgarians, i. e. Volgarians, from the River Volga, aforesaid. Upon this transmigration they fix'd their Habitation upon those Parts of Mount Hoemus, that lie between Sophia and Philippopolis, which are Places naturally strong; where they, for a long time, baffled all the Power of the Grecian Emperors, and kill'd Baldwin the Elder, Earl of Flanders, then Emperor of Constantinople, after they had taken him in an hot Skirmish. Yet for all this they were not able to resist the Power of the [Page] Turks, but were overcome and miserably enslav'd by them. They use the Illyrian or Slavonian Tongue, as the Servians and Rascians also do.

Before a Man descends into that Plain that lies over against Philippopolis, he must go through a Forest and a craggy Mountain, which the Turks call Capi Dervent, i. e. The Gate of the strait or narrow Passage; but in the Plain, before mentioned, we met with the River Hebrus, having its Original from the adjoining Mountain, Rhodope. Before we could pass the said Straits, we saw the top of Mount Rhodope all cover'd over with deep Snow. The Inhabitants, as I remember, call it Rulla. From hence flows the River Hebrus, as Pliny says, and Ovid also affirms the same in this Distick.

Qua patet umbrosum Rhodope glacialis ad Hoemum,

Et sacer amissas exigit Hebrus aquas.

Where Icy Rhodope ope's to shady Hoeme,

And sacred Hebrus wants part of her Stream.

In which Verses, the Poet seems to intimate the shallowness of that River for want of Water. For tho' it be a great and famous River, yet, in most Places, it is fordable: For, I remember, in my return from Constantinople, we forded over the same Hebrus, near Philippopolis, to an Island on the other side, where we lay in our Tents all Night; but so it hapned, [Page] that the Waters swelled that Night by reason of Rain, so that the next Morning we could not repass the River, to come into the Road, without a great deal of trouble.

The City of Philippopolis is situate on one of the three little Hills, disjoyned, and, as it were, rent from the rest of the Mountains, and is as the grace of those little Hillocks. While we were at Philippopolis, we saw Rice growing, like Wheat, in the watry and marshy Grounds. The whole Plain, about the Town, is full of little round Hills of Earth, which, the Turks say, were raised on purpose, as Monuments of the frequent Battles fought in those Fields, and the Graves of such as were slain there. From hence, leaving the River Hebrus, something on the Right, and Mount Hoemus, which runs forth into Pontus, on the left, at last we passed over the Hebrus on a famous Bridge, made by Mustapha, and so came to Hadrianople, which the Turks call Endrene.

This City was formerly called Orestia, before the Emperor Hadrian inlarged it, and called it by his own Name. It is seated at the confluence of the River Mariza or Hebrus, and the two small Currents of Thinsa and Harda, which there meeting in a joint Stream run into the Egean Sea. This City is not very large within the Walls; but, if you take in the Suburbs a [...]d the Buildings which the Turks have added without, it is very capacious.

[Page]We staid but one day at Hadrianople, and then went forward on the last Stage of our Journy towards Constantinople, to which we drew nearer day by day. In my way thither, there grew abundance of Narcissus's, Hyacinths, and (as the Turks call them) Tulips, which we beheld, not without admiration, that in the midst of Winter, which is not favourable to such Flowers in other Countries, the Ground should be so garnished by them. As for Narcissus's and Hyacinths's, all Greece abound with them; and they are so odoriferous, that, by reason of their multitude, they are offensive to those Heads that are unaccustomed to such kind of Smels. But the Tulip hath little or no Smell, but its gaudiness and party-colouredness is its greatest commendation. The Turks are great Admirers of Flowers, so that, tho' they are parsimonious enough in other cases, yet for a stately Flower, they will not scruple to give some Aspers. And the truth is, these kind of Flowers, tho' they were presented to me as a Gift, yet they cost me a great deal of Mony; for some Aspers were always expected in requital. Neither is there any other way of treating with a Turk, but by opening the Purse-strings, as soon as any Christian comes among them; neither must he think to shut them again, till he go out of their Country: While he is there, he must scatter his Coin, and if he get no other advantage by it, yet it makes them more tracta [...]le [...] For the Turks are so ill-natured, and such undervaluers [Page] of all Nations, but their own, that without this Open-handedness, there were no more living among them, for Strangers, than in the most desolate and uninhabited Places, by reason of the excessiveness either of Cold or Heat; but with the bait of Liberality, you may catch a Turk at any time.

About the mid-way between Hadrianople and Constantinople, there is a little Town, called, Chiurli, memorable for the overthrow which Selimus received in a Battel against his Father Bajazet, out of which he escaped by the swiftness of his Horse, called, Carabonluch, (i. e.) a Black Cloud, and so fled to the Cham, or the Precopeian Tartar, who was his Father-in-Law.

Before we came to Selimbria, which is a Town standing on the Sea-side in our way, we saw the Ruins of an old Wall and Ditch, which were made by the later Emperors of Greece, which reached from that Sea to the Danow, to secure all that was contain'd within that Fortification to the Constantinopolitans, against the Incursions of the Barbarians; and there goes a Story, that when that Wall was a Building, a certain old Man delivered his Opinion to his Wife, viz. That that Wall would not so much secure what was within it, from the hands of the Infidels, as it would expose and subject it to their rage and fury, in regard it would add Courage to the Barbarians to assault it, and weaken the Courage of the Grecians to defend it.

[Page]At Selimbria we had a most pleasant prospect of a calm Sea; and 'twas very pleasant to us to behold the smooth Water, and to gather Cockles on the Shore; yea, to behold Sholes of Dolphins sporting in the Water, which, with the warmness of the Air, was very delightful to us. It can hardly be imagined, how mild the Weather was in those Parts, tho' sometimes it be a little more boistrous at Chiurli; but here there is, as I may call it, a Thracian Gale, and an incredible sweetness of Air.

When we came near to Constantinople, we passed over two pleasant Arms of the Sea, upon a Bridge built over them. I may safely say, That if those Places were cultivated by Art, as they are naturally Pleasant, the Sun never shone on a better Country; but, alas! they seem to mourn for the neglect put upon them, by the insulting Barbarian. Here we had our fill of choice Sea-fishes, which were even taken in our sight.

When I lodged in those Inns, the Turks call Imaret, I usually observed, that the cracks of the Walls were all full of pieces of Paper; and thinking something was the matter, but not knowing what, I took out some of them, and finding nothing writ therein of any consequence, I was more earnest to know of the Turks the reason of their so doing; especially, seeing I had observed the same thing in other Places of Turky, before. At first, they scrupled to tell me, as thinking, perhaps, that I [Page] would not believe them; or else, not being willing to impart so great a Mystery of things to such an Alien as my self. This made me the more inquisitive, till at last some of them, with whom I became more familiar, told me, That the Turks gave a great deal of deference to Paper, because the name of God may be written in it: And, therefore, they will not suffer the least bit of Paper to lye upon the Ground, but presently they take it up, and thrust it into some chink or hold or other, that so it may not be trampled under foot; and hitherto, perhaps, their Superstition may be tolerable, but mark what follows.

In the day of Judgment, say they, when Mahomet shall call up his Followers from their Purgatory, (to which they were condemned for their Sins) to Heaven, to be there made Partakers of Eternal Blessedness; There will no way be left for them to come to their Prophet, but over an huge red-hot Iron Grate, which they must run over bare-foot, (how painfully, you may guess, when you imagine a Cock to skip thro' hot-burning Coals.) But at that instant, (believe it if you can!) all those Bundles of Paper, which they have preserv'd from being trod upon, will immediately appear, and put themselves under their Feet; by which means, they will pass the Iron red-hot Grate with less damage; so necessary do they count the work of saving a little Paper. And, to add to the Story, I remember that my Turkish Guides were once very angry with [Page] my Servants, for making use of Paper to cleanse their Posteriors, and thereupon made a grievous Complaint to me of their horrid Offence, therein; I had no way to put them off, but by telling them, 'twas no wonder my Servants did do such strange things, seeing they also us'd to eat Swines Flesh, which the Turks abhor. Thus I have given you a taste of the Turkish Superstition; I shall add, That they account it a damnable Sin, if any of their own People chance (tho' unwillingly) to sit upon the Alcoran, (which is a Book, containing the Rites of their Religion;) and, if a Christian do it, 'tis Death by their Law. Moreover, they will not suffer Rose-leaves to lye upon the Ground, because, as the Ancients did fable, the Rose does spring out of the Blood of Venus; so the Turks (forsooth) hold, That it had its rise from the Sweat of Mahomet: But I cloy your Stomach with these Trifles.

I came to Constantinople on the 20th day of Ianuary, and there found my Collegues above-mentioned, Anthony Wrantzius and Francis Zay; as for the Grand Seignior himself, he was, at that time, at the Head of his Army in Asia, and had only left, at Constantinople, Ebrahim Bassa, an Eunuch, as Governor of the City, and Rustan, but deprived of his Visier-ship; however, I gave him a Visit and made him Presents, as being mindful of his former Dignity, and of the fair Prospect there was of his speedy Restitution thereunto.

[Page]It may, perhaps, divertise you, and besides it is not wholly foreign to my design, to acquaint you how this Rustan came to be strip'd of all his former Honours. Know then, That Solyman begat a Son, called Mustapha, on a Concubine of his, born by the Bosphorus, (if I mistake not) this Youth was in the prime of his Age, and in great favour among the Soldiers. But the same Solyman had several other Children by Roxolana, whom he doted on so much, that he made her his Wife, by appointing her a Dowry; for that's the way of making and firming a Marriage among the Turks. This Solyman did, contrary to the Custom of former Emperors, none of which had ever marry'd a Wife, since the days of Bajazet the Elder; the reason was, because the said Bajazet, being overthrown by Tamerlan, was, with his Wife, taken Prisoner by him, where he suffer'd many Indignities, but none affected him more, than the Uncivilities and Reproaches which he saw offer'd to his Sultaness, before his Face. The memory of which Affronts made such a deep Impression on all those that succeeded Bajazet in the Empire, that, to this very day, none of them will marry a Wife, that so, whatever chance should happen, they might never fall into the like Indignity; so that, ever since, they beget Children on Women of a servile condition, in whose Misfortunes they may be less concern'd, than if they were their lawful Wives. And yet the Children, begot on such Concubins, are as much [Page] esteem'd by the Turks, as if they were born in lawful Wedlock, and they have as much right to their Fathers Estates.

So then, Mustapha, being of a promising Ingenuity, and in the flower of his Age; and besides, being the Darling of the Soldiers, and the Common-People too, having so many favourable Circumstances attending him, he, after his Father's Death, who was now very old, was by the Votes of all designed for his Successor, in the Empire: On the other side, his Stepmother, Roxalana, with might and main, laboured to prevent it, and to secure the Empire for the Children begotten on her own Body, and thereupon presuming on her Marriage-Relation, she ceased not to disparage Mustapha, and to prefer a Younger Son of her own before him. In this design Rustan was both her Counsellor, and her Assistant too; they drew both in one Yoke, for Rustan having Married a Daughter of Solyman's, by Roxalana, their Interests thereupon were conjoined, and twisted one in another.

This Rustan was the chief of the Bassa's, and Solyman's Prime Vizier, having the chief Power and Authority with him: He was a Man of a sharp and very capcacious Wit, and a great Grace to Solyman's Government. As for his Original, he was the Son but of a Shepherd, and yet he seemed worthy of that Dignity, to which he was advanced, if his fordid Avarice had not been a Blot in his Escutcheon. And to speak truly, Solyman himself, [Page] did observe this Vice in him, tho' upon all other accounts, he was his choice and only Favourite: And yet this Crime of his turn'd to his Masters advantage, for being appointed by Solyman to preside over his Treasury, or Exchequer, which sometimes was very low, he was so thrifty in the management of that Office, that he did not spare to raise Mony, even by the meanest and most contemptible ways. For he laid a Tax on Herbs, Roses, and Violets, which grew in great Men's Gardens; he caused the Armour, Coats of Male, Warrior's Horses, of such as were taken Prisoners in War, to be sold, and by such ways as those he got together such a Mass of Mony, that Solyman was very secure on that part; upon this occasion, I remember, that a great Man among the Turks, who are usually vindictive enough, that was a great Enemy to Rustan, yet (to my surprize,) told me, That he would do Rustan no hurt, tho' it were never so much in his power, because his Care and Industry had advanced his Masters Treasury to so prodigious a Sum. There is a Chamber in the Seraglio, at Constantinople, over which there is this Inscription, This is the Cash obtained by the diligence of Rustan.

When Rustan was Grand Visier, and had the intire Administration of all things in his hands, he was able to turn his Master's mind, hither and thither, as he pleased, so that 'twas commonly reported among the Turks, That partly by the Accusation of Rustan, and [Page] partly by the Witchcraft of his Wife Roxolana, (for she was accounted little better than a Sorceress) Solyman was so alienated from his Son Mustapha, that he took Counsel to put him to death. As to what some alledge, that Mustapha being sensible of the Designs of Rustan and his Step-mother Roxolana, against his Life, did labour to preserve them, by taking off his Father, and so seizing the Empire by force; very few do believe that Story, but look upon it as a Fiction.

On this Occasion, let me tell you, that the Sons of the Turkish Emperors are the miserablest Creatures in the World; for if any one of them succeed his Father in the Empire, the rest are inevitably put to death by him. For the Turks cannot endure any Corrival in Government; and, besides, they are egged on to this severity by their Proetorian Bands (Ianizaries and Spahies) who, as long as there is any one of the Grand Seigniors Brothers alive, never cease craving of Largesses and Boons, and, if the present Emperor refuses to grant them, they presently cry out, God save your Brother, God send your Brother a long Life; by which words they more than intimate their Wishes, that he were in the Throne: So that the Turkish Emperors are, in a manner, compelled to put their Brethren to death, and so do begin their Reigns with Blood. But Mustapha was afraid of such a fatal end; or else Roxolana was willing to translate the said Destiny from her own Children upon Mustapha: Upon [Page] one or other of these Grounds, it was, that Solyman entertain'd the thought of putting his Son Mustapha to death. And the occasion fell out opportunely, for he had War, at that time, with Sagthama King of the Persians, thither Rustan was sent with a vast Army. When he drew near to the Borders of Persia, upon a suddain he made a stop, and wrote back fearful Missives to Solyman; telling him, That the whole Empire was in great hazard, there was nothing but Treason studied in the Army, they all cry'd out A Mustapha, A Mustapha; yea, the Disease was grown to such an heighth, that 'twas past his skill to cure it; and, therefore, the Emperor himself must come, immediately, if he would have the Crown sit safe on his Head.

Solyman was mightily disturb'd at the News, and, therefore, posted away towards the Army, and sends Letters to Mustapha to come to him, to purge himself from those Crimes, whereof he was formerly suspected, but now openly accused; if he could do it, he told him, he need no fear to approach his Presence. Upon the receipt of this Letter, Mustapha was in a great streight; if he should go to his Father, in such an angry mood, he ran upon his death; if he refus'd, that would be interpreted, as a plain Confession of the objected Crimes. Under this Dilemma, he resolved upon that course, which as it had more of Resolution in it, so it was fullest of Danger. Away, then, goes he from Amasia, of which he was Governor, to his Fathers Camp, which was [Page] pitch'd not far from the place. This he did, either out of confidence of his own Innocency, or else presuming on the Assistance of the Army, if any severity were meditated against him; whatever was the motive of his Journy, this is certain, that he ran unavoidably upon his own destruction; For Solyman ever since he was at Constantinople, had resolv'd to put him to Death; and to make the matter more plausible, he consulted the Mufty, (so the Turks call the chief of their Priests, as Romanists call theirs the Pope,) and that he might not speak to him in favour of Mustapha, he propounded to him a feign'd Case, thus, ‘There was a Wealthy Merchant at Constantinople, who having occasion to Travel a long Journy from home, left the care of his Family, his Wife, and Children, and all his Affairs, to a Slave of his, in whose Fidelity he put a great deal of confidence; now this Slave, immediately after his departure, design'd to destroy his Masters Wife and Children, committed to his Care, to embezil his Estate, and to work against his Masters own Life, in case he should ever get him into his power; What may be lawfully done, said he, to the Mufty, with such a Slave?’ He deserves, says the Mufty, to be Racked to Death. Whether he spoke really as he thought, or whether he did not do it to curry favour with Rustan and Roxolana; This is certain, that the Resolution of the Grand Seignior was greatly confirm'd thereby to put his Son [Page] to Death, for he was of Opinion, Mustapha's offence against him, was as great, as that supposed Slaves against his Master. However it were, Mustapha came into his Fathers Camp, the whole Army being very solicitous about the event of their Congress.

Soon after he was brought into his Fathers Tent, where all things were hush; not a Soldier of the Guards to be seen, no Serjeant, no Executioner, in view, nor nothing of Treachery, that was visible; but when he was come into an inner Tent, Lo! upon a sudden, there started up Four Mutes, strong and lusty Fellows, to be his Executioners; they set upon him with all their strength and might, and endeavoured to cast a Cord about his Neck; he defended himself stoutly for a while, (for he was a Robust Young Man,) as if he had contended not only for his Life, but for the Empire, also; for without Question, if he had escaped that danger, and had come in among the Ianizaries, they either out of Affection to him, whom they dearly loved, or else, moved with the Indignity of the Thing, would not only have saved his Life, but have gone near to have Proclaimed him Emperor; And that was the very thing, which Solyman fear'd of all things in the World, and therefore perceiving, as he stood behind a Linen Vail in the Tent to behold the Tragedy, that an unexpected stop was put to his Bloody Design, he peep'd out his Head, and gave the Mutes such a sour and minacious Look, in reproach [Page] of their remisness, that thereupon they assaulted him with renew'd Force, and then threw poor Mustapha down on the ground, and strangled him; and after they had done, they carried his Corps out of the Tent, and laid it on a piece of Tapestry, that so the Ianizaries might behold their design'd Emperor.

As soon as the matter was divulged, Commiseration and Grief seized on the whole Camp, and there was scarce a Man of any Consideration, in the whole Army, that did not approach to behold so sad a Spectacle, especially, the Ianizaries, whose Consternation and Rage was such, that they would have ventured to attempt any manner of mischief whatsoever, if they had had a Leader. As for him, whom they hop'd to be their Conductor, he lay dead on the ground, and therefore now there was no way but one, to take that patiently which was past all Remedy.

Thus they silently departed with blubbered Eyes, and sad Hearts, to their Tents, where they both lamented and pitied the woful Fate of an unhappy Mustapha, sometimes inveighing against the Madness and Rage of his old Doating Father, at other times exclaiming at the Fraud and Cruelty of his Step-Mother, and anon Cursing the Wickedness of Rustan, with direful Imprecations for extinguishing so great a Light of the Ottoman Family, so that all that Day was a Fasting-Day to them, they did not sip so much as a drop of Water; yea, [Page] some of them continued their Abstinence for many Days after. In short, there was such a Face of Mourning over the whole Army, which was not like to cease in many Days, that Solyman in Policy, and in a seeming Compliance with the sentiments of his People, depriv'd Rustan of his Office, (it was thought by his own consent,) and Banished him, as a private Person to Constantinople, substituting Achmat Bassa to the Grand-Vizier-ship in his room, a Man of more Courage than Conduct.

Upon this alteration, the publick Grief was somewhat abated, and the Soldiers Rage pacified; for the Commonalty was made to believe, (as you know the Vulgar are Credulous enough,) That Solyman at last had found out the Wickedness of Rustan, and the Inchantments of his Wife; and that now, he repented, tho' it were late, first, of his Cruelty to Mustapha, and thereupon had banish'd Rustan from his presence, and that he would not spare his Wife neither, as soon as he return'd to Constantinople. As for Rustan, he pretended great sorrow, and departed to Constantinople, without seeming to have the least hope, ever to be restor'd to his former Dignity.

But alas! Roxolana, was not content with the destruction of Mustapha, as long as he had an only Son, who was yet in his Minority, alive; for she did not think her own, or her Childrens security, to be sufficiently provided [Page] for, as long as any of Mustapha's Race were alive; but she wanted a fair pretence to accomplish her Design, nor was it long before she found One. She represented to Solyman [...] that as often as his Grandchild, Mustapha's Son, went abroad at Prusa, were he was brought up, the Youth of that City were wont to flock about him, to wi [...]h him all Happiness, and particularly to pray, That he might long survive his Father: And whither (said she) can this tend, but to prompt him to mount the Throne, and revenge his Father's death? and to be sure, the Ianizaries will take his part, (added she;) and thus the death of Mustapha alone will add little Security to the publick Peace and Tranquillity. Religion (proceeded she) is to be preferred before even the Lives of our own Children; and seeing that of the Musselmans, (for so they call their Religion, as counting it the best) stands and falls with the Ottoman Family; if that House fail, farewel Religion also. And how can that House stand, if Domestick Discord undermine it? And therefore, Sir, if you will prevent the ruin of your House, your Empire and your Religion, you must use all manner of means; nay, you must not stick at Parricide it self, if homebred Disagreement and Feud may be thereby prevented; for the Safety of Religion will over-ballance the Loss, even of a Man's own Children. As for Mustapha's Son, you have the less reason to spare him, because his Father's Crime hath [Page] already infected him, and there is no doubt, but, if he be suffered to live, he will soon endeavour to Head a Party, to revenge his Fathers death.

By these Reasons, Solyman was induced to yield to the Murder of his Grandchild, and thereupon sent Ebrahim Bassa to Prusa, to destroy the Innocent Youth. As soon as the Bassa came thither, he made it his great Business to conceal his intended Design from the Child's Mother; for, he thought, it would be look'd upon as an inhuman thing in him, to cut off a Youth, with the privity of his Mother, and, as it were, before her Eyes. And, besides, he was afraid, the People would rise in Arms upon the perpetration of so cruel a Fact; and therefore, at first, Fox-like, he sets his Wits at work to deceive the Mother. He pretended, that he was sent by Solyman out of respect to her and her Son, to visit them; that his Master saw his Error, in putting his Son to death, which he now, too late, repented of; but that the crueller he had been to the Father, the more indulgent he would be to his Son; and many such colloguing words he used, whereby he imposed upon the too credulous Mother, who was the rather induced to believe him, because of Rustan's Disgrace and Fall; and to crown his Flattery, he presented them with many Gifts. This past on for a day or two, and then some Discourse was administred concerning their going abroad, out of the City, to enjoy the [Page] fresh Air. And the Bassa, being an Eunuch, persuaded her, the next day, to take a turn in the Suburbs, she in her Coach, and himself, with her Son, would ride afore on Horseback. The Matter seemed not to afford any suspicion, and, therefore, she consented, and a Chariot is prepared for her; but (mark the Fraud!) the Axle-tree of the Coach was so made, on purpose, that it must needs break, when it came to be jogged in any rough way. Thus she, in an unlucky time, began her Journy out of the City. The Eunuch and the Child rode a pretty way before, as if they had occasion for some private Discourse, and the Mother speeded after as fast as she was able; but when the Coach came to the design'd craggy Place, the Wheel violently hit against the Rocks, and so the Axle-tree broke. This the Mother looked upon as an unlucky Omen, and, therefore, in a great Fright, she could not long be restrain'd from leaving her Coach, and with a few of her Maids from following her Son on foot. But, alas! 'twas too late; for the Eunuch being come to the House, design'd for the Slaughter, without any more ado, shew'd the Child the Emperor's Mandate for his death. He answered, according to the Principles of their Religion, That he look'd upon that Command as proceeding not from the Emperor, but from God, which must necessarily be obey'd, and so he yielded his Neck to the Row-string.

[Page]Thus dyed this innocent and hopeful Youth. When the Eunuch had perpetrated this wicked Fact he stole out at a Back door, and fled as fast as he could. The Mother, soon after, beginning to smell out the Fraud, knocks at the Door; when they thought fit, they open'd it, and there she saw her Son sprawling on the Ground, his Breath being yet hardly out of his Body. Here let me draw a Vail; for a Mothers Affection to a Son, in such a lamentable juncture, may be better conceived than expressed. Upon this dismal sight she was hurried back to Prusa; where she tore her Hair, rent her Garments, filled the whole Town with Howlings, Moans and Plaints. The Prusian Ladies, with their Daughters and Waiting-maids, came in Multitudes to her, and were stark mad to hear of so great a Butchery; and running in that raving manner out of the Gates, all the Cry was, Where's the Eunuch? Where's the Eunuch? Let's have him to tear him to pieces: But he, foreseeing what would happen, and fearing, like another Orphe [...]s, to be torn Peace-meal by those raging Furies, had cunningly withdrawn himself, and was out of Gunshot, as we say.

But to return to my purpose. As soon as I came to Constantinople, Letters were sent to Solyman, then at Amasia, to acquaint him with my Arrival; and, till his Answer was return'd, I had leisure to take a view of the City of Constantinople; and, first, I had a [Page] mind to visit the Temple of St. Sophia, which I was not admitted to do, but by special favour; for the Turks think that their Temples are prophaned, if a Christian do but put his foot within them.

That Church is a magnificent Pile, and a worthy Structure to behold. It hath a great Arch or Hemisphere in the middle, which hath no light but only from the Sky: All the Turkish Mosks are built after the Form of this. Some say [...] That heretofore it was much larger, and contained many Apartments, which were all destroy'd by the Turks, and only the Quire and Nave, in the middle of it, standing.

As for the situation of the City it self, it seemed, to me, to be naturally placed as fit to be the Mistress of the World; it stands in Europe, and hath Asia in view, and on its right, had Egypt and Africa; which though Countries not adjacent to it, yet by reason of frequent Entercourse and naval Commerce; they seem, as it were, contiguous. On its left Hand is the Euxin Sea, and the Palus Maeotis, whose Banks are inhabited round about by many Nations, and so many navigable Rivers have their Influx into them, that there is nothing grows in any of the Countries thereabouts, fit for Mans use, but there is a great conveniency of transporting it by Sea to Constantinople.

On the one side, it is wash'd with the Propontis; on the other, the River makes an Haven, [Page] which Strabo calls, The Golden Horn from the Similitude it hath to an Horn; on the third side it is joyned to the rest of the Continent, so that it almost resembles a Peninsule; and with the continu'd back of a Promontory, it runs out into the Sea and a Bay, which is made there by the River and the Sea. So that from the middle of Constantinople, there is a most pleasant Prospect into the Sea, and even to the Mount Olympus, in Asia, which bears a snowy Head all the Year long. The Sea there, is wonderful full of Fish, which sometimes swim down from the Maeotis and the Euxine, through the Bosphorus and Propontis, into the Aegean and Mediterranean Seas, and sometimes they swim from thence into the Euxin, according to the nature of the Fish; and that in Shoals so thick and numerous, that you may catch them with your Hands. So that here is excellent Fishing for Mackrel, Tunny, Cod, Porpois and Sword-Fish. But the Greeks fish more than the Turks, though these later love, Fish well enough; provided, they be of the number of those, which they count clean; as for others, they had rather eat Poyson than taste them, for, (let me tell you by the by) a Turk had rather his Tongue or his Teeth were pluck'd out of his Head, than taste of any thing they think to be unclean, as a Frog, a Snail or a Tortois. And, herein, the Greeks are every jot as Superstitious as they; of which I will give you the Instance following.

[Page]I entertain'd, in my Family, a Youth of the Greek Religion; I employ'd him as my Steward. The rest of my Servants could never persuade him to eat any Periwinkles or Cockles; but, at last, they put a trick upon him; they caus'd them to be so high-season'd and disguis'd, that he, mistaking them for another sort of Fish, fed upon them most heartily. Whereupon, my People set up a Laughter, and threw down the Shells before him, whereby he perceiv'd himself to be cozen'd: Whereupon, 'tis incredible to relate how much he was troubled. He went presently to his Chamber, and there fell a Vomiting, Weeping and Afflicting himself most grievously, without any Intermission; insomuch, that two Months Sallary was not sufficient to expiate this Offence; for that's the Guise of Greek Priests, according to the kind and greatness of the Offence, they lay a pecuniary Mulct upon those who come to Confess, and they never Absolve them till they pay it down to a Penny. So much for my Greek.

In the furthest Point of that Promontory which I mentioned before, stands the Palace (or Seraglio) of the Turkish Emperors: To me it did not seem very magnificent, either for Work or Workmanship, (for, you must know, that, as yet, I had not made an Entrance into it.) Under the Palace, in a low Ground, and, as it were, upon the Sea-shoar, are the Gardens of the Grand Seignior, where the greatest part of Old Byzantium is thought to have stood.

[Page]I hope you do not expect to be informed, by me, why the Chalcedonians, who built a City over against Byzantium, (the Ruins of the Place are yet to be seen) were Sirnam'd The Blind; nor shall I tell you the nature of that Sea, which always runs downward with a vast Stream, but never recoils with any Tide; nor will I spend time to speak of those Hautgos which were brought to Constantinople from the Palus Moeotis, such as the Italians call Moronella's, Botargues and Caviare; the description of all these Particulars would swell my Epistle to too great a Bulk, (which I think is big enough already) and, besides, it would be needless; for both the Ancients, and also Modern Writers, have given Information of those Particulars at large.

To return, then, to the site of Constantinople. There is no Place, in the World, more pleasantly seated to the Eye, nor more convenient for Trades. But, let me tell you, that the Building therein (as in all other Turkish Cities) are not magnificent, nor are their Streets stately or large; nay, in Constantinople, they are so narrow, that they much eclipse the Beauty of the Place; yet there are in it some valuable Relicks of old Monuments to be seen, but not so many, as a Man would imagin, considering how many Constantin brought thither from Rome. It is not my purpose to insist upon each of these Particulars, yet a word or two of the principal ones.

[Page]In the Area of the old Hippodrome, there are two Serpents cut in Brass; as also, a mighty Obelisk. Moreover, Constantinople doth gratifie us with the sight of two memorable Pillars, One over against the Caravaserai, where I lodged, and the Other in the Forum, called, by the Turks, Au [...]at basar (id est) The Womans Court, wherein, from bottom to top is engraven the History of a certain Expedition of one Arcadius, who built it, and whose Statue, for a long time, stood a top thereof. And yet it may rather be called a Stair-Case than a Pillar, because it goes winding up like a pair of Stairs. I caused the shape of this Pillar to be drawn, which I have by me. But the other Pillar, over against the House the German Embassadors use to lodge in, the whole Structure, besides the Basis and the Chapiter, consists of 8 solid Marble or Red Porphyry Stones, so curiously joyned together, that they seem, (as the Vulgar believes them to be) but one continued Stone. For where the Stones are jointed one into another, upon that Commissure there is wrought a circular Garland of Lawrels round about the Pillar, which hides the jointing, so that they which look upon it from the Ground, perceive no jointing at all. That Pillar hath been so often shaken by Earthquakes, and so battered by Fires happening near it, that it is cleft in many places, and they are forced to bind it about with Iron-hoops, that it may not fall to pieces.

[Page]They say, That the Statue of Apollo once stood upon that Pillar, and that afterwards the Statues of Constantine and of Theodosius the Elder were erected there; but they are all thrown down, either by the force of the Winds, or by Earthquakes.

The Greeks tell this Story concerning the Obelisk, in the Hippodrome which I mentioned before, viz.

That it fell off from its Basis, and lay, for many Ages, upon the Ground; but in the ti [...]e of the later Emperors, there was an Architect found, who undertook to raise it up to its Place, but he demanded a vast Reward for his Pains; after the price was agreed on, he prepar'd abundance of Ropes, Pullies and other Instruments, and by that means he lift'd up that vast Stone within one Inch of the Place where it was to stand; but his present Apparatus being able to raise it no higher, the People, who in great numbers were his Spectators, were of Opinion, that all his former Cost and Pains was lost, and he must begin anew to try to do the Feat some-other way, to his vast Expence and Charge. But he himself was not discourag'd, but being skilful in Mechanick Philosophy, he caused abundance of Water to be brought up to him, which, for many hours, he cast upon the Ropes, at which the Obelisk hung; and those Ropes being often wet and dry (according to their Nature) shrunk a little, and by that means lift'd up the weight to its design'd [Page] Station, to the great Admiration and Applause of the Vulgar.

At Constantinople, I saw several sorts of wild Beasts, such as Lynxes, Catta-Mountains, Panthers, Leopards and Lyons; but they were so gentle and tame, that I saw one of the Keepers pull a Sheep out of a Lions Mouth, so that he only moistned his Jaws with the Blood without devouring him. I saw also a young Elephant, so wanton, that he could dance and play at Ball. Sure you cannot chuse but laugh, when I tell you of an Elephant's dancing and playing at Ball; but if I should say no more, why may you not believe me as well as Seneca, who tells us of One that could dance upon the Rope? Or as Pliny, who speaks of Another, that understood Greek? But that you may not think me an egregious Forger, give me leave to explain my self: When this Elephant was bid to dance, he did so caper or quaver with his whole Body, and interchangeably move his Feet, that he seem'd to represent a kind of a Jig; and as for playing at Ball, he very prettily took up the Ball in his Trunk, and sent it packing therewith, as we do with the Palm of the Hand: And if this be not to dance and play at Ball, I know not what is.

Among those wild Beasts, there had been a Camelopardalis, but she died a little before I came to Constantinople; however, I caus'd her Bones, which had been buried in the Earth, to be digg'd up, that I might inspect the make [Page] of this Creature: It is an Animal a great deal taller in the forepart than in the hinder; and, for that Reason it is unfit to carry a Man, or any other Burthen. It hath an Head and a Neck like a Camel, but a spotted Skin like a Lizard, and therefore it is called by a Name deriv'd from both (i. e.) Camelopardalis.

It might have been imputed as a piece of great neglect in me not to have visited the Euxin, especially, having opportunity to sale thither; seeing the Ancients us'd to account it as great a piece of Curiosity to see Pontus, as to visit Corinth. Thither, therefore, I sail'd with a prosperous Gale, and had the Privilege to be admitted into some of the Pleasure-houses of the Grand Seignior.

In the Valves of one of them, I beheld the famous Fight of Selimus with Ishmael King of the Persians, excellently described in Checker-work. I had also the view of many of the Orchards and Groves of the Turkish Emperor, which were seated in most pleasant Vallies; this I may say of them, That they ow'd little to Art, but almost all to Nature: So that I could not chuse but entertain such Epiphonema's as these in my Thoughts, O most pleasant Houses for Nymphs! O choice Seats for the Muses! O Retirements fit for the Learned! To deal plainly with you (as I told you before) they seem'd to me, as it were, sensibly to bewail their present Posture, and to cry aloud to Christians for their better cultivation; and not they only, but much more, Constantinople [Page] it self, yea, and all Greece too; which being, heretofore, the most flourishing Country in the World, is now wofully inslaved by Barbarians; heretofore, it was the Mother and Nurse of all good Arts and liberal Sciences, but, now, alas! it seems to call for that Culture and Humanity, which once it deliver'd down to us; and, by way of requital, claims the Redemption of our Common Religion from that Scythian Barbarism, under which it groans; and call it may long enough, for, with Grief may we speak it, Christian Princes, now a days, are otherwise imploy'd; so that the Turks do not more domineer over the poor Greeks, than Vices, such as Luxury, Gluttony, Sloth, Lust, Pride, Ambition, Avarice, Hatred, Envy and Emulation, do reign over Christians; which do so clog, enervate and depress our Minds, that we can hardly look up Heaven-ward; nor can we so unmanacle our selves, as to aspire to any thing, that is truly Great or Excellent.

Methinks, Duty and Piety should have been sufficient Motives to us, to help our afflicted Brethren; but if we had been proof against those Incentives, so that neither brave nor praise-worthy Actions could unthaw our frozen Courage; yet Profit and Advantage, which are now the great Byas of the World, might have set us a Gog to recover such opulent and commodious Countries from Infidels, and to possess them our selves: But, on the contrary, forsooth! we plow the Ocean, even [Page] as far as the Indies, and the very Antipodes, because, there, we get rich Prey and Spoil at a cheap rate, even without Bloodshed, by imposing on the simple and uncrafty Indians. 'Tis true, we pretend the Conversion of the Heathens, but, if we go to the Root of the Matter, (to our shame be it spoken) 'tis their Gold, not their Godliness, is the Gain we seek for. Our Ancestors carried it quite and clean at another rate, who did not, like Huckstring Merchants, seek after those Places where there was most Wealth, but where there was greater opportunity for Noble and Vertuous Atchievments. So that, it was not Profit, but Honour, which put them upon hazardous and remote Expeditions: And when they came home, they were more laden with Glory than with Plunder. I speak this in your Ear, for others, perhaps, may think it a piaculiar thing in me, to detract from the manners of the present Age. But, let them think what they will, I see that the Arrow is drawn to the Head, to destroy us; and, I am afraid, that we, who would not fight for Glory, shall be forc'd to do it to save our Lives. But to return to Pontus.

The Turks call the Euxin, Caradenis (i. e.) The Black Sea, it falls down through narrow Straits into the Thracian Bosphorus, where its Waters are toss'd up and down by many Vortices, Turnings and Windings, occasion'd by several Promontories jutting out into it; and thus, in one days Passage, it descends to [Page] Constantinople, and from thence, almost by the like straight Passage, it breaks out into the P [...]opontis. In the middle of the Bay, where it makes its Influx into the Bosphorus, there is a Rock with an erected Pillar, in the Basis whereof is writ the Name of a certain Roman, called Octavian, (if my Memory fail not) in Latin Letters.

On the European Shore there is a Tower, called, Pharos, where they hang out Lights, in the Night, to guide Sailers by: Not far from this place, a River falls into the Sea, in the Chanel whereof there are found Stones, little inferior to Onyxes or Sardonyxes, and, if they be polish'd, are as shining as they. A few Miles from that Bay, which I lately spake of, we may see those Straits over which Darius waft'd his Army against the European Scythians: And about the middle between the two Mouths of the Bosphorus, there are two Castles, whereof one's in Europe, and the other on the opposite Shore, in Asia. This later was possess'd by the Turks, long before Mahomet took Constantinople. The other was built by him some few Years after he became Master of that City. The Turks make use of it, at this day, as a Prison for the nobler sort of their Captives. Lazarus, a Commander, or Prince of the Epitots, not long ago was taken Prisoner by the Turks, together with some Spaniards at Castlenovo, and committed to this Tower; from whence making his escape, and being retaken, he was Impal'd, [Page] (i. e.) put to a most cruel Death, by having a Pole thrust thro' his Body from his Fundament to his very Neck; yet he indur'd it with incredible Patience.

Perhaps you expect that I should here give you an Account of those Floating Islands, called, Cyaneae or Symplegades: But to deal freely with you, those few Hours that I spent on the Pontus, I saw no such Islands at all; whether they had been carried to any other Place, I know not: If you desire to have a more particular Information concerning them, you may consult Peter Gyllius, who was an exact Inquirer into such Curiosities; for my Part, I shall record only what I saw or know to be true. Yet I think it is not fit for me to conceal a Mistake that Polybius is guilty of; for he propounds many Arguments to prove, That in tract of time the Euxin will be choakt up with Sand and other Trash, which by the Danow, the Borysthenes, and other great Rivers falling into it, that it would be made unfit for Navigation; whereas, the contrary appear'd to me, for that Sea is every jot as navigable, at this day, as it was of old in the days of Polybius. And tho' he seem'd to have some Grounds for his Opinion, that to him were Irrefragable; yet time hath shewed them to be Weak. The like observation holds in other Cases; for, of old, who would not believe the Ancients, who affirmed, upon seemingly imaginable Grounds, That the Torrid Zone was Inhabitable; whereas, later Discoveries [Page] have fully convinced us, That those hot Countries are as well inhabited as any other part of the Terrestial Globe; nay, when the Sun is at the highest with them, and darts down its Rays perpendicularly upon them; even at that very time the Ardency of the Heat is so tempered and cooled by continued Rains, that those Countries are rendred very fit for Human Habitations. But to return.

After the Grand Seignior was informed, by Letters, of my Arrival, (as I said before) he sent to the Governor of Constantinople, intimating his Pleasure, that he should send us to him into Asia, as far as the City of Amasia, or (as 'tis writ in ancient Coins) Amazeia, where he then was. Upon this Advice we prepared all things for our Journy; and, with our Guides, on the 9th of March we were wafted over into Natolia, (for so the Turks call Asia at this day:) That day we went no further than Scutari, a Town on the Asiatick Shore, opposite to Old Byzantium; where, or very little above it, the noble City of Chalcedon was formerly thought to stand. The Turks were of Opinion, That when our Horses, Coaches, Baggage and Train, together with our selves, were all got over the Hellespont, 'twas enough for one days Journy; especially, considering, that if we had forgot any of the necessary Accoutrements for our Journy, or had left them behind at Constantinople, (as it sometimes happened) we might bethink our selves before we went any further, [Page] and fetch them over. The next day we continu'd our Journy from Scutari, over Fragrant Fields, full of odoriferous Plants, and especially Stoechas's, a sweet smelling Spike: There we saw a vast number of Tortoises, stalking over all the Field, without any fear at all; we had certainly seized upon a great many of them, as a Prey grateful to our Palates, had it not been for our Turkish Guides, whom we were afraid to disoblige; for if they had seen any of them brought to our Table, much more, if they had touched them, they would have thought themselves so de [...]led, that I know not how many Washings would not have cleansed their imagined Pollution. For, as I told you before, the Turks, and the Greeks too, are so superstitious, that they abhor ever to touch of that Animal; so that it being no hurtful Creature, and no Body endeavouring to catch them, the whole Country abounds with Tortoises. I kept one of them, by me, a great while, which had two Heads, and it would have lived much longer if I had been as careful of it as I might. That days Journy brought us to a Village, called, Cartaly, which I mention, because I shall, for the future, gratify you with the knowledge of the several Stages of this Voyage. For tho' the Journy from Vienna to Constantinople hath been performed by many, yet this from Constantinople to Amasia, hath, as yet, been undergone by no Christian that I know of. From Cartaly we came to Gebise, a Town of Bitheynia, [Page] which some think was anciently called Lybissa, and is famous for the Sepulchre of Hannibal, who was there interred. From thence there is a most pleasant Prospect into the Sea, and into the Bay of Nicomedia; here also grow Cyprus Trees of a wonderful Bulk and Tallness.

Our [...] 4th days Journy from Constantinople brought us to Nicomedia, a City, anciently, of great Note; but we saw nothing remarkable in it, but the Ruins and Rubbish of old Walls, with some broken pieces of Pillars with their Chapiters, which were all the remainders of its ancient Splendor, except one Castle on an Hill, which was somewhat more intire. A little before we came to this Place, some Workmen, that were digging under Ground, discovered a long Wall made with Marble, which (it may be) was part of the ancient Palace of the Kings of Bythynia.

From Nicomedia, we passed over a Cliff or Ridge of Mount Olympiu, and came to a Village, called, Kasockly, and from thence to Nice; but 'twas so late before we came thither, that the first Watch was set. Not far from that Place, I heard a mighty noise, as if it had been of Men that jeer'd and mock'd us. I asked, what was the Matter? Whether any of the Mariners, rowing on the Lake Ascanius, (which was not far off) did deride us, for Travelling at that unusual time of Night? I was answered, No, but it was only the howling of certain Beasts, which the Turks call [Page] Ciacals or Iacals. They are a sort of Wolves somewhat bigger than Foxes, but less than common Wolves, but as greedy and devourous as the most ravenous Wolves or Foxes of all. They go in Flocks, and seldom or never hurt either Man or Beast, but get their Food by Craft and Stealth more than by open Force. Thence it is, that the Turks call subtle and crafty Persons, especially, the Asiaticks, by the Metaphorical Name of Ciacals. Their manner is to enter into the Tents or Houses of the Turks, in the Night-time, and what they can catch, that is eatable, that they eat; and if they find nothing else to devour, then they fall a gnawing of all kinds of Leather things, as Shooes, Boots, Girdles, Scabbards of Swords, and the like; and they are as cunning as they are thievish, but in this they are very ridiculous, that they discover themselves by the noise they make. For whilst they are most busie in an House, devouring their Prey, if any one of their Herd, that stays without doors, chance to howl, they all set up a howling likewise; and, thus, forgetting where they are, they raise up the People of the House, who leap out of their Beds, and cudgel them soundly.

All the next day we staid at Nice; I believe my Lodging was in the same House where the Council of Nice was heretofore celebrated. As for the Town it self, it is seated on the Bank of the Lake Ascanius. The Walls of it are almost intire, so are the Gates, which are [Page] but four, and may all be seen from the middle of the Market-place; in each of them there were old Inscriptions, in Latin, which shew, That the Town was repaired by Antoninus, which of them I do not well remember; but sure it must be by Antoninus the Emperor. There are also some remainders of his Baths, and whilst the Turks were digging out Stones from thence to build Houses at Constantinople, they found the Statue of a Soldier in his Armour, curiously wrought, and almost intire; but they quickly batter'd it with their Hammers, even in our view; and when we shew'd our selves displeased at their rude Violence, they paid us with a jeer, What, said the Labourers, will you bow down to worship this Statue, as you Christians use to do to yours?

From Nice we continued our Journy to a place, called, Ienysar. From Ienysar to Ackbyuck, from Ackbyuck to Bazargyck, from Bazargyck to Bosowick, otherwise called, Cassumbassa, seated in the narrowest Straits of Mount Olympus; for almost all our way from Nice, thither, lay through the Cliff of that Mountain. At Nice we lodged in a Turkish Inn or Hospital, and just against it was a Rock standing on high Ground, wherein there was a square deep Trench cut, and from the bottom thereof there issued out a Canal, that reached to the High-way. That Trench or Ditch, the ancient Inhabitants of that Place used, in the Winter time, to fill with Snow; that so the melted Snow-water gentlydropping [Page] down into the Road, by the fore-mentioned Canal, might quench the Thirst of parched Travellers. Such Works as these the Turks count Eleemosynary ones; because they are for the publick Benefit and Advantage of Mankind.

Not far from this Place, on the right Hand, we saw a Town, called, Otmanlick, borrowing its Name (as I conceive) from Ottoman, the Founder of the Ottoman Family, who lived there.

From those Straits we descended into an open Campaign; and when we came thither, we lay the first Night in our Tents, whereby the Heat did not so much incommode us, as otherwise it would have done; the Place was called Chiausada. The most remarkable things we saw here, was a Subterraneous House, that had no Light, but only what stole in at the Roof: We saw, also, that sort of Goats of whose Hair, or Fleece, (if you had rather call it so) they make the Shagreen or watred Stuff, called, Camlet; if you would know the nature of that Creature, I shall not entertain you with a Flam, but give you the true description thereof.

The Hair of this Creature is very fine, and extreamly white, and it hangs down from their Bodies to the Ground. The Goat-Herds do not Sheer but Kemb it off, and 'tis, almost, as fine as Silk. These Goats are often wash'd, in the Neighbouring Rivers, and feed upon the Grass growing there, which is very tender [Page] and dry; and that certainly contributes much to the fineness of their Wool; for if they are remov'd to another Place, their Fleece changes with their Pasture, and their Kids do so degenerate, that one would hardly think them of the same Breed. The Thread that is spun of that Hair, or Wool, is carry'd, by the Women of that Country, to Ancyra, a City of Galatia, where it is woven into Cloth and dyed, as I shall tell you anon.

Moreover, the Sheep of those Countries have very fat and weighty Tails, (their Sheep-Flocks consist hardly of any other;) the Tail of any one of them weighs sometimes three or four Pound, and sometimes eight or ten; yea, they grow so big in some old Sheep, that they are forc'd to lay them upon a Plank running on two little Wheels, that so they may draw them after them, not being otherwise able to trail them along.

Perhaps you will think I tell you a Romance, but take it on my word, it is a certain Truth. I grant, such bulky Tails may be of some advantage, because they are full of Fat; but the Flesh of the Sheep seem'd more harsh and rank to me, than our own Mutton. The Shepherds that tend them, lye Day and Night in the Fields, and carry their Wives and Children about with them, in Wagons, which serve them instead of Houses; only, sometimes, they erect small Tents, to lie under. They wander far and near, sometimes in the [Page] open Campaign, sometimes over Hills, sometimes over Dales, as the Season of the Year, and the necessity of Pasturage, doth require.

I saw also, in those Countries, some sort of Birds, unknown to us, and such as I never saw before; among the rest, there is a kind of Ducks, which gives a sound like Trumpeters, or such as blow the Cornet; the noise they make is almost like the sound of a Post-boys Horn. It is a Bird, which though it hath nothing wherewith to defend it self, yet is very strong and daring.

The Turks are verily persuaded, that the Devils are afraid of them. This is certain, they are so tenaciously sensible of their Liberty, that though they have been kept up tame in a Coop, for three Years together, yet if they can but get an opportunity to escape away, they fly to their wonted Haunts, as preferring their Natural Seats before their confin'd Prisons, though they be cramm'd and fatned there.

We pass'd on from Chiausada to Karali; from Karali to Hazdengri; from thence to Mazothoy; from Mazothoy we passed over the River Sangac, which runs into Pontus out of Phrygia, and came to Mahathli; from thence to Zugli, thence to Chilancych; from Chilancych to Ialancych; from thence to Portuguin; and from Portuguin we reached to Ancyra, called, by the Turks, Angur. We staid one whole day at Ancyra, partly, because the Turks did not hasten us, for in regard the Persian [Page] Embassador made an Halt, we were desired to do so too, that we might make our Entrances, both at one time. into Amasia. I saw nothing remarkable in all the Villages aforementioned, save that sometimes, among the Turkish Sepulchres, we light upon some Pillars, or ancient Stones of curious Marble, wherein there were some Remains of Latin or Greek Inscriptions, but so defaced, that they could not be read; which Occurrent did resent me very much, for all my delight was, assoon as I came to my Inn, at Night, to inquire after old Inscriptions, together with Latin and Greek Coins; and sometimes for rare kinds of Plants.

As for the Sepulchres, or Graves, of the Turks, their Custom is not to fill them with Earth, but throw great Stones upon them, for a covering; would you know the reason? 'Tis Superstititious enough. The Turks believe, that when the Devil (God bless us) accused the deceased, and calls upon him to give an Account how he spent his Life; then his good Genius will defend him, and this Stone, forsooth, is the Place upon which the Ghost must sit, that he may plead his Cause with more care; and this Grave-stone is huge and bulky, that so Dogs, Wolves or other Ravenous Beasts, especially, the Hyaena, may not injure his Corps, as it lies in the Earth. For,

The Hyaena is a Beast, common in those Countries; she uses to dig up Graves, and [Page] taking out the dead Bodies from thence, carries them to her Den; near which you shall see a great heap of Bones of Men, Horses and other Creatures; she is a little lower than a Wolf, but quite as long; she hath a Skin like a Wolf, only her Hair is rougher and full of great black Spots; her Head is contiguous to her Spina dorsi, without any ver [...]ebrae at all; so that when she looks backward, she must of necessity turn her whole Body: Instead of a row of Teeth, she hath but one continued Bone, as Reports go of her. The Turks do ascribe great Vertue to this Beast, in Philtres, as did the Ancients; and, whereas, there were two of them at Constantinople, when I was there, I cheapned them; but their Owners were unwilling to sell them, because they kept them for the Sultanness (i. e.) the Emperor's Wife, who was thought by amatory Potions and Magick Art, to have engaged thereby her Husband's Love to her. Here I cannot chuse but take notice of a Mistake, in Bellonius, who thinks the Hyaena to be the same Creature with that we call the Zibeth or Musk cat.

But seeing I am about describing the Hyaena, I will tell you a Tale, which I am sure will make you laugh, if ever you have laughed in your Life; it is this.

The Turks have a Tradition, that the Hyaena, (which in their Language they call Zittlian) understands what Men say one to another; yea, the Ancients affirm'd, that they could [Page] also imitate Man's Voice, and thereupon Hunters catch them by this Wile; they find out her Den, which they may easily do by the heap of Bones, lying by it, (as I said before) and then one of them goes in with a Rope, leaving the other end of the Rope in the Hands of his Fellows without, and when he is creeping in, he cries, with a loud Voice, ever and anon, Ioctur, Ioctur, Vcala (i. e.) She is not here, She is not here, or, I cannot find her; whereupon, the Hyaena, thinking she is not discovered, lies close, and he ties one end of the Rope about his Leg; and then he goes forth, still crying, I cannot find her; but when he is escap'd quite out of the Hole, he cries out aloud, She is within, She is within; which the Hyaena hearing, and understanding the meaning of it, (as they say) leaps out, thinking to escape; but then they hold her back by the Rope tyed to her Leg, that they either kill her, or, if they use care and diligence, take her alive, for she is a fierce Creature, and defends her self desperately: But enough, if not too much, of the Hyaena.

I found abundance of old Coins all up and down this Country, especially of the later Emperors, viz. the Constantines, the Constantius's the Iustin's, the Valens's, the Valentine's, the Numerians, the Probus's, the Tacitus's, and such like; in many Places the Turks use them for Weight, viz. of a Drachm or half a Drachm, and they call it Giaur Manguri (i. e.) the Mony of the Pagans or Infidels. The like [Page] Coins I found in the neighbouring Cities of Asia, as at Amysus, at Synopis, at Cumonme, at Amastris and Amasia it self, whither we were going. There was a Brasier of that City which grieved me very much; for demanding of him, Whether he had any old Coins to sell? He answered me, That a few days ago, he had a large Room full of them, but now he had melted them down to make Brass-kettles, as thinking them of little value, and fit for no other use; when I heard this Story, it troubled me much to lose so many choice Monuments of Antiquity; but I paid him back in his own Coin, as the Proverb is, by telling him, That I would have given him a hundred Guilders for them; so that my Revenge was suited to his Injury, for I sent him away as sorrowful, for losing so full a Morsel out of his Mouth, as he did me for losing the Coins.

As for Plants, I saw very few in my Journy in those Parts, which were unknown to us in Europe; they were almost all of the same kind, only they were more or less flourishing, according to the Richness or Poverty of the Soil. The Amomum, which Dioscorides says grows near Pontus, I very diligently sought for, but in vain, so that I knew not whether that Plant did not fail in that Country, or else was transplanted into another.

This Town of Ancyra was our 9th Stage from Constantinople; it is a Town of Galatia, sometimes the Seat of the Gauls, called, by [Page] Pliny, Tectosagum; nor was it unknown to Strabo. Tho' perhaps the present Town is but part of the old Town, called, in the Canons, Anguira. Here we saw a stately Superscription, and a Sampler of those Tables, wherein the Atchievments of Augustus, were summarily comprehended. I caused as much of it, as we could read, to be transcribed. It is cut in the Marble Walls of that Structure, which heretofore was the Town-hall, but is now demolished, so that one part of it is visible to those that enter on the right Hand, and the other to those that enter upon the left. The top Chapiters are almost entire; the middle is full of Clefts, and the lowermost part of it is so battered with Clubs and Hatches, that it cannot be read; which Loss cannot be sufficiently lamented by all Lovers of Learning; and so much the more, because the Commons of Asia, dedicated this City to Augustus. Here also we were Eye-witnesses of the dying of that Cloth, I spake of before, made of Goats-wool, and how they Camlet it, or give it its Water-colour, 'tis done thus. They pour Water upon it, and by means of a Cloth-press, cause it to receive that Colour. That is counted the best, which is most variegated in every part; and if in any piece, the Water-colours do not deeply and uniformly appear, that piece, tho' of the same Colour and made of the same Wool, is valued at some Gilders less than another, because it is not so deeply tinctured. The better sort [Page] of Turks, in their old Age, are usually clothed with this sort of Cloth, and Solyman himself used to wear Vests of it; but Green is a Colour disused much by Christians; and the rather, because the Turks commend it upon a superstitious Account, as being worn by their Prophet Mahomet in his older days.

A black Colour is counted unfortunate, and is dis [...]ik'd by them; and when they see any Man so clad, they look on it as an ill Omen; so that when any of Ours did approach the Bassa's, in a black Habit, they look'd asquint on us, and made sad Complaints; and the truth is, none of their own appear in black, but either one that is desperately poor, or else so overwhelm'd with some great calamity, that he regards not what Cloths he wears. A Purple Colour is a creditable Colour with them, only it is an Omen of much Bloodshed in time of War: But the ordinary approved Colours among them, are the White, the Yellow, the Sea-green, the Violet-colour and Mouse-colour, &c.

The Turks ascribe very much to Augury, and Omens, Good or Bad, so that it hath been known, that some Bassa's have been remov'd from their Places and Offices, by reason of a fall from their Horse, as if that were an Omen of some ill luck, which is averted from the Publick, by falling on the Head of that private and particular Person, who is thereupon degraded.

[Page] From Ancyra, we came to a Village, called, Balygazar; and from thence to Zarekneth; from Zarckneth to Zetmetzii, and to the Bank of the River Halys: As we past through a Village, called, Algii, we saw, at some distance, the neighbouring Mountains of Synopi, which were red, like Vermillion, and from which red Lead is called Synopi'.

This Halys is the famous River, which was heretofore the Boundary of the two Kingdoms, of the Medes, and Lydians, concerning which there was an ancient Oracle, That when Cr [...]sus pass'd it, to make War on the Persians, he should overthrow a great Empire, which fell out to be his Own, whereas he thought it would have been the Persians: Near the Bank of this River there was a Wood, which seem'd, to us, to bear an unknown Shrub; but when we drew near, we found it to be Liquorice, and with the Juice of its Root, we refresh'd our selves abundantly.

Near that River we met with a Countryman, and asking him, by an Interpreter, Whether that River did abound with Fish? And how they used to catch them? He answered, That there were Fishes enough, but no Body could catch them. When he saw we wondred at his Answer, he proceeded: For, says he, if a Man strive to take them up in his Hands, away presently they swim, and will not stay to be catched. This Answer was the less surprizing to me, because, when we had lighted upon some unknown Birds, and demanded [Page] of the Country-men, how we might take them? One or other of them told us, That they could not be taken; for if any Body endeavoured to lay Hands on them, they would fly away.

But one of my Collegues, Francis Hay, having some Nets with him, caused them to be cast for the catching of Fish; we took a great Draught of them, and especially the Silurus, or Shetefish, which are common in the Danow. Besides, there is in that River, good store of Sea-crabs, or else a sort of Fish very like them. Whereupon the Turks, who saw our Fishing, wondred at the Industry and Ingenuity of Christians, who would catch Fish at that rate. Hereupon, perhaps, you will say, What, are there no Fishermen in Turky? Which I grant there are, but very few of them live in those Parts. And, I remember, in another Place, when the Turks saw us turn the Stream out of its course to catch Gudgeons at the bottom, they laughed us to pieces. What, said they, do you catch such small guddling Fish? What are they good for? This Ninny-Hammer did not understand, that a great many of those Fishes would make a dainty Dish, enough to suffice many Guests. But the Turks are so parsimonious, that they don't study their Bellies at all; give them but Bread and Garlick, or an Onion, with a sort of Bonniclabber, or four Milk, known, in Galen's time, by the name of Syllabub, but called by them, Ingurthe, they feed like Farmers, and desire nothing more.

[Page] They make this Drink, thus; they dilute this Milk with cold Water, and then cram Bread into it; this they use in the hottest Weather, and when they are more athirst; and we ourselves found great Benefit by it, in our greatest Droughts. It is a Repast very grateful to the Palate and Stomach, and it is of admirable Vertue in quenching the most vehement Thirst. There is abundance of it already made for Sale in all the Turkish Inns or Caravasaras, as well as all other sorts of Soop. As for hot Meat, or Flesh, the Turks don't much use them in their Travels; their usual Dyet, on the Road, are Syllabubs, Cheese, dry'd Plums, Pears, Peaches, Quinces, Figs, Raisins and Cornel-berries; all those are exposed to Sale in great earthen Platters boyl'd in clean Water; every one takes what he likes best. Those Fruits, with Bread, is his Food; and the Water, which remains, serves for Drink. Thus their Meat and Drink stand them in very little, so that I dare say, one Christian spends more Mony; on his Belly, in one day, than a Turk doth in twelve; yea, their most solemn Feasts consist of Wafers, Cakes and such like Junkets, together with several Dishes of Rice, with some Mutton and Pullet; for Capons are not yet known in Turky; but as for Pheasants, Thrushes, and Birds called Figcaters, they never so much as heard of their Names. But if Hony and Sugar be mix'd with the Water, the Drink is like Ioves Nectar to them. One sort of their Liquors I had almost forgot, [Page] 'tis this. They take Raisins of the S [...]n, and bruise or grind them in a Mill, and then put them into a wooden Vessel, pouring a certain proportion of hot Water upon them. This Mixture they stir about a little, and then cover the Vessel close, and suffer it to ferment a day or two; if it doth work well, then they add Lees of Wine to quicken the Operation. When it first begins to ferment, if you taste it, 'tis over-sweet, and that makes it more unrelishable; but afterwards it acquires something of an Acid Tast, which, mixt with the Sweet, is very grateful to the Palate for about three or four days, especially, if it be mixed with Snow, of which there is plenty at Constantinople at all times. This Drink they call Arabsorbet (i. e.) the Arabian Potion, but it will not keep long, but grows sour in a very little time. 'Twill fly up in your Head, and make you reel as bad as any Wine, if you drink too much of it; and, therefore, the Turks, by the Rules of their Religion, are for bidden to drink it. For my part I liked it very well; yea, that sort of Grapes were very acceptable and refreshing; in many Places they keep them all Summer long. The way of preserving them, they told me, was this: They take large Bunches of Grapes ston'd (as the hot Sun quickly ripens them in those Countries) these they put in a Wooden or Earthen Vessel, in the bottom whereof they, first lay a line of groun'd Mustard-seed, then they spread a line of [Page] Grapes upon it; thus with a lay of Grapes, and a lay of grinded Mustard-seed, they fill it up to the top, and when the Vessel is full, then they pour in new Must, as much as will fill all the Interstice, then they shut it close, and so let it stand till the hot time of the next Year, when Men stand most in need of Drink. Then these Vessels are broach'd, and the Grapes, with its Liquor, are set to sale. The Turks like the Liquor as well as the Grapes, but I did not so well like the Tast of the Mustard-seed, and, therefore I caused the Grapes to be washed, and then when I was most thirsty, they gave me great Relief. I hope you will give me leave to commend a Food to you, that did me so much good, seeing the Egyptians (though preposterously) esteem'd their Herbs and Plants, which were contributory to their Health, as so many Deities. But 'tis time for a Wanderer to return back into the Way.

From the Bank of the River Halys, which (as I remember) the Turks call Aitoczu, we came to Gonknrthoy; from thence to Choron, and from thence to Theche Theoi, where the Turks have a stately Monastry for their Priests and Monks, call'd, Dervises. These Dervises told us a great Story of a certain Man, called, Chederles, of an huge Stature, and Graveness of Mind answerable thereto. They suppose it was the same with our St. George, and ascribe the same Exploits to him; as the saving of a Virgin, by the Slaughter of a huge and terrible [Page] Dragon, To which they add many Fables and Imaginations of idle Brains; as that he Travelled over several Countries far and near, and at last came to a River, whose Waters made those that drank them, Immortal; but in what part of the World this River is, they cannot tell us; in some Vtopia doubtless! They say, moreover, that it lies somewhere in a great Cloud or Mist of Darkness, and that never a Man saw it since Cherderles. As for Cherderles himself, he was made Immortal, and so was his Horse, or stately Prancer on which he rides, by drinking the same Water, who now, both, do invisibly travel over the World, delighting in Wars, and appearing therein to the most Valiant, or to those who implore his Aid, of what Religion soever they be: Such ridiculous Fancies do they please themselves with. To which we may add other things as absurd as those before mentioned, That he was one of the Friends and Companions of Alexander the Great. For the truth is, the Turks keep no just Account either of Times or Ages, but make a confus'd Hodg-podg of all History. When they have a mind to it, they scruple not to say, That Job was Master of the Horse to King Solomon, and that Alexander the Great was General of his Army; with such-like Stuff.

In that Monastry or Mosch, (for so the Turks call their Temples and Churches) there is a Fountain that bubbles forth very clear and limpid Water, it is built about and clad [Page] with most excellent Marble, and they ridiculously would have people believe, that it had its Original from Chederle's Horse, which he pissed in great plenty in that place. They also told us many Rod [...]mantad [...]'s concerning the Companions of Chederles, concerning his chief Groom, and also concerning his Nephew by his Sister; all which were buried near at hand, and their Sepulchers there to be seen, and when any Suppliants come to pay their Devotions to them, they would have persuaded us, that they received great Relief thereby; yea, they superstitiously affirm, That the Fragments of the Stones, and the very Earth it self, on which Chederle's Feet stood, when he staid for the Dragon, if drank in any Liquor, are very good against Fevers, against the Head-ach, and against the Diseases of the Eyes. All the Country, thereabouts, is full of Dragons and Vipers, so that in the hot Season of the Year, they are so thick, basking themselves in the Sun, that the Ways are almost unpassable for Travellers.

I had almost forgot to tell you, that, whereas, the Greeks do usually paint St. George on Horse-back, in their Temples, with his Squire behind him, holding out to him a Cup of Wine as to his Master, he being (as they believe) their Chederles; they laugh heartily at that Spectacle.

At this Place we were near our Journies end, for now we had but one Stage more to Amasia, and that was Baglison; from thence [Page] we reach'd Amasia, April 7; and thirty days after we left Constantinople; as we were comeing, some Turks met us, to gratulate our Arrival, and to introduce us with Honour.

Amasia is, in a manner, the chief City of Cappadocia, where the Turkish Governor of that Province usually had his Residence, for the administration of Justice, and where he usually forms his Camp. But that Town, ever since Bajazet's time, seem'd to be very unlucky, and of late the miserable case of Mustapha, hath confirm'd it to be an unfortunate Seat. Strabo writes, that he was born there. It lies on the side of two opposite Hills, the River Ilis dividing the City in the midst, running between them; so that from each part you may look stoopingly into the River, as from the Seats or Stairs of a Theatre; and one side of it is conspicuous and open to the view of the other. It is so encompassed with Hills, that there is but one way to it either for Coach or Wagon.

The same Night we came thither, there hapned a great Fire, which the Ianizaries quenched, as their manner is, by plucking down the Houses adjoyning. Upon occasion of this Accident, give me leave to inform, That the Turkish Soldiers are well-pleased when a Fire happens; for, whereas, they must be employed to quench it, and usually doing it by the ruining the contiguous Houses, they have thereby opportunity to rifle and plunder both; so that they, themselves, do [Page] oftentimes privily set Houses on Fire, that so they may pinch and steal what they can out of them; as I remember once, when I was at Constantinople, there were frequent Conflagrations of Houses. 'Twas plain, they could not happen casually, but must be set on fire a purpose, and yet the Authors could not be found; but the Fault was commonly cast on some Persian Spyes that were in Town: At last, upon a diligent search, 'twas found that the Soldiers had stirr'd up their Fellows, that were a Ship-board, to do the Feat; that so, during the Fire, they might enrich themselves with the Spoils.

Upon an high Hill, that hangs over and commands Amasia, there is a strong Castle, wherein the Turks have a continual Garison, [...]her to curb the Asiaticks, who are not very well pleased with the Ottoman Yoke (as I shall shew anon) or else to bridle the Persian, who many times make large Excursions even as far as this Town, tho' at such a vast distance from them. In this Hill there are some ancient Monuments, which, perhaps, were the Sepulchres of the Cappadocian Kings.

As for the Houses and Streets of Amasia, there is little or no beauty in them. Their Houses are built of Loom, as they are in Spain, plain at top without any roof, and what covering they have is of Loom or Clay too. They have some old piece of a Pillar, Cylinder or Rober, which they turn up and down to stop any Chink or Crevice, made [Page] either by Rain or Wind. The Inhabitants; in former times, lay down to sleep in the open Air; as for Rains, they are not great nor frequent in those Parts; but if at any time a Shower falls, the Loomy Droppings from the Eaves, do wofully dirty the Cloths of those that pass under them. I saw there a certain young noble Person, living not far from me, at his Supper, after the old Roman fashion, lying on a Bed. Assoon as I came to Amasia, we were introduced to complement the Supreme Vizier Achmet, and the rest of the Bassa's, for their Emperor was then gone abroad; we treated with them a while concerning the Contents of our Embassy; and because they would not seem to prejudice us, they lent us a favourable Ear; howbeit, referring all to the Will and Pleasure of their Emperor. When he came home, we were led into his Presence, for Audience; but he entertain'd us (and the Reasons we alledg'd in the Speech we made him, according to the Command of my Master) with a sour and frowning Look. He sate upon a low Throne, not above a Foot from the Ground, but it was all covered over with rich Tapestry, and with Cushions exquisitely wrought. His Bow and Arrows lay by his side, he himself (as I said) looked froward upon us; and yet there was a certain Majesty, mix'd with Severity, in his Countenance. Each of us, as we entred the Room, were led up towards him by some of his Bed-chamber-officers, [Page] who held us by the Arm, (for so they use to introduce Embassadors, ever since a certain Croatian, desiring to speak with Amurath, and drawing near to him so to do, slew him in revenge of the death of his Master, Mark, the Despot of Servia, who was killed by the said Amurath): and afterwards, as if we had kiss'd his Hand, we were led backward to the opposite part of the Room; for the Turks count it an unmannerly thing to turn any of ones Back parts to their Prince. From thence I had liberty to declare our Master's Commands; but they suited not with his lofty, imperious Spirit, who thought that nothing ought to be denyed him, for they were daring and high; so that he, as disdaining them, said nothing but Giusel, Ginsel; (i. e.) Well, Well. And so we were dismissed to our Lodgings.

At our Audience there was a very full Court, for a great many Governours of Provinces were there with their Presents; and, besides, the Imperial Horse, Spahi's, Ianipagis and Vlulags, there were also a great number of Ianizaries. But among this vast number of Courtiers, there was not so much as one more eminent for Birth or Parentage; each one, by his Valour and adventrous Atchievements, was the Carver out of his own Fortune. Their Honour ariseth from their Preferments, so that there is no dispute about Precedency, but every Man's pre-eminces is according to the Office which he bears. And [Page] those Offices are distributed at the meer Will and Pleasure of the Prince, who do's not regard the empty Name of Nobility, nor value a Rush the Favour of the Multitude, or of any other particular Man, but considering only the Merits and Disposition of the Man, he rewards him accordingly. And by that means, Employments are bestowed upon such Persons as are best able to manage them; and every Man hath opportunity to be the Hammerer out of his own Honour and Preferment. Those which at present are the greatest Officers under their Emperor, were mostly the Sons of Shepherds or Neatherds; and they are so far from being ashamed of the Meanness of their Original, that they glory therein among one another; and account it more Praise-worthy to be the Advancers of themselves, than if they had Honour transmitted down to them from their Ancestors.

For thus they argue, Virtue is not propagated from our Parents, but is partly the Gift of God, and partly acquired by good Discipline, and by our own Labour and Industry; so that as no Son hath his Fathers Skill in Musick, Arithmetick or Geometry, derived to him from his Birth, so neither can Fathers bequeath Virtue as an Inheritance to their Children; for the Soul (say they) is not communicated with the Fathers Seed; so that a Son must necessarily be born like qualified as his Father was; but it is infus'd nto his Body from the God of Heaven. Thus in that Nation, [Page] Dignities, Honours, Offices, &c. are the Rewards of Vertue and Merit; as on the other side, Improbity, Sloth, Idleness, are among them the despicablest things in the whole World. And by this means they flourish, bear sway, and enlarge the Bounds of their Empire every day more and more. But we, Christians, to our shame be it spoken, live at another manner of rate; Virtue is little esteemed among us, but Nobleness of Birth (forsooth) carries away all the Honour and Preferment. But enough of this at present, more may be spoken on this Argument hereafter; and what I have now spoken about it, pray keep it to your self, for other Men may not be able to bear my Freedom herein.

To return then to my Subject; I shall now present you with a surprizing Spectacle, even a Multitude of Persons with pick'd Turbants on their Heads, made of pure white Linen folded together in Plates; their other Apparel was very costly of several sorts and colours, all most radiantly shining with Gold, Silver, Purple, Silk, Velvet, &c. I am not able to describe the Gaudiness of the Show; in one word, 'twas the most glorious one I ever saw in all my Life. And yet in all this Splendor, there was a great deal of Simplicity and Parsimony too. Those who were of one Order had cloathing all of one sort; there were no foolish Hems, Lacings, Fringes or Borders, as among us, which cost a great [Page] deal of Mony, and yet wear out in a day or two. The Silk and Velvet Suits, which many of them wore, though mightily embroidered, yet cost not above a Ducat the making and embroidering. They did as much admire to see the fashion of our Cloths, as we did that of theirs. Their Vests are very long, almost down to their Heels, which is more graceful, and makes them seem taller than they are; but our Apparel (forsooth) is so curtail'd and short, that it hardly covers the Parts which Nature would have to be concealed; on which Account it is less decent. Besides, it seems to take away some Inches from the talness of our Stature, and look more Dwarf-like. And yet among so great a Multitude, I took notice of this most laudable Circumstance; 'twas all hush, not so much as a word spoke among them all, nor no humming noise, as among a tumultuous Multitude; no justling one of another, but every particular Man quietly kept his own Station. The Heads of them, which they call Aga's, had Seats to sit upon, such as their Serasquiers, or Generals, their Brigadiers, Colonels and Captains, but the Commonalty stood on their Feet: Among the rest, I most admir'd the Ianizaries, though there were some Thousands of them, yet they stood at a distance one from another Stock-still, (as we say) as if they had been Statues. So that I who was at some distance from them, thought verily they had been so, till being advised to salute them, as the manner is, I saw [Page] them all bow their Heads, by way of Resalutation, unto me. When we passed from this Show, behold there was another pleasurable one, which entertain'd us, and that was their Horse-Guards, in their March to their Quarters, they Rode upon gallant stately Prancers, excellently well Trapp'd, Equipp'd, and Shod. Thus we were dismissed, but with little hopes of obtaining what we came for.

On the 10th of May, the Persian Embassador came to Amasia, and brought with him rich and gallant Presents, as many choice sorts of Hangings, Babylonian-Tents, curiously wrought within with many sorts of Needle-work, gallant Horse-Trappings, and Saddles, Scymiters made at Damascus, whose Handles were studded with Jewels, and Shields of curious Workmanship; but that which exceeded them all, was the Alchoran, so they call the Book containing the Rites and Ceremonies of their Religion, which they fancy Mahomet compos'd by Divine Inspiration, and which is accounted the most Noble Present of all. They quickly accorded with him on Terms of Peace, so that it concern'd us to be cautious, who were to find greater obstruction in our Negotiations with them. And to assure us that the Peace was confirm'd betwixt them, they omitted no manner of extraordinary Respect to their Embassador. For the guise of the Turks is, (as I told you before,) to be excessive on both sides, either in bestowing Honour on [Page] their Friends, or in heaping Reproaches on their Enemies. Haly Bassa, Deputy to the Grand Vizier, treated the Persian with a sumptuous Dinner, which he made in his Garden, a place far distant from us, and separated also by the interposal of the River, yet we could see the Manner of it well enough; for, I told you, the place was seated so steep on both sides the Hill, that the Eye might easily discover what was done on each side. This Haly is a Dalmatian by Birth, a Man of a good Wit, and, which is strange in Turky, very courteous to Strangers. The Table, at which the Bassa and the Persian Embassador sate, was covered over with a Canopy, and the Dishes were served up after this manner: There were One Hundred Youths, which attended, like Waiters, all of them alike habited; first of all, they entred one by one, at a small distance from one another, till the Train of them reached up to the Table where the Guests were a sitting; they had nothing at all in their Hands, that so they might not be hindred in saluting the Guests, which was done in this manner; They laid their Hands on their Thighs, and bowed their Heads downwards to the ground; when this Ceremony was perform'd, then he that stood next the Kitchin, took a Dish and gave it to the next Page immediately before him, he handed it to a Third, and he to a Fourth, and so from one to another till it came to him who stood next the Table and he delivered it to the Hands [Page] of the Gentleman Sewer, who plac'd it on the Table. And thus One Hundred Dishes, or more, were serv'd up to the Table in excellent Order, without any Noise at all; and when that was done, then those Waiters, or Pages, saluted the Guests a second time, and so returned in the same Order they came in; only, of course, those that were last before went out first, and those which were nearest the Table brought up the Rear. Thus the Second Course was also serv'd up, so that the Turks are great Admirers of Order, even in the smallest matters, which we Christians are apt to neglect, even in things of greatest Moment. At some distance from the Embassador sate his Attendants with some Turks of Quality with them.

Peace being thus made with the Persians, as I told you before, yet we could get no good Terms of them at all, only we obtain'd an Half-Years Truce, till I could send to my Master, and know his Answer. I was sent to be Leiger Embassador there, but in regard there was no Peace settl'd betwixt both Empires, the Bassa's thought it advisable for me to return to my Master with Letters from Solyman their Emperor, and I was to return with an Answer from his Imperial Majesty, if he thought fit. Hereupon I was again introduc'd into Solyman's Presence, and had Two large Embroider'd Vests, reaching down to my Ancles, clapt upon me; they were so heavy, that I could hardly stand under them; [Page] my Family also, that attended me, were all Clad with Silk Garments of divers Colours; in this posture I stalked along, like Agamemnon, or some such piece of Gravity, in the Tragedian, and so I took my leave of their Emperor, having first receiv'd Letters to my Master, Seal'd and wrapt up in Cloth of Gold, and the chiefest of my Attendants were also admitted to take their Leaves; and thus after we had taken our leaves of the Bassa's, I and my Collegues departed from Amasia, Iune the 2d. The Custom is, That Embassadors at their departure have a Dinner provided for them in the Divan, (so they call the place where the Bassa's sit to Administer Justice,) but this is done only to their Friends; that Complement was omitted to me, because Affairs were not yet in an Amicable posture between them and us.

If you Ask me, What manner of Man Solyman was? I'le tell you, He was an Ancient Man, his Countenance, and the Mean of his Body, was very Majestick, well becoming the Dignity which he bore; he was Frugal and Temperate, even from his Youth, tho' he might have taken a greater liberty to himself by the Rules of their own Religion. In his Younger Days he was not given to Wine, nor to Masculine Venery, which the Turks much delight in, so that his very Enemies could object nothing against him on those accounts; but that he was too Uxurious, and his over-Indulgence to his Wife made him give way to [Page] the Death of his Son Mustapha, yet that Crime was vulgarly imputed to that Ascendent she had over him, by reason of her Inchantments and Amatory Portions. This is certain, that after he once took her for his lawful Wife, he never had Carnal Knowledge of any other Women, tho' their Laws did not forbid him. He is a very strict Observer of the Mahumetan Religion, and is as desirous to propagate That, as [...] to enlarge the Bounds of his Empire.

He is now Sixty Years of Age; and, for a Man of his Years, he enjoys a moderate proportion of Health, and yet his Countenance doth discover, that he carries about him some hidden Disease, 'tis thought a Gangrene, or Ulcer, in the Thigh; yet at solemn Audiences of Embassadors, he hath a Fucus to paint his Cheeks, that he may appear sound and healthy to them, and thereupon be more dreaded by Foreign Princes, their Masters. Methought I discovered some such thing at my Dismission, for his Countenance was as foure when I left him, as it was at my first Audience.

Having thus taken my leave, I began my Journy in the Hot Month of june, and the Heat thereof was so excessive, that it cast me into a Fever; 'tis true, it was a remiss and gentle one, yet it came every Day, to which was added an Hoarsness, and Defluction of Rheum from the Head, and it held me till I came quite to Constantinople.

[Page] The Persian Embassador left Amasia the self-same Day that I did, and we went both out of the City the same way; for, (as I told you before,) there is but one Passage into, or out of, that Town, it is so shut in by the circumjacent and unpassable Hills: But the Way quickly doth divide into Two, one to the East, which the Persians took; and another to the West, which was our Road. In the open Fields, about the Town, we saw the Turkish Camp pitch'd, with abundance of Tents. I shall not entertain you with the Stages of my return, they being the same with those of my Journy thither, only we made a little more speed, and sometimes Rode Two Days Journy in One. In fine, we came to a Constantinople, Iune the 24th. You must needs think I had a troublesome Journy of it, having such a Companion with me, as a Quotidian Ague, all the way; so that when I came thither, I was almost nothing but Skin and Bone: Yet, as Lean as I was, when I came to rest, and, by the Advice of Quaquelben, my Physician, used warm Baths, I quickly recovered: One thing I observed in the method of my Cure, that when I came out of the warm Bath, he would sprinkle me over with cold Water, which, tho' it were troublesome to me at the present, yet I found that it did me much good.

Whilst I staid at Constantinpole, there was a certain Person, that came from the Turkish Camp in Asia, who told me a Story, that I [Page] shall acquaint you with, because it shews, that the Asiaticks are not very well pleased, either with the Religion, or the Government, of the Turks; 'twas this, Solyman, says he, as he was returning Home, was forc'd to Lodg one Night in the House of a certain Asiatick and when he went away in the Morning, his Host brought a great deal of Perfume, and us'd a great deal of Ceremonies, to cleanse and purge his House, as if it had been polluted by such a Guest, as Solyman; when Solyman heard of it, he caused the Man to be Slain, and his House to be levelled with the ground. This Punishment the poor Man underwent for his Aversion from the Turks, and his Propensity to favour the Persians.

I staid about Fourteen Days at Constantinople to refresh my self, and then I entred on my Journy back again to Vienna: But I was entertain'd with an Inauspicious Omen, even a very sad Spectacle; just as I was gone forth of the Gates of Constantinople, I met whole Waggon-Loads of Boys and Girls, which were bringing out of Hungary to Constantinople to be sold; no Merchandize is more frequent amongst them, than that. For, as when we leave Antwerp, we meet with all sorts of Merchantable Commodities Importing into the Town, so here, ever and anon, there passed by us abundance of Poor Miserable Christian Slaves, which were going to be sold in the Markets to a perpetual Bondage; there was no distinction of Age, Old and Young were [Page] driven in Herds, or Companies, or else were tied in a long Chain, as we use to tail Horses when we carry them to Fairs; when I beheld this woful sight, I could not forbear weeping and bemoaning the unhappy State of poor Christendom. And if that Miserable Spectacle were not Afflictive enough for a new Traveller, take another bad and mortifying Occurrence: My Collegues had commended some of their Retinue to me, which were weary of living in Turky, that they might be of my Train, in returning to their own Country: I granted their Request, and having Travelled Two Days Journy, I perceiv'd one that was Chief among them, (called a Vaivode, from his Office,) was carried Sick in a Coach; one of his Feet being bare, without any Stockings, he would not suffer it to be covered, for he had in it a Plague-sore, which he found more easie to keep open. We were much troubled at this sight, as fearing that Infectious Disease would spread further; but the poor Man liv'd but till we came to Adrianople, and there departed this Life. Upon his Death another Mischief did succeed; as soon as the Breath was out of his Body, the rest of the Hungarians ran in greedily to the Prey, one caught up his Stockings, another his Doublet, a Third his Shift, a Fourth his other Linen; thus casting themselves, and us too, into a great deal of danger. Nor was there any way in the world from hindering them.

[Page] 'Tis true, my Physician, like an honest Man, ran in amongst them, and intreated them, for God's sake, to throw them away, because they would infect us all; but they were deaf to his Advice. But the Day after we left Adrianople, those self-same Persons came to him, and complain'd of a Pain in their Heads, with a Dejection of their Spirits, and a Listnesness both of Body and Mind, and desired his Advice; He, (suspecting the Symptoms of the Plague in the case,) told them, they were well enough serv'd, for not harkning to his Counsel; yet he would do them what good he could, only, being on his Journy, he was unprovided of proper Medicins. The same Day I walked abroad into the Field, as I us'd to do as soon as ever I came to my Inn, to see if I could find any thing worthy of my Notice in those Countries, where I met with an unknown Herb in a Meadow, which smelt like Garlick. After I had pluck'd some Leaves of it, I gave them to my Physician to know his Judgment; he looked wistly upon it, and told me, 'twas Scordium, and lifting up his Hands to Heaven, he gave God thanks for sending us so opportune a Remedy against the Plague; hereupon he gathers a great quantity of it, and putting it into a large Pot, boiled it over the Fire. Then he bid the Hungarians take Heart, and p [...]ted the Decoction amongst them, prescribing the taking of it very hot, as they were going to Bed, mixt with some Lemnian Earth, [Page] and Diascordium, and that they should not sleep till they had fallen into a great sweat. Observing his Directions, the next Day after they were much better, and desired the same Potion again, and when they had drunk it, they grew perfectly well. And thus, by God's Blessing, we avoided that Infection.

And yet, the residue of our Journy was not without Peril. After we had passed the Country of the Thracians and Bulgarians, which reaches as far as Nissa, and came into the Servians Country, reaching from Nissa to Sema [...]dria, where the Rascians Country begins; we came at last to Belgrade, the Weather being excessively Hot and Parching, for 'twas the hottest time of the Dog-days.

At Belgrade, upon one of our Fish-days, we were presented with abundance of choice Fish, and, amongst the rest, with large full-Bodied Carps, taken in the Danube, whose Carps are very much commended: My People did Eat very greedily of them, that was either the cause, or the occasion, which cast many of them into a Fever; yet all that quantity of Fish, which was enough to satisfie Forty Men, cost but half a Dollar; and the truth is, other things are as cheap. As for Hay, 'tis little or nothing worth, the Meadows are so laden with it, that every Man may take what he will, provided he pay for the Mowing and Carriage; which made us to admire the wisdom of the old Hungarians, [Page] after they had passed the Save, who chose so Fertile a Country, as Hungary, to dwell in; where there were all manner of Conveniencies for Human Life; we passed over a great Tract of Land, both beyond and on this side the Save, and we found the Grass, Barly, Oats and Wheat, almost parch'd and withered with drought; but as soon as we entred Hungary, the Grass was so tall, that a Coach, that went before, could hardly be seen by another that came after; which is a great Argument of the goodness of the Soil.

The Rascians, as I told you before, begin at Semandria, and reach as far as the River Drave; they are reputed to be a fudling sort of People, and not very Faithful to Strangers. Whence they had their Name and Original, I do not certainly know; but truly they were kind enough to us; we passed through some Villages of theirs of less Note, and at last arrived at Esseck, which is almost inclosed with Muddy Marshes, and is famous for the slaughter of Catzianerus, and the overthrow of the Christians. Here I was taken with a Ter [...]ian Ague, I was so parch'd with Heat, in Travelling the open Feilds of Hungary; and at Esseck we passed the Drave, and came to Zasque, where being weary with the Heat of my Journy, and my Ague, I laid me down to rest, where the chiefest of the place came to me to bid be welcome; and presented me with large Melons, with Pears and Plums of several sorts, besides Wine, and other Provisions, [Page] altogether very good, the Noted Country of Campania in Italy hardly bears better. In the Room where I Lodged, there was a long Table all furnished with these Viands: My Servants desired the Hungarians to stay to Supper, excusing my absence, because of my Sickness. As soon as I awoke, and saw such a full-spread Table before my Eyes, I thought verily I had been in a Dream, and Ask'd my Physician, How that came about? He told me plainly, That he himself had caused the Table to be furnished, that so the very sight of it might refresh me. But must not I tast of it, said I? Yes, said he, but you must only tast. And so I Eat a little of it, and seem'd to be much the better for it. The Day after the Hungarians came to me again to present sent their Service, desiring me to represent their Condition to the Emperor, in regard of the Wrongs they received from some of their Neighbours. From thence we came to Mohatz, noted for the Overthrow and Death of Lewis King of Hungary; not far from that Town I saw a River, whose Water was deep, and its Banks very sleep; here that unhappy Prince leapt in with his Horse, and was drown'd, being for his Fall as much to be lamented, as for his Imprudence, in ventring with a small and newly rais'd Army of his Country-Men, to cope with the more numerous, Veteran, and well-disciplin'd Forces of Solyman.

[Page] From Mohatz we Travelled on to Tul [...]a, and from thence to Feldnar. There I passed over the Danube into an Island, pretty large, called Cophis, Inhabited by Rascians; and so repassing the Danube, I arrived at Buda, (12 Days after I left Belgrade,) August the 4th, having lost many of my Horses by the way, who were Choaked with Eating new Barly, and Drinking over-old Water. Besides, I narrowly escaped Robbing, which these Countries are much infested with, especially by those they call Heydukes, some of which were afterwards taken, and put to Death at Buda, where they confessed to the Bassa thereof, that they lay in wait for me, and my Train, under a broken Bridg we were to pass, that so they might Assault us unawares. And the truth is, a few may very easily circumvent and destroy a great many Passengers on such Bridges; for the Bridges are ill-built, and the Planks are set so wide, and gaping one from another, that you can scarce go over them safe on Horse-back, without danger of falling, if you are never so careful; and if some meet you before, others fall on your Rear, and others start out from the Reeds and Sedges below, where they hide themselves, and so Accost you in the Flank, and you can hardly manage your Horse for Self-Defence, by reason of the Ilness of the Bridge; no doubt you may be treated as the Romans were in the Caudine Streights, be either taken or killed, at Pleasure. [Page] I know not what it was that deterred them from assaulting of us; whether it were our Numbers, or the Sight of the Hungarians with us, or because we were in a long Train, and all were not on the Bridge at once, or what ever else it was that withheld them, by God's Blessing, we got safe to Buda. The Bassa of the Town was not then at home, he was gone over to Pest, on the other side the River, where they had a Council of War, after the manner of the Hungarians, they call them Rachi. Many Sanziacks were already come thither, but more were expected, for which Cause, when I desired Audience, 'twas put off for Three Days, that the Ianizaries and Military Persons might make a greater Show. Then I was sent for over, and conveyed to his Tent, where he made Complaints to me of the Injuries that some Hungarians had done to him; It is usual in those Frontier Garrisons, both for Hungarians and Turks, mutually to complain of one another, yea, sometimes they that are most in Fault, begin to complain, first. The Turkish Bassa also added some Minatory Expressions of Revenge; it may be, he thought that the Sight of his Army would terrify me; but he was mistaken, for I answered him roundly, That the Hungarians might rather find Fault with the Turks, than on the contrary; for I my self, in my Travels had seen some of his Soldiers plunder some Hungarians, subjects of his Imperial. Majesty, and carry away their Goods. [Page] He answered me, That indeed he had put some contumacious Christians under Military Execution, but they were such as were under his Master, not the Emperor. Thus, after a mutual Altercation, I was dismissed, being in very bad plight, for my Ague-Fit was sore upon me all that Day.

The Day after, I went to Gran, having a Turkish Guard of Horse along with me, I had a Mind to be wafted over the Danube, and for one Night to lodge in a Village over against the Castle of Gran, that the Day after I might come the sooner to Comorra, and be better able to endure my Ague-Fit, which I expected that Day; and therefore I entreated that Favour of my Guide, that he would send some Body over, to bring the Ferry-Boat, that was on the other Side, that so our Passage might be the easier. I found some Difficulty in having my Request granted, yet, partly to gratify me, and partly to acquaint the Sanziacks with my arival there, he sent over two Persons; when they were gone an Hour before, they spyed Four Horsemen standing under a Tree, a little from the High-way-side; they judged them, by their Habits, to be Turks, and therefore turned aside to accost them; and as they drew near, they ask'd them, What News? They answered not a Word, but made at them with their drawn Swords, and gave one of them such a Blow, athwart his Face, that he made the greatest Part of his [Page] Nose to hang down over his Chin; and then catching at his Horse, which he held by the Bridle, he left his own Beast, and mounting it, set Spurs, and away. The Turks presently came back to us, especially he with a maim'd Face, and with a woful Lamentation, bid us prepare for the Combat, for we were Way-laid. I, to encourage my Men, got presently on Horse-back; but we came too late, when the Scuffle was over, for they had more mind to preserve the Prey they had got, than to fight: And thereupon fled speedily to Iavarin, a Garrison of ours, to which they did belong: The Turks shewed them to us as they were scouring over the neighbouring Hills, that led to Iavarin. Thus we came to Gran, the Sanziack very friendly gave me a Visit, and among other Discourse he put me in mind of the Insolency of the Hungarian Soldiers, who could not be kept from Thieving (said he) Though you the Emperour's Embassador were in company of those they robbed; and therefore he desired me, That the Horse they took away yesterday might be restored. In the mean Time, The Turk, that was wounded the Day before, stood without in the Entry, with his Nose sewen together, through which he made a lamentable Moan, desiring me to pity his Condition: I told him I would give him what was enough for his Cure, and so I bestowed Two Duckets upon him; he would have had more, but the Sanziac told him, [Page] 'twas enough, his Misfortune was not to be charged upon me.

Being thus dismissed by the Sanziack, I came the same Day to Comorra; where I expected my Ague-Fit, but when the usual Period of it drew near, I found it had left me, as if a Fever got in Turky durst not accompany me into the Christian Territories: Hereupon I gave God Thanks, who had both freed me of my Ague, and had also brought me safe to the end of my long and tedious Journy.

Two Days after, I came to Vienna, where the Emperour Ferdinand, my most Gracious Master, was not at present, only I found Maximilian, King of Bohemia, there in his Room; whose courteous Reception of me made me almost forget the Toil of my Journy. But I must tell you, I was so emaciated with my Sickness, and the Inconveniencies of my Journy together, that many thought the Turks had given me a poysonous Dose; for truly, when I went lately to pay my Duty to the Arch-Duke Ferdinand, he, being then there, asked one of his Domesticks, who I was? who answered, I was one that came lately from Turky, and that it was no wonder I lookt so ill, for they who returned from those Parts, used so to do.

Perhaps he was willing to have it believed, that I had taken the Emperour Claudius's Dose; but, for my part, I know of no such thing; neither do I question but that after I had rested [Page] a while, to recover the tediousness of my Journy, I shall look as well as ever I did, and I find my self something mended already.

In the mean time, I acquainted the Emperor with my Return, by Letter, and of the half-Years Truce I had obtained, and the sum of all my whole Negotiation; and when he came home from the Diet, I would inform him of all Particulars more punctually and distinctly.

One thing more I shall acquaint you with, There were many Persons who refused to accompany me to Constantinople, either for Fear, or I know not what Motive besides, who wished they had given me any Mony, to go along with me, now they saw me return in Safety. But what says he in Plautus? If you will eat the Kernel, you must take the Pains to break the Nut: He does himself Wrong, that thinks to reap part of the Fruit, who took no part of the Pains.

Thus, Sir, I have given an account of my Journy, both to Constantinople and also to Amasia; I have not drest up my Narrative with Flowers of Rhetorick, but have presented you with it, just as I would have related it to you by Word of Mouth. I know you will bear with the Courseness of my Style, it being occasioned by my over-eager Desire to gratifie you; nor can you well expect Elegancy from me now in my heat and throng of Business, which I was never Master of in my greatest [Page] Retirements. This I assure you, both for your Information and my own Content, that I am not conscious to my self of any Falshood in the whole Narration, which is the principal Ornament of such Relations as these. Thus I bid you Farewel.

Vienna, Septemb. 1st. 1554.

[Page]

EPISTLE II.

SIR,

I Receiv'd your Letter, wherein you acquaint me, that you have receiv'd Information of my second Voyage into Turky; on which Account you express your wonderment, that I would venture to visit that uncouth and barbarous Country, once more. And, withal, you desire to know the Issue of my Journy; How I found Matters at my return to Constantinople; What Entertainment I met with there; What Proportion of Health I enjoy; Whether my Life be pleasant to me, yea or no; and, in fine, What hopes there may be of my speedy return to Germany. To all which you oblige me, upon the score of our ancient Friendship, to give particular and express Answers; which, to gratifie you, I shall accordingly do.

Know then, in the first Place, That you were not mis-informed as to my return into Turky, the thing is most true; neither could I avoid the Journy, as being oblig'd thereunto [Page] by Promise; and you know every honest Man is as good as his Word [...] My Case was this, The Emperor Ferdinand, my most gracious Lord and Master, designed me as his Lieger Embassador to Constantinople; but his Design was grounded on this Supposition, that Peace would be first setled betwixt the two Empires; but Articles of Agreement being not yet fully accorded, nor wholly rejected neither, there was no reason I should slip my Neck out of the Collar, till the Matter was brought to some certain issue, either a firm Peace, or a perfect Rupture. And, therefore, though I foresaw what a Bushel of Troubles I should run my self into, by my return, and had much rather a fitter Person had been substituted for the Employment; but no Body being willing to accept the Charge, I was, in a manner, forced to the Service; it being my duty to comply with, and obey, the will and pleasure of my gracious Master: For asson as ever he return'd from the Imperial Diet to Vienna, and was informed, by me, of my Transactions with Solyman, the Ottoman Emperor, he immediately laid his Command upon me to prepare my self to return, and to carry back his Answer to Solyman's Letters. 'Tis true, 'twas the depth of Winter, I was commanded to return to Constantinople; and, besides, 'twas a very Rainy, Cold and Tempestuous Season; and, also, my Message was so severe, that I was like to have no Thanks for my Labour. Here, perhaps, you may twit me in the Teeth, [Page] What! twice to the same Pla [...]e? To which I answer, Twice and oftner, if there be need; for commendable Enterprizes, the more hazardous, the more Praise-wor [...]hy.

'Twas in November when I left Vienna, to undertake my second Voyage to unhospitable Pontus; I will not grate your Ears with the Relation of the Gests of my Second Journy. I was too vexatious, I fear, in giving you an Account of my First.

It may suffice to tell you, that I went the same Stages, in a manner, that I did at first. So then, to Constantinople I came in the beginning of Ianuary (having lost one of my Retinue, (who dyed of a Fever in the way.) There I found my Collegues in good Health; but a mighty Change was made in the Turkish Affairs: Bajazet, Solyman's youngest Son had escap'd a great danger, and was reconcil'd to his Father: Achmet Bassa, the Grand Vizier, had been strangled, and Rustan, his Predecessor, was restor'd to his Place of Grand Viziership; of whom more hereafter; but at present, I shall acquaint you what course Entertainment I met with from their Emperor, his Bassa's and other great Men among them. For their Bassa's (as manner is, before they introduce an Embassador to their Prince) being desirous to hear of me, in general, the purport of my Message; assoon as they understood, that my Master Caesar would not recede a jot from his Right, but did punctually insist upon it as just and equal, that the Transactions [Page] with the Widow Iohn late Vaivod of Transilvania and her Son, being made without Fraud, Force or Covin, should be strictly observed, they were in a mighty Chafe; for you must know, that a long-Series of happy Success hath so elevated the Minds of this People, that they make their own Wills, forsooth, the sole Rule of all Reason, Right or Wrong. On which presumptuous Principle, they carried it very haughtily towards us; and told us the extream Danger we would run into, if we offer'd to appear before their Prince with such an imperious Message. When such menacing Words could not deter us from demanding Audience; they gave us to understand, That they would have no Hand in our Admittance; for d'e think, (said they) that we are such brazen-fac'd Fellows as to bring you, with such sawcy Answers, to our King? No, said they, it will be as plain Mockery to him, which he will never take well at your Hands: Do you not know, proceeded they, that he is come back from Persia with a victorious Army; where, his Successes have so exalted him, that he hath put his own Son to death as emulous of the Empire? Whereby, you may guess at the severity of his Passion. He longs for, and courts, a fair occasion to send his handy and well-disciplin'd Army into Hungary, to enrich them with the Spoils of that Country, and to add the residue thereof to his Empire. And, therefore, if you be wise, don't [...]ouze up a sleeping Lyon; for thereby you will but [Page] hasten your own Miseries, which are coming on fast enough of themselves. Such were the Harangues of the Bassa's to us, and the rest of the Turks were of the same Mind. The mildest Punishment they denounced against us, was, That two of us would be cast into a nasty Dungeon, and the third (which was to be my share) would have his Nose and Ears cut off, and so sent back to his Master.

And to strike the greater Terror into us; the Turks, who passed by our Lodgings, gave us many a sour Look; which was an Argument, that they intended some cruel Deportment toward us. And the truth is, from that day forward, they used us more coursely than ever; they kept us up close as Prisoners rather than Embassadors; they suffer'd no Body to come to us, nor permitted any of us to go forth; and the rest of their Carriage was as intolerable. Thus have they treated us these six Months past; and I know not how long they will continue these Severities; but, come what will, we submit to the Will of God. Our Cause is Just and Honourable, and that gives us relief against their vigorous Extremities. But leaving the Narration of our own Misfortunes, I shall answer your desire, in giving you an Account of the Story of Bajazet. For the clearer Explication thereof, I must acquaint you, that Solyman had 5 Sons; the Eldest, begot by him on a Concubine, near the Bosphorus, was called Mustapha, of whose unhappy end you have heard before; [Page] but by another Wife, named Roxolana, he had four, Mahomet, Selymus, Bajazet and Giangir. Mahomet liv'd till he was married, (for the Turks call their Concubines, Wives) but dy'd soon after; so that Selimus and Bajazet of this later Venter only remain'd alive. As for Giangir, he came thus to his end; when News was brought to Constantinople, that his half-Brother Mustapha was put to death; the Youth being of a timorous Mind and infirm Body (for he was Crook-back'd) fell into a grievous Passion, upon the Imagination that the like Fate did hang over his own Head; for he could promise safety to himself no longer than his Father liv'd; if his Head were once laid, he that was his Successor would certainly kill all his Brethren, as emulous of the Kingdom; not one of them would be excepted, and himself being among the number must look for the same Fate; which Thought struck him into a Disease, even as if the Bow-string had been already about his Neck, which cost him his Life; so that now only Selymus and Bajazet remained; Selymus was the Elder, and 'twas known to all, that his Father design'd him for the Empire; but Bajazet was most favoured and doted upon by his Mother, whether i [...] were out of Commiseration to prevent his inevitable Ruin; or else out of Motherly Indulgence, or whatever else the reason was; this is certain, if her Vote could have carried it, Bajazet had certainly succeeded in the [Page] Empire after his Fathers death. But she must give way to his Fathers Will, who was fully resolv'd, come what would, that Selymus, and none else, should succeed him. Bajazet was not ignorant thereof, and therefore he turned every Stone to stave off his impending Fate, and, if possible, to prevent his Ruin by grasping at the Throne. And his Hopes were encreased by the favour of his Mother, and of Rustan the Grand Visier, who was thought to have espoused his Interests. Having two such Pillars to support him, he thought with himself 'twas far more glorious to hazard his Life in contending with his Brother for the Empire, than to die obscurely by the Bow-string, as a Victim to his Cruelty.

Bajazet having this Project in his Head, began to pick Quarrels with his Brother, and to maintain a Faction against him; neither was it long before a fitting Occasion offered it self for him to begin his design'd Enterprize, of rising in Arms upon the Account of Mustapha's death, and the disgust of many thereupon. For the truth is, Mustapha was so well belov'd in his Life-time, and so much lamented at his Death, that those who had placed all their hopes of advancement from him alone, were almost unwilling to live after him; so that they did but wait for an Opportunity to revenge his Death, or to die as he did: Others, who were conscious to themselves that they had favoured his Party, and therefore were [Page] obnoxious to the present Power, did not care what Hurly-burlies they made; ready they were for any Innovation, only they wanted a Leader. In which case, they did not well know what to do. As for Mustapha himself, they knew he could not be recalled from the Dead; yet it was in their power to suborn and set up a feigned Mustapha in his stead, as if the true one had been yet alive. This Design pleased Bajazet (who was the Contriver of the Plot) best of all, as most conducible to the accomplishment of his purpose. Hereupon, by his Emissaries, he procures a mean Fellow, but bold and ready-witted, to counterfeit himself to be Mustapha; and his pretence was more plausible, because his Stature, Physiognomy and Meen of his Body did somewhat resemble Mustapha's. This Man begun, first, to shew himself in that part of Thrace which was above Constantinople, toward the Danube, Moldavia and Valachia. This Place he thought most opportune to raise a Party, because it was full of Horse, which part of the Turkish Militia did most favour Mustapha. Here he starts up, as if he had fled in Posthaste from some remote Place, with a few in his Company; which he pretended was for his own Security: His Followers being asked by the Country, Who he was? They answered, at first, whisperingly, That it was Mustapha. Hereupon they were more desirous to know the Truth; and then he was forced to declare himself, That he was Mustapha, [Page] indeed. Having made this prosperous beginning, he goes on to gratulate his Safety among them, and to give God thanks. First, he told them, That when he was sent for by his angry Father, he durst not trust himself to come into his Presence; but, by his Friends Advice, suborned one, somewhat like him, to represent his Person, that, by another Mans hazard rather than his own, he might make Tryal of his incensed Father's Inclination towards him. This Man he hir'd with great Promises of Reward; but assoon as he came to his Father he was strangled at his Tent-door, before he had any opportunity to make his Defence; and his dead Body was exposed to the View of the Soldiery. At which time, said he, there were some few that smelt out the Project; but most part was deceived by the disguised Lineaments of his deceased Body, and thought it was he himself that was s [...]ain. Assoon as I heard of this, said he, I saw there was no stay for me, but I must consult my Safety by a speedy Flight; I took but few in my Company, that I might be the less taken notice of, and thus passing over Pontus and the Bosphoran Country, I am, said he, come hither; where I promise my self much Aid from your Fidelity, and, therefore, I beseech you lend me your helping hand; a [...]d seeing I am oppress'd by a wretched Step-mother, be you as forward to help me in my Affliction, as you were all ready to do in my Prosperity. For my part, I am resolved to revenge my Wrong [...], and [...]o maintain my Life by force of Arms For what other Course, pray, can I [...]ake? I owe my Life to[Page]my Fathers mistake, who killed another Man instead of me; so that I plainly see, what Fate attends me, if ever I come into his Power. The miserable old Man is imposed on by the enchanting Passions of a Step-mother, whom he doats upon, and by the Ministry of Rustan, to whatsoever Attempt they please. But, thanks be to God, said he, I have got some Friends left to revenge my Wrongs, and to punish my Enemies. And, besides, I am not quite daunted, but have a great Stock yet of Courage left; for I know that the Janizaries, yea, and most of all my Fathers Court are on my side; and, besides, upon hearing of my Name, I know all those which lamented me when dead (as they thought) will flock in to me, now they hear I am alive; only be you pleased to vouchsafe me a favourable Reception, and to protect me till sufficient Aid come in to me. These were his private, and also his publick, Harangues, where-ever he came; and his instructed Followers ecchoed forth the same Report; yea, some Men of Note, that Bajazet had suborned, sung Notes to the same Tune. Thus a great Party of Men, unknown to Bajazet, were brought into the Nooz. For the matter was carried so cunningly, that those who knew Mustapha, and saw him lie dead before his Father's Tent, yet were afraid to believe their own Eyes, but suffered themselves to be persuaded, that this was the true Mustapha indeed; yea, some of Mustapha's Intimates, who knew this was but a Cheat, yet were so overfond of his Memory, that blinded either with Fear, [Page] Grief or Anger, they wers the first that li [...]ted themselves under this Pseudo-Mustapha, as being weary of their Lives without him; which made others certainly think, that this was the true Mustapha indeed, whom Report had falsely related to be slain. And, besides, the Impostor himself, by large Promises and great Largesses, which he said were the Relicks of his former Acquists, (but indeed were the Supplies that Bajazet had provided under-hand) did not cease to cajole and engage his Followers. So that in a very few days he got an handsome Body of Men together, fit for a little Army, and they encreased every day.

When (lo!) Solyman was made acquainted by Messages and Letters, which the Neighbouring Sanziacks, had, in great trepidation, sent him, what hazard he was in by reason of the Resort of such Multitudes, to this Pseudo-Mustapha. The cunning old Man knew one of his Sons must needs be privy to the Plot, and, therefore, he made haste to disappoint it; chiding his Sanziacks, by Letter, that they suffered the Matter to come to such an Head, and had not rather crush'd the Cockatrice in the Egg; but seeing they had been negligent hitherto, he commanded them to make amends for their former Remisness, and to send him presently the Traitor and his Followers, Prisoners, in Chains, to receive thei [...] condign Punishment; and to facilitate the Matter, he would send Aid to them by one of [Page] his Visiers, Partan Bassa, who had married the Widow of Mahomet aforesaid; howbeit, he advised them, if they would purge them [...]elves of their Criminal Neglect, they should quell the Insurrection before his Succour came. Partan had but a few Troops with him, but they were choice Men, eminent for Courage and Faithfulness. Solyman took care to cull out Colonels, Captains and other Commanders of that Gizard for this Service, as suspecting that others might have been corrupted or enticed to pass over to the Tents of the Rebels; for, the Truth was, the ordinary sort of Ianizaries, upon account of Mustapha's Name, did not seem much averse from the Party; and, therefore, did not care what further Confusions might enhance the Danger on that side

The Sanziacks, assoon as ever they received Solyman's minatory Dispatches, began to bestir themselves, and to rouze up one another, so that happy was he, that could do most Damage to the growing Party of the Impostor; some of those that were going in to him, they intercepted; those that had already join'd him they laboured to discourage by terrible Meances and Denunciations of the danger they were in. In the mean time, the Forces of Partan Bassa were marching on, and being almost come up to the Place, the Party of the Tumultuous, being not yet fully setled, seeing so great Preparations made against them, began to be discouraged, (as is [Page] usual with Men in such Circumstances) and to drop off one by one; and at last the whole Body of 'em most shamefully left their Leader, and shifted for themselves, the best they could. Their feigned Mustapha, with his chief Partisans and Setters on, would willingly have done so too, but he was so watch'd by the Ianizaries, that he was taken alive, and sent Prisoner to Partan, who, with a strong Guard, sent him to Constantinople. When he came thither, Solyman put him on the Rack, and by that means found out the whole Plot; how his Son Bajazet was at the bottom of it, and had resolved if they had not been so soon dissipated, to have join'd them with a considerable Force, and so either to have marched directly to Constantinople, or else (if Opportunity had served him) to have sought out his Brother; but being slow in his Actings, his Design was nipp'd in the very Bud. When Solyman had thus ferretted out the Design to the bottom, he caused him and his Abettors to be thrown into the Sea at Midnight, not thinking it convenient to have the Matter divulg'd among his own People, or that foreign Princes should be acquainted with the Domestick Differences of his own Family.

As for his Son Bajazet, he was mightily exasperated against him for his foul Offence, and was meditating in his Mind what grievous Punishment he should inflict upon him. In the mean time, his Wife being a prying Woman, and therefore allowing him but little space for [Page] his Anger to vent and cool it self, at last falling into Discourse with him of the Affair, she began to excuse her Son, laying all the Fault on his Youthful Imprudence; and that some of his Ancestors also had been necessitated to undertake the like Attempts. For (says she) 'tis a natural Instinct in all Men to do what they can for themselves and their Friends, and to save their Lives, if they can; especially young Men, in the fervour of Youth, are apt to be drawn aside by ill Counsellors to pernicious Attempts; and, therefore, it was but reasonable that his first Fault should be pardoned, because, if he repented thereupon, his Father had gained a great Point in preserving his Son; but if he relapsed again into the same Crime, then the Father was at liberty to inflict deserved Punishment on him for both Offences, at one and the same time. But, proceeded she, if you will not pardon him for his own sake, yet be pleased to do it for mine; and spare our own common Flesh and Blood: For how, think you, can I bear it, that of two Sons which God hath yet left me, [...]our Severity would rend one of them from me? And, therefore, she intreated him to moderate his Anger, and not to let loose the reins to Cruelty, tho' you had never so just an Occasion-Almighty God (said she) tho' most Powerful and Just, yet doth not always exert his highest Severities, but tempers them with Indulgence, else Mankind w [...]uld be quickly destroyed. And if Clemency be to be shew'd to any, to [Page] whom, pray, more properly than to a Man's own Children? Bajazet, for the future, will certainly keep within the bounds of his Duty, and the fear, wherein he now is, will certainly be turn'd into the highest Degree of filial Obedience for the Future; if you please to spare his Life, the Sense of your Indulgence will work this; for nothing is so obliging to generous Minds as Courtesies received. The Memory of his Pardon will restrain him from running a second time into the like Offence; yea, I my self will undertake for him, that for the future he will carry it towards you, as a most dutiful and obedient Son.

To these Intreaties she added Tears and Blandishments, so that the old Man, who was Uxorious enough before, could no longer withstand her Importunities, but changed his Mind; and instead of Punishing, resolved to Pardon his Son; but on this Condition, that he was to come into his Presence and receive his Commands. His Mother, being exceeding glad at the good Success of her Interposal, was not wanting to the Occasion; but presently acquainted Bajazet by Letters, that when ever he was sent for, he should not scruple in the least to come to his Father, for she had wrought a Reconciliation betwixt them, so that not the least Spark of Discontent lay now covered in his Mind against him. Upon the Receipt of this good News, Bajazet resolves to trust his Father, yet not without some Relicks of Fear; he reflected ever and anon on his Brother Mustapha, [Page] whose Example warned him of the Danger he underwent. However, conquering his Fear, come he did to the Place of Conference appointed by his Father, it was called Carestrane, some few Miles distant from Constantinople.

For you must know, that now-a-days, 'tis the Custom of the Turkish Emperors, never to permit any one of their Sons, when once they are grown up, to set their Foot within the Gates of Constantinople, (whilst they are alive) for fear they should ingratiate themselves with the Soldiery, and so set up for themselves. As he was alighting from his Horse, some of his Father's Servants were at hand to take away his Sword and Dagger; this struck his guilty Conscience into a little Fear, tho' it were accustomed to be done to others, that they might come unarmed into their Emperor's Presence: But his Mother, who had placed her self on purpose near his Passage, looked out at a Window, using these Expressions, Chear up, chear up, my Son, by which Antidote he was very much heartned and relieved.

As soon as ever he came into his Fathers Presence, the old Man bid him sit down, and then began to blame him very severely for his rashness, in taking up Arms so causelessly. They may be looked upon, said he, as taken up against my self; but grant you took them up only against your Brother, yet it takes off little from your Offence, for if you had had [Page] your Wish, the Ottoman Religion would have been quite shaken, if not overthrown by the Domestick Discords among our Family, (on the Heirs whereof it doth depend) so that if you be a true Mussulman, such a Crime ought to have been far from your Thoughts: I might aggravate your Crime (said he) by telling you, That you aspired at the Government in my Life-time, which is so contemptuous a Thing, that your Offence is almost inexpiable: Nevertheless, I am resolved to pardon you, and to shew my self a loving Father rather than a just Judge, that so for the future you may leave all to God; for Kingdoms, and the Governments of them are not disposed of by Mans Pleasure, but by the Will of God; if he hath decreed that you shall have the Kingdom after me, no Man living will be able to hinder it: But, if God had otherwise determined, 'twas a mad Thing in you to go about to resist his Will, for that were to fight against God; and therefore let me advise you to be quiet, and not disturb your peaceable Brother, nor interrupt the Quiet of my old Age; for, I will assure you, if you commit a second Offence, of this Nature, I will be so far from pardoning you, that you shall have the Severity of Justice.

Bajazet's Answer was very Submissive, acknowledging his Fault, and promising Subjection for the future. Whereupon Solyman called for Drink, and caused it to be given to his Son, (as the Custom is) which was a Sherbet, [Page] made of Sugar and the Juice of certain Fruit. Bajazet had rather have let it alone, as fearing it might have been his last Draught, but he could not handsomely refuse it, so he drank a little, and his Father drank a little after him, which freed him of his Fear. Thus Bajazet was dismissed, and sent away to his Government, his Congress with his Father having been far more auspicious than his Brother Mustapha's was.

As for the Death of Achmet Bassa, another of your Enquiries, I shall give this short Relation: Some say, he was put to Death for being too much affected to Mustapha, and for favouring underhand the Counterfeit Mustapha, and encouraging Bajazet in his Designs. Others say, That being a mere Robber or Swashbuckler at first, but advanced for his Audacity, Valour and Skill in Military Affairs, to that high Dignity, the Punishment of his former flagitious Life was only deferred to the last Period of it. And some were of Opinion, he was executed only to make Way for Rustan; for Solyman having promised Achmet never to take away the Seal from him, as long as he lived; to make a collusive Performance of his Word, he caused him to be put to Death, before he did it. Some said, That Solyman gave it out, 'Twas better to dye once than a Thousand Times over; for the Fear of the Loss of his Grand Viziership, and much more his Survival thereupon, would have [Page] been as a Thousand Deaths to him. Whatever was the Cause, the Manner of it was this; He came early in the Morning into the Divan, (or Council-Chamber) being ignorant of what was designed against him: By and by comes a Messenger to him from the Sultan, telling him, That he must die. He was a Man of a great Spirit, and received the Message as undauntedly as if it had nothing concerned him; only when the Executioner drew near, to do his Office, he pushed him away, as thinking it dishonourable for a Man of his Dignity to dye by the Hands of an ordinary Executioner: But casting his Eyes round about the Company, he espied a creditable Person, that was his Friend, him he desired to do that last Office for him, and he should take it as a great Kindness at his Hands; his Friend, upon his iterated Request, undertook it: Only Achmet advised, Not to draw the Cord or Bow-string, so as to dispatch him at once, but when he had strained it a little, then to remit it, that he might breath a little, and afterwards to pull it as hard as he could, until he were dead; wherein his Desire was answered. Thus Achmet was willing (as it were) to taste of Death, before he drank his full Draught thereof. Upon his Decease Rustan had the Grand-Viziership bestowed upon him.

[Page]As for my Return out of this Country, which you desire to hear of, all I can say is, Facilis descensus Averni; he that brought me hither, will, when he sees good, bring me back: In the Interim, I solace my self in the Company of my old Friends, my Books, which never fail to afford me Relief both Day and Night.

Constantinople, the Day before the Ides of June 1555. June 12.

[Page]

EPISTLE III.

SIR,

THE Relations, you heard, was very true; for it is most certain, that all my Collegues are returned home, and poor I am left behind, alone. And whereas you propound several Questions to me, as, What Fate, or what malevolent Star kept me back from accompanying them in their Return? And why I did not shake Hands with that barbarous Country, to enjoy the wish'd for Comforts of my own? And withal, you demand, What memorable Matters I have seen or heard of since I wrote last? promising to give credit to whatever drops from my Pen, as if it were as true as Gospel. And moreover, you desire to know the Course of my Studies, and how I relieve my self both in my Solitudes and Sufferings? And whether I go abroad or always stay at home? All these Postulations put together, will engage me to write rather Commentaries or Diaries, than a single Letter, especially since you are very earnest to know, How Bajazet's Matters stand, (concerning which, you say, there are various Reports with you.) You claim a Promise from me, [Page] and unless I perform it, you tell me you will commence an Action against me, and have already drawn your Breviat against me: Let me prosecute your Metaphor, and perswade you to stay a while, Leniter qui saeviunt sa [...] piunt magis, says the Old Adage, No haste to kill true Men: But if you are so much given to Law, take Use and Principal too, rather than I will answer your Suit, for I am averse from Lawing. And besides, the Distance of Place is so great between us, that if I should put in an Exception to your Plea, yet your Writ would hardly abate. However it be, I will rather satisfy your Desires, than contend with you in the least: When my Collegues (whose Names I gave you in my last Letters) perceived, that our Three Years abode in this Place had produced little good hitherto, either to the making of a firm Peace, or the continuing the Truce; and that small Hopes of either did appear for the future, they laboured with Might and Main to be dismissed by this Court; and when, with much ado. Solyman's Consent was obtained therein, (for 'tis no easy matter to get a Dismission from hence) then the only Question was, Whether we should all go, or only those of us that came first, and so had been longest there? For cunning Solyman, that he might not seem over-desirous of Peace, by retaining one of us, remitted the Matter wholly to our own Choice. In these Circumstances, my Companions thought it very advisable, and for our Master's Service, that one of us should [Page] stay behind, and I my self was of the same Mind; but we resolved to dissemble our Sentiments, and conceal them from the Turks, so that as often as we had any Discourse with them on that Subject, I always pretended, I was utterly unwilling to stay behind. 'Tis true, I told them I came thither to reside as Embassador in Ordinary, but it was on Supposition, That Peace would be made between both Empires; but That not being yet done, I did not see how I could well stay, but to the Damage and against the Will of my Master, and therefore it was best that we should all return together. Thus I reasoned before them, that so I might stay on better Terms, rather by their Entreaty than by my own voluntary Offer. I knew well enough, that if we all went away, it would not only open Door for a War, but it would even quite shut out all Hopes of Peace; which later was not despaired of, if I staid behind: For whilst Dispatches were sent to and from both Princes, it would spin out a great deal of Time, in which interval something or other might fall out of Advantage to our Cause; so that it was better to do any thing, than to precipitate ourselves into a fierce and cruel War; and yet I was not ignorant, how prejudicial my stay would be to my self, for thereby my fair and labour would be doubled, in regard One was to do the Work of Two or Three: Besides, many Inconveniencies might occasionally arise, especially if the Issue of my Transactions did terminate [Page] in a War: And yet, I must tell you, he that Undertakes the Office of a publick Embassador, must post-p [...]ne all such private Difficulties, and make light of them, in comparison of the Publick Good of his Prince and Country. And I had a fair Opportunity to manage this Affair by the Complaisance of Rustan, who was very desirous of my Stay; for that subtle Vizier easily foresaw, what a shrewd Step towards a War it would be, if we should all be gone and leave the Negotiation for a Peace unfinished. The old Fox was averse from War, upon this account principally, he foresaw, That if Solyman made an Expedition into Hungary, it was impossible to prevent the Discords of his Children; for if Selymus were willing to be quiet, yet Bajazet would attempt Innovation, especially since he was favoured by himself, his Wife and Mother-in-law; and such Commotions, he knew, would be fatal to him: And therefore, when we were once at his House, he made a long Harangue to my Colleagues, advising them what to say to their Master at their Return, in order to a Peace. As for me, he advised me by all means to stay behind, and not to desert a Business so well begun 'till it came to a desired Issue; and there's no doubt, said he, but the Emperor, your Master, who always shewed himself inclining to Peace, will approve wellenough of your Stay. Yet, nevertheless, I continued Deaf to his Request, as far as with Safety I could, and insisted on my Return; [Page] which edg'd him on the more, to perswade me to stay: What, says he, will you cut off all Hopes of Peace for ever? Our Emperor longs for nothing more than to send an Army into Hungary, and he had long since done it, if I had not made use of some Female Instruments (under standing his Wife and Mother-in-law) to disswade him; yea, as it were to pluck him back by the Sleeve; and therefore, if you be wise, don't you rouze a sleeping Lyon to destroy you. upon this I began to yield a little, and was less peremptory in my Refusal to stay, only I told them, my greatest Remora was, I was afraid of their Criminations, that if Matters succeeded not as they would have them, the whole Blame would be cast upon me (tho' it was not in my Power to help it) and therefore they would make me feel the Fruits of their Indignation. But Rustan bid me, Be of good chear, whatever the Event were; if unsuccessful, it should not be imputed to me; if I would but stay, he promised to have me to be under his immediate Protection, and would treat me (to use his own Word) as if I were his Natural Brother. I told him, I would consider of it, and so we parted for that Time.

The next Day we were called into the Divan, (so they call their Council Chamber) then the same Part was acted over again, only Rustan carried it a little more covertly, and reservedly, because of the Presence of other Bassas, there, at last, I yielded to stay behind, [Page] only leaving a Memorial with them of this Import, That I staid behind unknown to my Master, and therefore I would leave all my Concessions to his Arbitrement, to cancel or confirm; as for my self, I would be responsible for nothing, nor oblige my self by any Promise, whatever issue God were pleased to give of my Negotiation. This Memorial did me a great Kindness after wards, in difficult Circumstances, so that the Bassas could not for shame treat me so severely in their Passions, as otherwise they would have done.

Thus, Sir, you have an account of my Stay behind my Fellows, with the Reason thereof. They left Constantinople about the later end of August 1557. The Winter following the Grand Seignior went to Adrianople, as his Custom was, both to strike a greater Terror into Hungary, upon the bruit of his nearer approach thither, and also for the Conveniencies of his Hunting, for there the Winters are colder than at Constantinople both which he thought conducive to his He 1th. The Country thereabouts is full of Marshes and Stagnant Waters, by reason of the vicinity of many Rivers; so that there are abu [...]dance of Water-foul, as wild Ducks, Geese, Herons, Storks, Cranes, Bitturns, &c. To catch them, he makes use of Hawks, or a lesser sort of Eagles, which are so used to the Sport, that tho' the Foul fly up to the Clouds, they I fetch him down from thence; but if they fly lower, then they truss them, and with a mighty Force [Page] strike them with their Bills to the Ground. I am told, That some of his Falcons are so disciplin'd and expert, that they will venture on a Crane, even in that part of the Body where the Wing joyns it; and by this means the Cranes Bill can do them no hurt, and so they tumble to the Ground with their Prey: And yet sometimes the Hawk pays dear for his Boldness for if he do but miss his Gripe never so little, presently the Crane runs him through with his Bill and down he tumbles dead to the Ground.

For this Reason, the Grand Seignior ordinarily every Year, a little before Winter, goes to Adrianople, and returns not again to Constantinople till the Frogs begin to be troublesome to him by their croaking. Thither Rustan, a while after, sent for me by Letter; he appointed some Horse to guard me on the Way, and Sixteen Ianizaries, whether as a Guard to me, or upon me, I leave to you to judge: We made long Journys, for he advised us to make haste: On the Third Day my Ianizaries, being a Foot, began to grumble, the Ways were dirty, as is usual at that Time of the Year; they complained, That they were forced to march more Miles, often, in a Day, than they used to do; and that, if their Emperour were there, they could hardly endure it.

Their Complaints troubled me not a little, because I was loth to disoblige this sort of People, and therefore I consulted with my Servants, how I might allay their Discontents, and make them willinger to travel. One of [Page] mine told me, he had observed that they were much taken with a certain kind of Caudle, Gruel or Pottage, which my Cook used to make of Wine, Eggs, Sugar and Spices; Perhaps (says he) if they have some of that for their Break-fast, they will be plyable. This seemed but a mean Expedient, yet we resolv'd to try it, and the Success answered our Expectation; for after this sweet Soop, being also further heated with a Glass or two of Wine, away they trudged, as merrily as could be, and told me, they would accompany me, on the same Terms, to Buda, if I pleased.

When I came to Adrianople, I was forced to hear the Railings, rather than the Complainings, of Rustan, concerning the Plundering-Excursions of the Hungarians. And, by way of Answer, I was as ready to complain to him of the frequent Depredations and Mischiefs, which the Turks did in Christian Countries. No marvel, said I, if our retort like for like; for I had just then received an Express from Caesar, my Master, informing me, what Breaches and Contraventions the Turks had made of that Truce, which at the Departure of my Collegues was agreed upon: How they vexed the poor Peasants with continual Inrodes, robbing them of their Goods, and made themselves, their Wives and Children, Slaves.

I must not forget-to-acquaint you, how that the same Day, Caesar, my Master's, Messenger came to me with an Express. There happen'd [Page] an Earthquake at Adrianople, which gave him occasion to tell me, That he perceived the same (so he judge it) at Nissa, S. Sophia and other Places through which he travelled, so that the Air, included in the Bowels of the Earth, did seem to have kept Pace with him, by some subterraneous Passages or Caverns, and to have travelled as far in a Day under Ground, as he himself had done on the Surface of the Earth; which conjecture afterward seemed to be confirmed, upon the Relation we received of an Earthquake that happen'd in Constantinople Four Days after, which seemed to be the same imprisoned Air, that had made its way, under Ground, even to that City also.

I leave the Matter to your Judgment, but this is certain, That Earthquakes are very frequent at Constantinople; for once, when I was there, about Mid-night, my Lodging did so shake, that it was almost ready to fall: This Accident awakened me, though fast asl [...]ep, and, having a Watch Light burning by me all Night, when I saw here a Cup, there a Book, a Table, Board and Stone all tumbled in an Heap together: I was at first astonished at the Nov [...]lty of the Spectacle, till I had recollected my self, and judging it to be the effects of an Earthquake, I then retired to that part of the House which I thought most secure from falling. The same Commotion of the Earth continued some Days, but not with like Violence. Yea, over all that great City, and especially in my Lodgings, and in the Temple of [Page] S. Sophia, you might see the Walls, though very thick, to chink and gape by reason of the Clefts made by such Earthquakes.

Well, I staid about Three Months at Adrianople, where after I had made a Truce for Seven Months, in March I was attended back again to Constantinople: When I came thither I was quite weary to be mew'd up in my old Lodging, it was so close, and therefore I dealt with my Chiaux, (a sort of Officers among the Turks, which serve for divers Employments, of which Attendance on Embassadors is one) that I might have Liberty (as other Embassadors had before me) to hire an House at my own Charge, where I may have the Benefits of Gardens, Orchards, and a free Air, to breath in. The Chiaux was not averse from my Proposal, for he saw that the Grand Siegnior's Advantage was concerned therein, who was wont to hire Houses for Embassadors, at the yearly Rent of 400 Ducats; and now all that Expence would be saved: Hereupon I went to an House or Island rather, hired with my own Mony, where there was a broad Field adjoyning, where I resolved to make a Garden, and to relieve my wearisom Embassy, in managing and planting it: But, see the Spight of it, when the Chiaux found by Experience that he could not have as strict an Inspection over me, in an open House that had many Ways to it, with a large space of ground near it, as he had in a Caravasa (which Word you know the meaning of by my former Letters) [Page] because this later was fenced with Crossbarr'd Windows, and besides, had but one Passage into it, he began to change his Mind, and thereupon made his Address to the Bassas, who by this time were returned from Adrianople, that I might retire to my former Lodging: And I was to look upon This as a great Courtesy too, for some of the Bashas, in a Debate betwixt them, concerning my disposal, were of Opinion, that now I was alone, a less House would serve my turn, and so some Charge might be saved; but the moderatest Party carried it, That I should return to my old Quarters.

If you desire a Description of the House I lodged in, take it thus. It is scituated on a Rising Ground, in the most celebrated part of Constantinople; in the Back-side thereof there is a pleasant, but somewhat distant, Prospect to the Sea, which yet is not so remote from it, but that you may easily discern the Dolphins skipping and playing therein: And also at a vast distance a Man may see Mount Olympus in Asia, which wears a snowy-white Cap all the Year! It lyes-open to the Wind from every Quarter, which by ventilating the Air, makes it more wholsom and healthy. But the Turks are so envious to their Christian Tenants, that they would cut them off from as many Conveniencies as they can, and therefore they do not only set Iron Grates before their Windows, but do also add Iron Boards and Planks to hinder the Prospect, and the free [Page] Passage of the Air; and by this means they stop the Mouths of the Neighbouring Turks, who are apt to complain, that they can do nothing in their Houses but the Christians must overlook them. The House is built in a Quadrangular Form, with a large Square in the midst, wherein there is a Well. The upper Part of the House, which is all thereof that is inhabited, is divided into Galleries, which go round it, and into Lodging Chambers. The Galleries look down into the Quadrangle within, and without are the Lodgings, which have all a Passage into them; there are a great many of them, but they are small and uniform, as the Cells or Chambers of Monks are with us. The Front stands over against the High-Way, leading to the Seraglio; and the Grand Seignior, every Friday (which is their Sabbath, as the Lord's Day is with us) passes by it to his Devotions, so that Embassadors may easily see him out of their Windows. And the Family, together with the Chiaux and the Ianizaries do obeysance to him in the Porch, or do re-salute him rather; for the Fashion of the Turks is, that the Greater doth first of all salute the Less, and therefore the Grand Seignior, as he passes, first salutes the People with a Nod of his Head; and then they very officiously pay their Courts to him, with Acclamations and Shouts.

The lower Part of the House is designed for the Stabling of Horses; and to preserve it from Fire within, it is all built with [Page] Vaults or arch'd Roofs, and without it is covered with Lead. 'Tis true, such kind of Building hath some Advantages, and it hath as many Inconveniencies to ballance them: For all things are made therein for necessary use, but nothing for Delight and Pleasure; there is nothing of Beauty or Novelty that can entertain your Eye; there is no Garden belonging to it, to divert a Man by walking; there is neither Tree, Shrub nor green Herb, to delight your Eye, you have only many Wild Beasts as your troublesome Inmates and Companions; Snakes you have in abundance, store of Weazils, Lizards and Scorpions; so that, sometime, when you would fetch your Hat in the Morning, from the Place you left it the Night before, you find it surrounded with a Snake, as with a terrible Hat Band: And yet these Animal [...] afforded me some kind of Divertisement in my Solitude, (for you must give me leave to tell you all my entertainments.) I once saw a Weazil fiercely combating with a Snake and though the whole Family look'd upon her, yet she was not terrified therewith; but tho her Adversary struggled, and made what Defence he could, yet she victoriously haled him in to her Hole. Another Time I saw a Weaz [...] carrying her Young Weasling from one Place of the House to another, which, as she was [...] doing, she leapt down upon the middle of the Table, where I and some of my Guests were sitting after Dinner, having a young one [...] [Page] her Mouth, which she very fairly left among us on the Table, and skipt no farther than the Door, (as if she had waited what Event would be [...]ide her youngling) when we had satisfied our selves with the Sight of that, yet shapeless, Animal, we laid it down upon the Ground, and then the Dam ran hastily, and snatching it up, carried it to her desired Place. Another time I saw either a Snake or a Dragon, or a Serpent, trod to Pieces by the Horses Feet, in the Stable; her Belly was very big, and, after I had caused it to be opened, I found Three huge Mice therein. 'Twas a Wonder to me, how such a slow and creeping Animal could catch so swift and so running an one; and after he had catch'd him how he could swallow him down, by reason of the narrowness of his Throat and Jaws. But my Wonderment was soon abated when I beheld another Snake seize upon a mighty Toad, and after he had him in his Mouth, he began at the hinder Part, and had devoured a great deal thereof, and yet the Toad was still alive, and did what he could with his Fore-Feet to deliver himself from his Enemy: 'Twas in this very Posture when I saw it first, which made me to admire and to be almost of the Opinion, that I saw a Monster, an Animal with Two Feet and a Tail, as long as a Serpent, but when I drew nearer, and perceived what it was, as I hit the Snake with my Staff, to make him let go his Prey, which at last he endeavoured to do, [Page] that he might creep the nimbler away; but whether he would or no, the Toad stuck in his Throat; yet, at last, when with much-a-do, he had shaken him out, he could not shut his Mouth, but continued gaping, in an ugly Posture, till we had killed him. Such a Staff, if we may believe Pl [...]y, hath a kind of Magical Vertue to help Child-bearing-Women in the Time of their Labour.

But, for my Part, I was not content with the native Animals of that Country, but fill'd my House with Outlandish Ones too; and my Family busied themselves, by my order, to both our mutual Contents, in feeding them, that we might the better bear the absence from our own Country: For seeing we were debarred of Human Society, what better Conversation could we have to drive Grief out of our Minds, than among Wild Beasts? otherwise Stones, Walls and Solitudes had been but lamentable Divertisements for us.

Amongst these, Apes led the Van, which making us good Sport, occasioned great Laughter amongst us, and therefore you should seldom see them without a whole Ring of my People about them, delighting to observe their Antick Tricks and Gestures. I also bred up some Wolves, some Bears, some broad-horned Stags (miscalled vulgarly, Bucks) and common Deer, also Hinds, Lynx's, Ichneumons or Indian Rats, Weasils of that sort which you call Ferrets and Fairys: And if [Page] you would know all, I kept also an Hog, whose noysome Smell was wholsome for my Horses, as my Grooms perswaded me: So that in my Nomenclature of other Creatures, 'tis not fit I should omit my Hog, which made my House to be mightily frequented by the Asiaticks: They came thick and three-fold to see that Creature, which is counted Unclean by them, and by the Books of their Religion they are forbid to eat it, so that it being a prohibited Animal among them, they never saw one before. Yea, all Turks are as much afraid to touch an Hog, as Christians are to come near to those who are infected with the Plague. This Humour of theirs being known, we put a pretty Trick upon them; when any Body had a mind to send me a secret Message, that he would not have my Chiaux know of, he would include it in a little Bag, together with a Roasting-Pig, and sending it by a youth: When my Chiaux met him, he would ask, What he had there? Then the Boy, being instructed before, would whisper him in the Ear, and say, That a Friend of mine had sent me a Roasting-Pig, for a Present: The Chiaux thereupon would punch the Bag with his Stick, to see whether the Boy spake Truth or no; and when he heard the Pig grunt, he would run back as far as ever he could, saying, Get thee in with thy nasty Present. Then spitting on the Ground, and turning to his Fellows, he would say; 'Tis strange to see how these Christians do dote on this filthy impure [Page]Beast, they cannot forbear eating of it tho' their Lives lay at stake. Thus he was handsomely chouzed, and the Boy brought me what secret Message was sent me. I keep also a great many sorts of Birds, as Eagles, Jack-daws, Muscovy Ducks, Balearick Cranes, and Partridges; yea, my House is so full of them, that if a Painter were to draw it, he may take from thence the Copy for Noah's Ark. Besides the Delight that I and my Family take in these Creatures, to counterpoize our long Absence from our own Country, I got also this Advantage by them, That now I know, by Experience, what I could hardly believe when I read it in Books. You know a great many Books are full of printed Stories, what ardent Love some wild Beasts have to Mankind: I could never give Credit to such Relations, but looked upon them as Romances, 'till I saw with my Eyes, a Lynx, which I got out of Assyria, so passionately affected towards one of my Servants, though known to him but a little while before, that for my part I could not deny but he was in Love with him: For whenever he was present, she would mightily fawn upon him, and in a manner embrace him, and almost kiss him; whenever he was about to go away from him, he would gently lay his Claws on his Cloaths, as labouring to retain him; and when he was gone he would Eye him; and whensoever he was in Sight, and would hardly ever remove his Eye from that Quarter; during the Time of his Absence he [Page] was very sad, but upon his Return he would skip and be jocund; he could not endure he should be any Time absent, for one Time, when he went with me beyond Sea, to the Turkish Camp, the Lynx pined away by degrees, would not eat a bit, but at length dyed.

I was troubled for his Loss, for I had designed him, with another choice Ichneumon (which I had) as a Present for my Master Caesar, and the rather, because of the exceeding Beauty of his Skin, which made him look quite another thing from other Lynxes: The best of the kind are bred in Assyria, from whence this came, and their Skins are sold here for Fifteen or Sixteen Crowns of Gold apiece. I question not, but these were the Babilonians Pells or Skins, so much famed and valued amongst the Ancients, of which mention is made in Law-Books; in the Title of Publicans.

If you please to hear me, Ile tell you another Story of a Bird: I have among my other Birds, a Baleavic Crane, which differs from the ordinary sort of Cranes by a white Plume of Feathers, that grows hanging down from both his Ears; and besides, all the fore-part of her Neck-Feathers were black, and the Turks adorn their Turbants with it; and there is some difference in their Bigness. This Baleavic Bird was mightily affected with a Spanish Soldier, whom I had redeemed out of his Cha [...]ns; when he walked abroad the Bird would walk abroad with him, though for many [Page] Hours together; when he stood still, so did the Crane; when he sat down she would stand by him, and suffer him to handle her, and stroke down her Feathers, whereas she would not suffer any Body else so much as to touch her; whenever he was gone from Home, she would come to his Chamber-door and knock against it with her Beak; if any Body open [...]d It, she would look all-a-bout, to see whether he were in the Room; and not finding him, she would traverse it about, making such a shrill Din and Noise, that nothing living could endure it; so that we were forced to shut her up, that her Noise might not offend us. But when he returned, as soon as ever she fixed her Eyes on him, she would make to him, clapping her Wings with such an Antick Posture of her Body as Dancers in a Jig use to do; or as if she had been to prepare herself for a Combat with a Pygmy. In fine, she at last used to lye under his Bed at Night, where she laid him an Egg. Thus I have given the Story of the Loves of Brute Animals towards Man, now prepare your Ears for another Story of a contrary import, viz. the Cruelty and Ingratitude of another Bruit towards Man. I had an Hart, that lived very quiet and tame with me for many Months, but when her rutting or coupling Time came, she grew on a suddain so wild, that forgetting all our respects, she flew upon every Body that she met, as if she would have killed them with her Horns, so that we were compelled, for [Page] our own Security, to hamper her, and so shut her up in a walled Place; but one Night, she broke from her Prison, and run amongst all the Horses, which, as I told you, in Turky, use to stand all Night in the Yard, and where she made such a Tumult amongst them, that she forced the Grooms to drive her to her Hold; she wounded many of them, which set them into a Rage, so that at last they drove her into a large Stable, and there I gave them leave, with what Weapons came next to hand, to destroy her: She defended her self stoutly at first, but they being Forty to one, at last felled her, and made her pay for her Breach of Hospitality. When she was dead I cut her in Pieces, and made a Feast for the Embassadors that then resided at Constantinople; 'twas a Hart or Stag, of a huge Bulk, such as use to come in the beginning of Antumn, out of Hungary into Austria, at Rutting Times; I bought him of some Beggars, that made a Gain of that Trade; they used to carry him about, and where they ask'd Alms for God's sake, at the Name of God they used to bow their Heads, and the Stag by Custom had learned to do so too, so that the Vulgar did admire the Beast, as if he had some Sense of a Deity, and therefore he got a deal of Gain to his Keepers: This Stag, by reason of his Talness, I also designed as a Present for Caesar.

[Page]Having made mention of Turkish Beggars, give me leave to acquaint you with the nature of those kind of People in this Country. There are fewer Beggars here than amongst us, and they are commonly Pilgrims that travel up and down, pretending some appearance of Piety or religious Profession; some of them, besides their Poverty, pretend Distraction and Simplicity; and this sort is very much esteemed among them, for the Turks count all Madmen and Fools to be certainly designed for Heaven; and therefore they look upon them as Demi-Gods here on Earth. Some of those Wanderers are Arabians, who carry Banners before them, wherewith, as they say, their Ancestors fought against the Christians, for the Propagation of the Mussulman Religion: They that are of this Rank are not ordinary Beggars, neither do they ask Alms of all Passengers, but in the Evening they offer you a Tallow Candle, a Lemon or a Pomegranate, and force it upon you, but you must give them double or treble the Worth; and by this means they seem rather to sell than to receive gratis. For the rest, they which beg amongst Christians are set to do servile Offices amongst the Turks; if a Slave become lame, yet his Master is bound to maintain him, and the veriest Cripple amongst them yet brings in his Master some Profit. I remember, once I redeemed a Spanish Officer, bought by a Turk, who was maimed in all his Limbs, by reason of his Wounds, and yet his Master found [Page] means how to make him get his Living; he sent him over into Asia, to look to the Flocks of Geese which he kept there; and by his care in feeding them, he brought in sufficient Gain to his Master.

Now we talk of Slaves, give me leave to digress a little, and to propound a Quaere, Whether he did well or ill with Christendom, who first abridged the use of Slaves among them? I know there are many Inconveniencies that attend the Condition of Slaves, but they are over-balanced by the Advantages accruing thereby; especially if a just and merciful Slavery were allowed by some publick Law, as was of old among the Romans; for then, perhaps, we should not need so many Gallows's and Gibbets as we have among us, to restrain those, who set an high Price on their Life and Liberty; to maintain which, their Poverty prompts them to the most audacious Attempts. Liberty, without an Estate to maintain it, is none of the best Counsellors. All Men are not able to bear Poverty and Freedom; Mankind, in general, is not so form'd by Nature, as to be able rightly to govern himself; No, he stands in need of a better and wiser Conduct than his own; otherwise, there will be no end of this Transgressing; for so some Beasts will always be terrible to Men, unless their Fierceness be restrain'd by Manacles and Bonds. But in this case of Slavery, the weaker Mind of the Slave is govern'd and esteer'd by the Authority of his [Page] Patron or Master; and, on the other side, the Master is maintained by the labour of his Slave. The truth is, both publickly and privately, the Turks make a very great Advantage of their Slaves; if any Houshold-work be to be done, the Slave is ready to perform it; and, therefore, they have a Proverb among them, He can never be Poor, that hath but one Slave. But then for Works without Door, if there be any Rubbish to be carried out, or Preparation made for any great Building, the assiduity of Slaves quickly performs what is enjoined them. This I take to be one Reason, why our present Buildings do not arrive to the magnificence of the Ancients; we want Hands (of Slaves) to carry on the Work. I might instance also, that servile Hands and Heads have been great helps to the Learned, to attain their so much celebrated Learning and Knowledge. What I have hitherto discoursed about Slaves, you will look upon as a Divertisement; and so, pray, take it.

This I can assure you of, That the Turks, in their way, do make an huge Advantage of Slaves; for if an ordinary Turk bring home one or two Slaves, whom he hath taken Prisoners, in War, he accounts he hath made a good Campaign of it, and his Prize is worth his Labour. An ordinary Slave is sold among them for 40 or 50 Crowns; but if he be young, beautiful, and have skill in some Trade besides, then they rate him at twice as [Page] much: By this you may know, how advantagious the Turkish Depredations are to them, when many times, from one Expedition, they bring home five or six thousand Prisoners.

The Romans of old were not ignorant of this gainful Trade; which made them set an high Rate on 20 or 30 thousand Persons, which they sometimes took at the sacking of Cities, as their Writings shew. But a Turk, upon the like Sack, would make ten times five hundred Crowns of his Prize, tho' by the Rules of their Religion they are not to make Slaves of any of their own Sect; nor to disfranchize them, or set any Price on their Heads.

But to return from this large Digression. I formerly acquainted you with my Sport in Huming; it follows, in course, that I must say something of my Fowling. The Turks are favourable to all Beasts, as also to Birds; and especially to Kites, because, they say, they eat up the Carrion, and keep the Streets clean and wholsome; and, therefore, abundance of these Birds fly up and down the Town, as fearless of Gin or Snare, so that they are almost tame; and when you whistle to them, they come about you, throw them up Meat in the Air, they'll catch it with their Claws. Once I caused a Mutton to be killed, and called the Kites to prey upon the Entrals; I cut them in pieces, and threw them up into the Air, by and by come ten or twelve or twenty Kites, and a while after so many of [Page] them, that they almost shaded the House; and they are so bold, withal, that if you hold out a piece of Flesh, they will be ready to snatch it out of your Hands. In the mean time, I stand with my Cross-Bow behind the Pillar, and sometimes when I shot, I made the Tail or Feathers of one or other of them to fly off, and sometimes I gave one or two a mortal Wound, and made them tumble down; but this I did privately, when the Doors were shut, that so I might not provoke the Turks to Indignation.

I must tell you, I have Partridges too (to acquaint you with my whole Stock of pleasurable Recreations.) You would wonder, as I my self did at first, how tame they are. They were brought from Chios with red Feet and Beaks; they were so troublesome to me, by standing at my Feet and picking out the Dust out of my Velvet Pantofel, with their Beaks, that they might dust themselves therewith, that to be rid of the Molestation, I was forced to shut them up in a Chamber, where, in a short time, they grew over-fat and dyed, as my Servants told me; yet Pliny says, in a certain Place, That Hares and Partridges never grow fat. You have yet but a small ground for your Wonderment; but, pray, prepare your Ears for what follows.

The Isle of Chios is full of these Birds, and they live with the Inhabitants in their Houses; every Country-man, almost, keeps more or less of them under his Roof, as their [Page] Estates are, or their Minds serve them. A publick Keeper whistles them out in a Morning, and they run to him into the High-way, and follow him into the Field, (as Flocks of Sheep do their Shepherds with us;) there they stay all Day to feed and bask themselves, and in the Evening he whistles for them again, and then they covy together again, and return to their old Lodgings. The Custom arose from hence, as they say: Assoon as ever the Partridges are hatch'd, the Country-men take them up and put them in their Bosoms, betwe [...] their Skin and their Shirts; thus they carry them about a day or two, ever and annon moistning their Mouths with their own Spittle. This Courtesy doth so oblige the young Birds, (as Partridges, as well as other Birds, are mindful of human Civilities, if I may so speak) that they cannot forget their Fosterers; and yet care is to be taken, that they stay not out in the Field all Night, if they do so two or three times, they quickly forget human Hospitality, and return to their own natural free Life in the open Field. I have taken a great deal of Pains to procure such a Fosterer of Partridges to send him to Caesar, to teach Emperors that Aviary discipline. 'Tis true, I never saw this done with my own Eyes, yet so many creditable Witnesses have affirm'd the Truth thereof, that I believe it as well as if I had seen it. And I give equal Credit to the Story, I am now about to tell you.

[Page] It is so known a Truth in this Country, that he were an absurd Man that w [...]uld go about to deny it. They that came to Constantinople from Egypt, (as many do continually) do affirm it for certain, That Chicken are not hatched, as with us, by an Hen sitting abrood upon them, but there are some appointed Officers, that in Spring time, gather all the Eggs of the Neighbourhood and put them in a certain kind of Oven, which they make of Dung and Trash, heaped up together, and by the heat of the Sun and the hot putrid Vapors, the Chicken, in due time, [...] imated and break their Shells; and then the Owners come to claim the C [...]ckens, which the Overseers of the Work deliver out to them, not by Tale, for that would be too tedious, but by Admeasurement. I mention this the rather, because I read of such a Passage in Vopiscus; where the Emperor Adrian, being angry with the Egyptians, inveighs against them with this Sarcasm; I wish them, says he, no greater Curse, than they may always feed on the [...]r own Chicken, which how they are hatch'd I am as [...]aam'd to tell. So that without Question, this was an old Custom among the Egyptians, and, therefore, Adrian upbraided them with their Food, which he looked upon as obscene, being begotten by Dung and Dirt. You may think, perhaps, that I am mistaken, but I leave the Matter with you, and shall now hasten to acquaint you, with the rest of my Divertisements.

[Page] Be pleased then to know, That I have also a Breed of brave Horses; some from Syria, others from Cilicia, Arabia, Cappadocia, together with divers Camels, Sumpture horses, and all Utensils fit for a Journy. For I would have the Turks believe, that I have now executed all my Masters Commands, and wait only for my dismission to return home, which I press with great Importunity, knowing that by reason of the present Discord among them, and the War between the two Brothers, I may obtain the better Conditions of Peace from them.

As I take Pleasure in my Horses an other accounts, so especially when in an Evening I behold them brought one by one, out of their Stables, and placed in the Yard, that so they might enjoy the Night-Air in Summer-time, and rest more sweetly; they match out so stately, and shaking their Mains on their high Necks, as if they were proud to be seen; they have Fetters on their Fore-feet, and one of their hinder Feet is tyed with a Cord to a Stake

There is no Creature so gentle as a Turkish Horse; nor more respectful to his Master, or the Groom that dresses him. The reason is, because they treat their Horses with great Lenety. I my self saw, when I was in Pontus, passing through a part of Bithinia, called Axilos, towards Cappadocia, how indulgent the Country-men were to young Colts, and how kindly they used them soon after they [Page] were folded, they would stroke them, bring them into their Parlors, and almost to their Tables, and use them even like Children; they hung something about their Necks, like a Jewel, even a Garter which was full of Amulets against Poyson, which they are most afraid of; and the Grooms, that are to dress them, are as indulgent as their Masters; they frequently sleek them down with their Hands, and never use any Cudgel to bang their Sides, but in cases of great necessity. This makes their Horses great Lovers of Mankind; and they are so far from kicking, win [...]ing, or growing untractable by this gentle usage, that you shall hardly find such a masterless Horse among them.

But alas, our Christian-Grooms treat Horses at another-guess rate; they never think them rightly curried, till they thunder at them with their Voice, and let their Club or Horse-whip, as it were, dwell on their Sides. This makes some Horses even to tremble when their Keepers come into the Stable, so that they hate them and fear them too. But the Turks love to have their Horses very gentle, that at a word of Command they may fall down on their Knees, and in this posture receive their Riders.

They will take up a Staff or Club upon the Road, which their Rider hath let fall, with their Teeth, and hold it up to him again; and when they are perfect in this Lesson, then for their Credit they have Rings of Silver [Page] hung on their Nostrils, as a Badge of Honour and good Discipline. I saw some Horses, when their Master was fallen from the Saddle, that would stand Stock-still, without wagging a Foot, till he got up again. Another time I saw a Groom standing at a distance, in the midst of a whole Ring of Horses about him, and at a word of Command they would either go round or stand still. Once upon a time I saw some Horses, when their Master was at Dinner with me in an upper-Room, did prick up their Ears to hear his Voice; and when they did so, they neighed for Joy.

And yet this is usual and common to all Turkish Horse, that they run forward with a stiff and stretch'd-out Neck, so that they cannot easily be stopp'd or hinder'd in their Course, but by fetching a large compass about; which, in my Judgment, is the fault of the Bri [...]les they wear, which all over Turky are of one Make, and not contrived harsher or tenderer, according to the Neashiness of the Horses Mouth. I must also acquaint you, That the Turks do not Shooe their Horses as we Christians do; our Shooes are very open in the middle, but theirs are broad-web'd Shooes, that so their Feet may be less endangered in Travelling. Their Horses do also live longer than Ours.

I have seen an Horse of theirs as lusty at 20 Years old, as ours are at eight; yea, they say, in the Stables of their Emperor, there [Page] are Horses of 50 Years old; and which, for some great Merit, are exempt from Labour, and feed daily at the Grand Seignior's Charge. The Turks, in Summer-nights, when the Weather is hot, do not keep their Horses in their Stables, as we do; but do cover their Backs with Horse-cloths, and so bring them forth into the open Air (as I told you before;) and for Litter, they have only dry'd Horse-dung, which they save all the Year long, and spread under them for their Bedding: As for Straw, they make no use of it at all, either for Littering, or Feeding them. Their usual Food is a little Hay, and a small quantity of Barly; with this Meat they grow not fat, for their Masters love lean Horses, as being fitter for Race, and Burden, than foul-bodied ones. They cover them with Horse cloths, both in the Winter and Summer, only they are thinner in the One than in the Other. This contributes much to the smoothness of their Hair, and is also a good relief to their chilly Horses, which cannot endure the Cold.

In those Steeds, as I lately told you, I take a great deal of Delight; when, about Sun-set, they are brought out of their Stables, and placed in a row in the Yard; where I call each Horse by his usual Name, as Arahs, Caramanian, &c. whereupon they fall a Neighing and give a Glance of their Eyes and stare at me. Sometimes I go down among them, and give to each of them a piece of Melon-rind out of my Hand, which makes [Page] them know me so well. Thus you see, what Shifts I am put to, to drive away my Melancholy.

I have also six She-camels, which I keep by me, ready to carry my Baggage, as I pretend to the Turks; but my true Design is, to bring them to my Master the Emperor; if peradventure he, with other Chri [...]ian Princes, may have a Fancy to them, to breed them because of their great use.

There are two things of which the Turks make mighty Advantage of, which are Rice among the Fruits of the Earth, and Camels among the Beasts of the Field, both of them very convenient in their several Kinds, for long Expeditions; as for Rice, it is not easily spoil'd; it affords very wholsome Nourishment, and a little of it will serve a great many People. And for Camels, they' [...] carry huge Burdens; they will endure Hunger and Thirst to admiration; and also they require little Attendance; one Keeper will keep six or eight of them, and no Creature in the World is more obsequious to his Owner than the Camel; and for currying of them, they do it not with a Curry-Comb as we do, but with Brushes, as we do our wearing Apparel; they rather kneel than lie down, on the naked Ground; and in this Posture they offer themselves to be loaded; if you lay too much on their Backs they' [...] grumble, a little, and refuse to rise, for their Backs will be easily broken under overgreat Burdens, especially in Ways that are [Page] slippery and dirty. I was mightily taken to see them stand all round in a Ring, and with their join'd Heads, take Water or other Food, out of the same Bason or other Vessel, with such agreement among them; and when Fodder is scarce, they live upon tops of Brambles or Thorns; and when their Chops are bloodied in gathering them, then they eat them down most sweetly.

The S [...]thians send a great many Camels to Constantinople, but the most part come from China and Alsyria: From those Countries, there are whole Droves of them; and they are so cheap, that a Mare of a good Breed is worth an 100 Camels; wherein, perhaps, they respect more the scarcity of Ma [...]es than the cheapness of Camels; for good Mares are so scarce in that Country, that he that gets but one, of that sort, thinks himself a very Croesus for Wealth. They try whether they are good or no, if they can run down a steep Hill, and not trip nor stumble. When the Grand Seignior goes upon a military Expedition into the Field, he carries above 40000 of these Camels with him, and as many Mules for Burden; and these he lades with all sorts of Victuals, especially with Rice. They also carry Tents, Arms, and other Utensils of War, upon them, especially when he marches into Persia.

For, you must know, that the Countries over which the Sophi, or, as the Turks call him, Chifibas of Persia reigns, are not so [Page] fruitful of Provisions, as our European Countries are. The Reason is, because the Custom of the Inhabitors is, upon the Approach of an Enemy, to destroy all before them, that so Fire and Famine might send him further off; so that if the Invader, bring not great Store of Provision with him, he will be in danger of Starving; and if he once do approach his Enemy, yet he doth not presently open his Store of Provision, but reserve it for his Retreat; which, he knows, must be through those Places already wasted by such a Multitude of Men and Beasts, that, like Locusts, have before pilled all the Country; then, indeed, the Grand Seigniors Stores are opened, and some small Allowance given out daily to the Ianizaries and other Dependents of that Prince, enough to keep them alive, and that is all. As for others, it goes hard with them, unless they have made some Provision for themselves before-hand; and some of their Soldiers, especially Horse, are so fore-sighted that in Prospect of such Difficulties, they carry a led Horse along with them, with Viands and other things to support them, if need be. Upon this Horse they usually carry some Blankets, that they may spread abroad, as Tents, to defend them from Sun and Rain; also some other Cloaths to wear, and withal Two or Three Wicker Baskets, full of the best Flower they can get, with a small Pot for Butter, some Spice and Salt; with these, in case of Necessity, they kill their Hunger. They take out [Page] a few Spoonfuls of their Meal or Flower, and pour Water upon it; then they add a little Butter, and so seasoning it with Spice and Salt, they set it on the Fire, and when it boyls, it swells so that it will fill a large Platter: They eat hereof Twice or Thrice a Day, as their Store holds out, but without eating Bread with it, unless they have brought some Biskets along with them: With this thin Dyet, for want of a better, they can live a Month or Two, till they come to richer Quarters. There are some of them who carry dryed Beef, ground to Powder, in a kind of Snap-sack, that's a more nutritive and a choice Viand amongst them: And sometimes they eat Horse Flesh, for in a vast Army a great many Horses must needs dye, and if any of them be more fleshy than others, that makes a great Feast for hungry Stomachs. And they who have thus lost their Horses, (for you must know that too) when the Grand Seignior or Vizier removes his Camp, stand in a row before him the Way he is to march, with their Saddles on their Heads, signifying hereby the loss of their Horses, and by that mute Sign begging Relief towards buying a new one, and their Prince gratifies them, at his Pleasure.

Thus the Turks surmount huge Difficulties in War, with a great deal of Patience, Sobriety and Parsimony, reserving themselves for more favourable Circumstances. But our Christian Soldiers carry it otherwise, they scorn [Page] homely Fare in their Camps, they must have dainty bits, forsooth, such as Thrushes, Black-birds, and banquetting Stuff, if they have not These they are ready to mutiny, as if they were famished: And if they have them, they are undone, their own Intemperance kills them if their Enemy spare their Lives. When I compare the Difference between their Soldiers and ours, I stand amazed to think What will be the Event, for certainly their Soldiers must needs conquer, and ours must needs be vanquished, Both cannot stand prosperously together: For on their side there is a mighty, strong and wealthy Empire, great Armies, experience in War, a veterane Soldiery, a long series of victories, Patience in Toil, Concord, Order, Discipline, Frugality and Vigilance. On our side, there is public Want, private Luxury, Strength weakned, Minds discouraged, an unaccustomedness to Labour or Arms, Soldiers refractory, Commanders covetous, a Contempt of Discipline, Licentiousness, Rashness, Drunkenness, Gluttony, and that which is worst of all, they use to conquer, we to be conquered. Can any Man doubt, in this case, what the Event will be? 'Tis only the Persian stands between us and Ruin. The Turks would fain be upon us, but he keeps him back; his War with him affords us only a Respit, not a Deliverance: When he once makes Peace with him, he will bring all the Power of the East upon us, and how ready we are to receive [Page] him, I am afraid to speak. But, to return from whence I digressed.

I told you before, That the Turks use to carry their Arms and Tents on Horse-Back to the War, but they are such as belong chiefly to the Ianizaries, for the Turks are very careful to have their Army healthy, and fenced against the Weather, let him defend himself as well as he can against the Enemy, that's to his own Peril; but the Publick takes care for his Health; hence it is, that a Turkish Army is better cloathed than armed. They are afraid of Cold, as of their greatest Enemy; and therefore, even in Summer-time, they are treble cloathed, and their inmost Garment (call it a Wastcoat, or whatever you will) i [...] made of course Thread, which keeps then very warm. And to defend them also against the Cold and Showers, Tents are carried about for them at the Public Charge; and every Ianizary is allowed as much space in th [...] Tent as the Dimensions of his Body are; so that one Tent can hold Twenty five or Thirty Ianizaries; and that thick Cloath, I spake of, is also supplyed out of the publick Store. When it is distributed among them, they take this Course, to prevent Quarrels; the Soldiers are placed in the Night by Files, in a plac [...] appointed for that purpose, and there so many Cloaths are brought out of the Store as then are Soldiers, and every one takes his Dole [...] the Dark, so that if it is better or worse [...] [Page] has no cause to complain. And, for the same Reason, their Pay is weighed out, not told, to them, lest any one should say, He was forced to receive Light or Clipt Mony; nor do they stay till the very Day of Pay, but receive it the Day before. The Arms that are carried are chiefly for the use of the Horse, called Spahi's; for the Ianizaries do usually fight on Foot with Musquets, at a distance, and therefore when an Enemy is near, and a Battle expected, the Armour is produced, but usually such as is of an old make, and are part of the Spoils obtained from former old Fights and Victories: These are distributed among the Horse; their other Armour is but a light Buckler. You may easily think, how odly such Armour will sit on a Man which is given out so hastily; ones Brest-Plate is too narrow, another Man's Helmet is too loose, another Coat of Male is too heavy for him to bear, every Piece hath some Fault or other, and yet they must not complain, they count it cowardly so to do, for they resolve to fight, be their Arms what they will, so great Confidence have they in their Victories, and in the frequent use of their Arms. Hence it is also, that they put their old Foot on Horse-service, which they were not used to before, for an experienced Soldier (they say) will do valiantly, either on Horse or Foot-service. In my Judgment, the Old Romans were of the same Mind, and especially Iulius Caesar, who was wont to say, That his Soldiers would fight well, even though [Page]they were perfumed; for when the horsed the Ten Legions, upon a Conference he was to have with Ariovistus, what was his Intent, think we? but that they should fight on Horse-Back, if there had been need, though they were used to Foot-Service before; and we know amongst the Romans, their Foot-Service was quite another thing from Horse-Service; but if you say, Caesar's Design was only to horse his Men for Carriage, but to make use of their Service on Foot, certainly he had run a great Hazard thereby, if when Ariovistus's choice Horse were within a stone's Cast of the Romans, and might have fallen upon them, that then the Legion was to dismount their Horses, to be disposed of, and ranged into a Foot-Tertia, or Brigade, in an instant: With us, this would seem very absurd; however it be, this is certain, That experienced Soldiers will manage a Fight after a different order than we do, so the Romans did of old, and so the Turks do at this day, with too good Success; so much for that Subject.

I return, farther to acquaint you, how indulgent the Turks are to all irrational Animals; 'tis true, a Dog is counted an obscene and nasty Creature by them, and therefore they will not harbour him in their Houses; but they nourish a Cat as a chaster and modester Creature, in their Judgments: This Custom they received from Mahomet, their Law-giver, who was so much in love with a Cat, that when one of them fell asleep upon [Page] his Sleeve, as he was reading at a Table, and the time of his Devotion drew near, he caused his Sleeve to be cut off, that he might not awake the Cat by his going to the Mosque.

However, though the Turks have so ill an Opinion of Dogs, that they wander up and down the City of Constantinople, and have no certain Masters, so that they are Keepers of Streets and Lanes, rather than of any certain House, and they live upon the Off [...]l, which is cast out of their Houses; yet if they see any Bitch great with young, in their Neighbourhood, they give it Bones, and some Relicks of their Table: This they count an Office of Pity amongst them. When, on this account, I have blamed them for performing such Offices to a Brute, which they would hardly do to a Man, though a reasonable Creature, like themselves, and to be sure, not to a Christian; their answer was, That God had given Reason to Man, as a Fence against all Peril, and yet he did abuse it, so that if any Inconvenience or Trouble hapned to him, it was his own Fault, and therefore he deserved less Pity: But God had bestowed no Boon on Brutes, but some natural Notions and Appetites, which of necessity they must obey; and therefore they were to be relieved by Man's Help and Commiseration; and for this Reason they take it very ill, if any Brute Creature be put to Torment at his Death, or that Men should take any Pleasure in tormenting them. This had like to cost a Venetian Gold-Smith, that [Page] lived here, very dear, of late; the Story is worth the Telling. This Goldsmith did de'ight in the Art of Fowling, and among other Birds, he once took one about the bigness of a Cuckow, and almost of the same Colour; he had no great Beak, but his Jaws were so wide and large, that, when they were stretch'd a sunder, they did gape most prodigiously; so that a Man's Fist might be thrust into them; the Man wondring at this strange kind of Bird, caus'd him to be fastned to the upper Lintel of his Gate, with his Wings spread abroad, and his Jaws so extended with a Stick, that he gaped hideously: The Turks came often by his Door, stood still, and looked upon it, but when they saw the Bird did move, and was alive, then taking Pity on it, out they cryed, What an abominable thing is this, that an harmless Bird should be so tormented? whereupon, out they call the Man of the House, and drew him presently, by Head and Shoulders, to their Criminal Judge, where Sentence was likely to be pronounced upon him, to be soundly bastinadoed; but the Bailo of Venice (so they call their Embassadors or Residents there) hearing of the Matter, sent presently one of his Servants to demand the Man, and the Turkish Caddy was so merciful as to let him go; but many of the Turks grumbled at his Freedom. Thus the poor Goldsmith scaped a Scouring: I laughed heartily at the Story, for he told it me himself, [...]s coming often to my House, and in what a [...]errible Fright he was in for the time; and [Page] to oblige me the more, he brought me the Bird to look upon: 'Tis of the same Form, as I lately described, it flies about in the Night, and (as they say) will suck Milch Kine, so that I am apt to believe 'tis the Goat-Sucker of the Ancients. Such Commiseration do the Turks use towards all sorts of Brute Animals, especially toward the Winged kind.

Over against my Lodging there is a tall Plane tree, whose spreading Boughs make a Delight some Shade; under that Tree sometimes Fowlers sit with abundance of such Birds to sell in Cages; you shall have the Turks buy several of these Birds for a small Matter; and when they have bought them, they'll let them fly out of their Hands; the Bird presently flys up to the Tree, and there she picks her Feathers, and cleanseth them from the Filth contracted in the Cage; she spreads abroad her Wings and Chirps. The Turks that bought them, say, Don't you hear how glad this Bird is, and how he gives me Thanks for his Liberty?

If this be so, you'll say, What! are the Turks such Pythagoreans, that they count all Brutes sacred, and will eat none of their Flesh? I say not so, but on the contrary, they'll eat any Flesh set before them, either boyl'd or roasted, only they count Mutton the properest Meat, because Sheep are made for the Shambles, as they say; yet they would not have Men to make a Sport at killing of them, as if they rejoyced in their Torment. Some [Page] of them will by no means be persuaded to kill small Birds which sing in their Fields and Woods; nay, they think it some Injury done them, to restrain their Liberty by Caging them up. But all Turks are not of that Mind; some of them keep Nightingales in their Houses, for the Melodiousness of their Tunes, and in Spring-time they let them out to hire, to sing. I knew some, that carried Linnets about, so well instructed, that if a Man shew'd them a piece of Mony out of his Chamber, tho' it were at a great distance from them, yet they would fly up to fetch it; and if the Man would not let it go, they would sit upon his Hand, and so accompany him from one Room to another, still pulling at the Mony; and when they had got it, as if they remembred their Errand on which they were sent, when their Master whistled to them in the High-way, down they would fly to him again; and as a Reward for the Mony in their Bills, he would give them a little Hempseed. But I shall proceed no further in such Stories as these, lest you should think me a second Pliny, or an Aelian, and that I were designed to write an History of Animals.

I proceed then to other Matters, and shall give you an Example of the Chastity of Turkish Women. The Turks take more Pains to have their Wives modest than any other Nation; and, therefore, they ordinarily keep them close up at home, and hardly suffer them to see the Sun; but if any necessity [Page] calls them abroad, they go so hooded and veil'd, as if they were Hobgoblins or Ghosts. 'Tis true, they can see Men through their Veils or Hoods, but no part of all their Bodies is open to Mans view; for they have this Tradition among them, that it is impossible for a Man to look on a Woman, especially if she be young and handsome, without desiring to enjoy her; and by that desire the Mind is excited, and therefore they keep them all covered. Their own Brothers have liberty to see them, but their Husbands Brothers have not the same permission. The nobler and richer sort, when they Marry, do it with this Condition, that their Wives shall never set a foot out of Door; and no Person living, either Male or Female, be the Cause what it will, shall ever have leave to see them; no, not their nearest Alliance, in Blood, except only the Father and Mother, who at Easter, (their Bairam) are permitted to see their Daughter; and in lieu of this Strictness, if the Wife have Parents of the better sort, and she bring her Husband a large Dowry, the Husband, on his part promiseth, that he will never have any Concubines, but will keep to her alone.

In other Cases, the Turks have as many Concubines as they will, besides their lawful Wives; and the Children of both are equally respected, and have as much Privilege one as the other. Their Concubines they either buy, or take them in War; and when they are [Page] weary of them, may sell them in the open Market; only if they have Children by them, then they obtain their Liberty. This made Roxolan [...] stand upon her Terms with Solyman, in having brought him forth a Son, when she was a Slave, and thereby obtain'd Manumission. Hereupon she refused to submit to his Will any longer, unless he Married her, which he, doting for Love, wou'd do, against the Custom of the Ottoman Princes.

A lawful Wife, with them, differs from a Concubine, only upon the account of her Dowry, which a lawful Wife hath, but a Concubine hath not. And when once her Dowry is assigned her, then she is a Mistress, Governess of the House, and all the other Women under her. And yet the Husband hath have to lye with which of them he please at his Choice; and when he makes known his Pleasure to his Wife, she bids the Maid he desires prepare himself for his Bed; and she obeys, perhaps, more joyfully than her Mistress commands her. Only Friday Night, which is their Sabbath, the Wife claims as her due, and she thinks her self wrong'd, if her Husband defraud her thereof; other Nights he may lie with which of his Slaves he please.

Divorces are made among them for many Causes, which Men easily pretend; and when a Wife is divorced, her Dowry is restored, unless she be put away on a dishonest Account; but Women have but few; to instance [Page] some among them few, this is one, if their Husband do not allow them due Maintenance; and if they offer to abuse them against Nature, (a Crime usual among them) then the Wife goes to the Judge, and tells him, She can no longer endure to live with her Husband; when he asks the Cause, they say nothing, but pull off their Shoo from their Feet, and turn it up and down, which is a Sign among them of the unlawful use of Copulation. The greatest sort among them, that have abundance of Women, set Eunuchs to guard them, not such as have only their Stones taken out, but such whose Yards are also impaired; because otherwise they think, such as lost their Stones only may desire the use of a Woman, tho' not for Generation, yet for Pleasure. The great Men also have Baths at their own Houses, wherein they and their Women do wash, but the meaner sort use publick Baths.

A Turk hates Bodily Filth and Nastiness, worse than Soul-Defilement; and, therefore, they wash very often, and they never ease themselves, by going to Stool, but they carry Water with them for their Posteriors. But ordinarily the VVomen bathe by themselves, Bond and Free together; so that you shall many times see young Maids, exceeding beautiful, gathered from all Parts of the VVorld, exposed Nacked to the view of other VVomen, who thereupon fall in Love with them, as young Men do with us, at the sight of Virgins.

[Page] By this you may guess, what their strict VVatch over Females comes to, and how 'tis not enough to avoid the Company of an adulterous Man, for the Females burn in Love one towards another; and the Pandaresses to such refined Loves are the Baths; and, therefore, some Turks will deny their VVives the use of their publick Baths, but they cannot do it altogether, because their Law allows them. But these Offences happen among the Ordinary sort; the richer sort of Persons have Baths at home, as I told you before.

It hapned one time, that at the publick Womens Baths, an old Woman fell in Love with a Girl, the Daughter of a poor Man a Citizen of Constantinople, and, when neither by Wooing nor Flattering her, she could not obtain that of her, which her mad Affection aim'd at, she attempted to perform an Exploit almost incredible; she feign'd her self to be a Man, changed her Habit, hired an House near the Maids Father, and pretended he was one of the Chia [...]xes of the Grand Siegnior; and thus by reason of his Neighbourhood she insinuated her self into the Mans Acquaintance, and after some time, acquaints him with the desire of his Daughter. In short, he being such a Man in a prosperous Condition, the Matter was agreed on, a Portion was setled, such as they were able to give, and a day appointed for the Marriage; when the Ceremonies were over, and this doughty Bridegroom went into the Bridechamber [Page] to his Spouse; after some Discourse, and plucking off her Head-geer, she was found to be a Woman. Whereupon the Maid runs out, and calls up her Parents, who soon found that they had Married her, not to a Man but a VVoman: Whereupon, they carried the supposed Man, the next day, to the General of the Ianizaries, who, in the Absence of the Grand Seignior, was Governor of the City. When she was brought before him, he chid her soundly for her beastly Love; What, says he, are you not asham'd, an old Beldam as you are, to attempt so notorious a Bestiality, and so filthy a Fact?

Away, Sir, says she, you do not know the Force of Love, and God grant you never may. At this absurd Reply, the Governour could scarce forbear Laughter, but commanded her, presently, to be pack'd away and drown'd in the Deep; such was the unfortunate Issue of her wild Amours. For you must know, that the Turks make no noise when secret Offences are committed by them, that they may not open the Mouths of Scandal and Reproach; but open and manifest ones they punish most severely. I am afraid the Relation of that dismal Example hath grated your Ears. I shall, therefore, now indeavour to make you amends, by acquainting you with a pleasant Story, which, I believe, will go near to make you Smile. 'Tis this.

[Page] Upon the Account of the Troubles in Hungary, there came lately a Messenger to me, with an Express from my Master, the Emperor. The Bassa's would not let him bring his Letters directly to me, as they were wont to be brought, but they carried him first into the Divan. The reason of this their unusual Procedure, was, because they would fain know what Caesars Letters did contain, before they were delivered, in regard they suspected I dealt not faithfully with them, in communicating my Masters Sense, but that I suppressed some of his Concessions. The Messenger was cunning enough for them; for, having some Inkling of the Matter beforehand, he hid Caesars Letters, and only shew'd them those that were directed to me, from some particular Friends. Their Interpreter, Ebrahim, a Polander by Birth, had acquainted them before, that the Letters, that brought any secret Commands to me, were not written in an ordinary Character, but in a new kind of way, called Cyphers. As they were searching all my Letters, at last they light upon One, that was wrote to me by a Friend of mine, a Secretary of Burgundy. Ebrahim saw, through the thinness of the Paper wherein 'twas writ, some shining Letters, which were not of an ordinary sort. O, says he, to the rest, now I have found [...]t, don't you meddle with any of the rest of the Packet, for here's the Secresy in this. Whereupon, the Bassa's commanded him to open, Read and Interpret it to them, [Page] and they all stood listning to hear the News; but Ebrahim told them plainly, that he could not read one Letter thereof. That's strange, says the Bassa's, what did you never learn the Christian Alphabet, or have you forgot it? Says Ebrahim, this sort of Character is only known to those who are Secretaries to Princes: They did not well understand him; but however, say they, if it be so; why do'st thou not make haste to the Secretary of the Bailo of Venice, or of Florence? Ebrahim presently makes haste to them, and shews them the Letters; (they were writ in such a Character that a Child of ten Years old might have read them;) but both of those Secretaries, when they saw the Letter was superscrib'd to me, threw it back again before they had scarce lookt upon it; alledging, in Excuse, that such kind of Letters could be read by none, unless by him who had another Cypher to unfold them. This was all the Answer Ebrahim could get of them. Upon his return to the Bassa's therewith, they could not tell what in the World to do: At last, starts up one (I could not tell his Name) saying, there is a Patriarch in Town, an old Man, and a Christian, and, besides, a great Scholar; if any Man living can read these Letters, it must be he. When they came to the Patriarch, he told them, he could not read a Title of them, for they were not writ in Greek, Latin, Hebrew or Chalde [...]. Thus they were disappointed there also. At last, [Page] Haly Bassa runs to Rustan (otherwise a Man not ready to jest) and says to him Cardassi, (Brother in Turkish.) I remember, I had once a Servant, an Italian, who was skilled in all Letters and Tongues, I do not question about he could have read the Letter; but, alas! he is lately dead. At last they being at a stand what to do, thought it best to send the Letters, which they could make no use of, to me: I knew all the Matter by Ebrahim beforehand, (neither could it be kept secret;) whereupon I began to stamp and fret that they had intercepted my Letters against the Law of Nations, and in contempt of Caesar who sent them; and, withal, I bid Ebrahim stay, and to Morrow he should see that Letter translated for the Bassa's. The next day, when Ebrahim appeared in the Divan, they asked of him, Whether I could read those Letter? Read them, says he! as easily as his own Name; and thereupon he produced some of them translated before them, viz. what I had a mind to discover. Whereupon, says Rustan, this Embassador is but a young Man, and yet we see he can understand what the old Patriarch could not so much as read; without doubt, if he live to be old, he will prove a very Nonsuch of a Man. For that reason it was, or perhaps some other, that a while after, having Conference with Rustan about our Affairs, he treated me more familiarly than he used to do, (which was a rare thing in him) and at last he ask'd me, Why I would not [Page] turn to their Religion, and to the true Worship of God? If I would do so, he promised me great Honour and large Reward from their Emperor Solyman. I told him, I was resolved to continue in that Religion, wherein I was born, and which my Master Caesar did profess. Be it so, replayed he, but what then will become of your Soul? I subjoined, I hope well, for that too; whereupon he, after a little Pause, broke forth into these Words. 'Tis true, indeed, and I am almost of your Mind, that they who live holy and modest Lives in this present World, shall obtain eternal Life in the next, be they of what Religion they will. That's an Heresie, that some of the Turks have taken up, neither is Rustan thought to be a true Mussulman in all Points. The Turks think it a Duty, and a Work of Piety in them, to persuade a Christian they have any good Opinion of, to their Religion; for then they think, they shall save a Soul from Destruction, and that they count a great Honour to themselves, and the greatest Charity they can do another Man, to make him a Convert to their Religion.

I shall now acquaint you with the Effects of another Conference I had with Rustan, whereby you may see, what daily Feuds are between the Turks and Persians, upon the account of Religion. He ask'd me one time, Whether the War did continue between Spain and France? I told him, It did. 'Tis strange, says he, that they should fall out that are of [Page] one and the same Religion: I replyed, 'tis no otherwise between those two Princes, than 'tis betwixt You and the Persians. The Dispute is not about Religion, but about Civil Right, Provinces, Cities and Kingdoms, which both lay claim to. You are quite mistaken, says Rustan, we are not of the same Religion with the Persians, but do count them a more Profane and Heathenish sort of People than you Christians are. But to return to the Affairs of Hungary.

Since my last return to Constantinople, Matters in Hungary have received a very great Alteration, it would be too tedious to describe them particularly; and, besides, it were not conducive to my Design. Isabella, VVife to King Iohn, is returned into Transilvania, together with her Son, having refused the Transactions and broken the League made with the Emperor Ferdinand; and the Transilvanians, terrified by the Turkish Arms, have again submitted their Necks to the Old Ottoman Yoke. Matters succeeding thus prosperously with the Turks, they are not therewith contented, but grasp at all Hungary too; and, besides other Places, they resolved to besiege Sigeth, which signifies in the Hungarian Language, an Island, or Place naturally very strongly situated. And for this purpose they chose a General, who, upon the account of the Prosperity of his Arms in former times, created great confidence in his own Men, and struck as much terror into his Enemy: His Name [Page] was Haly Bassa, an Epirot, who had had good Success in Hungary before, and especially in the Battel, wherein he overthrew Sfortia Palavicin, and the Bishop of Five Churches. He was sent for from the utmost Bounds of the Turkish Empire towards Persia, and came with a great Expectation to Constantinople: My Collegues were yet here with me, pressing for a dismission. 'Twas the pleasure of the Bassa's that we should see him, in regard we counted him, as they thought, a very Thunder-bolt of VVar. VVhen we came to him, he received us courteously, and made a great Harangue to this purpose: That we should study Peace, and rather than suffer Hungary to be wasted with Fire and Sword, we should accept of those Conditions, which the Grand Seignior had offered us. VVe answered him, That we desired nothing more than Peace; provided, it might be had upon tolerable Conditions; but those which they offered, were against the Honour and Dignity of our Master. Thus we took our leaves, after he had treated us with a Cup of VVater diluted with Sugar. This Haly was an Eunuch, but the Constitution of his Body did seem to add to the vigour of his Mind: He was low of Stature, bloted in his Body, of a Bay-coloured Countenance, a sour Look, frowning Eyes, broad Shoulders and sticking up, between which stood his Head, as in a Valley. Two Teeth were prominent in his Mouth, like Boars Tusks, his Voice hoarse; [Page] in a Word, he was the Fourth Fury. The Day after he makes great Preparation for his Expedition into Hungary; where having spent some Time to provide Materials, he at last marches against Sigeth, and beats off those which were repairing Dabock, a Castle of Caesar's; but Caesar, being acquainted long before with his Design, sends Ferdinand, one of his Three Sons, a young Man, yet comparable, for greatness of Mind, to any of the old Generals, to oppose the Torrent of Haly Bassa's Force, and by his Valour to retrieve Affairs in Hungary: He had no great Force with him, but with a select Body of Horse he faces Haly's Army; the Turks that were present related to me, That 'twas a goodly Sight to behold the Splendor, Order and Boldness of those Forces. Haly, being naturally of a fierce Disposition, and having a far greater Army, was even mad, to think, that an handful of Christians should dare to look him in the Face.

There was a moorish Piece of Ground between both Armies, which could not be passed without great Danger; Ferdinand had no need to pass it, for his Design was only to relieve Sigeth, and to raise the Siege: But Haly Bassa was not in the same Circumstances, for unless he would make a base and unhansom Retreat (as the Event afterward shewed) 'twas altogether necessay for him to do it: So that he, seeing to what Straits he was brought, resolved to put all upon hazard, and accordingly he bent his Bridle, to turn his Horse [Page] towards that inconvenient Place; when, behold one of the Sanziacks, that was near him, whose Name I remember not, taking notice of the extream Danger he was running into, leapt from his Horse, and taking the Bassa's Horse by the Bridle, Sultan, says he (for so the Turks call the great Dignitaries among them) Here you see into what a Ieopardy you were like to cast both your self and your whole Army; you don't consider what an incommodious Place this Marish is: The Christians are ready on the other side with Arms in Hand and Courage in their Heart, to receive us, when we are half drowned and half covered with Mud; and thus they in good Order, will assault us, being disordered and out of our Ranks, and will make use of all our Imprudence, to obtain a most assured Victory over us: Nay, rather moderate your Anger, and return to your self, and reserve so many brave Men, with your self, for the Service of your Prince, and for better Times. Upon this Speech, Haly, as if he had remembred himself, drew back; and there was not any Turk amongst them, but was forced to confess, That the whole Army was sav'd by the Advice of that Sanziack.

When this Matter was carried to Constantinople, though the Vizier, and the Chief Bassas could not deny the Thing, yet they thought it dangerous to suffer the Example of so audacious a Fact in the Sanziack to pass unpunished: 'Tis true, they did mutteringly commend both his Fidelity and his Prudence, yet to suffer Disobedience to a superior Officer to [Page] pass without a Punishment, they thought it a dangerous Case in Military Discipline, so that he was called back to Constantinople, and there was cashiered for a Time; and when this Offence was sufficiently punished, as they thought, then they bestowed upon him as good a Command; so that every Body saw [...]is Punishment was inflicted rather for the preservation of the Discipline of War, than for any due Merit of his Offence.

But Haly, a whil [...] after, having lost a great part of his Army, by reason of the Assaults and Ambushes of the Hungarians, made an ignoble and shameful Retreat to Buda, where for very Grief he breathed out his hateful Soul.

But Arck-duke Ferdinand, on the other side, returned to Ferdinand [...] his Father, with the deserved Laurel of Victory, having performed an Exploit, not only of great Advantage for the present, but of much greater Benefit to future Ages, by the exemplarity thereof; for hereby he made the Turks to know, that if they proceeded on to press upon Caesar, that he wanted neither able Soldiers nor expert Commanders to chastise their Insolency.

Yet the Turks of those Borders did not carry it with any great Modesty; for while Haly was yet encamped at Sigeth, our Men had scaled the Walls of Gran, and taken the City, having a Castle near it of the same Name, where they got a great deal of Booty, and [Page] carried away the Inhabitants, being most Women and Children.

A Messenger was sent immediately to Haly, to acquaint him with the Loss; who coming into his Presence, by the very Consternation of his Countenance portended some great Mischief to have happned to them. The Bassa presently asked him, How things went? and what was the Cause of his great Fear? Sir, says he, the Enemy hath taken and plundered Gran, which great Blow occasions my Grief. A Blow, Fool, says the Bassa, tell me of a Blow, when I have lost my Genitals (to which he pointed with his Hand) that shew me to be a Man: Thus did he scoff at the Consternation of the Messenger, and undervalued the Loss of Gran, which was easily recoverable; not without the Laughter of the By-standers.

Moreover, in Croatia and the adjoyning Countries, several inroads were made by both Parties, and each side did alternately suffer for their over-boldness and supine Security, Let me give you an Instance, which was joyous to me, and I hope will not be unpleasant to you to hear of, though it happened somewhat before the before-mentioned Passage [...] at Sigeth; but in Writing an Epistle, I do strictly observe the Order of Time.

News was brought to Rustan, from those Parts, That a certain Confident of his, whom he highly esteemed, and called Cousin, had fallen upon a Party of Christians, as they were celebrating a Wedding, a [...]d being at a sufficient [Page] Distance, as they thought, from the Turks, counted themselves secure; when behold this bold and unwelcome Guest, with armed Forces, came in upon them, spoiled their Mirth, slew some, took some Prisoners, among whom was the unfortunate Bridegroom, with his unbedded Spouse: Rustan did much rejoyce at this Exploit, and in all Company highly commended the Stratagem of his Kinsman, for performing it.

A pitiful Case, you will say, rather to be lamented than related: But these are the Tragical Sports of insolent Fortune; yet Revenge followed him at the Heels, Rustan's Laughter was soon turned to sadness: For a little while after one of the Belies or mad Sparks, a sort of mad Horsemen among the Turks, so called by their outragious Boldness, came post to him out of Dalmatia, and told him, That a parcel of Turks had made an Excursion into the Enemies Country, and had got great Booty, but setting no bounds to their Avarice, they, at last were encountred with a Party of Christians, Dragoons or Musketeers, who wofully routed them, slew many Sanziacks, and amongst them his Achillean Cousin, lately so much extolled by him. This sad News made Rustan burst forth into Tears, so that his fit of Laughter was justly requited: But hearken to the close of the Story, which is not unpleasant; When this Dalmatian Trooper, who brought the News, was ask'd by the Bassa, in the Divan, How many were there of you? [Page] He answered, Above Two Thousand five hundred: And how many of the Christians? I think, said he, they were not above Five Hundred, unless there were more of them in ambush, as we suspected. Fy for Shame, said the fretting Bassa's, what? a just Army of Musulmans (so they call the Men of their own Religion) to be beat by so small a handful of Christians, you are goodly Warriours indeed [...] fit for to eat the Sultan's Bread, are you not? The blunt Fellow, nothing dismayed, replied, You are quite beside the Cushion; did I not tell you, that we were beaten by Musketeers? 'twas the Fire defeated us, not the valour of our Enemies; we had come off Conquerors, if we had contested by Valour only; but who can fight against Fire, the fiercest of Elements? and what Mortal can stand if the very Elements fight against him? This bold Answer of his, being as saucily pronounced, made the By-standers ready to burst out into a Laughter, though on this sad occasion to them.

This Matter did mightily refresh my Spirits, which were over-grieved at the Remembrance of the former Mis-hap of the Marriage-Feast. This Story informs us, That our Pistols and Carbines, which are used on Horseback, are a great Terror to the Turks, as I hear they are to the Persians also; for once, upon a Time, there was a Fellow that perswaded Rustan, when he accompanied his Prince in a War against Persia, to arm Two hundred Horse of [Page] his Domesticks with Pistols: For they, said he, will be terrible to our Enemy, and will also do great execution upon them. Rustan hearkned to his Councel, and furnished out a Party, as advised; but before they had marched half way, their Carbines or Pistols were ever and anon out of Order, one thing or other was broke or lost, and scarce any Body could mend them: Hereupon this Party was useless, and the Turks were also against this Armature, because it was sluttish (the Turks being much for cleanliness in War) the Troopers Hands were black and sooty, their Cloaths full of Spots, and their Case-boxes that hung by their Sides made them ridiculous to their Fellow Soldiers, who therefore jeered them, with the Title Medica Menturi, or Mountibank Soldiers; hereupon they apply themselves to Rustan, complaining of this ill-favoured, useless Armour, which could do no Service against an Enemy, and entreating to be restored to their usual Weapons, their Bows and Arrows, which, at their Desire, was accordingly granted them.

The mention I made a while ago of things acted in the Confine of Hungary, gives me occasion to tell you, what the Turks think of Duels, which amongst Christians is accounted a singular Badge of personal Valour: There was one Arslambey, a Sanziack, that lived in the Frontiers of Hungary, who was very much famed for a Robust Person; he was expert at the Bow, no Man brandished his Sword with [Page] more Strength, none was more terrible to his Enemy; not far from him there also dwelt one Vlybey, a Sanziack also, who was emulous of the same praise, and thus emulation (initiated perhaps by other occasions) at length occasioned Hatred and many bloody Combats between them. It happened thus, Vlibey was sent for to Constantinople, upon what occasion I know not; when he came thither, the Bassa's had asked many Questions of him, in the Divan, concerning other Matters, at last they demanded how he and Arslanbey (A [...]sta signifies a Lion in Turky) came to fall out? Hereupon he makes a long Narration of the Grudges between them, with their Causes and Progress; and to put a fair Paint on his own Cause, That once Arslanbey had laid an Ambush, and wounded him treacherously; Which, said he, he need not to have done, if he would have shewed himself worthy the Name he bears, seeing I have often challenged him to fight Hand to Hand, and never shunned to meet him in the Field. The Bassa, as being offended, thus replyed, How durst thou challenge thy Fellow Soldier to a Duel? What, was there never a Christian to fight with? Do both of you eat your Emperours Bread? and yet, forsooth, you must go about to take away one another's Lives? What Precedent had you for this? Don't you know, that whoever of the twain had dyed, the Emperour had lost a Subject? Whereupon, by their Command, he was haled to Prison, where he lay pining many Months [...] [Page] and was, at last, with Difficulty, released, yet with the loss of his Reputation.

'Tis quite otherwise with us Christians; ours do many Times draw their Swords against one another, before ever they come in sight of a publick Enemy (the more's the Pity!) and count it (forsooth) a brave and honourable Thing: What shall a Man do in such a case? when Vice Usurps the Seat of Vertue, and that which is worthy of Punishment is counted Noble and Glorious. But to return,

I know you are inquisitive, and therefore give me leave to acquaint you with the Publick Entrance, which the King of Cholcos made into this City. His Kingdom is by the River Phasis, in a Creek or Bay of the Euxine-Sea, not far from Mount Caucasus; his Name is Dadianus, a Man of a tall Stature and promising Countenance, but of a rough-hewen Disposition, as some say. He came with a great Train, but very Thread-bare, and sorrily garbed. The Italians, at this Day, call the Colchians Mingrelians: They are some of that People inhabiting between the Caspian Gates, (called by the Turks, Demit capi (i.e.) IronGates) and the Portic and Haircanian Seat: They are at this Day called Georgians, whether from that sort of Christian Religion, which they profess, or whether that be their ancient Name (which seems most probable,) is not fully determined. The Albanians and Iberians are reckoned a part of them. The Cause of his coming is uncertain, some say, he was sent [Page] for by the Turk; for when he makes Wars upon the Persian, if the Colchians and the People of that Tract join with him, they may give him notable Assistance. But the vulgar and more credible Opinion was, That he came to desire the Assistance of some Gallies against his Neighbour, the Iberian, who had slain his Father, which if he could obtain, then he would become Tributary to the Sultan. For, you must know, that there is an old and inveterate Hatred between the Colchians and the Iberians. Once there were some Overtures of Accommodatio [...] between them, and a Conference was had thereupon, between great Numbers of both Nations; at this Meeting, they began, first, to try who should be the greatest Drinkers; in which Contest, the Colchians were overcome, and fell fast asleep. The treacherous Iberians made use of this Opportunity, and hurried away honest Dadianus, as yet Snoring, into a Chariot, and shut him up Prisoner in an high Tower, as if he had been lawful Prize taken in War. To revenge this Injury, and to recover their King, the Colchians levied an Army of 30000 Men, who were commanded by the VVife of the Captive King; a Woman of great Spirit, and not unskill'd in Horsemanship, nor handling of Arms. The Commanders, in this Army, wore huge and intractable Coats of Male, and were also armed with Swords and Spears pointed with Iron. They had also amongst them, a Party of Musketeers, a strange Sight [Page] in that Country. As for the common Soldiery, they had no other Arms but Arrows, or Stakes burnt at one end, or great VVooden Clubs. Thus they rode on Horseback, without Saddle or other Furniture.

This rude and discomposed Multitude, drew near to the Place where their King was in Custody, but were soon terrified with the Discharge of a few Guns, from the Castle, and run back a full Mile; but then taking Heart, on they came again, but were repulsed with the like Noise as before. Dadianus perceiving help so near, did cut his Bed-cloths into a kind of Ropes, and so let himself down by Night, through his VVindow, and fled to his own People; which Stratagem of their King, and the successful Issue thereof, is highly praised by that People, even to this very day.

The Country of Colchis abounds with all sorts of Fruits, growing almost naturally, except Bread-Corn, VVheat and Barly, and these Grains would grow there also, if due Tillage were used about them; but the People are very idle, they only sow Millet at random, which yields such an Encrease, that one Crop serves them for two Years; their chief Subsistence is thereon, neither desire they any other Corn. Their Vines grow at the foot of high Trees, and mounting up to their Boughs, yield them much VVine, and pretty good. These Vines last for many Years. Their Bees [...] like themselves, live in their Woods, and supply them with Wax and Hony; [Page] all the Pains they take, is, to find them out. The same Woods yield them plenty of Venison; as for Phesants and Partridges, they abound all over the Country. A great proof of the Fertility of their Land, are their Melons, which, besides their extraordinary sweetness, do oft grow three Foot long.

As for Coin'd Silver, they have little or none, and of Gold less; few of them know what it is: So that they may seem a very happy People, who are without so great a Temptation to Mischief. And yet I think few of us do envy them this Happiness, because none can grow rich among them; yet they have that value for Silver, that when they receive any in Traffick, with Foreigners, as some of them must needs do, they transfer it all to the use of their Temples, for making Crucifixes, Chalices and such like Ornaments, which sometimes their King, on pretence of publick necessity, doth seize upon, and hurry all to his own use.

Their only way of Commerce among themselves is by Exchange of Wares; if one have over-much of a Commodity, he brings it into the Market, and receives what he wants in-Exchange; so that there is no need of Money, their Commerce is by Bartering or Commodity.

They pay also their Tribute to their King in the Products of the Earth; they supply him with all Necessaries largly, both for Meat and Drink, and Apparel, for maintaining of his [Page] Houshold, and for rewarding the Deserving. And, indeed, he hath an unexhausted Revenue, not only from Tythes, and other Regalia, but from those Gifts which are daily bestowed upon him; and yet he is as liberal in bestowing them, as he is ready to receive them.

His Palace is, as a publick Granary, stored with all manner of Provisions; which are disposed to all that need out of his Royal Bounty, especially if that Years Harvest hath disappointed the Husbandman. The Custom is, that if any Merchant come with his Ship thither, he makes a Present to the King, either small or great, nothing is refused, and the King bestows a Banquet on them a Shore. The manner's thus.

There is a large Building, on both sides of which are the King's Stables, where a long Table is plac'd for the King; he himself sits at the upper end, and, at a moderate distance, [...]it the rest. The Table is well furnished, especially with Venison, and with Wine enough; the largest Drinkers are the welcomest Guests. The Queen, with her Female Attendants, hath a Table in the same Room, but apart by themselves; and then they junket freely without much regard of Modesty; they carry themselves like Anticks, fleering, nodding, whickering like so many Medea's, if there were Iason's ready for them.

After Dinner, the King, with his Guests, goes a Hunting; and, in VVoods, under the Shadows of large Trees, the common People [Page] do disport themselves, keeping Holy-day in Drinking, Dancing and Singing. They hang their Fiddles on long Poles or Borders, and then striking them with a Stick, they sing the Praise of their Mistresses, or of their valiant Men at the Tune. Among their Hero's (unless I am misinformed) they oft mention one Rowland; how he came into that Country I know not, unless he passed thither with Godfrey of Bullogn. They tell many prodigious Stories of this Rowland, as ridiculous and improbable as any Romance among us.

Whilst they are thus idle and sullied, Dissoluteness must needs follow; and, to speak Truth, Chastity is a rare Vertue among them. The Husband will offer his own Wife or his Sister, to the Pleasure of a Stranger; and if they can but thus please their Wives, they care for little else. Neither are their Daughters kept under any stricter Discipline; 'tis hard to find a Damsel unvitiated among them; yea, some have born Children at ten Years old; and if you scruple to believe it, because of the smalness of their Bodies, at your Request they will produce you such a young Infant, not much bigger than a large Frog. Whereas, otherwise, they are a tall and comly bodied People. But they are so devoid of all Civility and courteous Entertainment, that they think they grace one every much among other Barbarities, when they meet you, they make a certain sound in their Throats like B [...]lching.

[Page]In one thing they shew a great Dexterity of Wit, and that is in Stealing. He that pilfers most neatly, is counted a brave Fellow; but he that does it bunglingly, is esteemed a Dunce and Blockhead, not worthy to live; and even his own Father or his Son, will sell or exchange him for a small Matter to Merchant-strangers, to be carried away they care not whither.

An Italian Merchant who had been in these Parts, told me, That a certain Priest of theirs, stole away his Knife as he was in their Temple; he perceived the Theft, but dissembling it, he gave him the Sheath also, that he might put up his stoln Ware.

When they go into their Temples, they have a good esteem for the Images of the Virgin Mary, of Peter and Paul; but above all, they venerate the Image of St. George on Horseback, they fall down prostrate before it, kissing every part of it, even his Horses Shooes. They say, he was a valiant Man, a great Warrier, that in a single Combat did openly fight Hand to Hand with the Devil, and either conquer'd, or, at least, foil'd him.

I'll acquaint you with one Passage more, which you cannot but stand amazed at. 'Tis this.

The Princes of the East are always presented with Gifts at any Audience. Dadianus, in complyance with this Custom, brought Solyman a Cup or Dish of Carbuncle, so bright and shining, that in a dark Night a Man might [Page] travel by the Light thereof, as well as at Noon-day. I cannot believe it, you'll say: Nor do I. Neither can I be angry with you for suspending your Belief; but whatever you and I do, let me tell you, there are enough that do believe it. The most Judicious think it to be a small Goblet of Onyx or Gravale, which was lost in Shipwrack, when a certain Prince of Persia was flying from his Father to Constantinople, and driven, by a Tempest, to the Colchian Shore, where it was taken up. He brought also 20 white Hawks, called, Falcons, there being Plenty of them in that Country of Colchis.

This is all I can inform you of, concerning the Colchians and their Manners; let me now proceed to answer your Demands concerning my self, and my own way of Living. I seldom go abroad, unless I receive Letters from my Master to be delivered at the Court; or, unless I am commanded to expostulate with the Bassa's concerning the Rapines and Cruelties of the Turkish Garisons, which is ordinarily twice or thrice a Year. Perhaps, if I would desire leave to ride about the City with my Keeper, it would not be denyed me [...] but I have no mind to be so much beholding to them; for I would have them to think, that the straitness of my Confinement or Imprisonment is not valued at all by me; and, to speak Truth, what Comfort can I have to ride up and down among a Parcel of Turks, who will either slight or else jeer, and reproach [Page] me? No, I like the Country and the Campaign better, rather than that City, which is so full of Ruins, and which retains nothing of its ancient Glory, besides its Situation. 'Tis true, 'twas once a Competitress with Rome it self, but now, alas, it is wofully inbondaged; Who would not pity to behold it? Who so hard-hearted, as not to be affected with the mutability of human Affairs? And who knows how near we are to the same Fate? I keep my self within my own Doors, conversing with my old Friends, I mean, my Books, in which is all my delight. 'Tis true, for my Health sake I have made a Bowling-Alley, where, before Dinner, I use to play; and, after Dinner, I practise the Turkish Bow.

The Turks are wondrous expert at Shooting at the Bow; they accustom themselves to bend them from 7 or 8, to 18 or 20 Years of Age, and hereby their Arms grow stronger, and their Skill so great, that they will hit the smallest Mark with their Arrows. Their Bows are not much stronger than ours, but for their shortness much more tractable; they are not made of single Wood, but of a String and Ox's Horn, fastned together with much Glew and Flax. These sort of Bows, tho' never so strong, the Turks, who are used to the Sport, can easily draw even to their very Ear; and yet one that is not accustom'd thereto, tho' never so strong a Man, cannot draw to that heighth, so as to strike a piece of Mony, set [Page] upright between the Bow and the String, in the Angle where it is put into the Notch.

They aim their Arrows so sure, that in a Fight they will hit a Man's very Eye, or any other part they design to strike. In the place where they Exercise, you may see them direct, by their stroke so artificially, that 5 or 6 of their Arrows will stick round about the White in the Butt, (which is usually less than a Dollar) and yet not hurt or touch it. They stand not above 30 Foot from the Butt: In the Thumb of their right Hand, they use Rings of Bone, on which the String lies, when they draw it; and with the Thumb of their Left Hand, they draw the Arrow by a knot of eminent juncture; far otherwise than they do with us. Their Butt is made of a Bank of sandy, gravelly Earth, raised about 4 Foot high from the Ground, and firm'd with Boards round about. But the Bassa's, and those that have great Families, do train up their Servants in this Exercise, at their own Houses, where the more skilful do teach the unexperienced. Some of these in their common Bayram, (for they also have their Easter) gather themselves together in a great Plain about Pera, where, sitting over against one another cross Legg'd, as Taylor's do with us, (for that is the Mode of their sitting) they begin with Prayer (so the Turks begin all their Enterprizes) and then they strive, who shall shoot an Arrow furthest. The whole Contest is managed with a great deal of Modesty and Silence, tho' the [Page] number of Spectators be very great. Their Bows are very short for this Exercise, and the shorter the better, so that they are hardly bendable, but by well-practised Persons: Their Arrows also are of a peculiar kind. He that conquers hath a Linnen-Handkerchief, such as we use to wipe off our Sweat, wrought with embroidered Needle-work, for his Reward; but his greatest Encouragement, is the Commendation and Renown he gets. 'Tis almost incredible how far they will shoot an Arrow; they mark the place, with a Stone, where the furthest Arrow, for that Year, was pitch'd. There are many such Stones in the Field, placed there time out of Mind, which are further than they are able to shoot now adays, they say. These were the Marks of their Ancestors Archery, whose Skill and Strength, in Shooting, they acknowledge they cannot reach to. In divers Streets and Cross-ways of the City Constantinople, there are also such Sports, wherein not only Children and young Men, but even the graver [...]ort do exercise themselves in. There is one that takes care of the Butt, who waters it every day, otherwise it would be so dry, that an Arrow (the Turkish Arrows being always blunt) would not stick therein. And he that thus oversees the Mark is very diligent to draw out and to cleanse the Arrows, and throw them back to the Archers, and he hath a Stipend from them sufficient to maintain him. The Front of the Butt bears the Similitude [Page] of a little Door, whence, perhaps, was derived the Greek Proverb; that when a Man miss'd the Mark, he is said to shoot Extr [...] januam, besides the Door; for, I suppose, the Greeks used this way of Butting, and that the Turks borrowed it from them. I grant the use of the Bow is very ancient among the Turks; but that hinders not, but when they conquered the Grecian Cities, they might still retain their way of Butting and Bounding their Arrows. For no Nation scruples to transfer the profitable Inventions of other Nations to themselves, as I might instance in Great Ord [...] nance and in Muskets, and other things, which tho' not our Inventions, yet the Turks borrow their use from us.

'Tis true, they could never yet be brought to the Printing of Books, nor to the setting [...]locks publick; the Reasons are, That their Scripture (i. e.) Alchoran, would no longer be called Scripture, or Writing, if it were Printed, (that's their Fancy;) and for Clocks, they suppose, that the Authority of their Emraim, and of their ancient Rites would be diminished, if they should permit the use of them. In other Cases, they ascribe much to the ancient Institutions of other Nations, even almost to the prejudice of their own Religion. I speak of their Commonality.

All Men know how averse they are from the approving of Christian Rites and Ceremonies; and, yet, let me tell you, that whereas the Greek Priests do use, at Spring time, a [Page] certain way of Consecration to open the Sea for Saylers; before which time, they will hardly commit their Vessels to the Waters. The Turks also observe the same Ceremony. For when their Vessels are ready to sail, they repair to the Grecians, and ask them, Whether they have consecrated the Sea? If they say, No, they desist; if Yea, then they set sail and away. 'Twas also a Custom of the Greeks not to open the Pits, in the Isle Lemnos, for the digging out of the Earth, called, Agosphrogd, before the Feast of the Transfiguration of our Lord, viz. August 6. The Turks also observe the same Custom; and, whereas, the Grecian Priests did anciently celebrate the Liturgy at that time, the Turks will have them do so still; and they themselves stand at a distance as Spectators only: And if you ask them, why they do this? Their Answer is, That there are useful Customs practised of old, the Causes whereof are not known. The Ancients, they say, saw and knew more than we; and, therefore, we will not violate their Customs, lest we do it to our Loss. This Opinion hath so far prevailed among some of them, that I know some, who in private will baptize their Children, alledging, they believe there is some good in that Rite, and that it was not instituted, at first, without just Cause.

Having acquainted you thus far with the Turkish Exercises, let me add one more. They have a Custom derived from the Parthians, that [Page] they counterfeit flying away on Horseback, and presently turn back and kill their unwary Pursuers. The way they learn to do it, is this: They erect an high Pole, almost in plain Ground, with a Brass-globe atop of it; about this they spur their Horses, and having got a little beyond, the Horse still Galloping, they presently turn about, and flying along, shoot an Arrow into that Globe. The frequent use hereof makes them to expect, that their Bow being turn'd in their sight, their unwary Enemy is shot through.

'Tis time now, you'll say, that I return to my Lodging, lest my Keeper be angry with me. Well then, what time is left me from beholding these Exercises, I bestow it all on my Books, or in Conferences with my Friends the Citizens of Pera, originally Genoeses, or others, yet not without the leave of my Chiauxes. These Fellows are not always in the same Humour, they have their lucid Intervals, and, also, sometimes, are more tractable than at others. When 'tis fair Weather with them, the Ragusteans, the Florentines, the Venetians, and sometimes the Greeks, with other Nations, come to visit me, on one Account or another; sometimes, also, I converse with Men of more remote Countries, coming hither, whose Conversation doth much delight me.

A few Months ago, there came thither a Merchant from Dantzick, who had the sole vending of Amber: He wondred what use the [Page] Turks put so great a quantity of it, as they bought, to; or, whither they sent it: At last, he was resolved, That they sent it into Persia, where that kind of Juice or Bitumen is highly esteemed; for they adorn Parlors Studies and Temples therewith. He bestowed upon me, a Wooden Vessel full of that Liquor, they call Tuppeabier. It was most excellent Stuff. But I laughed extraordinarily at my Guests [...] both Greeks and Italians, who, not being accustomed to this Liquor, could not tell what to call it. At length, because I told them, 'twas good to preserve Health, they thought it was some Medicinal Drug, and called it a Syrup; but they sipp'd and syrupp'd it out so long, that, at one Dinner, they emptyed my Barrel.

This liberty my Chiauxes (who are changed ever and anon) do sometimes give me. They are not only willing I should go abroad, but also do invite me so to do: But I, as I told you before, use to refuse them, that so they may not think they can do me either good or hurt; and the pretence I make use of is this, That I have tarried so long at home, that now I am grown to the Walls of the House, so that if I go forth, it would fall. I will not, therefore, stir abroad, say I, till I go for good and all into my own Country.

As for my Family, I am glad that they go abroad sometimes, for thereby they learn to bear the Absence from their own Country, the better.

[Page] But yet when they make use of this liberty, the drunken Turks do oft meet and quarrel with them in the Streets, especially, if no Ianizaries be with them; and tho' they be, yet sometimes there happen Blows on both sides: And, therefore, it is troublesome to me, to excuse my Domesticks, when they are clamour'd against; yet, I confess, the surlyness and vigilance of my Chiauxes, in keeping fast my Doors, do, in great part, ease me of that troublesome Office. Let me relate to you a late Example of this kind.

There came lately to me a Messenger from my Master, the Emperor, one Philip Baldus, an Italian, he was 60 Years old, and riding faster than his Age could bear, he fell into a Fever. My Physician prescribed him a Clyster, and the same being brought by the Apothecary, my Chiaux would not let him in, nor suffer the Physick to be brought to the sick Man: Inhumanely enough, you'll say, especially seeing the Chiaux had carried it courteously to me a long time; but now he was inraged on a suddain, that twas intollerable, for he threatned to cudgel every Body that came to me. After he had thus affronted me, I thought of a way to let him know, how little I valued all his Bug-bear Threats, which was thus. I set one of my Servants to stand within my Gate, and to bar it; commanding him, to open to none, but at my Command. The Chiaux comes in the Morning to unlock the Gate, as his Custom was, but his Key availed [Page] not, for 'twas bolted; on the in-side he spyed my Man, through the Chinks, and calls out to him to open it. Not I, says he; hereupon the Chiaux began to be angry, to fret and to prate. Prate, while you will, says my Servant, neither they self nor any of thine shall come in here: For why should I open to thee, more than thou to me? Thou keepest us shut in, and we'll keep thee shut out; do thou shut the Door without, and to be sure I'll shut it within. What, says he, did your Master command you so to do? Yes, said I: However, says the Chiaux, let me come in and put my Horse in the Stable: Not a jot of Stabling for your Horse here, said he. Let me then have some Hay and Provender out for him: Not a bit, says he; go and buy it in the Neighbourhood, there's enough to be sold. I was wont to make the Chiaux to sit down at Meat with me, or else to send him something from my Table; but now the Case was altered, he stood fasting as he was, at my Door, his Horse [...] being tyed to a Plane-Tree, over against it.

The Bassa's, and other Grandees, using to pass by that place in their return from Court, and knowing, by its Trapping, that it was the Chiaux's Horse, gnawing of Hay under the Plane-tree, they demanded the Reason, why he was not shut up in the Stable, as heretofore? He up and told them all the Matter, that as he shut up us, so he and his Horse were shut out, so that the one could not get Food, [Page] or the other Provender. When the rest of the Bassa's heard this Story, they laugh'd heartily, and from that time held it fruitless to go about to terrifie me with such frivolous Vexations as the shutting of my Doors.

But a while after that Chiaux was removed, and then we had more Liberty. Rustan himself was satisfied how vain his Menaces were by this Story I shall now relate.

There came a certain aged Sancto, of great Esteem among them for his Piety, to pay his Court to him; and, among other Discourse, he told Rustan, That seeing the Sultans Children were at Discord one with another, which was likely to occasion great Troubles in their Empire, why he did not make Peace with the German Emperor, that Solyman may be secure from Danger on that side? I desire nothing more, says Rustan; but how can I bring it about? His Demands I cannot yeild to, and my Demands he will not accept, nor can I compel him so to do; I have tryed all ways to bring him to my Terms, I have kept him in the nature of a Prisoner these many Years, I have dealt coursely enough with him; but, alas! he is but hardned the more thereby; when I would shut him up as close Prisoner in his own House, then he bars his Door on the inside, that no Body can come at him; thus all my Labour is in vain: If another Man had been so hardly dealt with, to avoid the durance, he would have turned to our Religion; as for him, he cares not a Rush.

[Page] This was Rustan's Discourse, as some present thereat informed me.

The reason of their surly carriage, is this: The Turks are very suspicious that the Agents of Christian Princes have a great Latitude in their Commissions; so that they have Power to alter, as occasion serves; if they cannot at first get favourable, then they may except of harder Terms. To get out of them the full of their Commissions, they vex their Persons, shut them up close, threaten War, and abuse them all manner of ways.

Some think, that a certain Venetian Resident did much encourage the Turks to these Courses; for when the Dispute was between the Venetian and Turk, about Napoli di Romania, their Agent had a Charge to try all other ways of Accommodation, without surrendring the City; but if no milder Terms would do, then he had liberty to part with that City, rather than to engage in War with the Port: Some Venetian Traytor declared this part of his Commission to the Turks, unknown to the Resident himself; who rather denyed that he had any other Commands, than what he had then propounded, which were the gentlest Terms. The Bassa's judging themselves to be deluded, were very angry, and bid him have a care what he said; their Master was not to be mock'd, they knew well enough that he had other Commands, and thereupon, they recited to him the full of his Commission; so that now, said they, if you do not tell us, we [Page] shall look on you as a Liar and Impostor, and then he would be punished as such; and his Commonwealth would certainly be ruin'd, if the implacable Anger of Solyman did once, on this Occasion, stir him up to War against them; and, therefore, speak now, or for ever hereafter, hold your Peace: Our Master will not use Entreaties, he hath Power enough, God be thanked, to command Obedience.

The Venetian Agent was so surprized at this Discourse, which he did not so much as dream of, that he up and told them all. For which yet, he was very much blamed in his own Country.

Ever since that time, the Turks have indulged their Suspicions, That the Christian Agents do deal but partially with them; and, therefore, they must humble them to tell all the Truth; upon this they imprisoned Veldalic, the Emperor Charles's Embassador, 18 Months, and my Collegues more than three Year, and at last sent them away, without doing any thing. As for my self, I know not how long I shall be kept in this durance; for my part, I see no end thereof.

When Baldus, that ancient Man of whom I spake before, came to me, they suspected that he had brought me new Commands, which allowed me to yield to harder Conditions of Peace; and they feared that I would conceal them, because I was well aware of their intestine Discords; so that by dealing harshly with me, they thought to extort the [Page] whole truth from me. Upon the same Design Rustan once sent me a large Gourd, called by the Germans Wasser-plutzer; they grow very sweet at Constantinople, their Seeds are red within, and they came originally from Rhodes. By this Present, sent unto me by my Secretary, Rustan did jestingly insinuate the fear of a War; it was brought me when the Weather was very hot, and the Juice is good to cool inward Heat. He sent this Complement with it, That I should make use of the Fruit fitted for the time, it would refrigerate in this hot Season; but I should know, withal, that a great number of those Plants did grow about Buda and Belgrade, of a much larger size than that which he sent me, meaning thereby Canon-Bullets. I returned Thanks for my Present, and told him, I should make use of it; but for Buda and Belgrade, 'twas no great wonder they grew there, seeing there was Plenty of them, even of a larger size at Vienna. It pleased me to let Rustan know by my Answer, that I could return Quibble for Quibble.

But to return to the Affairs of Bajazet, which you desired to be further informed in.

You may remember that his Father dismissed him some Years ago, upon this Condition, That he should never hereafter affront his Brother, nor raise up new Tumults in the Empire, but should live quietly and peaceably, as a Brother ought to do. He should remember [Page] his Promise made to himself, and not vex him in his old Age, if he did, wo be to him. These Threats had weight with Bajazet, as long as his Mother liv'd; he kept his word rather to retain her good Will and Indulgence towards him, than that he had any Consideration either for his Brothers love or Fathers good Will. However, quiet he was for his Mothers sake. But two Years after her death, looking upon himself as desperate, he cut the Cords of all filial Obedience, and began to resume his former Designs against his Brother, and to execute his Animosity with greater spight: Sometimes he laid Ambushes for his Life; at other times he attempted it by open force, and now and then he sent Parties of his Men into his Brothers Province, (their Provinces being contiguous one to the other) and if he could catch any of his Domesticks, he used them ill for their Masters sake; in [...]ine, he left no Stone unturned, to lessen his Brothers Credit, seeing he was not able to reach his Life.

Besides, he had several Partisans at Constantinople, who endeavoured to draw over the Grand Seignior's Guard to his side, and he did not doubt but as his Design ripen'd, to come privately to Constantinople, and there to abscond among his Friends, till opportunity favoured his appearance in publick. Solyman was made acquainted with all his Designs, by Letters from his Son Selymus, and warned him to take care of his Life; for if he did not look [Page] upon these nefarious Attempts of Bajazet, as pointed against himself, he was much mistaken: For he did not care what he did either against God or Man, provided he might gain the Kingdom thereby. Your Life, Sir, said he, is aimed at as well as mine, and he would wound you through my sides; his Design was contrived long ago, but now he only seeks opportunity to execute it; and therefore, pray, prevent his Wickedness, before you irremedilessly be circumvented by him: As for my self, I can easily bear all his Injuries, but the greatness of your danger doth more nearly concern me.

These Informations from Selymus did more and more incense Solyman against Bajazet; so that he put him in mind of his Duty, by Letter, telling him what great Clemency he had used towards him, and what Promises he had reciprocally made to him: Call to mind, said he, those ancient things, 'tis not so easie for you to get a new Pardon. Leave off wronging your Brother, and creating trouble to me: I have but a little time to live; when I am gone, God will shew which of you shall reign; in the mean time, don't you disturb the publick Peace, nor the Tranquility of my grey Hairs.

But these Expostulations wrought little with Bajazet, who was fully determin'd to do his utmost, than to yield his Neck tamely to his Brothers Sword; for he saw plainly that would be his Fate, if ever Selymus mounted [Page] the Throne. However, he answered his Fathers Letters submissively enough; but his Words and his Deeds did not agree, neither did he intermit the prosecution of his intended Design.

When Solyman saw this, he resolved to try another Course, and to remove his two Sons to a greater distance one from another; and, therefore, he commands each of them, on a prefix'd day, to leave his Province (Chiutna was Bajazets, and Magnetia Selymus's) and Bajazet to go to Amasia, and Selymus to Iconium. This was done, not out of any disfavour to Selymus, but only to please Bajazet, lest he should break out into Extremes, when he was removed from his Government, and not his Brother from his. Withal, he laid his Command on them, the more they were severed by distance of Place, the more they should be united by Concord of Mind. For (said he) vicinity of Habitation doth oft breed Discord betwixt Brethren, and Servants on both sides do ill Offices to enrage and exasperate the Minds of their Masters one against another; and, therefore, obey my Commands; he that refuses, I shall count him a contumacious Son. Selymus immediately left his Province, as being confident of his Fathers Favour. But Bajazet made many Tergiversations, and when he was gone a little way he stopt his Journy, complaining that the unlucky Province of Amasia was allotted, as a bad Omen; because his Brother was slain there. [Page] I should rather, said he, go to any other Province besides, than where the miserable exit of my Relations will constantly come to my Mind, and wound my very Soul; and, therefore, he desired his Father to suffer him to Winter at least where he was, or else in his Brothers Province. But Solyman would grant neither of those Requests. By this time, Selymus was marched with an Army which was augmented with some Forces from his Father Solyman, (for they were both afraid of Bajazets Plots) against his Brother, who yet made many Halts and Delays; when, behold! on a suddain, he fetcht a compass about, and appeared with his Army on the rear of his Brother, going towards Pratias, a City of Bithinia over against Constantinople in the Asiatic Shore; his Father gave consent to his March, as not well pleased with the cautation of Bajazet. For, they thought thus with themselves, that if Bajazet could win over the Guards to himself, and march to Pratias, or even to Constantinople it self, their Matters as to Solyman and Selymus, would be in great hazard; and, therefore, out of a common fear, 'twas thought most adviseable for Selymus to stay there, where he might expect most Aid in case of Necessity from the vicinity of the Capital Cities. For Selymus had not yet Force enough to encounter his Brother in open Field, without hopes of Success.

[Page] When Bajazet saw his Brothers Army in his Rear, and that he got nothing by his Delay, save the certain Knowledge, that Selymus should reign if his Father dyed, as his Fear added to his Sickness gave some Likelihood thereof; hereupon, he wrote Letters to his Father, wherein he laid grievous things to the Charge of his Brother Selymus, as, that his present March did plainly declare, what a wicked Intent he had towards his Father, who was come [...]o near the Metropolis, that he might treacherously compass the Empire, and that he might have but a short Passage over if his Father dyed. But if his Father's Life should impede his desire, then he would suborn some Paricide or other to take it away; and yet this is the Son, forsooth, said he, that you have in your Bosom, as if he were a very Nonsuch for filial Obedience; whereas I, said he, who never entertain'd a bad Thought against you in all my Life, but was always observant of your very Becks, am rejected and cast out of Favour; and yet the sum of my Demands is only this, that an unlucky Province might not be design'd for his Government. To his Words he added Entreaties, humbly beseeching his Father to gratifie him with any other Government, either that which his Brother left, or any other more fortunate one than that of Amasia; and, says he, I shall expect an Answer in the Place where I now abide, lest if any Request be granted, I be forced to March a great way back; but if your [Page] Ears be deaf to my Request, then I will March to what Province you shall command me.

And the truth is, Bajazet had reason to be averse from Amasia, for 'tis a Custom among them to build much on Auguries and ill Omens.

But these Letters were otherwise understood by Solyman, who was well acquainted with his Sons Fears, and knew that he affected a Government not so remote, but nearer to Constantinople, that thereby he might have the better opportunity for Innovations.

Thus Bajazet made one Excuse after another for his Delay, and seemed to retard his Fathers Pleasure; he listed Soldiers, increased his Army, rais'd Mony, and provided all things necessary for his own defence, and the Conquest of his Brother. Solyman looked upon his Design against himself, yet the crafty old Man dissembled it what he could. For he was unwilling to make Bajazet quite and clean desperate. He was now grieved that the Eyes of all Nations were fix'd on that Dissention between his Sons, and therefore he design'd to use some Delay, that the Matter, if possible, might be composed with as little noise as might be. And, therefore, he answered Bajazet's Letters mildly, telling him. That as for the change of Provinces, he was fully resolved to be obey'd therein; and, therefore, he and his Brother would do well immediately to repair to their respective Armies.

[Page] As for other Concerns, he need not take care of them, for he himself would so order Matters, that neither his Brother nor he should have any Cause to complain. Solyman chose Perian, the Fourth Vizier Bassa, to carry those Letters to Bajazet; and that he might seem to deal impartially between them both, he sent Mehemet, the Third Vizier Bassa, to Selymus. He also laid a Charge on both those Bassa's, not to stir a jot from either of his Sons, till they had both entred on their respective Governments; which was wisely done by Solyman to leave such faithfull Monitors with his Children, which would daily put them in mind of their Duties.

Accordingly, Selymus did willingly admit his Fathers Bassa, but Bajazet, whose Mind was wholly set upon imbroiling the State, could not endure to have one of his Fathers Counsellors obtruded upon him, to be a Witness of his Designs, and to be a Tell tale to his Father. And, therefore, he dismissed the Bassa, who was willing to have staid, having first courteously treated and presented him with Gifts, according to his present Ability; and he did it with this pretence, that he had none else to represent his Cause impartially to his Father, but only himself; and, if he would do him so good Offices, he promised not to be ungrateful to him. He wish'd him also to tell his Father, that his Commands should always be to him as a Law, but that he was forc'd to do what he did, for fear of his Brother Selymus, [Page] whose Injuries and Affronts he could no longer endure. By this Message of Pertan, Solyman was assured of Bajazet's Design, tho' to colour the Matter, and to put a blind on his Fathers Embassy, he pretended he would hasten to Amasia. However, Solyman was not slow in his Preparations against Bajazet, for he commanded the Beglerbeg of Asia, tho' sick of the Gout, to assist his Son Selymus with a Body of Horse, and he sent also the most Faithful of his Guards to accompany Mehemet Bassa, (who was also return'd from his Embassies) into Asia on the same Errand; and he himself pretended he would gird on his Sword and follow them. But, alas! the Guards shew'd themselves very unwilling to the Service; for they abominated the War betwixt Brothers, as an impious thing. For against whom should they draw their Sword? Was not Bajazet Heir of the Crown too? This unnecessary Discussion (said they) may be compos'd without Blood, neither are we to be forc'd to sheath our Swords in one anothers Bowels: As for Bajazet, he is forced to do what he doth, in a way of Self-preservation.

When these Rumours came to Solyman's Ears, he sent for the Mufti (the High Priest of the Turks) from whom, as from an Oracle, they expect Answers to their Doubts, and propounds a Case to him in these Terms.

[Page] ‘How them Men ought to be dealt with, who durst disturb the Peace of the Empire, by taking of Towns, and raising both of Men and Mony, while he was alive: As also what he thought of those, who were assistant to him in that Design, and fought under his Ensigns; and, lastly, what was to be done with those who refus'd to engage against him, but rather justified his Practises?’

The Mufti's Answer was, ‘That such a Person with all his Followers were worthy of Death; and they that refused to Fight against him were to be abominated, as Prophane, and Deserters of their Religion.’

This Answer was divulged among the Commonalty, and by the Chief of the Chiauxes was transmitted to Bajazet.

A while after there came a Chiaux to Constantinople, who had been sent by Solyman to Selymus, but had been intercepted by Bajazet; by whom he sent a Message to their Father, to this effect; That he would never fail in expressing his Duty to his Father, and that he never took up Arms against him, but was resolved to be obedient to him in all things. The Dispute was only between his Brother and himself, who sought his Life, so that he must fall by his Brothers Sword, or his Brother ther by his. This difference might be decided in his Fathers Life, and, therefore, he desired him not to interpose or assist his Brother, but to carry himself in an exact Neutrality; [Page] but if (said he) you pass over into Asia, (as Report says you will) to assist Selymus, don't you think, I shall be speedily reduced; for I know whither to retreat; and, let me tell you, the first day you set foot in Asia, I will destroy all by Fire and Sword, and will make it as desolate, as ever Tamerlin or the War of our Enemies ever did.

When this Message was delivered to Solyman, it did much disturb him, especially when word was brought to him, that the Town of Arvar, which Selymus, his Son, was Sanziack of, was taken by Bajazet; and after he had exacted a great Sum of Mony from them, had plundered and sack'd it notwithstanding.

But Selymus, when he heard that his Brother march'd towards Amasia, and was already come as far as Hucyras, being now freed form the suspicion of Treachery, which he fear'd, march'd also himself towards Iconium, wherein he had put a Garrison till his arrived.

'Twas none of the least of Solyman's cares, which distracted his Mind, lest Bajazet should seize on Iconium, and so march into Syria, from whence there is a large Passage into Egypt, a Province not fully setled in Subjection to the Turks, and not forgetting the ancient Governors of the Circassians or Marncasses, longed for a change. And if Bajazet once got thither, he foresaw it would be a very hard Matter to beat him out, should the neighbouring Arabians assist him; who, in [Page] hopes of Booty, were ready to take any side. And if with much ado, he could have been driven out of Egypt, yet from thence he might easily be wafted over into any of the Christian Countries; whereupon Solyman, by all means, sought to stop his March thither, (because he thought it would be Bajazet's last Shift) and to that end he had written to most of the Governors of lesser Asia, to be watchful and to assist Selymus, when he called for their Aid. And accordingly Solyman's Army forced a Camp before the Walls of Iconium. For he thought it best to be slain there, than wait for the Auxiliaries of his Father, and not to hazard his All on the doubtful Issue of a Battel.

On the other side, Bajazet knowing what a hazardous Enterprize he had undertaken, was as vigorous to support his Cause; he hired a great Body of Horse, called Chiarts, perhaps formerly Gordianes, Men noted for Valour, in whom he put great Confidence.

They, assoon as ever they came into his Army, began the representation of a Battel on Horseback, which had so much of Truth in it, that many of them were slain, but more wounded. His Camp was pitch'd in the plain and open Fields of Aucyra, from which City he was supplied with many Necessaries, and at the Castle thereof he placed his Concubines and Children. From those Merchants, that were Rich, he borrowed Mony, upon Terms of Re-payment with Interest, if God gave [Page] him Success. Form thence, also, he was furnished with Arms for his Soldiers.

Besides his own Family (consisting of very many among the higher sort of Turks) and the Chiauxes before mentioned, those that were of his Mothers or his Sisters, and of Rustan's Faction, came in to him; so did very many of Mustapha's and Achmet's Favourites, fierce and skilful Warriers; for they grudging at the undeserved Death of their Master, were resolved to revenge them with the hazard of their Blood; some also came under his Banner out of Commiseration of his depressed Condition, as being necessiated to fly to Arms, his last and only Refuge.

A great many favoured Bajazet, because he was so like his Father, whereas Selymus had not one Feature in his Face resembling him. 'Tis true, he was very like his Mother, a Woman hated while she was alive; he was a Big-bellied Man, with swoln Cheeks, and his Face of a deep and uncomly Redness; insomuch, that the Soldiers would seemingly say, He was cramm'd with Barly Pudding. Besides, he liv'd a slothful, banquetting, idle Life; neither was he courteous, or of easie Access, nor did he oblige any Man by Largessee or Bounties: The Reason he gave, was, That he would not offend his Father, by aiming at popular Applause. Thus he became dear to his Father only, but dis-respected of every Body else; yea, those Persons did most disdain [Page] him, who coveted a munificent and an active Emperor. The same Soldiers that were wont to call Bajazet, Softi (i. e.) a seddentary Man, and given to Ladies; when they saw that he took up Arms, and ventured his All to defend himself and his Children, now extolled him to the Skies, as a Man of extraordinary Valour. Why (said they, reasoning among themselves) should his Father abdicate a Son, that is his express Image? Why should he prefer his slothful, pot-bellied Brother before him, that had nothing of his Fathers disposition in him? As for Bajazet's taking Arms, Necessity enforced him thereunto, and therefore, he was not to be blamed; for did not Selymus, their Grandfather, do the same? What greater President could there be? For he did not only arm against his Brother, but Necessity also compelled him to hasten his Fathers death; and yet by this Procedure he established the Kingdom to himself and his Posterity. Now if Solyman did rightfully possess that Kingdom, so unjustly gotten, why should his Son be denied to take the same Course? Why should that Fact be vindicated so severely in him, which was accounted Lawful in his Grandfather? And yet the Cause was much different (said they); for Bajazet did not take up Arms against his Father, but wishes him a long Life; nay, he would not hurt and Hair of his Brothers Head, if he could be sure of his own Life, against him; but 'tis always lawful to resist Force by Force, and, if possibly, [Page] to prevent ones own certain Ruin. These Discourses caused many to fly unto Bajazet, and his Army being now of a moderate size, without any delay, he marches towards his Brother, putting his Life, Fortune and the hope of the Empire, upon the Event of the Battel; for thus thought he with himself, my Valour (at least) will be commended, if it be not prosperous; I will endeavour if I can, to break my way into Syria, and if I succeed therein, my Business is done.

Selymus waited for him under the Walls of Iconium, having a vast Army, encreased by Forces sent him from his Father, and well furnished with skilful Commanders; and besides all other Necessaries, secured with great Ordnance on every side. Bajazet was nothing terrified at all those Disadvantages, but assoon as he came in sight of his Brothers Army, he exhorted his Own, tho' inferiour in Number, in this sort.

Now, says he, the long wished for Hour is [...]ome, wherein you may shew your Valour; do you act as Men, and let me alone to reward you. All my Fortune is in your Hand; my Misfortunes have been irksome some time, but now here is an open Campaign, wherein I may change them for the better, and forget all the Miseries of my former Life. If you Conquer, you may expect from me Honour, Dignity, and all kind of Rewards, befitting Men of Valour. One Victory will compleat all our Hopes, tho' never so vast, and that you may get by your superabounding Valour. As for [Page] my Brothers Troops before your Eyes, they are a Company of Buffoons under a slothful General; you may easily make way through them with your swords; what Force he hath with him of my Fathers, tho' they are his in Body, yet they are mine at Heart. 'Tis Selymus alone that stands in the way, both of my Vassals and of your Happiness too, and therefore, let us both revenge our selves on a common Enemy. And for their Multitude don't fear them, Conquest is got by Valour, not by Number. God Almighty uses to assist the Rest, not the Most; certainly, if you consider how the savage Enemy thirsts after your blood, you will preserve yours by shedding theirs. In fine, said he, I will not only speak, but do; let me be your Pattern; do you Fight but as valiantly for my safeguard, as I shall do for your advancement, and I'll warrant you the battle is our own.

Having finished his Oration, he made towards the Enemy with an undaunted Courage, and in the Front of his Army shew'd himself both a brave Soldier and a skilful Commander, so that he was Renowned also by his very Enemies. The Battle was bloody, and many fell on both sides, and Victory seem'd to hover in the doubtful Wings; but at last she inclin'd to that side, where was more Force, a juster Cause, and better Counsel; just in the nick, there arose such a Wind that it carried the smoak of the Ordinance into the very Faces of Bajazet's Army, so that they fought blindfold, as it were; whereupon Bajazet, after much blood-shed on both [Page] sides, was forced to sound a Retreat; but he made it with so little of Trepidation, and so leisurely, that he seemed a Conqueror rather than a Conquered; neither did Selymus make out of his Camp to pursue him, being well contented to see his Enemy turn their Backs.

After this, Bajazet considering he had disobeyed his Father's Commands, by indulging his own Humour, and being cut off from hi March into Syria, which he had design'd, resolved to move in good earnest towards Amasia.

Solyman had presently a Messenger sent him of this Victory, and immediately he posted over into Asia. His Bassa's would not let him go before; But now (said they) you must make haste to press upon Bajazet in his Misfortune and to prevent his Recruit; for if his secret Favourites should declare for him, they might cut them out further Work. The Report of your Passage over, will both discourage your Son and terrifie all his Followers; and, therefore, make haste lest he serve you as sometimes your Father did, who was more formidable after he was Conquered than before, so that his very Overthrow was the Cause, why at last he prevailed. Neither did they thus speak without Cause; for 'tis incredible how much that Fight, tho' unfortunate, had added to Bajazet's Renown. That he was so hardily Valorous, as with a small handful, in comparison, to set upon the well disciplin'd Army of his Brother, strengthened too with his Fathers Force; that he was not daunted with the [Page] disadvantage of the Place, nor the roaring of the great Ordnance, and that he carried himself in the very Battle not as a raw General, but an expert Commander. 'Tis true, said they, his Success was not answerable, but his Valour was not Inferiour; and, therefore, let Selymus boast never so much of his Victory to his Father, this we are sure of, that of the Two, Bajazet deserved to be Conqueror; neither did his Brether prevail against him by true Force, but through Strength. These Discourses concerning Bajazet, shew'd him to be Popular, and thereupon they double his Fathers trouble, and his desire to ruin him; resolved he was none but Selymus should succeed him in the Empire; for besides that he was his eldest Son, he had been always faithful and obedient to him; but Bajazet had been contumacious, and gaped after the Throne in his Life time; and he feared him the more, because he was esteem'd a very valiant Prince, and because also he had openly assaulted Solyman against him.

For these Reasons he pass'd the Sea into Asia, but with a Resolution not to stir from the Shore, but to assist his Son Selymus's Affairs, only at a distance. For why, thought he, should I run any hazard to bring my own Force nearer, lest my Army not fully setled in their Obedience, should be reapted to a Revolt.

[Page] I my self saw Solyman march out of Constantinople in the Year, 1559, Iune 5th. tho' against the Will of my Chiaux. Let me here present you with a Scheme of Mirth, and like a Braggadotio-soldier, tell you of two Battles I had at once; for why, I have leisure enough (unless you count my Cares my study) and the larger I am in my Scribling, the more time do I borrow from my Troubles. Hear then my Contests.

When I was certainly inform'd that the Sultan was ready to pass over into Asia, and that the day was fix'd for his Departure, I told my Chiaux that I had a mind to see him march out, and therefore he should come betimes in the Morning and open the Doors, for he used to carry the Keys of my Doors home with him at Night; he promised me courteously, he would do so. Then I took order with my Ianizaries and my Interpreters, that they would take me an upper Room in the Way the Emperor was to pass, convenient for my View. They obeyed my Commands; when the day was come, I rose before 'twas light, and expected that my Chiaux had opened my Doors, but finding them shut, I sent several Messengers to him, to come and let me out, both my Ianizaries that waited within Doors and Druggermen that waited to come in; this I did, through the Chinks of the Gate, which was very old; but the Chiaux still spun out Delays, pretending he would come presently: Thus I spent some [Page] time, till I heard the noise of the Guns, which the Ianizaries use to shoot off, when their Emperor takes Horse, then I began to fret and fume, seeing my self so deluded; my just Indignation did affect the Ianizaries themselves, they told me, that if my People would thrust hard with them, they without would so press upon the Valves, which were loose and old, that the Bars would fall out; I took their Counsel, and the Doors flew open accordingly, and out we went, hying to the Room I had hired.

My Chiaux had a mind to frustrate my Desire, and yet he was no bad Man neither; for having communicated my Request to the Bassa's, that he was not willing that any Christian should behold their Prince marching with so small Force against his own Son, and, therefore, said they to him, do you promise him fair, but be sure to delay him tell the Sultan is a Shipboard; then you may devise some Excuse or other for your Compurgation: But he was catch'd in his own Craft.

When I came to the House where a Room was hired for me, behold it was shut, so that I could no more enter into that, than I could go forth of my own; when I knock'd, no Body answered; hereupon the Ianizaries again told me, that if I commanded them they would break open the Doors, or else would go in at Window and open them. I told them they should not break open any thing, but if they would go up to the Windows they [Page] might; they presently did so, and opened the Door. When I went up Stairs, I found the House full of Iews, a whole Synagogue of them; they looked upon it, as a Miracle, that I should enter, when the Doors were shut; but being informed of the Truth, an old grave Matron, in comly Habit, profer'd her self, and complain'd to me in Spanish of the Violence I had offered to the House; I told her, she had done me wrong, in not keeping her Word, and that I was not a Man to be thus deluded; she seem'd unsatisfied, and the time would not admit further Discourse. In short, I was allowed one Window, which on the back side looked out into the Street, and from thence, with a great deal of Pleasure, I beheld the whole Proceeding as they pass'd out of the City.

The Gulupagi and the Vlupagi march'd two by two; the Selchers one by one, and Spahi's (which are the Names of the Grand Seigniors Horse Guards) [...] distinguished by their Ranks and Troops, they were about 6000. besides a vast number of the Domesticks of the Prime Visier, and of other Bassa's. The Turkish Horsemen yield a gallant Shew; the best Breed of Horse is from Cappadocia and Syria, and the adjacent Countries; he is trapp'd with Silver Trappings, studded with Gold and Jewels. His Rider's clad with a Coat or Vest made of Silk Velvet, or other fine Cloth of Scarlet, Purple or dark Blue Colour, intermixed with Gold and Silver. He hath two [Page] Cases hanging by his sides, one holds his Bow, the other his Arrows, both of neat Babylonian Workmanship, and so is his Buckler held in his left Arm, strong enough to resist Blows made by Arrows or Clubs: In his right Hand, unless he desire to have it free, he carries a light Spear, for the most part painted with Green; his Scimitar is studded with Jewels, and made of Steel, and it hangs down from his Saddle. What need so much Armour, say you? I'll tell you. They use them all; and that dexterously too, you'll reply. How can he use that Spear and the Bow too? What! will he take up his Spear when he hath broke, or thrown away his Bow? Not so neither, For he keeps his Spear as long as he can; but when he hath occasion to use his Bow, the Spear being light and easily manag [...]d, he puts it between his Saddle and his Thigh; so that the Point thereof sticks out backward; and thus he presses it down with his Knee, as long as he pleases. But if he fight only with the Spear, then he puts up his Bow into his Case, or else with his left Hand places it behind his Shield. But it is not my present Design to acquaint you with the Turks expertness at Arms; they have obtain'd it by long Use and Experience in War. Their Heads are covered with very fine White Cotten-Linnen, in the midst whereof stands up a Tust made of Purple Silk, divided chamferingly; some of them wear black Feathers a-top.

[Page] After the Horse, a large Body of Ianizaries followd, being Foot, and seldom taking any other Arms than Muskets. The Form and Colour of their Cloths is almost one and the same, so that you would judge them all to be the Servants of one Man's Family. They have no prodigious Habit among them, nor any thing rent or torn; their Cloaths will wear not soon enough, they say, without their tearing of them; yet in their Feathers, Crests, and such-like military Ornaments, they are over-curious, or rather proud, especially, the Veterans in the Rear, you would think a whole Wood of walking Feathers were in their Fire-stars and Frontals; after them their Officers and Commanders follow on Horseback, distinguished each by his proper Ensign. In the last Place marches their Aga, or General. Then succeed the chief Courtiers, amongst whom are the Bassa's; then the Foot of their Prince's Life-Guard in a peculiar Habit, carrying their Bows bent in their Hands, for they are all Archers; next the Princes Led-Horses, all with curious Trappings. He himself rode on a stately Prauncer, looking sour with his Brows bent, as if he had been angry; behind him came three Youths, one carrying a Flagon of Water, another his Cloak, another his Bow. Then followed some Eunuchs of the Bed-Chamber; and, at last, a Troop of about Two Hundred Horse closed the Proceeding.

[Page] After I had the satisfaction of viewing all this, my only care was now to appease my Hostess, she that at my entrance spake to me in Spanish, for I heard she was very familiar with Rustan's Wife, and therefore I was afraid she would represent things unhandsomly against me; to prevent which, I sent for her, and told her she should have remembred her Bargain, and not have shut her Door against me who had hired a Room; but though, said I, you don't remember your Promise, I'le perform mine; yea I will be better than my word: I promis'd you but 7 Pistriots, but here's 10 for you, that so you may not repent your Admittance of me into your House. When the Woman thus unexpectedly saw her Hand fill'd with Gold, she was presently melted down into a Compliance, and the whole Synagogue of them fell to blandishments and giving me thanks, and the Woman that was Chrony to Rustan's Wife, made one in the Consort, for she always in my Landladies name gave me great Thanks: They brought forth Grecian Wine and a Banquet, but I refused to eat, but with the great Acclamations of all the Iews, made hast to be gone, that I might manage a new Combat with my Chiaux, for keeping my Doors fasten'd, when I should have come forth.

I found him sitting mournfully in my Porch, where he began a long Complaint, that I ought not to have gone abroad without his Consent, nor to have broke open the Door: that I had violated the Law of Nations thereby, and such like stuff. I replyed in short, That [Page] if he had come betimes in the Morning as he promised, he had prevented all this; his breach of Promise had occasioned it, for his intent was only to delude. I demanded also of him, whether he lookt upon me as an Ambassador, or a Prisoner? For an Ambassador, says he; if for a Prisoner, said I, then I am not an Instrument to make a Peace, for a Prisoner is not his own man; but if an Ambassador, as you confess, then why am I not a Free-man? Why can't I go abroad when I will? Captives use to be shut up, not Ambassadors; Liberty is granted such in all Nations, they may claim it as their publick due: He ought to know, that he was not appointed to be my Serjeant or Keeper, but to assist me, (as he himself used to say) with his good Offices, that so no other man might do any injury to me or mine.

Hereupon he turns to the Ianizaries, and quarrels with them, for giving me advice to break open the Doors, and for being instant with my Servants therein. They denied I had need of their advice: I commanded them to open them, and they obey'd; there was no great ado about it, the Doors were old, and flew open presently; there was nothing either lost or broken. Thus the Chiaux was forced with me to hold his peace, and I never heard any more of the matter.

A while after I had also leave to pass over the Sea, for the Turks judged it conducing to their Affairs, to Treat me kindly in their Camp, as the Ambassador of a Prince in Alliance with them; and to that end, I had a [Page] handsom Lodging provided for me near their Camp, where I had all the Conveniences imaginable: I lived there three Months, and had the opportunity to view the Camp of the Turks, which was extended all over the neighbouring Fields, and to discover some parts of their Discipline: You will not find fault with me, if I acquaint you with something thereof. Know then, that I cloathed my self as Christians do in that Country, and with one or two Attendants walked up and down their Camp incognito. The first thing I saw was the Soldiers of each Body quartered with great Order in their several Ranks, and that with a great deal of silence, ('tis far otherwise in Christian Camps) all hush, not a quarrel, breath, or noise amongst them in their Jollities. Besides, they are wonderfully cleanly, no beastliness, no noisom smell to offend Eye or Ear; all their Ordure they bury under ground, or throw it far enough off. When they have occasion to ease Nature, they dig a Pit with a Spade, and there bury their Excrements; so that there is no ill smell at all. Besides, there are no Drinking-matches amongst them, no playing with Cards or Dice, (the Bane of the Christian Army:) I only heard one common Soldier playing a doleful Ditty on an Harp ill tuned, and his Fellows were howling rather than singing; it was a Soldier's farewel Word in the Borders of Hungary, and he canted out the last words of his Fellow-Soldier, who died of his Wounds on the Grass bank of the Danow; he abjured that River, because the Streams [Page] thereof were to glide to his own Country, that it should commend him to his Friends there, and tell them that he died no ignoble nor unrevenged Death for the glory of their Nation, and encrease of their Religion. His Fellows groaned out, Thrice happy he, O that our Case was like his. For you must know, the Turks are of this opinion, That no Souls go more directly to Heaven than those of valiant Men, who lost their lives in the Field; and that Virgins do pour out daily Prayers to God for their safety.

I had a mind to pass through their Shambles, that I might see what Flesh was sold there; I saw only four or Five Weathers at most hung up dress'd; it was the Shambles of the Ianizaries, who were at least 4000: I wondred so little Flesh could suffice so many; and was answered, They used but little flesh, but a great part of their Diet was brought from Constantinople: When I demanded, what that was, they shewed me a Ianizary neer at hand, who was lying down, and was boiling Turnips, Leeks, Garlick, Parsnips, and Cucumbers, seasoning them with Salt and Vinegar; and Hunger being his best Sauce, eating them as heartily, as if they had been Partridge or Phesant.

Their Drink was that which was common to all Animals, viz. Water; by this frugality they consult the Health of their Bodies, and also the saving of their Money. And the very time wherein they did this, caused me to admire the more; it was their Fast, (or as we call it, Lent) at which time among Christians [Page] even in well govern'd Cities, as well as in Camps, there is nothing but Sporting, Dancing, Singing, Revelling, Drunkenness, and such like Madness; insomuch that a Turkish Envoy coming once at that time of the year, reported at his return, That the Christians at certain times grew mad and raging, but sprinkling themselves with a sort of Ashes in their Temples, they recovered their Wits again, so that they did not seem the same Men; thereby denoting Ash-Wednesday, and its Eve. The Turks fearing this, were struck with a great Amazement, because they have many Medicines amongst them which cause Madness, but very few that procure a speedy recovery therefrom.

For the Days immediately preceding their Fasts, they do not alter their private way of living in their Worshiping; rather on the contrary, they abridge themselves of some of their daily Commons, that they may provide for their Fasts, lest a sudden abstinence might be prejudicial to their Healths.

The time of their Fast is so appointed, that every Year it comes fifteen Days sooner than the former; the reason is, because they fill not the 12 yearly spaces of the Moon: Hence it comes to pass, that their Fast kept in the early Spring after six Years, happens at the beginning of Summer; for they measure their Fasts by the course of the Moon, and there are none more irksom to them, than those which fall out in the long Summer-days; for while they fast, not a bit, nor so much as a drop of water goes down (neither dare they so much [Page] as wash their Mouths therewith) before the Star appear in the Evening, the longest Day of Abstinence, being hot, and daily too, must needs be very tedious, especially to the poorer sort, who live by their dusty labour: yet before Sun-rise (though not after) while yet the Stars shine in the Firmament, it is lawful for them to eat; and therefore they better endure their Winter Fasts. And that they may not be deceived by the darkness of the Weather, their Priests hang out Lights in Paper-Lanthorns from the top of their Moschs, (from whence they are wont, by sound of Voice to call them to Prayers, as we do by Bells:) And this shews that their Eating-time is come, whereupon entring presently into their Temples, and worshiping God in their way, they return to Supper.

In the close of their Summer-Fasts, I once saw a great many of them to go into a Tavern over against my Lodging (where Ice was always to be sold coming from Mount Olympus in Asia) and there they askt for Icy-water, which they drank jetting strangely backward; for the Turks count it profane either to Eat, Drink, or Piss, in a standing posture, unless in case of necessity; but they do it bending their Bodies; as Women do with us when they make Water. And whereas in the dusk of the Evening I could not well discern the meaning of that Posture, I was told that most of them drank a draught of cold Water, to make way for their Meat, for otherwise it would stick to their Jaws and they could not [Page] swallow it; and besides, this moisture of their Palate did quicken their Appetites.

In their Diet they are not choice, and after their Fasts they may eat any Meat, which was lawful for them to do at other times. If they fall sick, they omit their Fasts, but with this condition, that when they recover they must fast so many Days over, as they neglected before. But when they are near an Enemy, and ready to fight, lest fasting should weaken their Bodies, they are allowed to eat; and if a blind Superstition detains some of them, then their Emperour, at Noon, in the sight of his whole Army cuts his Dinner, and by his example they are encouraged to do the same.

They use Wine at no time of the Year, they count it profane and irreligious so to do, especially they abhor it on their Fasts, then no man is so much as to smell to it, much less to tast it.

I often askt why Mahomet was so strict, as to forbid his Followers the use of Wine; In answer to my demand, they told me this Story, That Mahomet making a Journey to his Friend, at Noon entred into a House where there was a Marriage-Feast, and setting down with the Guests, he observed them to be very merry and jovial, kissing and embracing one another, which was attributed to the chearfulness of their Spirits raised by the Wine; so that he blessed it as a sacred Thing, as being an Instrument of much Love amongst Men: But returning to the same House the next Day, he beheld another face of Things; as gore blood on the ground, an [Page] Hand cut off, an Arm, Foot, and other Limbs dismember'd, which he was told was the effect of the Brawls and Fightings occasioned by the Wine, which made them mad, and destroy one another: Whereupon he changed his Mind, turning his former Blessing into a Curse, and forbidding it, as an Abomination, to all his Disciples.

For this reason all was quiet in the Camp, and the greatest composure imaginable, especially at their Feast-time; so much did Camp-Discipline and a strictness received from their Ancestors prevail upon them.

The Turks punish all flagitious Disorders very severely; their Punishments are, loss of their Places, sale of their Goods, basting with Clubs, Death; but Club-basting is most common, from which the Ianizaries themselves are not free, tho' they may not as such be put to death; their lighter Offences are chastised by the Club, their more hainous by cashering or degrading, which they count worse than death, because commonly they are put to death afterwards; for being stript of the Ensigns of Ianizaries, they are banisht to the farthest Garison of the Empire, where they live contemptible and inglorious, till upon any light occasion they are put to death, yet not as Ianizaries, but as common Soldiers only.

And here let me acquaint you with the patience of the Turk in receiving that Punishment; they'l receive sometimes an hundred blows on their Legs, their Feet and Buttocks, with wonderful patience; so that divers Clubs [Page] are broke, and the Executioner cries out, Give me another: yea, sometimes the Chastisement is so severe, that several parcels of torn flesh are cut off from the wounded parts, in order to their ease; yet for all this, they must go to their Officer, who commanded them to be punisht, they must kiss his Hand, and give him Thanks; nay, they must also give the Executioner a Reward for beating them: the Club they are beaten with, they count sacred, and that it fell down from Heaven, as the Romans counted their Praise to do, and as some Relief to their Misery; they count those parts wounded with the Rod or Club, to be free from any Purgations, and Expiations after this life.

When I told you, that the Turk's Camp were free from Broyls and Tumults, I must except One, which was made by my own Men: The Occasion was this, Some of my Servants had a mind to walk out of the Camp, without any Ianizaries to attend them; only taking some Italian Renegado's that professed the Turks Religion. Let me tell you by the way, that these Italians are of good use in that Country, especially in redeeming of Captives, for they come to their Masters, and pretend they are either their Kinsmen, or their Countrymen, and therefore out of Compassion to them, they desire to buy them as their Pastrons, for a Price agreed, and so they set them free: But if a Christian should make the same profer to them, they would either refuse him, or hold him to a far greater Rate.

[Page]But to return; Some of my People as I told you, gadding abroad, they light upon some Ianizaries, who came from Swimming and Washing themselves in the Sea, without the Badges of their Order on their Heads, only some Linnen being very slighlty wrapped about them. These Ianizaries revil'd my People, knowing them to be Christians; for that's the guise of the Turks, to reproach Christians; 'tis a Principle of their Religion, they think thereby to incline them to exchange it for a better, as they count theirs to be: My Folks being thus provoked, return Jeer for Jeer; from Words they came to Blows, the Italians assisting my Men, the cause of the Scuffle was, that one of the Ianizaries lost the Linen Covering off his Head, which was thrown I know not whither: Hereupon the Ianizaries hye to their General, complaining of their Wrongs and loss received by my Servants, for they watch'd them, and found them return'd to my House: Their General presently sent for my Interpreter, who was present at the Conflict; He was seiz'd upon sitting at my Door, and they were pulling of him away. I beheld it from a Gallery above, and was much concern'd, that any of my Family should be taken forcibly from me without my Consent, to be carried to the Bastinado, (for I understood something of the Matter before) for I could not imagine he would be return'd to me without being well beaten, he being one of the Turk's Subjects. Whereupon I ran down, [Page] and laid hold on him, commanding him to let him go; they did so grumblingly, but hasted presently with far more grievous Complaints to their General; who commanded more of their Company to go and seize those Italians who of Christians are said to become Turks; yet he charged them to offer no Violence to me at the House where I lodged. They came back presently, and with a great Noise and many Threats, demanded those Italians; but they foreseeing what would come to pass, had sailed back to Constantinople: Much Clamour there was on both sides, at last my Chiaux which at that time was an old decrepid Man, out of jeer thrust some Pistols into their Hands unknown to me, to buy a new Bonnet in the room of that which was lost, and thus the Dispute ended.

I have been the more punctual in relating this Story, because on this occasion, I understood from Rustan's own Mouth, what Opinion the Sultan had of the Ianizaries: For he hearing of this Scuffle, sent a Messenger to me, to desire me to cut off all occasion of Dispute with the Ianizaries as the worst of Men: You know, said he, 'tis a time of War, wherein they may be said to reign, rather than the Sultan, who stands in fear of them himself This he spake as being well acquainted with the Sentiments of Solyman, who always susp [...]cted some Men of their own to lye in wait against their Militia, which would break forth when he had no Opportunities to prevent it.

[Page] And the truth is, though there may be some use of a standing Guard and Mil [...]tia, yet there are also many Inconveniences attending it, of which this is the chief, their Emperor is very fearful of them, lest having the Sword in their Hands, they should alter the Government as they pleas'd, of which there had been many Presidents, yet there are ways also, wereby this may be prevented.

While I was in their Camp, there came Albertus de Vbiis, a worthy and learned Person, as I think born at Amsterdam, as an Envoy from my Master Caesar; He brought with him some Presents for their Sultan, as some Goblets gilt with Gold, with a Clock neatly made, and carried like a Tower on an Elephants Back; as also some Mony to be distributed amongst the Bassa's: Solyman would have me deliver these Presents in the Camp, that the Amity betwixt Him and my Master might be more publickly known, and so no Danger at all to be feared from the Christian Arms.

But to return to Bajazet, after the Fight at Iconium, who retired to his Government of Amasia, pretending to live quietly there, if his Father would permit him so to do. For why? He had sown his wild Oats, and for the future seem'd plyable to obey his Fathers Will; and for this he employed sundry Persons to carry submissive Letters to his Father, begging his Pardon: Neither did Solyman pretend that he was averse from Reconciliation with his Son, and therefore he admitted his Messengers into his Presence; he read [Page] his Letters, and answered them mildly. So that the Report was spread over all the Army what an Agreement was like to be between Father and Son; what he had done amiss, was to be imputed to the hot Blood of his Youthful Age, provided he would shew himself Obsequious the residue of his Life. This Solyman did by the Advice of his Bassa's, for the cunning old Man would not declare himself, till he had brought Bajazet into the Nooz of his own Power. He was terribly afraid, lest out of Desperation he should march furiously into Persia (his only Place of Refuge) with so great Post-haste, that all his Sanziacks should not be able to prevent them. To prevent which Mistakes, he sent many Letters to all the Governours upon the Borders, to watch Bajazet, and not to suffer him to escape, if he attempted it.

In the mean time, he put all those of Bajazet's Party that he could light upon, to the Rack; and when he had got out of them what he could, he put them privately to death; amongst which were some that Bajazet had sent to be his Companions to his Father.

The Kingdom of Persia at that time contained all the Countries between the Caspian Sea, and the Seas of Persia, with some part of Armenia the Greater, (though Solyman by taking of Babylon, Mesopotamia, and part of Media had abridged their Empire very much) and other far Countries even to the Empire of the Homaium Patisach, as the Turks call him, and over that last part of Land Sagathmas was King: The Father had been [Page] formerly over-thrown by Selymus in a great Fight in the Field of Chalderon; and from that time the Persian Affairs began to decline, for Solyman a fierce Enginier press'd upon the very Face; and Thamas being much inferiour to his Father's Courage, made but a weak Defence: For he was wholly given to Sloth and Idleness, and would sit in his Palace amongst a Croud of Harlots, amorously pleasing his Humour; and sometimes consulting Magicians concerning future Events: He had little Care of Administring publick Justice to his People. This Neglect of his opened the Door to all Injustice and Oppression in every part of his Empire: For the Strong oppressed the Weaker, and Innocence could find no Justice or Defence in his Court.

Notwithstanding this malevolous Instruction, yet the Persians have so sacred an Opinion of their Prince, that they believe him happy, that can but kiss the Door of his Palace; and the Water wherein he washes his Hands, they use in order to the Cure of several Diseases. He hath many Children, but the most promising is Ismael, like his Grandfather both in Name and Nature; a beautiful Prince, and a Capital Enemy to the Race of the Ottomans. 'Tis reported that he was brought forth into the World with his Fist all bloody, whence 'twas vulgarly said, That he would be a Warlike Person; and when he was but young he confirmed that Report, by obtaining a great Victory over the Turks. But when his Father made Peace with Solyman, 'twas agreed betwixt them, that [Page] Ismael should be sent Prisoner into the Bowels of his Kingdom, that he might be no Obstacle to the intended Agreement: And yet as ill us'd as he is after his Fathers death, 'tis thought he would succeed in the Empire.

But Solyman fearing that Sagathamas, (or as we call him, the Sophi) would be more mindful of old Grudges, than of the late Peace to which he was in a manner compell'd, and that if his Son went thither, he should have much ado to get him thence, and perhaps it might occasion a long War between the Empires, did use his utmost endeavour to stop or take him, before he could come thither. The old Man had not forgot that a few Years before Helcas, Thamas's Brother had fled to him, and had been supported by him, and it cost his Brother dear to recover him, and therefore he feared that Thamas would serve him the same sauce, and perhaps recover by the Sword all the Countries he had taken from him. The Design of Solyman was kept very secret, yet Bajazet's Friends smelt it out, and therefore advised him by no means to trust his Father, but to consult his Safety, by avoiding his Misery, what way soever he could. And Bajazet was perswaded so to do upon a small occasion, (as oft great Matters turn into little Injuries.) There was a Souldier of Bajazet [...]s taken in Solyman's Camp, and hang'd up as a Spy, because that Bajazet had listed him, after his Father had given him strict charge to list no more Souldiers. This was warning enough to Bajazet to pack up and be gone. Now Solyman thought himself [Page] sure of Bajazet, and to deceive him the more, he caused his Army to begin their March the Day after Easter, back to Constantinople. But Bajazet, after Prayer, upon Easter-Day, summon'd all his Relicks, and began his unfortunate Voyage towards Persia; he knew well enough that he went to the old Enemy of the Ottoman House, but he was resolv'd to try the mercy of any body, rather than fall into his Fathers Hands. There marched out with him all that were able to bear Arms, none were left behind but weak Persons, Women and Children, that were not able to bear the Toil of so long a Journey; amongst which was a young Child of his own, with his Mother, whose Innocency he thought would protect them from his Fathers Cruelty, and therefore he thought it best to expose them to his Clemency, rather than make them Companions of his woful and miserable Fight; and the truth is, Solyman as yet uncertain what would become of the Father, spared the Life of his Infant Son at present, and sent him to be Educated at Prusia.

I would have return'd to Constantinople, the Day before Easter, but had a great mind to see, how the Turks did observe that Festival; and I was not sure that ever I should have so fair an Opportunity again. They were to Celebrate it in the open Field, before the Emperour's own Tent. I therefore caused my Servants to take a Room in the Tent of a Turkish Souldier, that stood on a rising ground, and look'd down on Solyman's Tent, which [Page] was over against it: Thither go I at Sun-rise, where in an open Plain, I beheld a vast Multitude of Turbanted Heads silently standing, but repeating the last words of their Priest. Every Rank was ranged orderly, and standing, that in the open Field they seemed to be a Wall one to another: The most Honourable had their Station next the Emperor's Train, uppermost in the Camp, and their Turbants as white as Snow: Such diversity of Colours did affect me with a great deal of Pleasure, and the rather, because they stood unmovable, as if they had grown upon the Place; not a Cough, Schriek nor Word to be heard; no, nor the least moving of the Head to look backward, or about them: At the Name of Mahomet, they all as one Man, bowed their Heads, even to the Knee; but when the Name of God was pronounced, they all fell Prostrate on their Faces, and Kissed the Ground.

And the truth is, the Turks are very careful and ceremonious in the acts of their Worship, for if a Man doth but scratch his Head when he Prays, they think his Prayer is lost. For thus say they, If a Man composes his Body so reverently even when he speaks but to a Bassa, how much more fitting is it we should do it to God, who is infinitely greater than the greatest of Men?

After Prayer, the whole Knot of them was broke asunder, and they ran up and down ranging over the Fields: Anon the Emperor's Dinner is served up, which the Ianisaries carry away Dish by Dish, and eat it with a [Page] gret deal of Jollity and Mirth: T'is an allowed Custom for them so to do, on that day, their Emperor being provided of a Dinner elsewhere. When I had beheld their Shew, I returned with a great deal of pleasure to Constantinople.

The remainder of my Task, is to acquaint you what became of Bajazet, and then I shall ease you of the trouble of Reading, and my self of Writing. He, as I told you, with his Invincible Band, March'd out of Amasia with such speed, that his coming prevented the Report thereof; and those Bassa's who designed to observe his Motion, he came upon them unawars. He put a notable Cheat upon the Bassa of Constantinople; for whereas, there were ways in his Province by which he might March, and he himself had beset the chiefest of them; he sent some before him pretended to be Runaways, to inform him, that he was gone the furthest way about; which he giving Credit to, removed his Troops thither to prevent him, and so left him a free passage.

He put the like Trick upon the Bassa of Erzerumen, for knowing that the Passage through the Province would be very hazardous, he sent some before him with a counterfeit Message, to Salute him, and tell him, that his Misfortunes had reduced him to the top of all miseries, and therefore he desired him that he might rest a day or two in his Province, at least to procure his Horses to be relieved and new Shod.

The Bassa granted his request, whereas, it was not a commiserating his Case, or that he favoured his Side, but perhaps that he might amaze him a little till he had got all his Troops together to ensnare him; for they were scattered, as not dreaming he would be so soon upon him. However Bajazet March'd continually on, allowing his men no rest by day, and very little at Night. The Bassa of Erzerumen seeing himself Deceived, made haste to joyn himself with the other Bassa's in his Flight.

[Page] For you must know, as soon as Solyman heard his Son was gone from Amazia, he commanded a great many Sanziacks and Bassa's to follow, and upon pain of Death to bring him either Alive or Dead; but all in vain, for Bajazet Fled faster than they could Persue: The Bassa of Casgan, afore-mentioned, paid dear enough for letting him escape, for Solyman put him out of his Place, but Selymus put him to Death, together with his two Boys, tho' not before they had been most inhumanly Butchered. Selymus and Mehemet Bassa, and Beglerbeg of Greece, persued Bajazet a far longer distance. Solyman was much troubled when he heard of his Escape, as being wel assured, he would make towards Persia; and thereupon he was about to gather all his Force both Horse and Foot together, and so March away to declare War against Persia: But his greater Counsellors stopped his March, alledging the hazard he would run amongst an ingrateful Soldiery: And besides, say they, what if Bajazet out of his temerity and rashness should send a Company about Pontus and the Palus Moeotis, and so march back to Constantinople in the Emperor's Absence, where he might by promising Liberty to Captives, and to the Agiomaglans, get upon the Throne, now empty of a Prince? These Advices restrained Solyman from his Intention.

Bajazet all along his March, caused Labels to be fixed to the Doors of the Houses, that he would give double Pay to all the Soldiers that would Revolt to him; which made Solyman's Soldiers suspected by their Officers, and the rather, because the Common Soldiers suffered many Speeches in favour of Bajazet. After much ado, Bajazet escaped to the River Araxes, which is the Bounds betwixt the two Empires of Turkey and Persia; and after he had pass'd this River, he scarce thought himself secure, but appointed some of his own Soldiers to Guard [Page] the Banks, that so the pursuing Sanziacks might not pass over: But they being but few, were easily discomfited e'er the Turkish Commanders pass'd farther into Persia, till at last they met with a great Body of Persian Horse, whose Commanders demanded of them, why they Invaded another Prince's Territories? Their Answer was, they were to fetch the Fugitive Son of their own Prince. The Persians told 'em, 'twas contrary to the League to come Armed into their Dominions; there was Peace betwixt Sagathma and Solyman, which they ought not to Violate: As for Bajazet, their Prince would do what was fitting; in the mean time they should retreat to their own Country: With this Reprimand they direct their March backward. In the mean time immediately Messengers are sent from Persia, to Bajazet to bid him return, and to know the cause of his coming, and also to spy what Force he had brought with him. Bajazet Answers, that his Brother's Insolency and Father's Displeasure, had driven him out of his own Country, and he was come to Persia, as the only Altar for an oppressed Prince; and therefore in confideration of the uncertainty of future Affairs, he hoped he would afford him Protection, being destitute of all things. The Persian Answered, He was not well advised to repair to him who had made Peace with his Father; upon this condition, they were both to Serve the same Friend and Enemy, which League he could not Violate; nevertheless, since he was come, he bid him Wellcome, he would do his utmost to reconcile him to his Father. Thus his first Entertainment in Persia was Promising enough; nought but Gratulations, Feastings, friendly Entertainments, and Merry-makings, by which subtil Men disguise their Meanings; yea, mention was made of an Affinity also, that Orchanes, Bajazet's Son should Marry one of the Sophi's Daughters; yea, they gave him hopes, that the Sophi would never be at [Page] quiet, till Solyman had bestowed upon him the Government of Mesopotamia, or Babylon, or Arzerum, for there, say they, you may live Commodiously withour fear, as being at a great distance both from your Brother and your Father too; and if either of them should deal hardly with you, you will have a Father-in-Law to fly too, which will afford you Sanctuary: Such Discourses were received among the Vulgar, whereby Bajazet's thoughts might be diverted from the apprehension of present danger. The Sophi sent many Embassadors to Solyman on this Errand, but whether he dealt sincerely with Bajazet to reconcile him to his Father, yea, or no, might be a great question, seeing in the mean time, he contrived all ways to Destroy him; for Sagathmas was in a mighty fear, lest he should nourish a Serpent in his Bosom, and which encreased his rancour, was the wicked design of some who perswaded Bajazet to attempt the destroying of Sagathmas; for one of Bajazet's Commanders was heard to say, Why do we not Kill this Heretick, and Possess his Kingdoms? For without doubt, he will one day be the ruin of us all. These wild Discourses coming to Sagathmas's Ears, put him upon a Project more necessary than plausible; for Bajazet had not many Forces, but very warlike ones; and there were many Valiant Men among them that were ready to attempt any Invasion, and therfore he had reason to fear. He was conscious also that he had added new Kingdoms to his own, as being Conquer'd on pretence of Religion; and who would secure such sickly Subjects, who were weary of their present State and coveted a Change? To these nothing could be more Oppressive, than the coming of Bajazet, tho' he is more in my Power, than I am in his, and therefore I were best improve the Opportunity, and treat him no longer as a Guest, but as an Enemy to be Chained up. To compass which, no method was more advisable than to sever him from his Forces, for then he may be more [Page] easily Trapp'd; by open Force 'tis hard to Seize him, his Soldiers being well Train'd and Disciplin'd, but mine slothful, unaccustomed to Arms, and besides at a great Distance one from another. Hereupon Bajazet was desired to separate his Forces, it being allowed it was Commodious so to do. He could not withstand the Proposal, tho' intelligent Men foresaw the danger thereof: But, alas, he that was under another Man's Roof, must now be at their Beck who Maintained him, especially since it would breed a suspicion if he entertained so much as the report of Perfidiousness in his Host that entertained him. Hereupon his Men were divided, never to see one another again, and Quartered where the Persians pleased; and being put here, very shortly after Slain by the more numerous Persians, their Arms, Horses, and all else they had, fell a Prey to the Conqueror. At the same time Bajazet was clapp'd up in Prison, with his Children; and to encrease the indignity of the thing, he was haled even from a Feast, to a Dungeon.

Thus have I here satisfied your desire, in acquainting you with the stay of Bajazet: 'Tis time now to consider what will become of him for the future: Some think he will will Retreat to Babylon, or such-like Province, on the Borders of each Empire, to be Sanziack thereof. Others think it a desperate Case, and that there is no hope of his Life either from Solyman or Sagathmas; but that he will either be sent back hither to be put to Death, or Strangled in Prison there.

For the Persian weighed every thing in his Thoughts, when he put Bajazet in Prison; he knew he was of an aspiring and couragious Spirit, far superior to his Brother; and if he should Succeed his Father in the Empire, it might do Persia much more mischief than ever Solymus could, for he was but a slothful Prince, and not at all for War, and therefore some thought he would never escape out of his hands; for to besure he can never be his [Page] Friend, because he hath injured him so much. Some think one thing, and some think another: For my part, I think it will be an intricate Business. For, as Bajazet is in Troubles, and the issue undetermin'd, they will not easily make War on Christendom in this Juncture. They labour to obtrude on me certain Conditions of Peace, having some Letters that will please my Master, but they allow me no Copy of them, as heretofore they were wont to do, so that I suspect Fraud in the case, and therefore do peremptorily refuse to send those Letters to Cesar, unless first I know their Contents; and if they deceive me by a false Copy, then the blame lyes at their door, not at mine; so that by this means I shall free my Master from answering their Captious Letters; for I am sure he will accept of no Conditions of Peace but such as are Honourable ones. But you'll say, if you refuse to accept of their Conditions of Peace, 'tis one step towards a War. Let it be as it will, I judge it more advisable to leave all free to the events of future Ages. But the not sending their Letters, if that be a Crime, I shall take it on my self, and I shall easily clear my self, if the issue of Bajazet's Affairs do not answer their Expectation; seeing it is yet very difficult, tho' not impossible, for the Turks are not irreconcileable to those Embassadors who study to do their Master the best service they can amongst them; and besides, the declining Age of my Prince will be some advantage to me, who is fitter for rest and quiet, than for the News of an unnecessary War; for their Bassas think as men. 'Tis true, my Pains will be lessened hereby, but I count them best bestow'd if they succeed at last.

Thus Sir, I have written you a Book rather than a Letter; whereas if I have offended you, the fault is yours rather than mine; what I did was at your request, and readiness to please a Friend, hath always been counted a Vertue in Friendship. Yet [Page] I hope these things will be as pleasant for you to read, as they were delightful for me to write; for let me tell you, as soon as I put Pen to Paper, I love to be prolix, that so I may as it were deceive my Confinement; that I may wander abroad in my Mind, and be Conversant with you as in Presence. VVhat things seem frivolous and needless, you must take them as proceeding by word of Mouth in familiar Conferences amongst Friends. Men may be allow'd to tittle tattle in a Letter as well as in common Discourse; if I were to write Inscriptions for Churches and Temples, to be seen of all Men, Circumspection and care must be used, but not when I write to you and a few priv [...]e Friends. I aim not at Fame; if my Lines please you, I have enough. You will say perhaps I might have writ better Latin; I grant it, but what if it were beyond my Ability; it was not for want of any good will; and yet let me tell you, what good Latin can come out of uncouth Greece or barbarous Turky? If you take my Lines in good part, I shall trouble you no more till my return to Vienna, if ever God permit me so to do. Excuse my Trouble.

Constantinople, June 1. 1560.

[Page]

THE FOURTH AND LAST EPISTLE.

SIR,

I Acknowledge your Kindness and antient Respect, in congratulating my Return; and whereas you require an Account of the residue of my Embassy, and what Occurrences have happen'd since my last to you, I will remember my Promise to you, and I shall not disoblige so choice a Friend; take them all in a Medly together, what comes next to Hand, as my Memory suggests the things more, and things less serious. My beginning is with the Mournful; it is this. I was scarce settled in my Spirit which was troubled for Bajazet's Misfortune and Death, when lo, I was struck with another Message as sorrowful as that. We were all in a great expectation [Page] of the Success of the Turkish Fleet, which sailed towards the Isle of Meniage, (now called G [...]rse,) upon News that the Spaniards had prevailed there. For Solyman (being advertised that Bland was taken by the Christians, and that they had added new Fortifications to the old Castle therein, in which they had yet a very strong Garrison,) could not endure to be thus check'd in the midst of all the Prosperities of his flourishing Empire. Hereupon he equipp'd a Navy with Auxiliaries to relieve those that were Mahumetans like himself; and made Bana Commander of his Fleet. He furnish'd his Ships with a Select Company of Soldiers, and yet was doubtful of the Event; because the Voyage was long, and they were to engage with an Enemy redoubled for Valour. For you may please to be inform'd, that the Turks for a long time have had a great Opinion of the Valour of the Spaniards, as knowing that they have waged great Wars, and came off with good Success. They had heard of the Emperor Charles, and of his Son Philip the Heir of his Valour as well as his Kingdoms. The report of this Power made the Turks very solicitous; so that those that went the Voyage, made their last Wills, as if they should never return to Constantinople again. Thus the whole City, both those that went, and those that staid at Home, was filled with anxiety. But alas, their Fleet sailed with a prosperous Gale, and came upon the Christians unawares; which strook such a terror into [Page] them, that they knew not how to Fight or Fly: Some nimble Vessels made their Escape; the rest were either taken by the Enemy, or split or dash'd in pieces on the Sands. The Duke of Medina the General, and Iohn Andrew Donna the Admiral, fled to the castle, from whence they escap'd in a dark Night undiscovered through the Enemies Fleet to Sicily.

Pitual sent hither a Galley to give an Account of this Victory, and as a Testimony thereof, he caused a Bannet, wherein was the Image of our Saviour Christ upon the Cross, to be pulled along the Sea, at the poop of the Vessel. As soon as it arrived in the Haven, the Loss of the Christians was presently divulged, and the Turks congratulated one another for their Victory. They came thick and threefold to my Door, and asked my Servants in a Jeer, whether they had any Brother or other Friend in the Spanish Fleet: if you had, said they, you may shortly have the opportunity of seeing their Faces here.

Besides, they highly extoll'd their own Valour, and blam'd the Cowardise of the Christians. Who, say they, shall now be able to stand before us, seeing we have Conquered the Spaniards? My People were forced to hear this sad News to their great Grief; but Gods Will must be done: Our only hope was, that the Castle in which was a strong Garrison, might hold out against the Turks till Winter, or some other Accident had rais'd the Siege. [Page] And yet our Hopes were mix'd with Fears, that the Conqueror would take that too; and so it fell out, for the Besieged wanted all things, especially Water; so than Don Alveras de Sande, the Governour thereof, a Stout Man, Couragious Person, and an Old Soldier, perceiving that it was no longer recoverable, with a Iew in his Company, got a Boat, and made his Escape towards Sicily, that so he might not behold the Surrender of so important a Place, which he thought would be look'd upon as a Blot in his Escutcheon, though the extreamest necessity had compelled it. When he was gone, the Soldiers opened the Gates, and let in the Turks, hoping to find them the more merciful, because of their easie admittance. But Don Iohn of Castile would by no means leave the Fort which he commanded, but he (and his Brother) valiantly repulsing the Enemy, was at last wounded and taken. The Castle was stoutly defended by the Spaniards for Three Months space, though they wanted many Necessaries, and which was the worst of all, had no prospect of Relief. The Weather was hot, and they almost parched with Thirst. They had but one Cistern to hold Water in, which was not big enough to serve them all; so that they were compelled to weigh out their Water by Measure, only enough for a single Man to keep Life and Soul together. This Cistern Water was increased with a mixture of Sea-Water, and by some curious Art made fresh. This Secret [Page] was told them by a certain Alchymist: But all had not that faculty or opportunity; for you should see some lye parching on the Ground, ready to give up the Ghost for very Thirst, saying as well as they could speak, Water, Water; and if a little was brought, they were relieved for the present, but when that Moysture was spent, then they relapsed to their former Drought, and dyed thereof. Thus many perished, besides the Wounded, who could have no help of Chyrurgery to cure them in that desolate place.

In the Month of September, the Victorious Navy of the Turks returned to Constantinople, bringing the Christians Captives, with their Gallies along with them; a joyful Spectacle to the Turks, but a sad one to the Christians that lived amongst them. That Night it lay at Anchor near the Rocks over against Byzantium, that so they might enter the Port the next Day in greater Pomp and Splendour. Solyman came down into an Apartment in his Gardens near the Sea-side, that from thence he might see the Prisoners entring in. Don Alveras de Sande was in the Poop of his Admiral Galley, and with him Don Sanctius de Leydia, and Don Belliger de Requemus, one Commander of the Sicilian Galleys, the other of the Neopolitan. The Galleys of the Christians were despoiled of their Ornaments, as Streamers, &c. and hall'd in Barques, that they might appear base and contemptible in the sight of the Turks. They [Page] who observ'd Solyman's Countenance that time say, that they perceived no sign of Insolent Mirth therein. This is certain, that when I saw him going to his Devotion the next day, his Countenance was not altered from its usual hue, as if that Victory had not concern'd him at all; so well was this cunning old Man able to bear the breath of his smiling Fortune, that he was unmov'd under it.

The Prisoners were afterwards brought into the Seraglio, but so miserably hunger-starv'd before, that some could not stand on their Legs, others fell down in a Swoon for very feebleness; others had Arms in a Jeer put upon them, in which posture they died; the Turks insulting over them on every hand, and promising to themselves the Empire of the whole World; for who now shall be able to stand before us, (said they,) seeing we have overcome the Spaniards? There was a Commander in the Turkish Fleet, with whom I had some Acquaintance, who had taken the great Banner of the Neapolitans Galleys, being Imperial Eagles embracing one another; being inform'd that he was about to present it to Solyman, I thought good to prevent him; and sending him Two Silver Tasters, I obtained the Banner, that so the Ensign of Charles the Fifth might not remain in the Hands of Infidels, to the eternal Infamy of the Christian Name.

[Page] There were amongst the Prisoners, besides those above mentioned, these Two Eminent Persons, Don Iohn of Cordona, the Son in Law of Don Bellinger, and Don Gasto, the Son of the Duke of Medina, who though but a Youth, yet had a noble employment in his Fathers Army. Don Iohn promised to give a great Sum of Money to be left Prisoner at Chios, (which was inhabited by old Genoeses,) which was accordingly done. As for Don Gasto, he was hid by Pihulius, in hopes to have a large Price for his Redemption; which design of his had almost proved his overthrow: For Solyman by some means or other smelt out the Cheat, and was grievously vex'd that Pihulius should serve him such a Trick; so that at the Instigation also of Rustan Gasto, he was sought after, that so Pihulius might be punished; but Gasto died in the Search, some say of the Plague, others by the procurement of Pihulius himself, that he might tell no Tales. This is certain, upon the most diligent search, he could not be found. However Pihulius was afraid to come to Constantinople to appear before his angry Master, lest he might be imprisoned there; but he hovered with a few Galleys about several Islands of the Aegaean Sea, pretending divers Excuses for so doing. But at last Solyman by the perswasion of the chief Eunuch of his Son Selymus, gave him his Pardon in these Words, I for my part forgive him his great Offence, but God Almighty the just Revenger of all Wickedness, inflict just Punishment [Page]on him in the Life to come: So strongly are the Turks perswaded, that no evil Fact should pass unpunished.

But for Don Iohn of Cardona, he fared better, for by the care of Adam a Dissicksleim, Baron of Austria, who Married his Sister, and by my sponsion for him, he returned safe into Spain. As for Don Sanders, he was brought into the Divan, and there Rustan demanded of him, what his Master meant by invading other Mens Rights, when he could not maintain his own. Sanders answered, The Question belonged not to him to answer, 'twas his part only to execute his Masters Commands as faithfully as he could, wherein Fortune had been against him. However he begged the Bassa upon his Knees, in regard he had a Wife and Children at Home, that they would speak a good Word for him. So Solyman Rustan answered, that their Emperor was of a Merciful Disposition, and that they would intercede for him. Thus was he sent Prisoner to the Castle called Caradenis: He was not gone far, but he was sent for back again, because the chief of the Bed-Chamber had not seen him; a Man of a greater Authority with his Prince. Upon this Countermand, some say, that though otherwise Valiant, he was a little faint-hearted, as fearing he was brought back to his End; but it proved otherwise. As for the other prisoners, the chief of them, as Sauchims de Leyva with his Two Natural Sons, and Don Bellinger himself, [Page] were sent into the Castle of Pera, or Galata.

As soon as I was made acquainted with their Condition, and in what want of all things they were, I thought it my Duty to do my best to relieve them; and thereupon I sent some to comfort them, and to promise them all good Offices that lay in my power. And from that Day forward, my House was a common Receptacle for all the Prisoners; and I did them all the Kindness I could. For you must know, that the Turks think their Prisoners well enough provided for, if they allow them Bread and Water; they have no regard to any Mans Age or Condition, or to the time of the Year, whether they be Sick or Well, Healthy or Crazy, Old or Young, 'tis all one to them, they are all treated after one and the same manner. Hereupon, I was forced to provide several sorts of Reliefs, for several necessities, different Diseases requiring different Cures. There lay a great Company of Sick Persons in a certain Temple of Pera, a Town over against Byzantium, whom the Turks cast out as Abjects; and many of them perished for want of convenient Pottage to relieve their Sick Stomachs, and recover their lost Strength; when I was told thereof, I dealt with a Friend of mine, a Citizen of Pera, desiring him to buy some Weather Sheep every day, and boiling of them at his own House, to distribute the Flesh to some, and the Broth to others, as their [Page] Stomachs could bear; which was a great Relief to abundance of them. But those which were in Health, required another sort of Relief; my House was full from Morning to Night with several Complaints; some were used to good Diet, and a piece of brown Bread which was their daily Allowance, would not go down so well with them; some that used to drink Wine, could not bear the perpetual use of Water only; some wanted Blankets to cover them, as being never used to lye on the bare Ground; some wanted Coats, others Shooes; but the most part desired [...]ome Footing to gratifie their Keepers, that they might deal the more Mercifully with them. Money was the only Remedy for these Mischiefs, so that every day some Guilders were expended by me on these accounts. But these Expences were tolerable, compared with greater Sums which were desired of me; or else they prayed me to be their Surety for payment of their Ransom Money; and herein every one was very forward with his Pretences; one alledged Nobleness of Birth; another, that he had great Friends and Alliances; a Third, that he was a Commander in the Army, and had much Pay due to him; a Fourth, that he had Cash enough at Home, and was able to make repayment. Some boasted of their Valour in the Fight; every one had something to say for himself. When I demanded of them whether they would be sure to repay me? God forbid said they, [Page] for what more unjust, than to defraud a Man who hath restored us to our Liberty, even out of the Jaws of Death?

And the truth is, it was very grievous to me, to hear a Man come and tell me, unless I can lay down 200 Guilders for my Redemption, I am undone for ever; I shall be sent over into Asia to be made a Galley-Slave, to tug at the Oar, without any hope to see my own Country again: There is a Merchant Sir, that will deposite Wares amounting to that value, provided you will promise repayment. This was the Allegation of almost all of them; which could not but affect me, as knowing it to be most true, That if they were not relieved, many of them must needs perish; and none could better do it, nor could they more justly expect it from any Man than my self. But, you will say, 'tis not good trusting any Body living; to which I answer, Can any Man be so prodigiously ungrateful, as not to repay what was laid out to save his Life; and grant that One or Two may not have ability to reimburse me, what's that to the purpose. 'Tis not lost, that which is laid out to relieve the Oppressed. But sure the greater part of them will perform their Promise. For these Reasons I was induced to pass my word for 1000 Ducats, which hath made me so much in Debt, that I know not how to get out; but I fear have freed them from Fetters, and clap'd them on my own Legs.

[Page] I am the larger on this Subject, both to purge my self from too much facility, which I know some will accuse me of, in being ready to believe every body; and also in some measure to blame my self for the slackness of some in their repayments whom I have undertaken. For I foresee I shall be a great Loser by the Business; for I must necessarily make Payment on the Day, when my Word was once passed: And besides, I heard that some whom I had Released, had Laughed at my Craziness, in believing what they said to be true; so that my case is but bad, if I should judge of the rest by them. But be it as it will, I thank my God, that I have been able to do so many good Offices to so many distressed Persons; I do not repent it, for Vertue is a sufficient Reward to it self. I covet not that any Honours should be conferred on me, nor any Statue erected for my Beneficence; my utmost ambition is, that they would be so grateful, as to pay me what I laid out of Purse, to save their lives; of which I despair not from so cordial a Nation as the Spaniards are. For my part, I rejoyce not only that I did them a good turn, but that thereby I gave an Example and Invitation-to others to do the same.

There live many Merchants in Pera, Italians by Stock, who are very assistant in relieving Christian-Prisoners; but one of them deserves to be particularly mentioned by me, for the absurdity of his Opinion, differing [Page] from all the rest. He was an Italian Greek, (i e.) one that resembles both those Nations in his Birth and Manners. When his Country Men were mercifully busied in relieving Prisoners, he could never be perswaded to give one Farthing towards so pious a Work; and being blamed for it, his Answer was, (which he uttered in a barbarous and blunt Italian Style, the Greek being more familiar to him,) I know not, says he, what these Men are; but this I know, that the just Judgment of God hath brought them into this miserable Condition; for my part, I will not oppose the Will of God, let them abide in that place God hath set them; you who do boldly withstand what God hath decreed, may pity them if you please: But I will not spare a Doit to release them, though you use never so many Arguments to perswade me. But enough of this vain and foolish Opiniator. This Loss at Sea, together with the Misfortune of Bajazet, struck a great Terror into me, that the Turks made more insolent thereby, would hearken to almost no Conditions of Peace. This publick Calamity was seconded by a private one; the Plague had invested my House; one of my Faithful Servants died thereof, and the rest were terribly afraid of the Infection.

But before I speak of that, there was another case surprised me, arising on this account.

[Page] Solyman grows every day more Superstitious than other in the Rites of his Religion; he was wont to delight himself in Musick, and in the chanting of Young Singers, but all this was laid aside, by means of a certain old Sybil, noted for Sanctity, who told him, that if he left not off that sport, he would be severely punished after his Death. He was so moved herewith, that he cast his Musical Instruments, though richly studded with Gold and Jewels, into the Fire and burnt them. And whereas he formerly eat his Meat out of Silver Dishes, now he was perswaded to use none but Earthen Platters; he was also over-perswaded by her to abridge the use of Wine, wherein he was told a great liberty was used, which his Prophet would be angry at, if he suffer'd it. Hereupon an Edict was published, that for the future no Wine should be imported into Constantinople, either to Christians or Iews either.

This Edict did much concern me and mine, who were never wont to drink Water; and what other Liquor could we have, if Wine were forbid. Our long absence from our Country, and the uncertain issue of Embassy, were a sufficient Mortification to us, without this other Inconvenience of change of Diet, which must needs indanger our Health. Hereupon I desired my Interpreters to intercede for me in the Divan, that I might retain my antient Right. The Bassa's Men were of different Opinions in the case; some alledged, [Page] we ought to be content with Water as well as they; for what would the Neighbourhood say, if Christians may drink Wine, and themselves be severely forbid the use of it. If Christians in the midst of Constantinople, might ingurgate what Wine they please, the stink thereof will spread far and near, and profane all; yea, the Mussul-men themselves, when they came to us, would return belching out the smell of Wine.

Hereupon we were likely to be cast in our Case; but at last a more favourable Opinion, viz. Of those who plead that the sudden change would be insufferable for us, and occasion many Diseases, if not Death it self. Whereupon we were allowed the Freedom of one Night, to get in what Wine we could, which was brought to the nearest Landing-place, from whence we were furnished with Horsed Carriage to convey it to my Lodging with as little Observation as might be, all being done in the Night. Thus I stor'd my self, and kept my Priviledge.

Some of the Grecians played a pretty prank with the Sultan on this account, when they knew that he was to pass through a Road full of Vineyards on both sides, they set a great many Labourers at work to root out the Vines; some of them they lay in the High-way; others they loaded on Carts. The Emperor passing by, and demanding the Reason for so doing, they answered, That seeing by his Edict they were forbid the use of [Page] Wine, they were cutting down their Vines to make Fuel for the Fire. For shame, says Solyman forbear, you do not understand my Command aright; though I forbid the use of Wine, yet I allow the eating of Grapes, as one of the best Fruits that God hath allotted to Mankind; only you are not to express and adulterate their Juice, nor tun it up in Hogsheads, and so make it quite another thing. What will you cut down Apple-trees also, because they bear not Wine? Get you gone you Buzards, and spare your Vines. Thus the Greeks were fool'd in their Project.

But to return to the Story of the Pestilence which was within the Walls of my House; whereupon I went to Rustan to desire leave for me and my Family to remove, and to go into a less contagious Air; this I desired not with any great confidence of obtaining my Request, (for I knew the Rigidness of his Opinion,) but only shewing care for the Health of my Family. He answered the Messenger, he would acquaint Solyman with my Desire, and if I came the next day, I should have his Answer. Accordingly I sent and received this Answer from him; the Emperor wondered what I meant, in desiring to move my Habitation; is not the Pestilence God's Arrow, which will always hit his Mark? If God would visit me herewith, how could I avoid it? Is not the Plague said he, in my own Palace, and yet I do not think of removing? And therefore he wish'd me to abide; [Page] where I was forced to stay in a Pestilential and Infected House.

But Rustan dying of a Dropsie soon after, and Haly, then Second Vizier of the Bench succeeded him, a Prudent and Courteous Person as any was amongst the Turks, I sent him a Present, a large Garment of Silk, in way of Congratulating his new Dignity. He returned me this Courteous Answer, That he would always be my Friend, and upon any occasion I should not scruple to make my Address to him. And I found him as good as his Word, for when my House a while after was re-visited with the Plague, which swept away many of my Servants, and amongst others, my chief Physitian: I sent the same Message to Haly which I had done to Rustan before; who answered me, for his part he was very willing I should remove my Habitation, but that it were better for me to ask leave of the Sultan himself, least said he, if he casually light upon any of your Servants walking at random up and down, he should take it in great disdain that so much liberty was granted them without his knowledge: And yet, proceeded he, I shall propound the matter so cautiously to the Prince, that I do not doubt of his Assent. And accordingly soon after, I received a Message from him, that I might remove whither I pleased. Whereupon I chose an Island called Principo, for my Dwelling, about Four Hours sail from Constantinople. It was the pleasantest of all the little [Page] Isles contiguous to that City, for the rest have no Village at all in them, or but one at most, but this has Two.

The Physician I lately told you of, died at my House of a Plague, it was my old Friend Dr. Williams, the choice Companion of my long and tedious Pilgrimage: The occasion of the Sickness was this, It seems amongst the rest of the Prisoners I had redeemed one, as the Event declared, who was Sick of the Plague. My Physitian did assiduously attend him, till he got the Infection himself; for he was guilty of that singularity of Opinion, that there was more Fear than Danger; for at the same time, said he, there are wont to arise other Diseases, which Men are apt to think is the Pestilence; so that Pestilential Remedies are usually applied to every common Sore or Boyl; thus he flattered himself though he was deeply infected; yet he did not suspect it to be the Plague till it was past Remedy, and he was ready to dye under the Hands of his Attendance. The Day before he died, he sent me word he was better; and desired to see me, if I pleased to bestow a Visit upon him: I did so, and sat a great while by his Bed-side; he related to me how ill he had been, and that his Sight as well as his other Senses had been so weakened, that he knew no Body; but now said he, my Senses are restored, and if I could be freed from my Distillation that hinders my Breath, I should be presently well; and at my Departure, [Page] I told him that I heard that he had a rising in his Breast; I have so, says he, and thereupon he threw aside his Blanket, and shewed me his Breast; but there is no danger says he, in it, for it came from buttoning my Doublet which I put on too strait. Towards the Evening according to custom, I sent Two of my Servants to watch with him, who while they were putting on him a clean Shirt, he himself espied a Purple Spot in his Breast, which they told him was but a Flea-bite; and by and by he discovered more and greater ones. No, said he, These are not Flea-bites, but Tokens of approaching Death; and therefore let us spend this Night in Prayer and holy Conference preparatory to my latter end, which he did, and in the Morning with full assurance of God's Mercy, he departed this Life.

Thus was I bereaved of my special Bosom Friend, and the common Wealth of Learning had also a great loss of him; for he had made Observations in his Travels which he intended to publish, and would have been very useful to the World, if Death had not prevented his laudable Design. His Skill and Faithfulness was so much prized by me, that if the times had suffered me to return, I knew none fitter to leave in my place at Constantinople than himself, had he out-lived me.

After his Death, my Cares seemed to be doubled, nay, if I should have left them behind, I had returned but half my self as it [Page] were. Well, his Soul is at rest, and I erected a Monument, as a due testimony to his Vertue. But to return to our Island.

I lived there very pleasantly for Three Months. It was a private Place, without any trouble or noise; there were only a few Greeks, with whom I diverted my self; but never a Turk to interrupt my Mirth. As for the Turks of my Houshold, they created no trouble to me, I might go whither I would, and pass from one of these Islands to another at my pleasure, without any molestation from them. There grew there several sorts of Plants, as Lavender, Sharp-pointed Myrtle, Cottonweed, and abundance more. The Sea full of divers sorts of Fishes, which I took sometimes with Net, sometimes with Hook and Line. Several Grecian Fishers with their Boats attended me, and where we had hopes of the greatest sport, thither we sailed, and cast our Nets. Sometimes we played above board, and when we saw a Crab or a Lobster at the bottom, where the Sea was very clear, we would run him through with a Fish-spear, and so hale him up into a Vessel. But our best and most profitable sport, was with a drag Net, where we thought most Fish were, there we cast it in a round; it took up a great compass, with the long Ropes tied to ends thereof, which were to draw it to Land. To those Ropes the Seamen tied green Boughs very thick, that so the Fish might be Frightned, and not seek to Escape. Thus we brought [Page] great Sholes of trembling Fishes near the Shore. And yet in this danger they were naturally instigated how to save themselves; some would leap over the Net, others would cover themselves in the Sand that they might not be taken; others strove to bite the Meashes of the Net, though made of course Flax or Hemp, of which kind were the Synodontes, Fish armed with strong Teeth, and if one made way for himself, all would follow him, and so the whole Draught would escape, and not a Fish left for the Fisher. To remedy this inconvenience, (for I was aware thereof,) I stood with a Pole in my Hand, beating the Water, that I might keep the Fish from biting the Net. At which my Attendants could not choose but laugh, yet for all this many of them escaped. So sagacious are Fishes where they are in extream danger. Yet notwithstanding the Fugitives, we brought a great many Fishes ashore, a Sea-Bream, Scorpion-Fishes, Dragon-Fishes, Scare-Fish, Jule-Fish, Chane or Ruff-Fishes, whose variety did delight my Eye, and the enquiry into their Nature, did hugely please my Fancy: So that at Night I came with my triumphant Vessel laden with Prey. The next day I presented Hali Bassa, and his chief Steward, with part of my Acquests, who took it very kindly at my Hands.

Sometimes I took delight with an Iron Spear made on purpose to catch Shrimps or Cramps, which are there so thick, as if they grew in [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] that Sea: Where I observed the Master-Shrimps lying Two by Two, the Male and the Female, and sometimes more of them, of which Cicero, Plini and Athenaeus speak so much [...] I confess, I think some of these Relations concerning them are rather Fabulous than true: For they say, that this Shell-Fish doth gape in order to catch other small Fishes, and when she hath got them, yet she shuts not her Shell till the Pinnophylax bite it, and by this warning she closes her Shell, and with her Mouth the Pinnophylax divided her Prey. The Figure of these Pinnae you have in Bellonius. The sharp part of it sticks in the bottom of the Sea, as if it grew there; and by these sticking Fibres, she draws in her Nourishment, as appears by this, that when she is loosed from her hold, she dies for want of Sustenance, as Herbs and Plants do. And it is probable, that the Pinnophylax chose this sort, as a Defence against other ravenous Fishes, where it may lye quiet even in stormy Weather, and go in and out at her pleasure. Yet I speak not this, to detract from the Credit of those worthy Authors I mentioned before, but only to leave the matter to more curious Enquirers. We quickly laded our Boat with these Pinnae, they are but a course Fare, like Muscles, of which you would be soon weary; but the Fishermen advised me to keep the Pinnophylaxes apart, for they would make a goodly, wholsom, and graceful Dish.

[Page] Amongst the rest of the Islands, there is one untilled and uninhabited, whither all sorts of Monsters do resort, Star-Fish, Saw-Fish, Grape-Fish, Sea-Horses, Prodigious Cockles, a round yellow Fish like an Orange; no ordinary Fish there, but Thornback, and a certain Fork-Fish, with a terrible Prickle. I remember we took one of them, who making at us, run her self through.

When tempestuous Weather hindered me to see the Sea, then I delighted my self to find out strange and unusual Plants at Land. I would sometimes go afoot all over the Island, having a young Franciscan Monk in my Company, a Jolly Fellow, but very Fat, and not used to travel on Foot; I took him out of a Monastry of Pera to be my Partner in my Walks; he was so corpulent and pursy, that when I went on pace to catch my self an Heat, he would follow me at a distance panting and blowing, with these Words in his Mouth, What need all this haste? Whom do we run from, or whom do we pursue? What are we Carriers or Posts that must make speed to deliver some important Letters? Thus he mutter'd, till the very Sweat pierced through all his Cloaths. In fine, when we came back to our Lodging, he threw himself upon his Bed, wofully complaining, and crying out, he was undone: What Injury have I done, said he, that you thus go about to destroy me? And in this fretting Posture we had much ado to perswade him to eat a bit for his Dinner.

[Page] Now and then some Friends visited me from Constantinople, and from Pera; yea, and some Germans also of Haly's own Family; of whom when I asked whether the Plague was abated? Mightily, said they? How many then die in a day? Almost Five Hundred, said they. Good God, quoth I, call you that to abate, when then doth it rage? They replied, when about a Thousand or Twelve Hundred die in a Day. The Turks entertain this Opinion concerning the Pestilence, that every Man's Destiny is writ by God in his Forehead; so that 'tis a foolish thing in them, to think to decline or avoid it. This Opinion makes them fearless of the Plague, but not secure from it. So that as soon as ever any Man dies of the Pestilence, they will take off his Cloaths yet sweaty, and Linnen, and rub their Faces with them. If it be the Will of God, say they, that I shall dye this way, it will most certainly come to pass, if not, it will not hurt me. Thus a large Field is open for Infection; so that whole Families are sometimes swept away by that Disease. Whilst I abode in these Islands, I got acquaintance with one Metrophanes, a Metropolitan, who presided over a Monastry in Chalcis, one of those Islands; he was a Learned and a Vertuous Man, very desirous of agreement between the Latine and the Greek Churches; so that he differed from the Humour of the rest of the Grecians, who esteem the Latins as Men of an impure and profane Sect; so much doth every Man abound in his own Sense.

[Page] When I had lived about two Months in those Islands, some of the Bassa's began to suspect my long Absence, and told Haly, that perhaps I might make my escape, for I had Ships ready at my command, and other Conveniencies might easily be procured; and therefore it was more advisable I should return into the City. He answered them, He had that Confidence in my Word, that he believed I designed no such thing. Nevertheless he sent a Chiaux to me to advertise me thereof: The Chiaux very cunningly pried about to see if he could discover the least Preparation for an Escape, but finding none, after I had presented him, he returned to his Master with his Message from me, That he might rest secure, for I never intended to break my Word. Thus I continued three Months in my Retirement, and returned of my own accord into the City without any Compulsion.

Form that time forward I had a great Familiarity with Haly, and our Discourse was still of Peace: He is a Dalmatian by Birth, and the only Courteous Man I found in that Barbarous Country: His Nature Mild and Gentle; his Person of easie Access; he is of a deep Understanding, capable of managing the greatest Affairs, having much Skill in Military as well as Political Matters, for he is an old Man, and hath passed through the greatest Offices of that Common-wealth. His Stature is Tall, and his Countenance filled [Page] with a lovely Gravity: He hath a mighty Love for his Master, and consults by all means imaginable his Repose in his Old and Sickly Age. What Rustan thought to do by Austerity, Severeness and Minatory Expressions, that Haly endeavours to compass by Mildness, Moderation and Friendship. Rustan was always Severe, Fierce, Self-will'd, his Word must pass for a Law: 'Tis true, he knew well enough his own Circumstances, and what the Times did exact of him, and what the Old Age of his Prince required; but he was afraid, that if he carried himself complyingly, either in Word or Deed, the Vogue would be, he did it out of Covetousness, of which he was vulgarly suspected: And therefore, though he was desirous of a Peace, yet he would abate nothing of his wonted Stiffness; but if Propositions were offered to him, not pleasing to his Fancy, he would almost thrust a Man out of Doors; so that I scarce ever parted from him but in an angry Mood. One time when I was treating with him of Peace, if I had nothing else to say, he bid me [...]e gone: I presently rose up and went my way, only telling him, That I could propose no other Conditions than what my Master allowed me to do. Which words I pronouncing with more Fervour and Passion than I was wont to do, he called back my Interpreter and asked him, Whether I were Angry? He answered, No. What, said he, if I should obtain what he desires of the Sultan, dost thou think he will perform[Page]his Word to me, in presenting me with the Sum he promised me? No question, said the Drugger-man, but he will be as good as his Word to a Tittle. Then, says Rustan, go home and ask him. I had then 5000 Ducats, which make 6000 Crowns, lying by me for any sudden Emergency; I loaded my Interpreter with them, and bid him carry that to Rustan, and tell him, That this Sum was but the Earnest of what I had promised him, but the rest would follow, if my Negotiation were brought to an Happy Issue, for by no means would I be worse than my Word. He seem'd to be pleased with the sight of the Mony, but returned it again to me, bidding my Drugger-man to tell me, That he no ways doubted of my Faithfulness, but the Matter of the Peace stood yet on Ambiguous Terms; neither could he certainly promise a good Issue, for he did not fully know his Master's Mind. But let the Embassador, said he, keep it for me, as my Treasurer, till he sees the Event. Thus was the Mony brought me back again; and Rustan died a while after.

Here give me leave to acquaint you with the Bounty of my Master, the best of Emperors; for that Mony lying dead by me, I acquainted his Imperial Majesty, That I would lay it out for one Years Expence (which amounted to just as much) in my Embassy. But I repented afterwards of this my Frankness, especially considering what Pains I had taken in my Imployment for so many Years [Page] together; my Mind gave me I was Deficient to my self, in not desiring that Sum for my own use, seeing I knew I served a Liberal Master, who put a just Value upon every Man's Service, and rewarded him accordingly; and therefore I might have desired that Mony (which was snatch'd, as it were, out of the Fire) for my own use; for I knew some Courtiers would have asked greater Sums for less Merit and Service. Upon second Thoughts I put my Master in mind of my over-sight, and desired his Favour, that the said Sum might be returned intire to me: He was graciously pleased to grant my Request, and commanded so many Ducats to be told out for me out of his own Exchequer: Which Badge of his Favour, if I should be unmindful of, I were unworthy to breath in the common Air: But to return from whence I digressed.

Haly and Rustan were of quite different Humours and Dispositions: Haly lived a blameless Life, free from Sordidness, and never feared that his Courteons Deportment would procure him the Sultan's Ill-will; but Rustan on the contrary, was a Mony-monger, Avaricious, and his Conscience hing'd at his Purse-strings: Rustan's Conferences with me were very short and Concise; but Haly would spin out time on purpose; and that he might entertain me the longer, he would season his Discourse with a great deal of Facetiousness; insomuch that the Turks, who attended on the [Page] account of Business or otherways, would murmur and grumble that he spent so much time with me, that thereby they had not convenient Opportunity to transact their own Concerns with him. And the truth is, there was somewhat of Mortification to my self in it too, for I usually was sent for to him in the Afternoon, and I went Fasting, that I might be readier to deal with so acute a Man: In our Conferences he pressed this as a Principal Point, That each of us would propound that which we thought most conducive to the Service of our Masters respectively: His Master desired Repose in his Old Age, which was seated with Success and Victory; and he thought my Master also desired Peace and Quietness; and therefore if he studied the Tranquility of his Realm, he should by no means rouse a sleeping Lyon. The Minds of Princes, says he, are like Looking-glasses having no innate shape, yet the shape of all things objected to them pass through them; so Princes Souls, free of themselves, are impress'd by the Images of all things as they are represented; and therefore we must lay nothing before them, but what is profitable for their Affairs: For as good Cooks temper their Sauces, not to this or that Man's Palate, but for the Gust of all the Guests; so we, in Proposition of Peace, must weigh Circumstances on either side. This and much more did he friendly communicate to me; yea, at all times he shewed himself Courteous, and when I requited his Courtesie with any extraordinary [Page] piece of Respect, he thought himself doubly oblig'd. Once as he was returning from the Divan, and came to a cross way where he was wont to salute his Fellow Bassa's at parting, turning his Horse too nimbly, and leaning on his Neck, both Horse and Man fell to the Ground: When I heard of his Mischance, I sent to know whether he had got any Hurt by his Fall? He returned me Thanks, and told me, He got no Hurt, but 'twas usual for an Old Soldier to be apt to Stumble and Fall. Then turning to the By-stander: This Christian Agent, says he, has, I thank him, a mighty Love for my Person. Sometimes in Discourse he would tell me, That he had got Wealth and Honour enough, so that now he studied only to leave a Savoury Memory behind him, by doing good to Posterity.

When our Treaty of Peace had proceeded on fairly a long time, and I was in good hopes of an happy Conclusion, an unlucky Accident hapned, which might have embarrassed the whole Affair: A certain Greek Despot, by the help of Caesar's Soldiers which guarded the Frontiers of Hungary, had broke into Moldavia, and driven out the Vaivod thereof, possessing it for himself. This Business gave a great Alarm to the Turks, as not knowing but such beginnings might end in greater Mischief; and indeed the Danger was considerable, though the Turks thought it Prudence to dissemble their Forces. Haly intended to [Page] speak with me about it, as I understood by one of his Domesticks; and accordingly he sent for me a few hours after: I confess I was somewhat troubled at the Message; I was afraid, that my Negociation being in a promising way to a good Issue, this Matter would spoil all. When I came, he entertain'd me with his wonted Courtesie, and after much Discourse tending to the concluding of the Peace, he shew'd no sign of Discontent at all in his Countenance, till I was just about to take my leave of him and go away, then he bid me sit down again, for something was come to his Memory which he had forgot: Don't you hear, said he, that your Germans have made an Inroad into Moldavia? No, said I, neither do I believe it; for how should the Germans come to a place so remote from them as Moldavia? 'Tis most certainly true, said he, I have it by several Expresses, and I will send one of your own Country Germans to convince you of the Truth thereof. This Onset gave me occasion to tell him, That if any of this were true, I was sure it was not done by the Consent or Command of my Master Caesar. The Germans, said I, are a Free People, and used to serve other Nations in their War; and perhaps some of them had taken Pay under Forreigners: But, in my Iudgment, the Cause of these Commotions arise from the Hungarian Nobles of that Neighbourhood, who being provoked by the daily Injuries of the Turks, labour to cry Quiet with them. And to speak the Truth, I think they are [Page]not much to be blamed, if upon so great Provocations they labour to revenge themselves; do not your Soldiers do so on the Borders of Hungary? What Plunderings and Devastations do they make in the Emperor's Territories there? Here we talk of Peace, there is nothing but War and Bloodshed: And for my own part, I am held as a Prisoner, neither do my Friends know whether I am alive or dead? And truly they that have suffered so much Damage from you, are worthy rather of Praise than Blame, if they take any Opportunity of Revenge. Let them retaliate, said Haly, provided it be within Hungary, and the Borders of Hungary, but 'tis intolerable they should Range as far as Moldavia, which is but ten days Iourny from Adrianople. To which I replied, That Men of the Sword did not much study Points of the Law or Civility, but used to take the first Opportunity to revenge themselves where-ever it was offered. Thus I departed from him, neither did he seem at all to be Angry, nor was a jot more Morose in my after-Addresses to him.

During these Transactions with the Visier, the French Embassador did me a great Courtesie; there were thirteen young Gentlemen, some Germans, some Hollanders, in Prison at Constantinople upon this remarkable occasion; they took Ship at Venice, in a Vessel that every Year carried Pilgrims to Ierusalem, and their Charta-part was to that purpose; some of them travelled on the account of Religion, others to see Forreign Countries, but they [Page] all met with an unlucky Omen, for just at the time that they landed in Syria, the Malteese had landed some Soldiers and plunder'd the Sea-Coast of Phoenicia, carrying away some of the Inhabitants Prisoners: Whereupon those Syrians who had lost Parents, Children and Friends, having no other visible way of Satisfaction, seiz'd on these Gentlemen in the Venetian Vessel, pretending they were some of the Pyrates; and if they did not procure their Friends to be released, they should be kept in Slavery themselves: And though they were shewed the Privilege from the Government of Venice, and were put in mind of the Publick Faith, and the League betwixt them, yet all was one, away they must be sent Prisoners to Constantinople: And their Youth was a great Prejudice to them, for the Bassa's thought such young Simplings would never undertake so long a Voyage on the account of Religion, for the Turks never begin their Pilgrimages till they be Ancient.

When I heard of this Disaster, I did what I could to release them, but all to no purpose. The Bailo of Venice was applied to, because under the Protection of that Republick they fell into this Danger: He granted 'twas all the reason in the World they should be released; But what Iustice, said he, can we obtain among such an Inhumane and Barbarous People? In the mean time I applied all the Relief I was able to their distressed Condition: But one day, far beyond my Expectation, [Page] they all came to my House, and told me, That they were sent as a Present to me by the French Embassador, who had obtained their Liberty. I was mighty glad of their Releasement, and sent great Thanks to the Embassador, whose Name was La Vigne. The manner was thus, when he was about to take his leave of the Sultan, and to Kiss his Hand, as the Custom is, he thrust a Schedule into it, wherein he desired that the Gentlemen might be released in Favour to his Prince, because their Voyage was occasioned upon the account of a Pilgrimage for Religion. Solyman granted his Request, and released them presently: Whereupon I supplied them with Accommodations for their Voyage, and sent them first to Vienna, and then home into their own Country.

This La Vigne at first was mighty strict and cross to me, and used all his Arts to bring me into the Bassa's Dislike without any Fault of mine: He told them, I was a Subject to the King of Spain, born in the Low-Countries, and that I served the Spaniards more than the Emperor; and that I acquainted him with every thing that was done at Constantinople; and that I had Emissaries in Pay, who related to me the very Secrets of that Empire, amongst whom was Ebrahim the chief Druggerman of Turkey. This he did before the Peace was made between Spain and France, but when those two Princes were agreed, on the first opportunity he did retract what he had spoken.

[Page] La Vigne was a Man of a prodigious Liberty to speak; he would tell all he knew, let it be taken how it would. This made Rustan himself to avoid his Company; whilst at the same time others were backward to converse with Rustan, because of the soureness of his Humour. He sent once to Rustan to desire Audience: He told the Messengers, his Interpreters, That he might send his Errand by them, for his Business might be as well done in his Absence as Presence. Yet La Vigne would needs come himself, where he spoke that which grated Rustan's Ears. What do you think, says he, that you have got Buda, Gran, Alba Regalis, and other Hungarian Towns, from the Christians by Force? No, I deny it utterly, 'tis our Dissention that gave you Opportunity to take them: If there had not been continual Wars between the Kings of France and Spain, you wo [...]ld have been so far from possessing those Towns, that Charles V. would hardly have suffered you to live quiet at Constantinople it self. At which Speech Rustan was so provoked, that he told him, What dost thou tell me of the Kings of Spain and France; if all the Christian Princes joyn their Arms together against my Master, he cares not a Rush, he will easily conquer them all. And thereupon he withdrew himself into his Bed-chamber, and bid the Embassador be gone. I must needs acquaint you in this place, with the Relations I have heard concerning that People which inhabit the Tauric-Chers [...]ners, [Page] who are reported to have been originally Germans, as their Speech, Manners and Countenances seem to declare; I had a great desire to meet with any body of that Nation, from whom I might procure some Tracts written in that Language, but I could not obtain it; yet at last I met with an Accident which in part satisfied my Desires: There came two Envoys from that Nation to the Sultan, to make some Complaints or other; and my Interpreters lighting upon them, did (as I had desired them, if ever they had Opportunity) invite them to Dinner to my House. One was a tall Man, carrying an ingenious Simplicity in his Countenance, so that he seemed either a Flemming or a Batavian: The other was shorter of a well-set Body, and browner colour, a Greek by Birth, but by frequent Commerce with that People, he had got much of their Language, and seemed to forget his own: Being asked concerning the Nature and Manners of that People, he answered very pertinently, That they were a Warlike Nation, that inhabited many Towns thereabouts, from whence the Cham of Tartary, when he pleased, used to draw forth 800 Musketeers, the chief Prop of his Army. Their chief Cities were two, one called Maneup the other Scivarin. He added much more concerning the Tartars and their Barbarity, yet he confessed that there was some very ingenious Men amongst them: If you asked of the highest Affairs, they would answer [Page] briefly yet very oppositely; insomuch that the Turks said ordinarily of them, That other Nations had their Learning in their Books, but the Tartars had eaten their Books, and had their Wisdom in their Breasts, from whence they could draw it out as they had occasion, as Divine Oracles.

They are Slovenly in their Deportment, for if you set any Soop before them, they eat it not with a Spoon, but with the hollow of their Hands. Their Meat is Horse-flesh, not roasted but heated under the Saddles of their Horses, to which Hunger was their best Sauce.

Their Prince is served in Siver, his first and last Dish being a Horses Head, as Butter uses to be served up first and last with us. He repeated many German Words, amongst others, which were unintelligible to us, perhaps his Memory fail'd him, so that he mix'd home-bred and Forreign Words together; to every word he added the Article Tho or The. The Words which were ours, little different from them, were these:

Broe, Bread.

Plut, Blood.

Stul, a Stool or Seat.

Hus, a House.

Wingart, a Vine.

Reghen, Rain.

Bruder, Brother.

Schwester, Sister.

Alt, Old Man.

Wintch, Wind.

Silvir, Silver.

Goltz, Gold.

Kor, Wheat.

Salt, Salt.

Fisct, Eish.

Hoef, the Head.

[Page]Thurn, a Gate.

Stern, a Star.

Sune, the Sun.

Mine, the Moon.

Tag, a Day.

Oeghene, the Eyes.

Bars, a Beard.

Handa, the Hands.

Boga, a Bow.

Miera, an Ant.

Rinck or Ringo, a Ring.

Brunna, a Fountain.

Waghen, a Waggon or Coach.

Apel, an Apple.

Schieten, to shoot an Arrow.

Schlipen, to Sleep.

Kommen, to come.

Singhen, to Sing.

Lachen, to Laugh.

Criten, to Weep.

Geen, to go.

Breen, to roast.

Schwalch, Death.

Knauen Tag was Good-day with him, Knauen was Good, and several such words he used, not well agreeing with ours, as,

Jel, Life or Health.

Jeltsch, alive or well.

Jel uburt, let it be well.

Marzus, Marriage.

Schuos, a Spouse.

Baar, a Stone.

Ael, a Stone.

Menus, Flesh.

Rintsch, a Mountain.

Fers, a Man.

Statz, the Earth.

Ada, an Egg.

Ano, an Hen.

Telich, a Fool.

Stap, a Goat.

Gadeltha, Beautiful.

Atochta, Evil.

Wichtgata, White.

Mycha, a Sword.

Lista, a little.

Schedit, Light.

Borrotsch, the Will.

Cadariou, a Soldier.

Kilemschkop, drink up your Cup.

Tzo Warthata, as thou hast done.

Jes Varthata, he did it.

Ich malthata, I say.

[Page] When he was desired to number, he said thus, Ita, tua, tria, fyder, fyuf, seis, sevene, just as we Flemmings; for you Brabantars, who speak German-like, do highly value your selves, and undervalue us, as if we pronounced Seven more coursly: He went on reckoning Athe, nyne, thiine, thiinita, thiinetua, thiinetria, &c. Twenty he called Stega, Thirty Treithyen, Forty Furdeithien, an Hundren Sada, a Thousand Hazer. He also sung us a Song in that Language, which began thus:

Wara war a ingdolou:

Seu te gira Galizu.

Hoemisclep dorbiza ea.

Whether these People be Goths or Saxons, I cannot tell; If Saxons, then, I suppose, they were transplanted thither in the time of Charles the Great, who dispersed that Nation into many remote Countries, as appears by the Cities of Transilvania, which to this day are inhabited by Saxons; and possibly he might transplant the rest of the Nation as far as Taurick Chersoness, where they still retain the Christian Religion, though surrounded with the Enemies thereof: But if they are Goths, then I judge they chose their Inhabitants there next to the Getis, and perhaps most of that Tract of Land between the Gothick Isle and Procopia, (as now 'tis called) was heretofore inhabited by Goths. Hence we read of the Names of sundry Goths, as [Page] West-Goths, and East or Ostro-Goths, who over-run the World with their Victory, and were the great Seminary of Multitudes of Barbarians. This is all I could hear of these Procopensians concerning the Taurick Chersonese.

Let me now tell you something of the City and Country Cathay, which I learned of a certain Turkish Pilgrim, who use to Travel over the World on account of Religion, and to worship God on high Mountains and desert places. He had travelled over a great part of the East-Country, where he was acquainted with the Portuguese; but having a desire to visit Cathay also, he joyned himself to some Merchants, who in great Numbers used to Travel to this Country: 'Tis a Journy that not many will undertake, it being so dangerous, and the way thither so full of strange Nations, who use to plunder Travellers in their passage: When he left Persia behind him, he came to Samarehand, to Borchar, and to Taschan, and other Towns inhabited by the Successors of Tamerlain: When he had passed by these places there were mighty Deserts, and some Countries inhabited by Wild, and others by a more civilized, People; yet the Country was generally Poor, so that they were forced to carry their Victuals along with them on a Drove of Camels: This Company they call Caravans. After some Months travel they came to the Streights, entring into Cathay, (for you must know, that a great part [Page] of that Country is Mediterranean, and encompassed by such huge Mountains and Rocks, that it is accessible but in a very few Passages, where their King hath his Guards and Garrisons:) When the Merchants come thither, they are asked What they bring? Whence they come? and How many they are? When the Guard is informed of the Truth, they make a Smoak by day, or else kindle a Beacon by night, which gives warning to the next Beacon, and so from one to another till they come to Cathay. This Advice cost them but some Hours, which otherwise would take up many Days, the way is so long: When News is brought to the King, he sends backward by the same way of Conveyance what his Pleasure is, whether they shall all be admitted to enter, or only some, the rest being either excluded, or made to stay longer: When they are admitted, they are guarded all along to their several Inns or Lodging-places, where they may have all things for their Mony, till they come to the King himself. Here every one brings forth his respective Ware, and presents the King, whose Privilege it is, to buy what Ware he pleaseth in the first place; and then they sell the rest to the best Chapman. This they must do within certain limits of time, within which they must return; for the Catharians cannot endure that Strangers should live long amongst them, for fear they should infect their Country Manners. Thus is the Caravan dismissed [Page] very friendly, and returns by the same Stages they went.

This Traveller told me, That they were a very Wise People, and lived in good Order and Government, having a distinct Religion of their own, differing from the Christian, Iewish or Mahometans, but nearest to the Iewish, except their Ceremonies.

Printing hath been in use among them for many Ages, as appears by their several Printed Books: For Paper they use the Cases of Silk-worms, it is so thin that it will bear Printing on one side only, the other is blank: In this City, he said, there were a great many Shops full of Musk, which was the fresh Foame of a certain Beast as big as a Kid. A Lyon is highly prized amongst them, there are none of them in that Country, and therefore they value it at a great Rate, and they will give most for it. This is what I could learn of this Wanderer concerning Cathay, believe it as you please: I asked him farther, Whether he had brought back any rare Root, Fruit or Stone, out of that Country: He told me, he had brought nothing but a little Root for his own use, which he would bite and eat a little of when he was Faint or Cold, and it would presently heat and relieve him; and thereupon he parted it, and gave some to me, telling me I must use it very sparingly: I desir'd Dr. Williams, my Physician, then alive, to tast of it, who by its biting and inflaming tast, judged it to be a Tree Wolf-leaf.

[Page] Let me now tell you another wondrous [...]tory of a certain Wandering Turkish Monk, [...]e wore a Cap and White Cloak down to his Heels, with long Hair, such as Painters draw the Apostles with: He had a promising Countenance, but was a meer Impostor, yet the Turks admired him as a Miraculous Man; my Interpreters were perswaded to bring him to me, that I might see him; he dined with me soberly and modestly enough; afterwards he goes down into the Yard, and upon his return he takes up a huge Stone, and struck it divers times on his naked Breast, as many blows as would have felled an Oxe: Then he took a piece of Iron, that was heated in the Fire on purpose, and thrust it into his Mouth, where he stirred it up and down so that his Spittle hiss'd again; 'twas a long piece of Iron, thick and quadrangular in that part which he thrust into his Mouth, and it was red-hot as a live Coal: Then he put the Iron into the Fire again, and after I had bestowed a Largess on him, he saluted me and departed. My Domesticks wondred at the Prank, all but one, which pretended he knew more than all the rest; O, says he, he is but a meer Cheat; and thereupon he takes hold of the stronger part of the Iron, pretending he could do as much as the Juggler; but he had no sooner grasped it in his hands, but he threw it away, and his Fingers were well burnt for his Audaciousness, so that they were many days a curing. This Accident [Page] caused his Fellows to Laugh, and jearingly to ask, Whether the Iron were hot enough yet, and whether he would touch it again or not?

The same Turk, while he was at Dinner, told me, That the Prior of their Monastery was a Man Famous for Sanctimony and Miracles, for he would spread his Cloak over a Lake near adjoyning, and sitting on it, would row up and down whither he pleased: And that he would strip himself naked, and be tied to a Sheep newly kill'd, tying Arms to Arms, and Leg to Leg, and so would be thrown into the hot Oven till the Sheep were bak'd fit to be eaten, then he himself would be taken out without any harm at all: You will not believe it, neither do I, only I relate what he told me; but that part concerning an hot Iron I saw with my Eyes.

And yet I must tell you, the matter is not so much to be admired, for without doubt, the Fellow, when he went down into the Yard to fetch a Stone, had fortified his Mouth with some Medicines against the Violence of the Fire, such Medicines being suitable as you know; for I remember once at the Coast of Venice, I saw a Juggler melt Lead in the Fire, and wash his Hands therewith, as if it had been common Water: But enough of this.

I told you before, that I had a little more Freedom some time before Rustan's Death, which was grateful Love on one account, [Page] because it gave me Opportunity to converse with Strangers and others which frequented my House, whose Acquaintance might be instructive to me; and yet this Liberty was not ballanced without Inconvenience, it gave my Servants opportunity to Straggle abroad, and sometimes without the Iannizaries, and so they met with many Affront, which cost me some trouble: I'll tell you of one, by which you may judge of the rest.

Two of my Servants passed over in a Boat to Pera, they went alone, either because the Iannizaries were not at home, or else they thought it needless to take them; one was my Apothecary, the other Master of my Wine-Cellar; when they had done what they went for, they hired a Boat to carry them back to Constantinople; they were scarce set down in the Boat, but there came a Youth from the Caddy or Judge of that Place, commanding them to come forth, for the Caddy must be wasted over in that Boat: My Servants told him, There were Boats enough to carry over the Caddy, besides that which they had hired, and therefore they would not come forth: Hereupon he endeavoured to force them; so that from Words they came to Blows. This being done in the sight of the Caddy, who was coming down to the Boat, it made him run to help his Boy, (who was thought to be his Ganymede) but the Steps towards the Sea being slippery, by reason of Ice, (for it was Winter) he fell head-long [Page] into the Sea, and had been drown'd if his Companions had not relieved him: Here upon a Clamour was raised all over Pera, and the Vogue went among the Turks, that my Servants had laid Violent Hands on the Judge [...] and had almost drown'd him: My Servants were seized and carried before the Judge of Capital Case: They fetch forth Clubs, and Stocks to put their Feet in, that they might beat them, as their manner is, on the Soles of them: In the interim, one of my Servants, an Italian, in a petting Chuff, cried out, Beat, strike, Dogs, strike; we are wronged, we are Innocent, we are Servants to Cesar's Embassador, and doubtless when your own Emperor shall know how we are abused, he will make you smart for it. One of the Turks, hearing him cry out so boldly: D'ye think, said he, that one-ey'd thing is a Man? No, for certain he is an One-ey'd Cacodaemon, (for he had a Blemish in one of his Eyes.) The Waywade also, (i. e.) the Judge in their Language, perceiving the Boldness of the Man, was in a stand what to do, but thought it best to send them to Rustan for to punish them: Thither went the whole Rout, with a pack of False-Witnesses, ready to give false Testimonies against the Innocent; for the Turks count it Meritorious to give in Evidence against a Christian; you need not Summon them to appear, they came of their own accords, as it hapned in this Case: They all cried out before the Grand Visier, That those Rogues had beaten their Judge, and if [Page] they had not been seized, would have drown'd him: My Servants denied the Crime objected, alledging that they were falsly accused, and that they were my menial Servants. By this time Rustan understood, that there was more Noise than Right on his Country-mens side; yet to still the Fury of the inraged Multitude, he told them, He would punish them severely, and sent them to Prison. The Prison was a Safe-guard to them against the Fury of the Multititude; then the examined Witnesses, the most Credible amongst them, and found that my Servants were Guiltless, all the Fault lay at the Caddy's door. In the mean time I sent my Interpreters to demand my Servants, but Rustan thought fit to refer the Matter to the Divan, lest, if the Sultan should hear of it, he might suspect, that in the Caddy's Case he had been brib'd, and so his Injury neglected. I had at this time some intimate Acquaintance with Haly, to whom I sent my Druggerman with a grievous Complaint, that I might not suffer Wrong to the end of the Chapter; Haly undertook my Cause, and bid me rest confident that my Business would soon end to my Satisfaction. But Rustan came not off so handsomly, he fear'd that it might be thought that Mony had made him more execrable, and therefore he had rather the Business had been compounded with the Caddy, and wish'd me to offer him a few Ducats to appease him, 25 were enough. I gave him Thanks for his [Page] Advice, but returned answer, That if he desired me to throw so many Ducats into the Sea, I would willingly do it for his sake, but 'twas not Mony in this case would do, but Example: For, said I, if this be the Case, that he that did my Servants an Injury, must be paid for his Labour, a larger Fund than mine would not suffice; for if a Man tear his Clothes, if he intended to do my People an Injury, he knew where to have Mony to buy new ones, which was an unworthy thing, and by no means to be indured by me. Thus were my Servants, by the Mediations of Haly, sent home to me. When the Bailo of Venice heard of their release, he sent for one of my Servants present, and desired to know of him, what that Business had cost me? Not a Doit, said he. Then said the Bailo, If it had been mine, it would have cost me 200 Ducats before I could have come off. But the sorry Judge suffered most of all; for he was put out of his Office, the Turks accounting it an absurd an hainous thing to be beaten by a Christian, as he confessed he had been.

As for the Release of the Spanish Commanders, it was obtained by my Mediation, they were these, Sandaeus Commander of the Land-Forces, and Leva, and Requisenaeus, the one Admiral of the Neapolitan, the other the Silician Gallies. In short, I'll tell you how I compassed their release: The Peace made between the Kings of Spain and France, did much trouble the Turks, as being Inconvenient for their Affairs, especially considering [Page] that they were not comprehended in it, as at first they thought they should, yet they dissembled the matter at present, but sought for an Opportunity to shew their dislike thereof. Solyman had writ to the King of France, that he agreed to the Peace, yet would have him remember, That old Friends are not easily made Enemies, nor Old Enemies Friends.

This Disgust of the Turks did much advantage my Affairs: To which Haly Bassa's Kindness did contribute very much, and Ebrahim's great desire to serve me, and to be thankful to me.

You may remember I told you before, that when La Vigne did accuse me to the Bassa, at the same time he forgot not Ebrahim, b [...]t told them, that he discovered all the secret Counsels of the Turks to me. This Ebrahim was the chief Drogerman, (i. e.) Interpreter of Solyman, a Polander by Nation, and therefore more hated by La Vigne, because in a deadly Fewd that was between Codognatus a former Ambassador of the same King; and in jest he seem'd to take Codognatus his part. I shall not trouble you with the Contest betwixt them, it being alien to my purpose: This is certain, that La Vigne was mindful of the Affront, and could never endure Ebrahim, but when he had Access to the Bassa every third Ward was against him; neither did he desist from complaining till Ebrahim was thrown out of his Place: For my part, I was [Page] not much concern'd for Ebrahim's Disgrace; I had never such an extraordinary kindness for him, so as to lament his Loss, for I found him many times cross to my Affairs; only it troubled me, that 'twas noised abroad, he lost his Place for my sake. Hereupon I assisted him in his Privacy what I could; for I knew it troubled him, to be thrown out of Office, and therefore I us'd him as an Interpreter or Messenger, betwixt me and the Bassa in the Transacting about the Peace. And Haly admitted him out of Respect to me, because he was Degraded without any just Cause. In fine, I never left till I got him settled into his Place again; which Courtesie did so oblige him, that in Gratitude he shew'd me all the good Offices he could, in all Company and on all Occasions: And he had the greater Opportunity so to do, because of the Offence the Turks had taken of the French, for the making Peace with the Spaniard. On which account, when the Noble Salvatus was sent by the most Christian King, to procure the Liberty of Sandaeus, he was wholly and absolutely refus'd. Sandaeus was in mighty expectation of that Embassie, believing he should never be released, if that Negotiation had not effected it; and therefore he was at great Expence to buy Presents for the Grand Seignior, and other great Men upon his Release. All which signified nothing, for Salvatus went away without effecting any thing: When he was gone, the [Page] Servants and Solicitor of Sandaeus came to me in a great Fright; and told me, they durst not acquaint their Master with the unsuccessful News of Salvatus's Intercession for his Liberty; for all his Hopes depending thereon, they were afraid the Transaction would either make him desperate, or cast him into some fatal Disease; and therefore they desired me to acquaint him first by Writing; I refused, alledging, That I had not common Places enough to draw Comfort from, for a Man in so deep a Distress. For Sandaeus was a Man of a great Spirit, full of Hope, and without any Fear; and Men of such Dispositions, as they hope for what they desire, so if they are disappointed of their Hopes, they are so cast down, that 'tis hard to raise them to any tolerable frame of Spirit.

Whilst Matters stood thus at a stand, in comes Ebrahim my Interpreter, very opportunely; and falling into discourse about these Spanish Prisoners; he told me plainly, That if I did but demand their Liberty, I should certainly obtain it; and what he spake was upon good grounds. He had formerly given me some blind Hopes, that I might procure their Release if I set my self about it; but I gave but little heed to his Suggestion: For not being certain to conclude Peace, how could I attempt such a Thing. Besides I was afraid, lest my Interposition might hinder the Success of Salvatus's [Page] Negotiation: But he was gone, and Ebrahim whom I had so much obliged, persisted in the same Opinion. I began to hearken to him; yet telling him, he should have a care he did not engage me who was his Friend, in a ridiculous Business; or without doubt I should be laught at if I succeeded not therein, the Matter being thought difficult to be compassed in common Opinion, and Salviatus having attempted it in vain; yet he advised me to proceed therein, and amused me with good Success.

Upon this Encouragement, I wrote to Sandaeus, how fruitless Salviatus's Embassie had been, yet I wisht him not to despair; for if any Credit at all were to be given to a Turk, there was good hope of his Affairs; and then I related what Ebrahim had told me.

Having laid this Foundation, I advis'd with some Friends who were well skill'd in Turkish Affairs; they wisht me all good Success, but were very doubtful of them, especially seeing the King of Frances's Ambassador had been denyed, and the issue of Peace was yet undetermined; and moreover, the Turks are hardly ever induced to release great Men; yet I wrote to my Master the Emperor, to let him know what Hopes I had, and desired that I might in his Name beg the Release of those Prisoners. To be short, upon great Gifts and more Promises made to the Bussa's, for their Favour in the Case; the Day before St. Laurence's Day, all the Prisoners [Page] were released and sent to my Lodgings.

Sandaeus and Leyva were at great odds one with another, so that they would not eat together, but I was forced to spread their Tables apart; Requisena did eat with Leyva, and Sandaeus with me: So we went to Supper. The French Ambassador's Steward came to me, bringing me some Letters; Sandaeus askt of him, If he knew him? Yes Sir, said he, I think you are Don Alvarez: I am so, said he; Pray remember me to your Master, and tell him, that I have obtain'd my Liberty by means of the Emperor's Ambassador, and that you have seen me abroad with your Eyes: I see you indeed, Sir, said he, but so, that I can scarce believe my own Eyes. Sandaeus did thus Accost him, because his Master the French Agent, would never believe that Solyman would release those great Men at the Emperor's instance: And the truth is, before they could obtain their Liberty, their Mufty which is as an Archbishop amongst the Turks, was consulted, Whether a great many Turks might not be released for a few Christians; for I had promis'd, that about Forty Turks of an ordinary Rank, who were Prisoners with us, should be released for them. The Mufty answered, That there were two Opinions on the Case; one Pro, t'other Con; but he was for the Affirmative.

It now remains that I acquaint you with the last End of Bajazet, who I told you before, was put in Prison by the Persians: Many [Page] Messages had passed between those two Princes on that Occasion; and an Ambassador came once from Persia with Presents, a Tent curiously wrought, Assyrian and Persian Tapistry, with the Alcoran, and some Beasts of an unusual sort; as an Indian Ant, as big as any ordinary Dog; a fierce and biting Present. The Cause of the Embassie was pretended to be, the Reconciliation of Bajazet with his Father; they were received very Honourably, entertain'd with rich Banquets, of which Haly sent me a part, eight huge munificent Dishes full of Sweetmeats. 'Twas the Custom of the Romans to send Dishes from their Feasts to their Friends; the Spaniards do it to this Day; and the Turks from their great Feasts carry home something, especially if they have Wives and Children; they many times carried home whole Napkins full of good eatable Bits from my Table; and tho' they pretend to Cleanliness, yet they would sometimes daub their Silk-cloaths with some Collation-drops.

Let me tell you a Story to this purpose, which I know will make you laugh heartily, as it did me at first hearing thereof: For we are not such Cato's, but yet sometimes we may season our Care with moderate Laughter, which shews that we are Men.

'Tis the Custom of the Turkish Bassa's, some Days before their Fast, (which we call Lent) to make a publick Feast or Entertainment for all Comers, none are excluded; yet [Page] generally none but Servants, Friends, and Relations come: There is a Napkin made of Leather spread over a long Tapistry on the Ground, full of Dishes; the Table will hold abundance of Guests; the Bassa himself sits at the upper end, and the choicest Guests next to him, and then the ordinary Guests in Ranks till the Table be full. It will not hold all at once, but some stand by till others have Din'd, which they do in great Modesty and Silence; and then they drinking a draught of Honey diluted with Water, Salute their Landlord, and away they go; when they are gone, others sit down in their places, and a third Class after them; the Servants still taking off the old Dishes and [...]etting on new. A certain Bassa making such a Feast, invited a Singiack to sit next to him; an old Man of the Sect which the Turks call Hayges, (i. e.) Learned Men, sat next to him: This Haggie seeing such a plenty of Victuals before him, had a mind to carry home some to his Wife after he had filled his own Belly; but looking for his Handkerchief to fill it with Victuals, he found he had left it at home; being then in a straight, he bethought himself, and resolv'd to fill his Sleeve that hang'd on on his Back; but mistaking the Singiack's for his own, he stuft it full of Dainties, and stops it in with a piece of Bread that nothing might fall out; he was not to touch his Sleeve till he had laid his Hands on his Breast or Thigh, and so Saluted [Page] his Entertainer as their Custom is; when he had done that, he took up his own Sleeve and finds it empty, at which he was much amaz'd, and return'd home very sad: A while after the Singiack also rose from the Table, and having Saluted the Bassa, at every step his Sleeve cast out the Dainties it was replenished with, unknown to him; and seeing a Train of Junkets behind him, he blusht for shame: The Company fell a laughing, but the Bassa imagining how it came to pass, desired him to sit down again, and so he sent for the Haggai; when he came, he accosted him thus: I wonder that you being an old Friend, and having a Wife and Children at home, did carry home nothing to them, seeing my Table was so well Furnished. Truly, Sir, said he, 'Twas no Fault of mine, but I think my Genius was angry with me; for I stuft my Sleeve with Viands, and yet when I came forth I found it empty. Thus the Singiack was cheated, and the Frustration of the Haggai, together with the Novelty of the Case, occasioned no small Laughter amongst all the Company. But to return to Bajazet.

His Case was desperate, between an angry Father that required to have him given up, and a false Friend, who pretended to detain him: Sometimes Solyman dealt mildly with the Persian, putting him in mind of the League between them, that they were to have the same Enemies and Friends: Sometimes he taxed him with War, if Bajazet was not [Page] surrendred; and thereupon he placed strong Garrisons on all the Confines of Persia, he filled Mesopotamia and the Banks of Euphrates with Soldiers, especially the Veteran ones, whom he had employed against Bajazet, over whom Mahomet the third of the Viziers Bassa's, and Beglerbey of Greece was made General, for Solyman was returned home: Moreover he sollicited the Georgians dwelling between the Hircan-Sea and Pontus, bordering on Persia to Aid him against them: They answered couragiously, That they were not strong enough themselves to Cope with the Persian; but if he himself came upon the Place with an Army, they would then shew themselves Men of Courage against the Persians as their common Enemy. The Hircanians also and the Posterity of Tamerlan were sollicitous to joyn Arms: Solyman himself gave forth, that he would go to Aleppo, (a City of Syria, seated on the Banks of Euphrates) that from thence he might make War on the Persian: Nor was the Persian himself without Fear, for he had often experienced the Dint of Solyman's Sword. But the generality of the Turks were averse from the War, and lookt on it as a wicked and detestable one, and this cooled the Sultan. A great many Soldiers, especially Horse, forsook their Colours, and return'd to Constantinople without leave of Officers; and being commanded immediately to return, they did so; but so unwillingly, [Page] that Solyman plainly saw their Aversion from the Service.

Whereupon Solyman, seeing he could not get Bajazet alive out of the Persian's Hands, (who feared his Revenge if ever he came off clear,) descended to the next thing, which was, to have him strangled there, and he hop'd to obtain his end this way; because the Persian had lately acquainted him by Letter, that he had been very remiss in so great an Affair. I have sent divers Ambassadors to you, said he, but you send nothing to me but empty Letters, or Messengers; and therefore to convince me that you are real in the Business: Send some considerable Ambassadors of your prime Nobility with whom I may Transact, according to the greatness of the Affair. As for himself, Bajazet had been a great Charge to him before he could be taken, and therefore 'twas fit an Account should be had of those Expences. Solyman thereby saw that Money was requir'd, and therefore by the Advice of his Bassa, he resolved to take any other course, rather than to involve himself in an unnecessary War with the Persians. Hereupon Hassan Aga, together with an old Bassa, one of the Bed-Chamber, was sent by Solyman into Persia: They departed with ample Commission in the midst of the Winter; they made great haste, insomuch that they lost several of their Retinue in the way: At last [Page] they came to Casbia to the Sophi, and desired to see Bajazet; they found him in a [...]asty filthy Prison, his Beard and Hair so long, that till he was shav'd he could hardly be known; but then Hanan knew him by the lineaments of his Face, having been brought up with him from a Child, and therefore he was chosen as the fittest Person for this Embassie. They agreed that the Persian should be repaid what he had laid out, and should have many rich Presents besides, provided they would destroy Bajazet; The Hassan returns & gives an account to his Master, who thereupon sent the Expence by him, with the Gifts, who were guarded by the Turks to the Confines of Persia. Thus Hassan again returned to be the Executioner of Bajazet with his own Hand, for so Solyman had commanded: When the Bow-string was about his Neck, he desired but one thing before his Death, which was, to see his Children, and to take his last leave of them by a Final Kiss, but that was deny'd. This was the end of Bajazet and his unfortunate Designs; the way he took to save himself was his Ruine; his four Children under-went the same Fate; the new-born Infant which he left at Amusia, whom his Grandfather had removed to Persia to be Educated there, when his Father was dead, a trusty Eunuch was sent to Persia to destroy him too; but the Eunuch being tender-hearted, procured a certain Porter, a hard-hearted Fellow, who car'd not what desperate [Page] Pranks he play'd, to joyn with him to help dispatch the Child. This Fellow went into the Room, and as he was fitting the String to the Infant's Neck, the poor Child lifted up its self as well as he could, and embracing him in his Arms, offered to kiss him, which did so mollifie his wretched Heart, that he fell down in a Swoon. The Eunuch stood at the Door, and wondering at the Delay, went in and found the Fellow sprawling on the Ground, whereupon he was forced to execute the Charge himself, and so strangled the poor Child. By this Passage it appears, that Solyman spar'd his Nephew hitherto, not out of any Principle of Mercy, but out of an Opinion the Turks have, that Matters if they succeed well, are pleasing to God; and therefore as long as 'twas uncertain what the Aim of Bajazet's Designs would be, he would not imbrue his Hands in his Childs Blood, lest if Bajazet had succeeded, he might seem to have resisted the Will of God: But when Bajazet was slain, then he thought God had determined the Controversie, and that his Son also might not be spared, lest the Proverb should be verified, Of an ill Crow, an evil Egg. I had a long Discourse with my Chiaux upon this Subject when I was in the Island (as above-said) and had liberty to Sail from one to the other. It hapned once, that as we were returning in our Skiff, the Wind being against us, we could not double a Promontary that reach'd pretty far into the [Page] Sea, that we were forced to Land and take our Dinner a-shoar; for I always carried some Provant along with me in the Vessel for fear of the worst; and their Turks were also forced to Land upon the same Stress of Weather: Our Table was spread in a great Meadow, my Chiaux and my Interpreter sate at Table with me; mention being occasionally made of Bajazet, the Chiaux began to inveigh bitterly against him for taking up Arms against his Brother. I pleaded for him, and said, he was worthy of Pity, who was forced to do what he did: There was an inevitable necessity upon him, either to submit himself to a certain Death, or to save his Life by taking Arms. However the Chiaux persisted still to execrate his Undertaking, whereupon I pleaded thus; You accuse Bajazet as Guilty of an horrid Offence, but you acquit Solyman the Father of your present Emperor, who took up Arms against his Father. We do so, said the Chiaux, and we have reason for it, for the Event shew'd, that what he did was by God's Approbation, and was predestinated in Heaven. If you argue from Success, said I, then the wickedest Fact, if it prosper, may be reputed to God as the Author, and then he may be made the Author of Sin, if Good and Evil must be interpreted only by Events. We dwelt awhile on this Discourse, and were very eager upon it, whilst either of us defended his own Opinion; we alledg [...]d many Places of Scripture; Can [Page]the Vessel say to the Potter, Why hast thou made me thus? I will harden Pharaoh's Heart. Jacob have I loved, Esau have I hated: and others of like Import.

The Turks that were not far from us, admir'd at what we Contested so earnestly about; and after we rose from the Table, my Chiaux went to them; they gathered themselves in a Ring about him, and I saw them hearkning to the Discourse he made, with great Attention; and at last, at Noon, they were all silent, and Worshipped God according to their Custom. I thought long till my Chiaux returned to me again, that I might know why he prated so amongst his Comrades; I was afraid, tho' he was a fair Condition'd man, yet that he might Represent what I had spoken to him, to my prejudice: At last when the Wind ceased, we went Aboard again and followed our Course. The first thing that I did, was to ask of my Chiaux, What serious Discourse he held with his Country-men? He smil'd, and made me this Answer: We were disputing about Predestination, and I told them what you had alledg'd Con and Pro; bywhich it was plain, that you had read our Books, and was well read in the Scriptures, so that there was nothing wanting to your Happiness, but to turn to our Religion, which in the Prayers you saw us make, we desired of God. When News was brought to Constantinople that Bajazet was dispatched, I was afraid that our Affairs, which were in an hopeful [Page] way of Conclusion, would now meet with a Rub at last; the Misfortune of Bajazet might overturn all, make the Turks more Insolent, to undo what was done, and to propose harder Conditions. I had passed over some Difficulties; as the Loss of Gerba, and the Imprisonment of Bajazet, and the Vaivoods expulsion out of Moldavia; but there were two terrible ones, at Bajazet's Death, and he hired another that I'll speak of by and by.

Haly sent one of his Domesticks to me, to tell me that Bajazet was dead for certain, that therefore I should not defer the Peace, in hopes of his Success: I should remember, that Princes of the same Religion are more easily Reconcil'd than those of contrary ones are; and therefore I should use no more Pergiversation, nor seek Knots in a Bulrush, as the Proverb is.

This Message troubled me much, yet because I thought that the Relater might be partial, I sent up and down the Town amongst my Friends, to know what certainty they had of Bajazet's Death; They all returned me answer: That he was most certainly dispatch'd. Whereupon I resolved to pluck in my Sails; there was no hopes for me to obtain better Conditions; it was well if I could maintain my Ground, and stick to my former without any change: The Emperor of the Turks had seen them, and was not much averse from them; some small Alterations were made; something I wished I [Page] could have added, other Things were dubiously expressed, which a malign Interpretation might raise Scruples about. I did my endeavour that these might be taken out, or rendred and made more favourable on our side. My Master Caesar had seen and approved those Conditions, yet still I could not satisfie my self, till something more favourable was added; whilst I was doing this, I was accosted with Haly's Message as aforesaid.

I met also with another grievous Rub; some Noblemen of Hungary had Revolted from the Vaivoodans of Transilvania to the Emperor, (i. e) to speak the truth had returned to that Duty, and the Garrisons also which they commanded yielded to Cesar. This new Accident might have disturbed all, for the Turks had a specious pretence to alledge, That while Conditions of Peace were on foot once, such Alteration ought to have been made; if Peace were cordially desired, all Things were to be return'd to their Pristine State: but let Revolters speed as they pleased, what they had possessed ought to be return'd to the Vayvode, their Client and Vassal. But Haly was so far from pressing this, that one express Condition was, that those Things should be ratified, which he willingly assented to. But the Ambassadors who came lately from the Vayvode, were very much troubled at it, they rub'd upon the gall'd place, and filled the whole [Page] Court with their Clamours, that their miserable Master was deserted, the Law of Alliance broken, and Enemies preferred before ancient Friends. All the rest of the Bassa's were moved with their Complaints, only Haly stood firm to me, so that the Articles of the Peace were not altered at all. For my part, though I knew that the Terms would be allowed by my Master Cesar, yet because there want not Sicophants in Prince's Courts, who go about to obscure the best Services of their Ministers, especially if Strangers; I therefore thought it fit to leave all to the Pleasure of my Master: I told Haly, that though the proposed Condition did not fully answer the Expectation of my Master, yet I hoped he would Acquiesce therein, if an Agent of theirs were sent along with me to explain the Things that were obscure, upon which any Controversie might arise; and that Ebrahim seem'd to be the fittest Man for this purpose, by whom Cesar might write back his full Mind concerning the whole Project; this was easily assented to. Thus an end was put to this long and tedious Business.

'Tis a Custom, that when Ambassadors upon fair Terms depart from Constantinople, the Bassa's do entertain them with a Feast in the Divan; but I was willing to wave that Badge of esteem, because I would have all left in suspence, and referr'd to the good Will and Pleasure of my Master.

[Page]I had a mind before my departure, to buy some gallant Horses, and therefore order'd my Servants to go often to the Markets, to see if they could find any such. Haly being inform'd thereof, had some of his own brave Horses to the Fair to be sold; My Servants had their Eye presently on 'em, and asking the Price, they told them 120 Duckets, they offered 80, not knowing whose they were; which was refused to be taken: A Day or two after, the same Horse with two more near as good, were sent me by Haly for a Present; one was an Arabian ambling Nag, exceeding well shap'd: When I gave him Thanks for my noble Present, he askt me, Whether I did not think that Horse which my Servants offered 80 Duckets for, was not more worth? Much more, said I, only they had a Command from me not to exceed that Price, till perhaps some sudden Defect might afterwards shew that I had bought Horses too dear. He advis'd me also how to Manage their Turkish Horses; as that I should give them but little Meat; that I should make but short Journeys at first, till they were us'd to the Roads; and that I should make nine or ten Days Journey to Adrianople, which us'd to be compassed in five: He gave me also a choice Vest wrought with Gold, and a Box full of Alexandrian Treacle, the best in the World; and a Glass full of Balsom, which he highly prized, Complementing me thus: Any other Present, said he, are such as Money [Page]can procure; but this is such a rare Gift, that my Master cannot send a choicer to the best Friend or Allies he hath; I got it, said he, when I was Governour of Egypt, which Place I held some Years: there are two sorts of that juicy substance, one which is drawn from the Oil of the decocted Leaves of the Shrub on which they grow which yet is black and not much worth; the other doth distil from the Bark of the Tree when it is cut, which is yellow and genuine, and mine was of that sort. He desired likewise, that I would send him some Presents, as a Coat of Mail [...]itted to his large and full Body, and a strong Horse that was sure footed; for he was so big and pursie, that no Horse could be easily found fit to carry him; and with all kind of Varnishing matter coming from the Maple, or some other Tree, wherewith our Artists use to Inlay their Tables. As for Solyman, he gave me no Gifts but common ones, such as other Ambassadors have had at their departure, and such as I received from him formerly at my Audience of leave; only he inveighed against the Heydukes, and the Insolency of the Garrison of Syeth: To what purpose is it, said he, to make Peace here, if they continue the War thus. I told him, I would acquaint my Master, and that I did not doubt but he would afford a Remedy thereto, and thus by good Fortune about the end of August, I entred upon my desired Journey, carrying with me a Truce of Eight Years, as the Fruits of my Eight Years Aboad there, [Page] which may be continued for a longer time, unless some considerable Change do happen. When we came to Sophia where the Way parts, one to Rhagusa, the other to Belgrade, Leyva, and Requisena, desiring of me to part Company, and to go to Rhagusa, that so they might more easily pa [...]s to Venice and Italy, and procure those Gifts which they promised to send to the Bassa's, and repay the Money they had borrowed at Constantinople; and that they would send Letters of Thanks by me to Cesar, to give him due Acknowledgments for their Release: Which Service they would willingly have performed in Person, if their other Occasions had not hindred. I easily assented to their Requests, and I was the better pleased, because Requisena being a very old Man died before he came to Rhagusa: If I should have denied their Request, it might have been thought my Refusal had contributed to his Disease.

So that Sandaeus and my self passed the rest of our Journey without any great Inconvenience; for the truth is, he is a very jesting Man, and if he be troubled with grief, yet he knows how to cover it, and to pretend mirth outwardly. In our way many Pleasurable Things offered themselves; sometimes we would alight and try which of us could run fastest; I being lean could easily out-run him who was fat and pursie, as being newly come out of Prison. As we came near to any Village, Ebrahim would ride up to us, (for [Page] he with his Turks followed greatly on Horseback) and beseeched us by all that was dear to us, not to be seen on foot by the Villages, for it would be accounted a disgraceful thing for us amongst the Turks. Upon whose Advice sometimes we would go again into our Chariot, but sometimes we did walk afoot still.

One of Sandaeus's Facetious sayings, I shall not pretermit; when we came from Constantinople the Weather was very hot, and so it continued upon the Way, so that it palled my Appetite from Food, a very little served my Turn; but Sandaeus being a robust healthy Person did eat like an Horse, and would ever and anon tell me that I must follow his Example and eat like a Man of mettle; yet all his Advice was to no purpose, till about the beginning of October I drew near to the Borders of Austria; and there partly on the account of the Country, and partly of the Season of the Year, I began to be more healthy, and to take a larger proportion of Food.

When Sandaeus observed that I had a better Stomach than formerly, he began to vapour over me exceedingly, pretending that 'twas by his Advice and Example that I had learned to eat my Meat, and that I who was so many years old had need of him as a Monitor to advice me to take due Sustenance for my Body; so that if he were obliged to me for his Release, I was as much beholding to [Page] him for teaching me to take my necessary Food. In these Ludicrous Repartees we came to Tulna where we were accosted with some Trouble. Sandaeus u [...]ed to lye in the same House, if it were capacious enough to hold us both, if not, then he took his Lodgings at some Neighbouring House, that he might not incommode or straighten me: He was willing to do so at Tulna, and therefore he desired that the Ianizaries whom I brought with me from Constantinople to Buda, to be my Harbingers on the Way, to find out a convenient Lodging for him: One of my Servants and a Doctor of Physick, a Spaniard, whom Sandaeus had released at Constantinople at his own Charge, went along with the Ianizary. It happened that they lighted on the House of another Ianizary hard by, who was appointed as Governor of the Place to guard Passengers; for the Turks use to appoint one or two Ianizaries in every noted Town to protect Christian Passengers from Violence; by which Office they get no small Profit: But this Man had committed some Offence or other, was put out of his Office, and therefore was of a very surly & untoward Humour. My People viewed all his House, and not finding it for their turn, were going away; the Ianizary first, my Servant next, a [...]d the Physician last of all. In the Interim, the Ianizary, Master of the House, being walking in his Garden, was told, that some Christian Passengers were seeking for a Lodging [Page] at his House: Whereupon he threw himself into a Rage, with a Club like Hercules in his Hand, and without speaking a word, strikes the Physician a great Blow on the Shoulders as hard as ever he was able; the Physician to avoid the second Blow, ran out of the House: My Servant looking back, saw him lifting up his Club to strike him also, but he having a thing like an Hatchet in his Hand, held it cross-ways over his Head, and so kept off many a lusty Blow, till at last the Handle of the Hatchet by his often striking began to break; Then my Servant was enforced to close in with the Ianizary, and was about to cleave his Skull with his Weapon; Whereupon the Ianizary fled, and my Servant not being able to overtake him, threw the Hatchet after him, which cut him in the Hams, and fell'd him to the Ground; by which Accident my People escaped: But the Physician cryed out, that he was a dead Man, and that all his Bones were broke in pieces. Sandaeus heard his Complaint, and though he were vext, yet he could not choose but smile, as thinking that the Doctor was more afraid than hurt: But that which grievously vexed and tormented him, was, left on this occasion he should be carried back to Constantinople: He was of Opinion that the Bassa's had not dealt sincerely in his Case, but had made only a pretence of Releasement to gratifie me, but did really seek an occasion to hall him back again there to Rot in Prison. And [Page] for the same cause he was much offended with that Servant of mine who had wounded the Ianizary, especially for saying, That he was very sorry that he had not killed him out-right upon the Spot. His Words to him were these: Honest Henry, (for that was my Man's Name) Prithee be not so Passionate, 'tis no Time nor Place to shew thy Valour here; we must bear Affronts patiently without any just Imputation of Cowardise; will we, nill we, we are in their Power: This unseasonable Passion may bring great Mischief to us; perhaps it may occasion us to be brought back to Constantinople, and there our whole Negotiation may be Reversed, or at least hazarded so to be. Thus new Troubles may arise, and a new Race of tiresom-labour to be run. I beseech thee therefore, as for other Reasons, so for my sake among the rest, restrain thy Passion.

But Henry turned the deaf Ear to all his Perswasions; for the truth is, he was a self-will'd inflexible Fellow; and when he was angry, not capable to hear Reason. What care I, replyed he, if I had klll'd him. What! Did he not design to kill me? If but one of his many Blows had not missed, he had knock'd me down like an Ox; were I to be blamed if I slew him, who would have slain me first? I am sorry withal my Heart, I did not give him his Deaths Wound: But for the future (Take my Word for it) I'll spare never a Turk of them all; but if he Assaults me, I'll give him as good as he brings, though it cost me my Life.

[Page] Sandaeus did not like this surly answer: But the Ianizary who had received the Wound, aggravated the Matter; upon whose Complaint, two Iews that could speak Spanish, came to me, and told me, that he was dangerously hurt, and if he did not give him Satisfaction, the matter would not so soon be passed over, but would create great Trouble to me. I answered them as I thought fit; but because I knew the Calumnies and Guise of the Turks, I thought it best speedily to prevent them; and therefore sent presently one of the Youths to Ebrahim, desiring him to let one of his Servants to be a Guide to one of mine to Constantinople, a sudden Emergency had necessitated this Journey. Ebrahim wondred what the matter was, and came presently to me to know; I told him I desired a better Convoy from Hali Bassa, otherways I was out of Hopes ever to reach home, for two of my Servants were like to be killed; and then I told him the whole Story with the Circumstances thereof: Ebrahim soon perceived how much his own Freehold was concerned therein, and therefore desired me to have a little patience till he spoke with the Ianizary; to whom he presently hyed, and found him in Bed; he chid him grievously for being so abusive to us, and told him, that I had made Peace with the Port; and was in great Favour with Solyman, and all the Bassa's, that they had denied none of my Requests, but had granted me several [Page] Concessions for my own sake, and that he himself was sent back to Convey me safe into my own Country, and to take Care that I might be Honourably Entreated by the way: That he was the first Man that offered me the least Affront; and that I was sending back one to Constantinople to Complain thereof; which, if I did, it may cost him his Head. This took down my Ianizary's Crest, and put him into a terrible Fear besides.

The next Day we continued our Journey to Buda; and the Physician notwithstanding his great Bruise, was as well able to Travel as any of us: When we came in sight of Buda, the Bassa thereof sent some of his own Family, with several Chiauxes to meet us; and amongst the rest, there was a Troop of young Men on Horseback, which drew our Eyes after them in respect of the Novelty of their Garb; their Heads were uncovered, and shaven upon their Crowns; there was a long Line cut with a Knife, and in the Wound they stuck Feathers of several sorts; and though Drops of Blood distilled down from their Wounds, yet they dissembled their Pain, and rode merrily on as if they Ailed nothing at all: Just before me there walked some Footmen, of which, one had his naked Arms a-keenbow, and both of them had a Knife, (such as we call Oragensian) run through their Arms above their Elbow; the one was naked all the upper-parts to his Navel, the Skin of his Loyns being so cut in two [Page] places both above and below, that a Club being run through them, hung down from thence as from a Girdle; another had a Horseshoe nailed to the Crown of his Head, and it was so old, that the Shoe and the Skin grew together.

In this Posture we entred Buda, and were Introduced to the Bassa, with whom in the Presence of Sandaeus, I had a long Discourse concerning the Validity of the Truce I had made. In the Passage to him there stood those hardy Youngsters who so much undervalued their Pain; casting my Eye upon them, the Bassa demanded, what I thought of them? I think, said I, that they are brave Fellows; only they do that to their Skins, which I would not do to my Cloaths for I had rather have them whole than slash'd. Whereupon the Bassa laughed, and dismissed us.

The Day after we came to Granand, from thence to Gomarra, the Frontier Garrison of the Empire, situated on the River Wage; on both sides its Banks the Garrison of the Place with the Seamen, called their Nassadists waited for us. Before I passed over the River, Sandaeus came to me, and embracing me in his Arms, gave me Thanks for compleating his Liberty: He told me plainly, he thought the Turks had but dissembled with him, and therefore he was in perpetual fear, lest he should be hauled back to Constantinople to dye in Prison; but now being in the Emperor's [Page] Territories, he acknowledged himself to be eternally obliged to me.

A few Days more brought us to Vienna; Ferdinand the Emperor was then at the Imperial Dyet, with his Son Maximilian, about Inaugurating him King of the Romans. I acquainted Cesar with my Return, and with Ebrahim's coming, and desired to receive his Commands concerning him; for he had a great Desire to wait upon the Emperor at Frankford: His Highness's first Answer was, That 'twas best for the Turks to stay at Vienna till his Return, for it was not adviseable to carry an Enemy through the very heart of the Country, so long a way as 'twas from Vienna to Frankford. And on the otherside, Delays were dangerous, and might create Suspicion in the Turks for some unfair dealing. As for Ebrahim and his Retinue, there was no danger in suffering them to pass thorow the most flourishing part of the Empire; yea it was desirable rather, that thereby they might take an Estimate of the Strength and Greatness thereof, especially having so great an Opportunity at present, to take notice at Frankford with how great Unanimity of all the Electoral Princes Maximilian was chosen and designed Successor to the Emperor his Father: When I wrote back to the Emperor according to the Purport aforesaid, he assented that Ebrahim and his Retinue shou [...]d come to Frankford. We began our [Page] Journey thither by the way of Prague, Banberg, and Wirtzburg.

Ebrahim passing thorow Bohemia was willing to perform his Court to Arch-Duke Ferdinand, but the Arch-Duke would have it Incognito. When we were a few Days Journey from Frankford, I thought good to Ride a Day or two's Journey before, to acquaint the Emperor with some Things relating to my Embassy; which I did, and came to Franckford, that Day Seven Years but one, wherein I took my Journey from Vienna to Constantinople. I was then receiv'd by my Master with all imaginable Kindness, not that I deserv'd it, but 'twas his innate Goodness and Custom so to do. You may imagine with your self, how joyous a thing it was to me, after so may Years to be returned safe to the Presence of my glorious Master, who was pleas'd kindly to accept of the Fruits of my Embassie; and told me, that I had done all Things well, and that I should find the Effects of his Favour. He came to Franckford the Day before the Inauguration, late in the Evening when the Gates were shut, and all the following Day they were not to be opened by ancient Custom: But his Imperial Majesty gave express Command that they should be open'd for the Turks. They had a Place assigned them, from whence they might behold Cesar Elect to pass by with great Pomp and Splendour; it appeared to them a Glorious and Magnificent Spectacle, for so indeed it [Page] was [...] to behold amongst others of Cesar's honourable Train; three Dukes or Princes, each of which could raise a great Army in his own Territories; to wit, the Saxon, Bavaria and Brandenburg: They saw also many other Monuments of the Dignity and Greatness of The Emperor. A few Days after Ebrahim was introduc'd into his Presence, where he declar'd his Errands, and presented the noble Gifts that the Sultan had sent him. the Emperor had confirm'd the Peace, he rewarded him amply, and sent him back with large Presents to Soliman.

I am very willing to leave the Court, as not being pleas'd with that kind of life, but some private Businesses doth as yet detain me. I know the tediousness of Court-Attendance; much Mischief lyes under an appearance of Splendor, much of Disguise, but little of Candor is there; all Courts are subject to Envy; as faithful Friendship is hard to be found, where change of Mind may occasion a Man's sudden Ruine: For Princes themselves are but Men: I have seen a Man enter into the Court with a thousand Attendants, but his Princes Displeasure sent him packing away scarce one in his Company. A Court does not know that which is truly good, till 'tis too late; it is altogether lead by Shows, Shadows, Fallacies, and Popular Mistakes: As those are fortunate Men who can lead such a Life in safety; so give me leave to live to the Muses and my self, and to grow old in a [Page] Country Cottage, but with some few and trusty Friends; if any life be desirable in this earthly Pilgrimage, 'tis this, or none at all. Look upon the Court, and you will find there a debauch'd Noble preferr'd before a good Man. So that he that would represent a good Man amongst Courtiers, must paint as Ass amongst Apes. I speak of common Courts, for I know that our Court, as well as some others, are illustrated with many Excellent and Noble Personages. However [...] Solitude and Quiet affording Vacation to Study, is preferr'd by me before the Croud and Noise of Courts. But I am afraid, lest the best of Princes should stop my Retreats. 'Tis true, he gave me leave to depart, but upon this Condition, that I should return when call'd upon. If he commands me to Court again, (for who am I that can withstand the Desire of so Gracious a Prince:) This one truly Comfort will be left me, that I shall behold every Day the Face of the Devoutest of all Emperors; (or to Phrase it otherwise) to Contemplate the living Image of true Vertue. For assure your self, that the Sun never Beautify'd a better Prince then this, nor one who carries and weilds the Scepter more justly. Though it be true, that the Majesty of Empire is a Glorious Thing, yet to desire Empire, and to carry ones self worthy of it, is more Glorious. I speak not of his Birth, nor the Nobleness of his Ancestors, he needs not such forreign Helps; his [Page] own Vertue is prop enough. Many Emperors have been, though unworthy, rais'd to the Throne; but his own Vertue raised him thereunto.

Again, Some have manag'd the beginning of their Reign innocently and justly, but soon after they have degenerated into licentiousness of Life, and corrupt Manners of all sorts: Forgetting themselves to be Men, they would be esteem'd as Gods, and ador'd as such, endeavouring to be plac'd among the Gods; whereas they were unworthy to be reckon'd in the number of Men. All Men's Necks cannot bear the Burden of an high Estate, to which if they are advanc'd, they forget themselves. 'Tis an hard thing to be able to compass all that a Man desires, and and yet tis as hard to desire nothing but that which is good. But as for our Prince his Eyes are not dazled by Greatness; no Man retains Vertue more constantly than he, nor takes greater heed that his pure Mind be not defiled by the hate of his Fortune. He was always of this Opinion, That as Majestick Robes do affect the Eyes of Spectators, so the Sanctity of Manners should much more incline their Minds. Whereupon he highly studies Piety, is a holy Worshipper and Adorer of God, and lives always as in his Sight and Presence; he squares all his Actions throughout the whole course of his Life by a Divine Rule an Prescript: Whatever happens either Prosperous or Adverse, he looks upon [Page] God as the Author, and receives it gratefully as proceeding from his Hand. Thus he lives an Heavenly Life even upon the Earth; he is not ignorant, whose Image he bears, and therefore all his Words and Deeds are directed for the Public Good, for which he thinks he was Born, and therefore Prefers it before his Private Advantages; He is so Intent herein, that some blame him for being over-much addicted to the Commonwealth, and neglecting his own Children and Family: He is extreamly Courteous to all his Subjects, as if they were under his particular Care, and Himself the Father of so vast a Family. What poor Man hath ever desired his help in vain? Who is there that hath not experienced his Liberality? He thinks that Day lost wherein he hath not done some Good to some body. As he is Beneficent to all, so he is singular kind to his Domesticks: not a Man of them can say, that ever he was neglected by them. He knows their way of Life, the Deserts, yea and the very Names even of the meanest of them: Tho' he be so great a Prince, yet he counts it not below himself, at convenient Opportunity to warn the Negligent, and put them in mind of their Duty; and if they mend their Manners, to reward them accordingly: So that they depart from him, rather as from a Father than a Master. 'Tis also his Guise, his Custom, when he hath been angry with his Servants for some Days, when upon his Amendment he hath [Page] pardon'd him, the memory of the Injury is quite forgotten, he esteems them as much as he did before. He Administers Justice with great Equity, and that to himself as well as others, for he thinks it unreasonable to prescribe Laws to others, and break them himself; or to punish them in others, which he allows in himself. His passions are conquer'd and confin'd within the Rule of Reason; his Life is free from Hate, he knows not how to be Angry, nor to reproach others; there is no Man living that ever heard him Backbite, though they were none of his Friends: He never speaks rudely of any Man, and his Speech is alway honourable concerning them in their absence; Probity is safe under his Guardianship; but malice, force, fraud, Evil, and bad Manners are exterminated, Offences and wickednesses duly punish'd. The old Romans had Censors of Manners impos'd upon them, to retain the People in their Duty; but here ther is no need of any Censor, the Life of the Prince is Censors enough; he is an Example to all, what they should fly and what they should follow. Good and learned Men which may profit the Commonwealth he highly esteems, with these he is Conversant, and laying aside His Majesty, Treats them Friendly as his Equals; yea, He Emulates their Vertues without respect, whether they were Paternal and Hereditary, or gotten by their own Industry. With these he spends the little time he had [...]eft from [Page] Publick Business: These are the Persons highly Esteem'd by him, as judging it a Publick Benefit to restore due Honour unto Vertue. He himself being curious by Nature, and desirous to know something worthy of a Man, has always some Questions to propound the Learned, and sometimes he interposes some witty Querks of his own to the Admiration of his Hearers. Thus he hath got a considerable Stock of Learning, so that you can hardly question him in any thing, but he can give you some account thereof. He is skilful in many Tongues; first, in the Spanish which is his Mother's Tongue, next in the French, German, Latin, and Italian; He can Express himself pretty handsomly in the Latin, yet not so, but that sometimes he breaks Priscian's Head, a Fault blame-worthy in a Grammarian, but allowable in an Emperor.

What I have said of him, all Men living know to be true, but perhaps some impute this as a Defect, that he is not so much given to Alms, nor is not a Military Person: For, say they, the Turks carry all in Hungary, and we don't Help nor Relieve them as we ought; we should have Fought them, not Languages, and joyn'd Armies in the Field; that it might be known whom Providence would have to bear Rule: I confess this Objection savours of Darkness, more than of Prudence, and therefore let me fetch the Matter a little higher. I am of this Opinion, That the Genius of Emperors [Page] is to be judg'd of rather by their Councils, than by their Fortunes or Events, and that by those Councils, the Times, our own Strength, the Nature and Power of our Enemies is to be Regulated. If a Common Enemy well known to us, and Famous for no Victory, should Invade our Borders, 'twere Cowardice not to oppose them if we have Force enough. But if the Enemy be such who seem sent as a Scourge from God, (such was Atala of old, Tamarlane in the Days of our Forefathers, and the Ottoman Princes in our Age) Whom nothing can withstand, who lays all waste before him, to Oppose such an Enemy with small and new levied Forces, would not be only Rash, but even Madness it self. Solyman comes terrible, I say, by his own and his Ancestor's Successes: He Invades Hungary with 20000 Horse, he draws near to Austria, and threatens the rest of Germany; his Troops are fetch'd from the very Confines of Persia; his Army is furnish'd with many Nations, each of the Three known Parts of the World Conspire therein for our Destruction: He like Lightning strikes down all before him with his battering Army, of the Terror of his Name, he roars and Hovers in our Borders, striving to break in sometimes here, sometimes there. Some Nations of old when they have been threatned with such and such Potent Enemies, have left their Native Country, and have sought out other Habitations. To be unmoved [Page] in small Dangers, is but a mean kind of Praise; but not to be Terrify'd by the coming of so great an Enemy, who has laid Waste so many bordering Kingdoms, seems to me an Herodian kind of Constancy. Amidst these Dangers Ferdinand Heroically abides in the same Place, he deserts not his Station; but being of an unconquer'd Spirit, abides in the same Seat and State: He could wish his Forces were sufficient to put all to the hazard of a Battel, and that nothing of Madness were imputable to him upon that account; but Prudence doth moderate his generous Efforts: He sees with what a great Hazard of his Faithful Subjects, and the Ruine of all Christendom, and unsuccessful Battel will be fought, and that the Publick should pay for his Rashness, is very unwilling; he considers how unequal the Combat would be between 25 or 30000 Foot, with a small number of Horse, and 200000, supported with a veterate Body of Foot, what Hopes there may be of Success in that Case, the Example of former Times, and the Blood-shed at Nicapolis, and at Varna, and the Fields of Mohach, as yet white with the Bones of Christians slain there, do sufficiently inform us. 'Tis the part of a foolish Commander without duly weighing his own and the Enemies Strength to rush into Battel, where his Loss can be only excus'd with an unwise, I had not thought. 'Tis all in all what the Enemy is with whom we are to cope, wherein if you [Page] will not believe, yet you may believe the gravest Author that ever wrote of Military Affairs; such was Cesar, he counted it a Happiness to Lucull [...]s and to Pompey, that they had to do with a sloathful Enemy, over whom they got Victories without Dust or Sweat; and when he himself had obtained such an easie Victory over Pharnaces, he was wont in jest to say, I came, I saw, I overcame: But if he had had to do with the People of those Countries, then Esseminated by Luxury, but now hardned by Want, Frugality, Hunger, Cold, and Severity of Discipline, unto all Patience and Audacity, he would have told us another story. Hence it is, that Livy reasons upon good grounds, that Alexander the Macedonian would not have had the same Success against the Roman Enemy, as against the Persian or Womanish Indian: There is a great deal of difference between a Warlike and a Luxurious People, and unaccustomed to Arms. 'Tis true, the Multitude of Persians, struck an Admiration, That there was more Toil in Killing, than in Overcoming them. And in my Judgment, Hannibal's Three Victories at Trebia at Thrasymine, and at Cannae, did far Exceed all the Exploits of Alexander: For why? the one overcame Valiant Warriors, the other had to do with the sloathful People.

Fabius maximus had as much Courage, as Titus, Sempronius, Caius, Flaminius, or Varro; but he had more Judgment: That great Commander [Page] knew that he had to do with an Enemy educated in the Camp, always vers'd in Arms, skilful in Military Discipline, who by a singular Fate or Felicity, had obtained many Trophies; and therefore he was not rashly to Venture all, but to use Delay to weary him out; that was the only Hope left against so great an Enemy to evade his Assaults, and to drill on the Combat till an Opportunity was afforded for a Remedy. In the mean time, he was to be watch'd, restrain'd, and as it were, nibbl'd at; wherein he was so happy, that Fabius, one as much Renown'd as Scipio himself, who ended the War against Hannibal; for who knows whether Scipio would have ever overcome him, if Fabius had not first stopt the Course of his Victories; to overcome by Prudence is as highly to be priz'd, as to overcome by Force. The former have nothing common with Beasts, but Force has.

The Emperor Ferdinand had the same Design with Fabius maximus, if his and Solyman's Forces had been equal; his first Work would have been, to put all to the hazard of a Battel; but the inequality consider'd, his next Design was, to stop an over-flowing Flood in Walls and Banks, and herein employ'd his utmost Endeavour. 'Tis about Forty Years since Solyman in the beginning of his Reign took Belgrade, slew Lewis King of Hungary, and thereby promis'd himself the possession of that and other Countries; in hope whereof [Page] he Besieg'd Vienna, and renewing the War, he reduc'd Ghnitzium again, threaten'd Vienna at a distance. But what did he get by this great Preparation of Arms, his vast and innumerable Forces? He was forc'd to stick in that part of Hungary which he had already taken. He that was wont to Conquer vast Kingdoms by one Expedition, did now subdue only some weak Castles and small Towns, which cost him dear: 'Tis true, he saw Vienna once, but never after: 'Tis said, that Solyman wish'd his Life to be prolonged, to see three Things finish'd; viz. The Structure of his Temple, a sumptuous and magnificent Work; the repairing of the old Aquaeducts to bring Water enough into Constantinople, and the Conquest of Vienna; the two first he hath accomplish'd, but at the third he sticks, and I hope ever will; so that he always calls Vienna, his Ignominy and Disgrace. But to return.

The Emperor Ferdinand may doubtless be Register'd among the famousest Captains, for though he had far less Aid than the Danger requir'd; yet he was Master of himself, and principally by his Courage, he hath endured so great an Impression of a Powerful Enemy for so many Years together: So that he deserves a greater Praise for the preserving a great part of Hungary for better Times, than many Warriors do, who with multitude of Military Preparations, and favourable Opportunities have got many Victories over[Page]Kings and their Armies, The less Assistance he hath had in a necessary Time, by so much the more, the Valour of his Mind hath more Eminently appear'd: Whosoever doth not put all upon one Event and the height of Happiness, not considering the Power of the Enemy, and the seasonableness of Assaulting him, must needs conclude, That 'tis next to a PRODIGY, that the kingdom of Hungary, distracted with long Discord, was able to be defended so long, and that all of it is not already brought under the Yoak of so powerful an Enemy: 'Tis God's great Mercy, and our Princes infinite Care that hath prevented it, whilst he is Combating with one Difficulty, another arises in view, greater than the former. The Enemy is in sight, Friends afar off, the Auxiliaries of his Brother Charles too far off Germany; though next to the Fire, yet weary in sending of Aid; the hereditary Countries exhausted by Contribution, and the Ears of many Christian Princes deaf when Aid is desir'd of them; would rather do any thing, than that which is incumbent upon them; upon that he is forced to sustain the Enemy only with his own Arms, with the assistance of some Hungarians, Austrians, and Bohemians, and sometimes by hiring some Italian or Spanish Soldiers at a vast Expence; he maintains the Confines of Hungary with Garrisons fifteen Days Iourney long; so that he had always Soldiers in Pay, even in time of Truce: A Truce is sometimes necessary, and when the coming of a Tyrant is fear'd, and the Time affords not the [Page] Opportunity of Resistance, 'tis seasonable to send Embassies, and to mitigate him at present, that so great a Calamity may be averted from miserable Hungary.

Whilst our Prince is exercised with these Fears, he can hardly sleep a whole Night together, he watches for the Good of the Common-wealth; so great a Matter requires a perpetual Vigilance and constant Care: And do not you think I slatter him? what I write is as true as History. He hath but few Assistants in his Government, but very good Men; the Chief of whom, not unknown to you be Name, are, Iohanes Tranezed, Rudolphus Harva, both Eminent for their Faithfulness and Prudence.

I shall dismiss you after I have acquainted you with our Prince's private Deportment, he rises every Day at Five a Clock in the Morning, even in the coldest Winter Months; and first, he performs his Prayers to God, then he goes to the Council to Treat of Matters pertaining to the Publick Good, till Dinner-time; he follows the same course in the Afternoon, till Supper-time: I mean his Counsellors Supper, not his own; for he himself never Sups, eating but once a Day, and that sparingly too; and he is as abstainous in Drinking; only he closes his Dinner with a double Glass of Wine; he passes the Night chastly ever since the loss of his Royal Consort: He can't endure Toys nor Trifles, which others are taken with; He will have nothing [Page] to do with Jesters, Fools, Parasites, the common Delights, and yet Plagues of Courts: He hates Idleness, he is a very great Husband of his Time, if he has any to spare from publick Business, which is but rare; he spends it in Conference with good and learned Men, who are his great Delight, and do ordinarily attend him while he is at Dinner, mingling Discourses concerning several Things. I believe that several of the Commons would not change their Life for his, 'tis so strict and severe: What Man is there that does not set apart some part of his Time to indulge his own Genius? Who would willingly deprive himself of all Delights? To whom would it not seem irksom to grow old in perpetual Care and Business. This seems like a Servitude, not a Domination: But our Prince is of another mind; neither doth he dissemble it in his ordinary Discourse: He says, He was Advanc'd to so great an Office by God, not for his own sake, that the Reins of Government were not put into his Hands to wallow in Pleasures and Delights: The case of Succession in Kingdoms and Empires, differs from the condition of private Inheritances; in these latter no Man is deny'd to indulge himself in the Conveniencies of his Patrimony. But so many Nations are intrusted to him by God, that he might have the Care and Labour, and they the Benefit of his Care, so that they should obtain Rest and Quiet by his Sweat.

[Page] In Hunting alone he spends a little time, not so much for Delights-sake, as for Health; as when he finds his Body to decay, and his Mind to sink, by continual sitting many Days together, he chooses one Day to refresh himself with the freer Air in the open Field; and that Day early in the Morning, and in Winter some Hours before Sun-rising, whatever Weather soever it be, he goes abroad to Hunting, and sometimes he does it in the Afternoon; for I remember when I attended him at Dinner, I heard him say; I have done my Duty this Day; I have dispatch'd all Businesses that are on the File, I will spend the rest of the Day on the Care of my Body. Thus he returns late at Night with the slaughter of a Boar, Stag, or Bear, and betakes his wearied Limbs to rest, without Eating or Drinking. Let no Man then upbraid with the want of Trajans, Veruces, and Theodosius's; those Miracles of the Ancients in our Days: I dare take my Oath, that there is more true Vertue in our Emperor, than there was in all of them put together. But the Admiration of so great a Man transports me; 'Tis not my Design to speak of his Merits, they require a Volume not an Epistle; besides they require an Ingenuity far exceeding mine; and therefore my end was only to put you in mind of these Things, that you may know what Master I serv'd. I close all with this publick Prayer, That he may return late [Page]to Heaven, whose Vertuous and Sanctimonious Presence, alleviates the Miseries of our Age.

Concerning the Greek-Books which you enquire after, and the Rarities, and the wild Beasts of an unusual kind, which you hear I have brought back; they are hardly worth the mentioning: Amongst them, there is one Iohneumon very gentle, which is known for its cruel hate with the Crocodile and Asps; I had also a Weazle of that kind, as they call Musk-Cats, very beautiful; but I lost that on the way: I have many brave Horses, such as no Man ever brought from thence before, and six She-Camels: I brought back no Shrubs nor Herbs, but in Picture, which I left in the Care of Mathiolus, with some other Th [...]ngs, many years ago. I sent him Tapestry and Linnen after the Babylonian fashion, with Swords, Bows, and other Trapings: I have also many other Things made of Horse-Hides, curiously wrought after the Turkish fashion; 'twas better to say, I had them; for in so great an Assembly of principal Men and Women at Francfort, one ask'd one Thing, and another another; so that I have but a small matter left: the rest of my Gift was well bestow'd; but I was sorry that I was prodigal of one Balsom, Because Physicians call the truth of it into question, as not answering all the Marks that Pliny gives of it: Whether it be that the force of those ancient Plants from whence it flows, be weakned by age, or from any other cause; this I [Page] know for certain, that it flows from Shrubs In the Mattarcan Gardens near Cairo.

Before I left Constantinople, I sent one Albercarus a Spanish Physician into Lemnos, on the Sixth Day of August, to be present at the digging out that noble Earth, desiring him to write me the certainty concerning its Place, Origin, manner of Extracting and Use, which I know he will do, if he be not hinder'd: I had a mind to go thither my self to be an Eye-witness thereof; but the Turks not giving me leave, I deputed him in my stead: I bring back also abundance of old Coins, the chief of which I shall present my Master with. Besides, I have whole Waggon-loads, if not Ship-loads of Greek Manuscripts, and about 240 Books, which I sent by Sea to Venice, from thence to be carried to Vienna: I design them for Cesar's Library; there are many of them common, but some choice; I rumag'd every Corner to procure such kind of Merchandize as my last gleaning.

I left one behind at Constantinople, all very well written in great Letters; it was Diascorides, with the Figures of Plants, wherein there were some few Things of Cretiva, and the Book of Birds; 'tis in the possession of a Iew, the Son of Hammon, who in his Lifetime was Solyman's Physician: I desir'd to buy it, but the Price frighted me, he rated it at 100 Duckats; a Price fit for Cesar's Purse, not mine; however I will not cease to [Page] press Cesar to redeem so Famous an Author from that Bondage: 'tis very much injur'd by Time, and so eaten with Worms on the out-side, that a Man will harrdly take it up if it lay in the Streets.

But enough of Letters, you may expect my self very shortly; I shall reserve what remains till we meet: In the mean time, do you take Care to provide some good and learned Men, by whose Conversation and Discourse, I may wipe-away all that tedious Irksomness remaining in my Mind, from my long abode among the Turks.

Franckfort, Decem. the 16th. 1562.

Farewell.

BUSBECKEUS HIS ADVICE About the Method how to manage WAR against the TURKS.

[Page]

WHen the City Sardis was taken by Caius King of the Persians, his Soldiers were ransacking it, & Slaughtering the Inhabitants in every Quarter: It is Recorded, That one of Cyrus's Soldiers broke into Cresus's Bed-Chamber, the King of Lydia; and not knowing who he was, drew his Sword, and would have ran him through: At which Accident Cresus's Son was very much moved, but till that time was Dumb and could not Speak. But behold the Strings of his Tongue were [Page] suddenly loosed, crying out, he spake some words, which deterred the Soldier from slaying the King. Thus filial Piety, and the Groans of his Father's Danger, made him able to speak, whom Nature had made Speechless till that very time: The like Providence, though on a different Occasion, hath happened to me, whom Love to my Country will not suffer me to be any longer mute, no though I am but a rude and unskilful Orator, and who never yet offered any thing to Publick Cry: But the extream Hazard of my Country compels me now to roar and cry out; not that I think that I can thereby daunt the Enemy from cutting our Throats: (For his Savageness is such, that he will not be frightned hereby;) but that I may warn Christian Princes to take heed to themselves, and that I may warn my Country-men, that whilst Time lasts they would Aid one another, and consult their Safety: For (O Heavens!) what mischievous Unhappiness is this, and what a Womb of Miseries, that barbarous Enemy the Turk having Conquered Nations almost without number, by the Ruine and Destruction of so many Kings and Kingdoms, hath opened his way to us also, and points his Sword at the very Throat of our Country; yet truly we are not concern'd, nor stir not at all to Aid distressed Christendom: If Fire break out in the City where we live, every body leaves the Care of his private affairs and useth endeavours to quench [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] it: But we, alas, that would be accounted Lovers of our Country, yet in this her Jeopardy, we do shew our selves only Idle and Sluggish Spectators; her beauteous Love which the Enemy will soon spoil, our Worship and Religion, which he will soon make us to abjure, and the silent Supplication of our Wives and Children, that we would not suffer them to be hauled into the basest of Slaveries, do no way affect us. The sloathfullest of all Animals when they find their Young to be in danger, will not be restrained by any force, but will run through Fire and Water to help them. And shall we on the contrary, though valiant Men, betray our Posterity, and expose them to the Injuries and Abuses of such cruel Enemies for want of our Assistance to Relieve them. For pray tell me what other Hopes can you have? what [...] Defence? what Safeguards? Can you place any Hope in the Goodness and Clemency of that Enemy, who since he publickly shewed himself upon the Stage of the World, hath caused Rivers of Humane Blood continually to flow? Or can you put any Confidence in his Equity and Moderation? Alas, he values not Peace nor Leagues, not a Straw, no Common Laws of other Nations are a jot regarded by him, no Modesty, nor no Consideration of that which is Honest does keep him within his Bounds: He will violate his Faith, his Oath made to any man that is a Christian, when it is for his own Advantage; [Page] he thinks it so far from being a Sin, that he counts it a pious and a sacred Thing. Beside, his profane Religion stirs him up against us; the Emulation of his Ancestors, and the desire of inlarging his Empire, puts Arms into his Hands; and that cursed and insatiable Thirst after all our Estates hurries him on upon us. For we are quite beside the Cushion if we imagine that either our Conscience, or our Forgetfulness of Injury received, will contribute at all to our Security; no, the modester we are, and the more observant of Peace and of Leagues, and of that which is just and right, we shew our selves to be, by so much the more we shall provoke the Insolency of this Enemy aginst us; for we owe not these things to our Valour or Goodness, but to our Fear, Sluggishness, and despair of our own Affairs. And the truth is, we have no reason to put any Trust in our Enemy, if we have none in our selves; and in this case, what remains but we do as Men that have received the Sentence of Death, quietly to prepare our selves for our last Stroke, with blinded Eyes to receive the Blow. And if you should imagine that either his Force or his Fortune should fail him, we may answer our selves, by considering that from an obscure Original his Victories obtained both by Land and Sea, and that in a very short space of Time have made him Famous all the World over? The Fire began by him, from such beginnings he hath almost consumed the [Page] greatest part of the World. The Eastern People being wearied by him do dread his Arms; as the Assyrians, Barbarians, and Americans, the Edge of whose Sword even the Sythians themselves now also have often felt, and the Ethiopians too in another part of the World, who were formerly secured by the Heat of the Country, I need say nothing of Europe, for we have seen Belgrade taken, Vienna Besieged, and Preys driven even from the Gates of Lintz; Such towards our Destruction hath Solyman alone been able to make, besides his other Victories: But alas, 'tis the Guise of our Christian Kings to continue Peace among themselves from Generation to Generation, though it be but for a Spot of Land, whereas every single Emperor of the Ottomans, (I speak it with as much Grief as Truth) have heaped up KINGDOMS upon KINGDOMS by their Victorious Success: So that as many Countries as those once flourishing Nations, the Assyrians, the Persians, the Macedonians, and the Romans, so Comprehended within the Bounds of their Empires; the Turks alone now seem to possess. And will not all this make us to see our Danger? What Sea is there? what Mountains? what Desarts? What remnant of People between them and us, from whom we can expect any Relief against their Injuries? No, all is lost and spoiled. Alas, their Swords are at our very Throats, who should have struck a Terrour to us at a far [Page] greater distance; so that now the very Blood of our Country, and our own last Breath, is like a Sanguinary Quinsie, and we have not this crum of Comfort left us, which is oftentimes found even in the greatest Calamities, that we can have any solid ground of hope, that these our Miseries be not long lived. Other Barbarous Nations have oftentimes brought grievous Calamities on many Christian Provinces by sudden Tempest; thus the Goths, Vandals, Huns and Tartars, have over-run many Countries, and brought great Havock upon them; which Miseries seemed the more tolerable, because there was hopes that they would not be perpetual: And therefore after the Storm was over, those Places which were Weather-beaten and almost destroy'd, did again recover their former Splendor. But this Enemy is so watchful, and observes that strict Discipline and Course, in preserving the Places that he hath gotten, that when he Rules and Reigns, and hath once set his Foot, he suffers not himself to be removed from thence: So that to speak by way of Allusion, That Corn can never ripen again, whom once his Horses heels hath trodden to the Ground. So that it is hard to discern, whether he be more happy in acquiring, or more resolute in maintaining his Conquests.

Seeing then we are surrounded with so great Dangers, Why do we not lay our Heads together? Why do we not try all [Page] ways, and turn every Stone? Why doth the ingenious Necessity which would effect admirable Works, lie stupid and dormant in us? The wildest of Beasts may be our Authors in this place, apprehending themselves in the greatest danger; how strongly will they strive for their own liberty, who in a case of Life and Death, will valiantly set up and attempt any thing for their liberty; they will try all means, that so they may find a way to escape: In fine, They will lose their Life rather than their Liberty.

But perhaps some may make this Objection, What then do you advise to secure the present State of Affairs, against the Dangers and Mischiefs that hang over our Heads? It is easie for any body to do: But what Remedy is there for it? This is the Question we ask of you; speak something to this Head if you can say any thing.

I answer, I will take you at your word, and will declare my mind, and that in short: First is to be used Arms; Arms must be opposed to Arms; nothing can well be done without Arms; the Safety of our Country is to be maintained by Sword and Buckler, or we must all Perish, every Man: This is as true as the Gospel, but God forbid that it should be; let us rather fly to our Arms, which are not hid under Ground; and if they were, yet we were with great Diligence to pluck them out; neither are they to be far fetch'd from remote [Page] Countries, but they are near us, they are ready, and, if we will our selves, we have them in our hands. There are gallant Men enough bred up amongst us; we have a numerous Youth fit for War, who are ready to spend the last drop of their Blood for their Country and for their Religion: We want neither Horses, nor Iron, nor Gold, nor Forces, nor Engines, nor great Guns, nor other Utensils for War; the Divine Bounty hath largely supplied us with a considerable hand, with all things necessary to undertake and perfect great Designs, provided always that we do not refuse to make use of them. I say, we want only Will, and force of Hands, which we ought seasonably to apply, while a competency of Strength remains, and before all things run to rack irreconcilably; for otherwise we may look back upon neglected Advice, when it is in vain and to no purpose; and then we shall be served as those Sick Men, who whilst it was seasonable, and their Strength entire, did even kick at the mention of Physick; and could by no manner of means be perswaded to make use of Healthful Potions in season; but when the opportunity is pass'd, and the Disease is come to the heighth, that their weakned Bodies cannot bear Physick, then they seek for the Physician and his Remedy to no purpose. Their Example ought to forewarn us before the Enemy hath wounded us all over, and whilst no Wounds are Mortal, and whilst we have [Page] yet some Blood left in our Veins; to apply a Remedy in time; that is, to hasten to our Arms: to prepare our selves vigorously for our Defence.

If we do thus, then we may make our Supplications to God, and may fairly hope that he will not turn his Back to us; but if we pretend Piety as a Cloak for our Sloathfulness, think to take a shorter cut, which is, to implore the Divine Aid against the Mischiefs that hang over our Heads by Prayer, without our own Pains, Labour and Study, certainly God will turn the Deaf Ear to so unjust a Petition. No, we ought in the first place to do our own Duty, and to fill up the Measure of Diligence, Stoutness and Valour, which God hath given us principally for this end and purpose. We should imitate the Husband-man, who doth in vain expect a plentiful Harvest from God, unless he first Plow, Sow and Reap. God hath appointed a sure and fixed Order in these Sublunary Things, which by no means ought to be slighted or neglected; hath propounded many Rewards to Pains-taking, Diligence, Assiduity, Cunning, and to Virtue; which he hath denied to Sloathfulness. Would you be a Scholar, would you understand Musick, Astronomy, or the Mathematicks, you must first take pains to learn them, and that with might and main? Heaven will not Inspire you with these things if you be Idle; no, you must take Pains to attain them in that way, [Page] and by those designs which God hath appointed; he hath given you means to attain them, provided you be not wanting to your self; make use of them in the first place, and then God will give you his Blessing and Increase. In the like manner, would you defend your Country, would you conquer your Enemy, and would you enjoy Victory, you will never be able to do it by sitting Idly and Sloathfully at home; no, you must up and be doing, take Arms in hand, and exercise diligently therein; you must confine your self to Toil, to Heat, to Drouth, to Hunger.

Being thus accoutred you may implore the Divine Aid; thus you may go hopefully on into the Field, for you have done that Duty, and you have duly used the Means which God hath vouchsafed you; you have observed his Order, and have not despised the Laws which he hath fixed; and in this posture we may commend the Issue of the thing, by our devout Praise, and Integrity of Life, to his Clemency and Goodness. For Victory is not in our Power, but it is God's Privilege alone to bestow it; and yet sometimes we see that those are made Partakers thereof, who do not lawfully and in due order seek it of him: And if it happen otherwise sometimes (which it seldom does) it is next to a Miracle; for we ought not to tempt God, nor to undertake any thing rashly. And in my Judgment Cato spoke very pertinently, when he exhorted the Senate to take Arms against Catiline, in [Page] these words, It is true, the matter is dangerous, but you do not fear it, though you ought greatly so to do: But such is your Sloathfulness and Effeminacy, that you dally with it, looking one upon another, as if you trusted in Mortal Gods for your Safety, who have oftentimes preserved this Common-wealth in the greatest of Dangers. I must tell you, that the Aid of God is obtained, not by bear Wishes and womanish Complaints: No. But if we be Vigilant, if we be Active, if we take Advice, then all things will succeed prosperously: But if thou give up thy self only to Wishings and Wandrings, it is in vain to ask help of the Gods; they are angry, and will s [...]it in thy Face. Let us therefore do what belongeth to us, let us stand armed in our Camp ready for the Work and Onset, and then we may lawfully implore God's Aid and Assistance.

But here some Good and Thinking Men lay a Block in my way, alledging, That this Method to heal our publick Calamities, hath been oftentimes tried, but never succeeded: And that Christians, as often as they have joyned Battle with the Turks, have been worsted by them.

I own the Objection, and acknowledge that there is great weight in it; and the Truth is, my chief Design in writing this Monitory, was to give a full answer thereunto. You say that we have hitherto prevailed by Force of Arms little against the Turks; grant that it is so: But pray tell me what Arms we have used? It is worth our while to dwell a little [Page] upon this Point. When publick Fame had informed us, that the Turk, with a numerous Army, was infesting our Borders, and drawing near towards us; it is true indeed, we endeavoured to gather Forces also; but what Forces were they, or what manner of Soldiers did we List; Were they Victorious? Were they such whose Valour had been proved in former Battels, and which had been accustomed to Conquer? By no means, but rather Men of quite another Gizard: Drums were beaten up all over the Country, and at their Sound there came in Men higly pigly for hope of Gain; perhaps three to one of them had hardly wore a Helmet before, or ever looked an Enemy in the Face: And the rest were the Scum of the Country, as Thieves, Debauchees, Gamesters, Men over Head and Ears in Debt, and such-like.

Excepting only a very few, who were not at all influenced by the Justness of their Cause, nor by their Love to Religion, nor desire to exercise their Valour, but by a Licentious Impunity for Drinking, Diceing, Plundering, Whoring, and committing Sacrilege; and in a word, whom all manner of Flagitious Wickedness brought together. With such a Rabble-rout, or rather with the Horridest or worst of Mortals, hateful both to God and Man, do we begin this Sacred War against so great an Enemy. Hence it is, that our Camps do seem rather a Riotous Wake, than a Convention of Soldiers; for amongst them Luxury [Page] Corruption, Lust, Impurity, Drunkenness, Tumults, Brauling, and Blood-shed, turn all things up-side down. And yet this is the goodly Soldiery (forsooth) that we are to raise at great Charge, and also to fetch from far with much loss of time, when the matter requires the greatest speed imaginable. The Luxuries of Campania broke the Army of Hannibal's, which before was hardy and accustomed to Toil: But as for us we have need of no Campania to debauch us, for our Soldiers do bring Effeminateness and Feebleness enough into the Army when they are first Listed. And therefore if they meet with no Enemy to fight with, yet in the space of a Month, either the Heat of the Dog-days, or the first pinching Winter Colds, do destroy our Troops, though never so great. And can we wonder, if with such Soldiers as these, we can obtain no Success against such a Welldisciplined Enemy? Alas! If any of us have a private Grudge one against another, or if we are to travel through a place infested by Robbers, we do not go hand over head as they say, but we commit the guard of our Persons to such Spectators as will stick by us: Besides if any Business happen of more than ordinary weight, we use not to commit the Management thereof to any, but Men of great Experience and Skill. But in this grand Affair, where the Safety of all is at Stake, we are so careless, that either we send forth an unsuitable Soldiery, or else such as is almost [Page] conquered before it looks an Enemy in the Face; and this heartens an Enemy whom so many Victories have already made Famous. I return to what I spoke in the beginning, that we must defend the Publick Safety by a choice and fitting Soldiery, or else we can have no hopes but to be utterly destroy'd.

But you will say, What kind of Soldiers would you have? I answer, Those of our own Country, and chosen out of our Neighbourhood; for seeing haste is very available in Military Affairs, and that it is especially necessary against so nimble an Enemy as the Turks, we need an Army which is not to be far fetch'd nor long staid for, but such a one as is ready at hand, and as it were always at our call. And we are not to take every one that comes, or that we light upon by chance; but having taken enough, all which are able to take Arms, we are with great Judgment to cull out the best of them: In which choice we must take especial care, that we pitch not upon a Man who hath been daintily bred, and highly fed; or whom a depraved Education hath infected with Vice, and Idleness hath not corrupted; that no Hair-brain'd, Mad, Contumacious, Turbulent or Seditious Fellow be listed; but such only as are not delicate, but fit to endure Toil; and such as having a good habit of Body, do in their very Countenances hold for it a certain Simplicity, Probity, and greatness of Mind. On which account I had rather fix upon one that [Page] was accustomed to a Stirring and Laborious, than to a Sedentary Trade; upon a Countryman rather than a Citizen; upon one born upon a Mountain, rather than in a Valley; upon a mean Man, rather than a rich Grub. When you have made this good Choice, then I would have you instruct the Soldiers in Military Precepts, and the Knowledge of Arms; I would have him accustom himself in his Armour, to handle and brandish his Pike, with Skill to use his Sword and Pistol, to keep his Rank, and to march swiftly under his Armour; to write true Prose; to hate Wickedness more than Death; to love Piety; and in his common Discourse, not to speak a word reproachfully against God: The same Person must be obedient to his Commander, and patiently endure his Correction; let him be as Furious as he will towards his Enemy, but Gentle and Tractable amongst his Fellow-Soldiers: His Diet should be sparing, not at all inclinable to Gluttony or Drunkenness. And in the last place, He must be content with his Pay, and abstain from all Plunder, but when his Commander gives him leave.

Thus, I say, ought the Soldiers to be disciplin'd, who must look so great an Enemy in the Face: And yet I would not have this Man to be presently brought into the Army, he being as yet raw, to joyn him with the Victorious to fight for all, but rather should be placed in some Posts or Garrisons, that so [Page] by Excursions and lighter Combats, by degrees he arrives to be accustomed to Wars: And by this means he may be accustomed to bear Wounds, to endure the sight of an Enemy, and by degrees to cast off the Fear which all Novelty is wont to introduce. When the Soldier is thus disciplined and train'd, I dare assure you he hath laid a Foundation for hope of good Success: So that the chiefest of our Pains and Labour, is, especially, to be imploy'd herein, that we may get Men skillful in Arms, and experienced in Military Discipline, by whom those Freshwater Soldiers which I spoke of, may be instructed in the true and genuine Precepts of the Art Military: I would have such Commanders set over these Men, which are full of Valour, Continence and Sobriety, not at all tainted with the foul guilt of Avarice; that so they may not only make this young Fry, the growing hopes of our common Safety, skillful at their Weapons; but also by the Example and Integrity of their Lives, may shew them the way to all Virtue; that so this Army may be trusted with our common Safety, when Opportunity shall be offer'd to fight an Enemy. And if we have such Commanders as these, there will be no fear of false Musters to cheat the common Treasury; by which Abuse of ordinary Commanders, we see, by daily Experience, that the King's Exchequer, though never so full, is hardly able to pay his Army any long time; and in [Page] Battel they run a great risk, when Generals, being deceived by the relation of their Captains, do believe that their Army consists of more Men effectually than it really doth.

But before I proceed, an Opportunity is here offered to me, to give an Answer to the Opinions of some good Men, all whose knowledge being circumscribed within the Bounds of that Age and Country wherein they were born; and having never travelled any farther, do highly wonder at what I speak; and do regret it as a meer unusual and [...]npracticable thing; for thus they argue, Our Ancestors did many Famous Exploits in War, with such kind of Soldiers, and in the same way of Military Discipline which we use at this day.

I confess, by way of Answer, that they did so, but it was when they coped with Enemies who were guilty of the same Vices and Defects as themselves: As the Army was unexperienced, hastily listed, forreign, weak, and without Discipline on the one side, it was so on the other; and their Force amongst them equally guilty, one was as good as the other; sometimes a Battel was fought with no great loss on either side: As if two maimed Men, two blind Men, or two lame Men should fight, the Match is equal on both sides; but if you set a Maimed Man to fight with a Sound, a blind Man with one that sees, a lusty Man with one that's Lame, you will quickly find a difference. If we were to fight among our [Page] selves, with our Neighbours and Countrymen, we might then commit such Errors; for they being as bad as we, there would be not great difference between us. But now the case is alter'd, for we have to do with the Turks, a Vigilant, Industrious, Sober and Experienced Enemy, used to Hardships, very Skillful in, and Observant of Military Discipline. But what are they the better for that you will say? I will tell you, By this means they have overcome all the Countries from the very Borders of Persia, even to the Walls of Vienna. How our Arms are able to cope with his, I wish that we were ignorant of, and that our daily Overthrows were not too dear a Document to instruct us. And do we as yet stand in doubt, whether we should defend our Faults rather than amend them? But you will farther say, These are new and unusual things which you propose. I answer, The reason is, because we have a new and strange Enemy, whose Power and Skill is such, that it requires a more than ordinary Diligence to cope with him.

The Diseases called the Sweat and French-Pox, were heretofore strange and unknown; and when Physicians, with all their Art, were not able to Conquer them by common and ordinary Remedies, at last they were instructed, by the Deaths of many Patients, to seek for new Remedies against new Diseases; and their Diligence herein was so Prosperous, that both those Diseases, which were unconquerable [Page] before, did yield to their Remedies. This Design of Physicians, we ought to imitate in our Wars against the Turks; it is in vain to use the ordinary Method of Fighting at this time of day; we must rather take another course, and apply new Remedies to new Mischiefs. Though the Truth is, this Method is not new but most Ancient, by which the People of Rome, to their great Praise, did heretofore Conquer the whole World: And it is so far from being unused in our Age, that the Enemy, of which we speak, hath used no other means, both to endanger our Safety, and also in a manner to equal his Empire with the Roman.

I shall speak more largely of this hereafter, when I have answered the Difficulty which these very Objectors have pre-conceived in their Minds: For such is the guise of this Effeminate Age, that if a thing be never so Excellent and Beneficial, if it hath any thing of Difficulty in the Execution thereof, is put by as if it never could be effected. The Persons of whom I speak, being tainted with this Imbecility of Mind, having experienced that they could not prevail in an ordinary course of Arms; and being deterred from trying my Method by the Difficulty thereof; they fall at last to this Opinion, That we can no way prevent our Destruction, but by making Peace, or a Truce, with the Turks, by any means whatsoever: And this their Opinion they so much hug, as if it were [Page] Iupiter's Altar, or the Statue of the Emperor. And therefore they think that we must turn every Stone, either by Prayer, or by Price, or by any unworthy way whatsoever, to make him our Friend: But they do not consider, that amongst all Difficulties this is the greatest, and which we can least of all hope to overcome. For can we imagine that such a Capital Enemy, after that he hath marched over so many Countries, and taken so much Pains to come to us, when he sees himself almost Master of his Wish, and having so great a subject of Praise, such an Opportunity of Booty, and such an Occasion of inlarging his Empire and Religion, that he should suddenly stop, as if he were Thunderstruck, and proceed no farther? But grant there were any hopes of Peace, who is so mad as to fight with an Enemy so powerful, if he can help it? Or who is so blind as not to foresee, that sure Peace is to be preferred before the doubtful Hazards of War? But let me tell you, that you quite mistake the case; for neither Peace nor Truce is in our Power: We have lost all hopes of Peace, and therefore are compelled to a War; there is no room for any Advice or Deliberation of our own; for we are hurried on by a fatal Necessity, as unwillingly as we are pushed on violently to a War, which of necessity we must manage and go through. Why do we fruitlesly draw back? Why do we cast about for delays? Why do we Chouse our selves [Page] with the vain Dreams of Pacifications? We vainly fancy to our selves Safety in the midst of the Flame; and by our Delay we nourish the Mischief which we might remedy if we were watchful; and for want of foresight, we render our Wound uncurable.

But you will say, It is very good to keep off the Miseries of a War as long as one can.

I grant it, unless the Delay tend to heighten our Miseries soon after, and ingage us to our certain Ruin: As if a Physician do flatter his Patient, and defer necessary Remedies, till the Disease comes to that height, that Death must inevitably follow. So we see that our Affairs do sensibly decline; and on the other side, the Enemy groweth stronger every day; and as he catches from us to add to his own, so thereby he doth fairly take his way and passage to us, and make all things ready to hasten our Destruction; that so all Impediments being removed, he may give us an Alarum whenever he pleases, and when we least think of it: With a well-provided Army he might destroy us as it were fast a-sleep, and unprovided of all things: All his Designs tend to this, this is the only thing in his Eye; at which time, though too late, we shall think our selves induced to those Straights, that no hope being left, we must certainly Perish: And this will be the Issue of our Delay, and our unseasonable Backwardness; and therefore I admonish you again and again, while time is, and the matter will [Page] bear, that we suffer not our selves to be [...]linded with false Hopes, and so sit still and [...]o nothing; in which we may remember how great Overthrows we have received; and also we may forsee the last Ruin of our Common-wealth approaching; therefore we must make use of a quick-sighted Judgment in the case, least by our mistake in so great a Matter. We apply false Remedies instead of true ones, to our dangerous Miseries; and when we have cast up all our Accounts, and find upon what Hinge our remaining Hope turns, foregoing all other Methods, we must very diligently apply our selves to that alone, wherein neither Labour, nor Difficulty, nor Novelty, nor any other Pull-backs to Slothful and Feeble Minds, should in the least make us to slacken our Pace; no, our carriages must be as high as the Matter is great; so sublime a Matter requires no low or abject Frame; rather Necessity requires that we should be lifted up even above the Capacity of our Age; and that in part at least, we should imitate the Valour of those Heroes, who out of their great Fortitude and Constancy, overcame the greatest Difficulties; who never thought any thing more base and unworthy of themselves, than to be deterred by the Greatness of any Difficulty or Let, from bringing the Design to a happy Issue, which in their thou h [...]s was conjoyned with the Dignity and Advantage of the Commonwealth wherein they lived.

[Page] I shall give you an Instance only in one o [...] them; and that is, Lycurgus the Law-give [...] of the Lacedemonians, who having a Design amongst the rest of his Institutions (wherewith he would commend the best constituted Commonwealth of the Persians to be to Posterity) to introduce an Equality of Goods amongst the Citizens, and equally to divide the Estate and Possessions of all, that what was taken from the Rich might be added to the Poor; so that no distinction was to be between the Citizens but what Vertue made.

In this Design he met with a great many Adversaries, especially those which had great Wealth and personal Estates, and were well Monied besides. For they took it in great Disdain, that the Possessions either left them by their Ancestors, or else got by their own Industry, should be rent away from them, and transferred to strange Owners. This Matter seeming to them both unjust, and also absurd; the great Difficulty of enacting such a Law, was objected to Lycurgus. But he still persisting in his Purpose, and being resolved to finish what he thought was right and wholsom for the Commonwealth, there arose thereupon daily bro [...]lings and dangerous Hurly Burlies, in which Scuffles Lycurgus lost one of his Eyes: That Accident might have sufficiently warned the good Man, how difficult an Enterprize he had undertaken, and consequently might have [Page] deterr'd him from persisting in his Enterprize; but might rather have engaged him to lay aside his Design of accomplishing a Thing so successfully attempted, and which had cost him one of his Eyes. But it happened quite contrary; for this Heroe was so far from desisting upon the account of his loss, that it rather added Spurs to him to prosecute the same Cause the more eagerly. Neither did he give over, till the Law he had propounded concerning the eqality of Goods, was enacted Nemine contradicente.

This being the Foundation of those of his famous institutions, he established such a Commonwealth, that the Race will never have the like, and his Name with a high Admiration of his Vertue, is Celebrated even to this very Day. Yet this he did when he was in fear of no Turk, nor of any other Enemy that threatned Ruine and Destruction to him: And shall we at this time of Day withdraw our Soldiers from any Burden, wherein the stress of our Safety lyeth? For shame let us shake off this sloathful Temper, unworthy both of us and the Christian Name; and leaving off all other vain and fallacious Thoughts, let us run to our Arms as our onely Refuge under God. The Romans did so when any great Misery threatened their Commonwealth, they went and betook themselves to their Arms; they stopped all Law Suits, and the Senate enjoyned the Consuls to take care that the Commonwealth [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] received no damage. We ought to do the same much more, for we are in danger not only of some common Loss, but even of the universal Ruine of the Christian Commonwealth. We must run I say to our Snapsacks, we must catch up and handle our Arms, and think of nothing else. Our Military Discipline which is much depraved, is to be united, and the old way of fighting is to be recalled and perfected; we are as it were to proclaim a Vacation, to shut up Shop, and set by other Things, to act and perform this one Thing with our most earnest Endeavours: This we must do if we would have our Commonwealth, our Selves, our Wives and Children; or lastly, our Religion and Liberties preserved entirely unto us. For if the Turks prevail, they will not leave us a jot even of common Honesty, much less any Dignity, Liberty, or Religion; no Nation in the World can lose so much as we. Take my word for it, it is the worst of Mischiefs to be overcome by the Turk: If he Conquer us, (and I wish he had not a fair Prospect so to do,) He will make Havock of all, he will drive, carry away, dissipate, burn, profane, and tread all Things under foot. To prevent which Spectacle and Suffering, let us high to our Weapons, to our Arms, and as (Probus) let us Fight it out. When he was declared Emperor, the Commonwealth had received many Losses, which proceeded from the Corruption of their Military Discipline; [Page] and therefore his chief Design was to amend that; and this was the reason that he gave that first Motto to his Soldiers, and his Deeds were agreeable to the Motto; for in a little time he so advanced and restored what was quite decayed before, that the common Name which lay under a Reproach among the Nations, was again restored to its former Majesty and Greatness. Let us follow his Example, and use the same Method in Fighting; let us furbish up our old blunt and rusty Arms, and make them as good, and shine as bright as ever. And from which Endeavours, no Labour and Difficulty ought to avert us, As I said before; so the Charge and Expence ought to be the least Difficulty of all. For when can we lay out our own Money better, than when our Life it self may be comfortably expended? Or how can we spend part of our Estates upon more advantagious Terms, than thereby to preserve the whole? Herein we do but imitate good Husbandmen, who spare no cost to inclose, to hedge about, and to strengthen the Bounds of this Land, provided they may establish their Estates and Possessions in safety thereby; for they know that an Estate is but a ticklish and slippery Thing, as long as it is subject to sudden Casualties, or to the Assaults of Robbers. Besides, Mariners in a dangerous Tempest use to throw out their most precious Lading into the Sea, rather than to endanger the loss of their Ship and of their [Page] Lives to boot; and Physicians make no scruple to cut off one part of Man's Body, if thereby they provide for the rest of the Members, and of the total remainder. For as long as such an Enemy is near us, who can promise to himself any firm or lasting possession of what he hath; seeing that he may expect every Day that this wicked Neighbour will take all from them, and transfer it into his own Exchequer? To what purpose is it then to sow, or to reap, to carry home, and to lay up in Garners, seeing the Enemy counts all thine, as much his own as what he now possesses, being formerly taken from the Asiaticks, From the Grecians, from the Thrasians, from the Bulgarians, from the Illyrians, and from the Hungarians; to say nothing of other People? Our Estates and Possessions are by us exposed to his Avarice, without a due Guard of such Soldiers as I have spoken of, as a quantity of Goods, or of rich Houshold stuff cast out into the Street, without any Repair, and under no Lock and Key, is open to Thieves. But if we are so mad as to pretend Want, and to counterfeit Poverty for our Excuse; let us take heed left our Enemy, being made Rich by our Spoils, do not convince us of a Lye, by our Destruction, and to our eternal Infamy.

And yet let me tell you, we need not spend all that we have, for they require not the Expence of all that we have, but out of Wartime we should be very Frugal, and in time [Page] of War our Expences should be moderate? and far more easie to be born, than the Cost which was expended in raising a common and tumultuary Soldiary. By which means we shall obtain two Conveniencies; one, that the Money may not be transported out of the Bounds of our own Country; the other, that Officers and Commanders may not have opportunity unlawfully to enrich themselves; for now a-days he is counted a brave Fellow, that by such kinds of Stratagems can cheat and couzen the Commonwealth. But these things belong to another Place, for at present I did not design to speak of every thing particularly, but in general, to give the Sentiment of the whole Matter.

Let us therefore imitate the Prudence of the Romans, in providing for the Safety of their State and Commonwealth, who alway chose Souldiers of their own to defend themselves; for otherwise they had never been able to repel the fierce Inrodes of the Gauls, or to have coped with the Stubbornness of the Italians, who ever and anon Revolted from them; nor could they have preferred their Empire entire against the Force of Hannibal, nor would they ever have triumphed over Philip and over Antiochus, unless they had had Soldiers of their own to fight their Battels, unless they had followed the Method which I have spoken of in Training up their Soldery: 'Tis then seasonable for me at this time to enlarge upon this Subject, that it [Page] may plainly appear, that I introduce no Novelty, but propound an old Example which we are to follow. All that have written of the Affairs of Rome do agree in this, as you may see in their Book. The Romans took a [...] extraordinary Care in Choosing, in Disciplining, and in Exercising their young Soldiery. I shall not tire your patience in citing many Authorities, but in brief I shall urge only the Testimony of one grave Author, well skill'd in the ancient Military Discipline; and that is Vegetius, who in divers places of his Book, containing the Institutions of the Roman Militia, Dedicated to the Emperor Valentinian, hath these Words; In every Battel it is not so much the multitude of Soldiers and unskilful Valour, as Art and Exercise which procure the Victory. For we see that the Romans Conquer'd the whole World, by no other Method, but by the Exercise of their Arms, by the Discipline of their Camps, and by their accustomedness to War; for how else could the Romans being few, have born up against the numerous Army of the Gauls? How could their low statured Soldiery look the tall Germans in the Face? As for the Spaniards, it is a clear case that they exceeded us not only in their Number, but in the Strength of their Bodies? The Africans were always Superior to us both in Stratagems and in Wealth; and it is beyond all doubt, but that the Greeks are Superior to us in Acts and in Prudence: But a Remedy to all [Page] these Inconveniencies, was a new Soldiery discreetly chosen, whom they taught the use of Arms, whom they taught the Law of Arms, and strengthned their Discipline by daily Exercise; they meditated before-hand upon the Events which were wont to happen in Fights and Battels, and were severe Punishers of the Negligent and Sloathful. For Skill in Military Affairs doth nourish a Boldness to Fight. No Man fears to do that which he believes that he thinks he hath rightly learned to do: For in a fight, a few Men well Exercised are likeliest to obtain the Victory; whereas a rude Rabble of Soldiers is more exposed to the Slaughter. Whosoever therefore thinks to overcome the Turks in a publick Fight, by the Assistance of God, and the Conduct of an unconquered Empire, let him earnestly desire to compleat his Troops out of such listed Soldiers. And he will find in a short time that such Juniors diligently chosen and well-trained both in the Morning and in the Afternoon too, will in handling of their Arms soon equal those Veterans who Conquer'd the whole World. Neither should your Imperial Majesty be concerned, because the Custom is changed which obtained here before; for your Highness is of that Foresight and Felicity, that for the Safety of the Commonwealth, you can both devise New Methods, and also restore the Old; every Design seems difficult before you enter upon it. To be sure, if knowing, and Prudent [Page] Persons be appointed to make the Levies, a number of Men fit for War, may be easily Listed and carefully Trained; for Diligence, Conquers all. 'Tis not length of Age, or number of Arms which maketh the Art Military, but continual exercise of Arms: An undisciplined Soldier is alway a craving, though he hath been Listed never so long, &c. It is past all doubt, that Rusticks who live in the open Air, are the fittest to bear Arms; they are able to endure heat, they care not for refreshing Shades, they are ignorant of the use of Baths and other Delights; they are plain-hearted, contented with a little, and their Limbs are hardned to endure all Toil; they learn from their Country Labour, to deal with Iron, to Plow the Land, and to bear Burdens. And I know not by what Fate he is least afraid of Death, who is least acquainted with the Delights of Life.

Let us now enquire at what Age Soldiers ought to be Listed; if we observe the ancient Custom, none but young Striplings are to be Listed: For what we learn from ones Childhood, we imbibe that not only more speedily, but more perfectly too. Besides the Skipping and nimble Alacrity is to be practised before the Body grows stiff with Age; for it is nimbleness grounded upon Exercise, that makes a stout Warrior. And therefore we should List none but young Men, as Salust speaketh, That as soon as Youth was able to endure War, it learned the Art Military[Page]in their Camps by daily Practice. For it is much better, that a Disciplined Youth should complain, that his Age is not yet fit for Battel, than that he should grieve that he has past his sighting-time. And by this means he may have time enough to learn all; for the Art-Military is not easily to be obtained, whether you endeavour to teach Horse or Foot, the use of the Bow; or whether you would teach a Man in his Armor, all the Gestures and Modes of the Art-military; as that he should not leave his File, nor disturb his Ranks; and how he should cast his Javelin with a good Aim and a strong Arm; as also how to cast up a Trench, and to fix Pallisadoes knowingly; how to handle his Buckler, and by side-blows to escape the flying, Darts; how wishly to avoid a Blow, and boldly to strike. If a young Soldier be thus Instructed, he will be so far from Fear, that it will be a Pleasure to him to meet the stoutest Enemy in the Field. And therefore let him that is to List Soldiers, take special Care that by their Countenances, by their Eyes, and by the make of all their Limbs, he choose those that are likely to make good soldiers, for Stoutness, may be fore-seen in Men, by many Indications, as well as in Horses and Dogs, &c. Let therefore the Youth which is designed for Martial Imployment, be of watchful Eyes, holding his Head upright, broad Chested, brauny Shoulders, strong Finger'd, with long Arms, [Page] a thin Belly, with slender Thighs, the Calf of his Leg and Feet not superfluously big, but compacted with hardned Nerves. When you shall find these Marks in a new listed Soldier, you need not much care whether he be Tall or no; for it is beter to have Soldiers Valiant, than high Statured.

It follows in the next place, that we enquire of what Trades the Soldiers we choose or refuse are on: Fishers, Fowlers, Confectioners, Whitsters; and all those who belong to Female Imployments, are to be rejected: But Black-smiths, Coach-makers, Butchers, and such as hunt the Stag and wild Boar, are fit to make Soldiers of: And to speak the truth, the Safety of the Commonwealth turns upon this very Hinge, viz. The Listing of young Sodiers that Excel in Mind as well as in Body; for the Strength fa Kingd om, and the Foundation of the Roman Name, do consist in the first choosing of the Soldiery. Nor are we to think, that the Impressing of Soldiers is a mean Imployment that ordinary Persons may be intrusted with. No, Sertorius of Old, amongst the rest of his laudable Qualities, was of another mind; for the Youth to whom the Defence of the Provinces, and the Stress of the War is to be committed, ought to be well born, if such can be had; and also to be of credible Conversations; for Generosity makes a man fit to be a Soldier, and he that is ashamed to run away, becomes thereby a [Page] Conqueror: What Benefit is it to Discipline a sluggish Fellow, and to be at vast Expence to entertain him in a Camp? That Army never did Conquer in a Battel, where the Press-masters were negligent in listing their young Soldiery. We find it by dear and costly Experience, that our Enemies give us many Overthrows, because that in a long time of Peace, we are negligent and careless in calling out our Soldiery.

For whilst Gentlemen follow Civil Imployments, and raw Soldiers are chosen by Favour and Dissimulation, such Persons take Arms, as their Masters disdain to imploy any other ways. Hence it followeth, that great Men should use great Diligence in chusing out a young Fry of Soldiery: But alas our long Security has shut this care quite out of doors: Where can you find a Man that can teach others any thing but what he himself hath learn'd before? The Lacedemonians were the first who collecting, Experiments of Fights from Events, induced the Art Military, which is thought to be maintained either in Valour or in happy Success, to a Formulary Art, Discipline and Skill; it was them that first of all commanded the Officers at Arms to teach their young Soldiery, their Method and various manner of Fighting. O Men to be highly praised and admired! Who were willing to learn that Art principally, without which other Arts are to no purpose: The Romans also following their [Page] Methods, have attained the Precepts of Martial Discipline, and have written whole Books concerning it.

How much the Discipline of the Lacedemonians did prevail in Fight, is sufficiently declared by the Example of Xantippus (to omit others) who with his Carthaginians overcame Attillius Regulus and his conquering Roman Army, not by Valour, but in a manner by Art alone, and took him Prisoner; and thus by one Combat he triumphantly made an end of the War. In the like manner Hannibal, when he was about to march into Italy, provided himself of a Lacedemonian Doctor of Arms, by whose Advice he destroyed so many Consuls, and such vast Legions, that he himself was inferior to them in Number and in Force. He therefore that designs peace, let him prepare himself for War: He that covets Victory, let him Discipline his Soldiery diligently before-hand: He that desires good Successes, must fight by Art not by Thought; for no body will dare to challenge or provoke that Enemy whom he knows will conquer him if he joyn Battel with him.

It was their Custom in Winter-time to provide Tiles and Slates, and for want of them Flags and Straw, they covered certain Sheds for the Horse, and certain Hovels for the Foot, wherein in stormy or windy Weather, their Army was disciplin'd dry over head; and in other Winterdays, when it did neither Rain nor Snow, [Page] then they were trained in the open Field. This they did constantly, least by intermitting the Custom, the Minds and Bodies of their Soldiers might be Infeebled. It is also very convenient for Soldiers, very often to cut down Woods, to carry Burthens, to leap over Ditches, to swim in the Sea, or in Rivers, to march with full speed, or to run in their Armour, or with their Snap-sacks on their Backs; for daily labour in the time of Peace, makes Toil more easie in War. Whether therefore that Army consists of their own Legions or of Auxiliaries, be sure to exercise them every day. For as a well-exercised Soldier desires to fight, so an undisciplined one is afraid of a Battel. Lastly, We must know that in a Fight, Skill avails more than Strength, for without Skill at Arms, a Boor is as good as a Soldier.

The same Vegetius acquaints us with many excellent things in several places of his Book relating to the same purpose, which for brevity sake I omit, as how young Soldiers ought to be exercised for a March, to run a Ring, and to Swimming; besides they are to learn how to Prick rather than to Cut; and how to level their Darts or Stones aright; to be Skillful at the use of the Bow, to carry heavy Burthens, to keep Rank in an Army, and carefully to fortifie their Camps. All which things he that hath a mind may read in him. I shall only add for a close that which follows.

[Page]He that would use Diligence in the Chusing and Exercising of young Soldiers, may easily raise an Army, able to imitate the valour of the Ancients; for Martial Hearts are not degenerated in Men, neither are those Lands Barren, which brought forth the Lacedemonians, the Athenians, and the Marsians of old. No, it is only the taste of Peace which hath wrought our Men partly to delight in Idleness, and partly to betake themselves to Civil Imployments; and by this means the care of Military Exercises began first to be neglected, and after that to be di [...]used, and last of all quite forgot. And it is no wonder that this should happen in our Age, when after the Carthagnian War, for four and twenty Years or more, Peace, Idleness, and disuse of Arms, had so enervated those Romans who always used to conquer before that, in the second Carthagenian War Hannibal was too hard for them. Neither could they arrive at the Haven of Victory, till by the loss of so many Consuls, of so many Commanders, and so many Armies, they had again relearn'd the intermitted Use and Increase of Arms. Vpon the whole it follows, the Iuniors are always to be listed and exercised; for it is cheaper to Discipline our own Men, than to hire Strangers for Pay.

By these Sayings of Vegetius alone, to which all Historians give their Consent, it is sufficiently manifested for what was the old Warlike Discipline amongst the Romans: Neither was [Page] it observed by the Romans alone, but by the Persians before them, and in some sort by the Macedonians also; and by all other People who have left a Glorious Name unto Posterity. As you may see in Xenophon, a very skillful Warrier, who writing of the Method that Cyrus the Great, took in Listing and Exercising his Soldiers, makes it to be not much different from the usage of the Romans which I have spoken of. And with an Army thus prepared, he in a very short time added the Empire of all the East to his Dominions. I might add also the Testimony of Arrianus, no mean Writer, who brings in Alexander declaiming against the Macedonians, and accusing them as unmindful of Courtesies received from him, in these words, Philip my Father, says he, received you into his Care and Protection, when you were a sort of wandering and vagabond People, destitute of all things, and many of you but Shepherds cloathed with Skins; for which also you are forced continually to fight with the Illyrians, the Triballes, and with the Thracians your Neighbours; he brought you down from the craggy Mountains into Plains and well-tilled Vallies; instead of skins he cloathed you with stately Raiments, he instructed you in Arms, he taught you Military Discipline, so that now your Arms and Valour were able to defend you against your Neighbours, as well as the Situation of your fortified places, &c. By which words it appears, on what Foundations the much celebrated Military Discipline of the Macedonians [Page] was built, to wit, of Rustick Mountainers, and of Shepherds.

Diodorus Siculus delivers also what is agreeable to the things before spoken: Philip, says he, when he bent his Mind to recreate their Military Discipline, took special care that his Soldiers should be well furnished with decent Armour, and that they should be trained up in Warlike Exercises. Moreover he found out the Order of the Phalangis, which was proper to the Macedonians, the Pattern whereof he took from those Heroes in the Trojan War, who joyned Buckler to Buckler. The same Diodorus speaking of Alexander's taking the City Halicarnassus, with these valiant Soldiers, now become Veterans, hath these words, The Veteran Macedons, who during their whole Lives were always conversant in Difficulties and Dangers, and under the Pay of Philip often obtained the Victory, did thus arrive at the highest pitch of Valour: They excelled others in Prudence, and in the Knowledge of the Art Military, whilst they bitterly upbraided the Cowardise of the Fresh-water Soldiers that refused to fight; they themselves in the mean time gathering into a Ring, and joyning Bucklers together, received their Enemy, who even thought themselves Conquerors before, and having slain Ephialtis, and many others, they compelled the rest to fly into the City, &c.

Alexander the Great did owe the Conquest of the East, and the large Extent of his Empire, to the Valour of those Soldiers; but perhaps the Persons above-mentioned may [Page] object, That our Times differ from theirs, those things have been long out of Date, and that it is a Childish thing to raise them as it were out of their Graves, and to bring them into use again: We ought therefore to be contented with the Wisdom of our own Age.

To which I reply. That what was useful in those Days, is as fit to be used in our Times: Yet I will not urge Reason to those who will not willingly hearken thereunto, but I will lead them to the very Fountain of Experience. Let me then ask these Objectors, why they are so over-wise to detract from other Mens Counsels, and can bring forth no better of their own. What, will they deny that the Turks are good Soldiers? Perhaps out of Obstinacy they will not grant them to be such. I will therefore answer for them, That he who hath struck such a Terror into the whole World, and laid all waste before him, upon the account of his Victories, may well be reckoned a good Soldier. I ask them again, How is this Soldier listed, and how is he train'd up? If they say they know not, I will tell them what I my self have seen to my own Cost: A Turkish Soldier is a Man so born, so listed, so train'd and exercised, as the Romans were of old, and as ours ought to be: Yea, he is in a worse Condition; for as to those Soldiers who offer themselves to be listed, when the Turk goes in any Military Expedition, which they call Alcangi, they are [Page] little esteemed among the Turks; that Soldier is the only Man, who is continually under their Emperor's Pay, and by Judgment and good Reason, is at length advanced into the Sultan's Guards. This Soldiery is thus chosen, The Sultan sends some Men every Year into several Provinces, who take away the third or fourth Child from Christian Families. When the Drove of these Youths arrive at Constantinople, they who have the most ingenious Aspect, are chosen out for the Domestick Uses of the Sultan himself, or of the Bassa's, or other Nobles; the rest are brought into a certain place, where abundance of Country-men meet, and they desire such or such a Youth from the Overseer of the Business; he receives from him a piece of Gold, and delivers him the Youth he desires, having first taken notice of the Youth's Name, Country and Condition, with his Age, and other Marks, whereby he may be known all his Life-long. All these being recorded, it is lawful for him, whether he be a Citizen or a Country-man, to carry the Youth into Asia, or what part of the World soever he lives in, and there he uses him as his Slave in continual Toil and Labour: His Food is Bread and Water, and sometimes a little Pottage with Fruits or Herbs: His Apparel is sufficient only to defend him against the Weather. Besides, he is instructed in the Mahometan Religion. In this Ignorance of Delights, far from the Blandishment of his [Page] own Relations, he grows up into a robust and sturdy Fellow. This Man is again demanded of his Fiduciary Master and transferred to the Wars; and from this Seminary, the Legions of the Janizaries, when they are defective, are made up: When he comes to be listed among the Janizaries, his Pay at first is about one Ducat and a Half per mensem, for that they think is enough for a Fresh-water Soldier. And yet that he may not want Food, he hath his Meat gratis with that Company, into whose Chamber he is admitted; but upon this Condition, that he serves them in the Kitchen and other necessary Offices. The Skillfulness of that Chamber instructs him in the use of Arms, and fits him for Service; and when this Tyro hath gotten a little Knowledge in Military Affairs, though not equal with his Fellows, is only hoped to mount higher by his Valour; and if he carries himself bravely in any Service, then his Pay is increas'd, and is reckon'd a compleat Janizary. This hope does excite such Youngsters to many valiant Attempts, so that they equal the very Veterans in Valour, and obtain the full Pay of Janizaries, which at the highest is but eight Ducats a Month; and yet if his Valour or Desert call him up to a higher Place, either he is made a Commander amongst the Janizaries, or is listed among the Pretorian Horse called Spahies.

The rest of the Youths before spoken of, are imploy'd in several Works at Constantinople, [Page] sometimes two or three hundred of them Cleanse the Court-Yards, removes Rubbish, carry Stones, Timber, and other Burdens: not One of them is idle, but must Earn the Bread he eats. These Youths also when they are grown up to Transfer to Land or Sea-Service, and those of them that are Chosen for the Court, do many times mount to great Dignities: For the General of the Ianizaries, Admirals of Fleets, Beglar Begs, and the Viziers Bassa's themselves are Elected out of these; yea, the Daughters of Sultans are given in Marriage to them.

Thus have I given you a Plain Account, what is the Rise, Choice, Discipline, and Education of the Turkish Soldiery, so formidable all the World Over: I deny not, but there are other ways of Military Advancement amonst them, but this is the most usual; sometimes they make Soldiers of those Youths whom they have taken in War, or by frequent Incursions into Christian Countries, after they have detain'd them for several years in the Seraglio: and when they have lost all Memory and Sence of their own Country, and the Religion thereof, and have been Instructed in Arabick, and in the Turkish way of Arms, by their Eunuch-Masters, then they send them abroad to perform the Military Service they are most fit for. Moreover the Slaves of the Bassa's, and other Nobles got by War, or otherwise, are [Page] many times listed Soldiers; but not rashly, or hand over head; but having first tryed their Strength and Valour both of Body and Mind, to obtain the Station they are designed for. And the truth is, I have oftentimes admir'd the Force of the Turkish Discipline in this case, when I saw seemingly abject and contemptible Persons in a few years, to have made that Advance, as not only to be able to perform the Duty of a common Soldier, But even of a Commander also, fit to Teach and Instruct others.

Sometimes when for my own Refreshment, I look'd out at my Windows, the Neighbouring Turks shewed me some Officers that were Teaching the young Fry the Use of Arms: I demanded of what Country they were? I verily thought, they must be either Parthians, Bactrians, or Massagets; but when I was told that one was an Hungarian, the other a Croat, a third a German; I was struck with Admiration; But supposing they had obtain'd their Skill at Arms, from the Use of them amongst Christians, and supposing them to be Noble Persons and Gentilely Bred; I proceeded to demand, Whether they knew what kind of Life they lived amongst Christians? After a little Recollection, they answered me, That one had told them his Father was a Cook, another was intimated a Monk, and the third was Servant to a Victualler; but being taken in a time of War of Truce, with other Booty, they were brought to Constantinople, [Page] and admitted into the Family of this or that Bassa. Here I was struck again with Wonder! And demanding, How such kind of Fellows could come to be so great Warriors? They told me, The Masters they served, had certain Men at their Houses well skill'd in Arms, to whose Discipline (if they were thought Tractable) they were Consign'd over, where they so much profited in a little Time, that they Surpassed their Equals, and had performed so bravely in succeeding Wars, that they obtained Praise from all, and Dignity from their Prince, as a Reward of their Valour. When I heard this, I was much aggrieved that our Manners should so differ from the Turks; for if they have got a Man that promises any thing, they rejoyce in him, as a precious Treasure, and spare no Pains or Cost in his Cultivation, especially if he be fit for the War. But alas, 'tis quite contrary among us; if we have but a good Dog, a Hawk, or a Horse, we are over-joyed, and spare no Pains to bring him to Perfection in his kind: But if we have got an Ingenious Man into our Hands, we don't take so much Pains in his Institution: For our parts we take delight in well Disciplin'd Dogs and Hawks; but the Turks take a greater in the Culture of Man, who is more Excellent in his Nature than a Beast.

From what hath been spoken, it is Evident, That 'tis no new thing to List Soldiers Judiciously the way that I contend for; [Page] 'twas used both by the Romans, and by both Conquering Nations: Neither is it so obsolete or so remote from the Custom of our Age, as it may not be again call'd back into Use: For we find by daily Experience, how the Turkish Arms so Cultivated do prevail. Let it not therefore seem i [...]ksom to us to borrow this necessary Part from them who have borrow'd so many useful Things from Us: If we thus do, we shall quickly find a good Discipline will avail as much for our Safety, as a bad hath hitherto contributed to our Ruine. This is the only Anchor left in a dangerous Tempest, to preserve the floating Ship of our Commonwealth; every Thing is establish'd and preserv'd by that which rais'd it at first; as Kingdoms and Empires have been obtain'd by Military Valour, and well-appointed Armies, by the same way they must be preserv'd. Take away Arms, remove Soldiers, neglect Discipline, and a Kingdom will either fall of it self, or be a Prey to the Conqueror. The Diadem and Scepter doth not preserve the Majesty of a Kingdom, as the Sword; in vain you wear the one upon your Head, or carry the other in your Hand, unless your Sword be girt by your Side: That Empire is but Weak and Maim'd, that is not supported by Arms: When I speak of Arms, I mean not shadowy glittering Ones, but true solid and viceless Ones.

[Page]That which is Corrupted and Degenerate from its Perfection, doth more hurt than good: As long as the Romans kept up their strict Military Discipline, their Legions Conquer'd the remotest Parts of the World; but after Discipline came to be Corrupted, and their Valour Effeminated, by neglecting old Institutions; they not only lost the greatest part of the Empire, but Rome it self was not free from Plunder within its own Walls; So that the City Erst, the Head and Prince of all Nations, was now expos'd as a Prey and Laughing-stock to them all, who pluck'd away their Spoils from her, as the rest of the Birds did their Feathers from Aesop's Chough.

But our Circumstances are the more pressing, because the deadly Wound doth threaten our own almost naked Bowels; and there is no way but this left to secure our Lives. Sometimes Rulers when new Dangers threatens them, are fain to apply Remedies accordingly to the Genius of their Subjects, and thereupon to warp sometimes from the Rule of Right: But our Straits are such, that when the Ruine of our Country is before our Eyes, we must immediately use those Means which may prevent our Ruine; if our Enemy were afar off, then we may send for raw Soldiers from far Countries remote from Enemies; but we who are within cast of Dart, and ready to Fight Hand to Hand, must commit our Safety to no Arms [Page] but those that are tryed and approved Ones.

But some may o [...]ject, That this our Military Preparation will be too slender to oppose the Torrent of the Turkish Force.

I answer; I here only shew, how the solid Foundation of a constant Army may be laid, the rest of the Building will follow of course, and Auxiliaries being added, will soon make up a great Army; and such Auxiliaries will speedily come in, when it shall be reported, that we have already a Body of an Army to which they may resort; for Nature it self will prompt them to assist those who are ready to undergo all Dangers with themselves: And on the other Hand, it doth alienate from those who are unarm'd and unfit to resist offer'd Wrongs.

Hence Zenophon says very excellently, That those who are ready with Arms in their Hands, have many Friends, and no Enemies; for all will fly to their Aid in doubtful Times, as to a Castle of Refuge, and none will oppose him, when he knows he has power enough to hurt his Enemy when he please. Hence it comes to pass that whilst we loiter and slacken our Endeavours, as despairing of our Safety, and depend only upon our Hope and Aid from Others; even our very Friends and Relations will despise them, and forsake them, and will rather joyn with the bold daring Enemy, though of another Religion. So great is the force of expeditious Arms. In the Name therefore [Page] of God Almighty, let us buckle on the Helmet, and with Arms in our Hand, oppose so great an Enemy. We our selves should be first Initiated in the Religion of Armed Palas, we should devote our selves to her Studies; put our Hands first to the P [...]ow, and do our Duty; God will supply all the rest, and Aid will not be wanting to those who are Voic'd not to be wanting to themselves. Let us not rest till we have got at least Twelve Thousand Foot together; (of the Horse, I will speak in another place) besides ordinary Garrisons, and those Chosen out of our own Country, well Trained and Exercised. When this our Practice shall be made known, not our Friends only, but even Strangers will send us in; on Hope for Aid: And if those Hopes should fail, yet our own small force being in Garrison in Summer-time, may suppress the Force of the Enemy; and in Winter we may make such Inroads upon their Borders, that they would repent their provoking of us: And by this means they would be forced to seek for Truce from us, which we can hardly now by Petition obtain from them; and they will also observe the Conditions more strictly, than now they do; but as our present Case stands, we are tossed with every VVind: If our Garrisons be in danger, and some sudden Assault requires speedy Aid, we have no Force at all, either to help our Own, or to stop the Current of our Enemies Successes; [Page] I grant that these things require our singu [...]ar Care and Study; neither can we place our Thoughts and our Delights on a fitter Subject; no Field of Praise lyes more open to us than that wherein we Exercise our Troops every Day, and advance them for Military Exploits. Let others please themselves with Gilded Houses, and some with Pleasant Cardens; Others with Ornamental and Gaudy Houshould-stuff, as Pictures, and the like, &c. but let all our delight be in these VVarlike Preparations, even in time of Peace: Let us value our Selves to our Friends upon this account only; for what can be more grateful to any Guest of ours, than to see a number of Choice Youths shining in their Arms; of strong and nimble Bodies, Exercising themselves with Guns, Spears, or Swords; nimbly turning their Bodies at the Beck of their Commanders, and by the Chearfulness of their Countenance woing an Enemy to Fight withal. Such sorts of Youth videlicet, The Ianizaries, the Turkish Emperors call their Sons, as the Hope and Foundation of their Empire. Philopemen the last Emperor of the Greeks, when he saw the VVarlike Glory of his Country to decline, and to be ready to give up the Ghost out of Cowardise and Neglect of Military Discipline; and as a Lover of his Country, being willing to prevent its Ruine, he got a brave Train of Grecian Noble Youths about him, which he Instructed in the Art of VVar; and [Page] coming once with this Train in his Military Habit, into a Theatre of Greece, full of Spectators, he was mightily H [...]zza'd and commended by the whole Assembly; for they were sensible of the Merit of such a Citizen who was willing to Retrieve the Glory of his Country, and to Excite the Youth thereof to valiant Feats of Arms. And why may not we Christians get the same Applause, and do that which is acceptable both to God and Man, if we undertake the declining Cause of our common Safety, and vindicate our Military Praise to its ancient Dignity.

But I shall put an end to this Discourse, when I shall have told you the Grounds thereof; when I have Admonish'd and Adjur'd Christians to shake off that drousie Fit under which they lye, and so run in to the Help of a decaying Commonwealth. The Danger is as great as ever was; let us then bestir our selves to maintain those Seats with that Credit which our Ancestors have got for us, and deliver them down to our Posterity; and the only way so to do, is this, To Repel Force with Force, to run to our Arms, and that not fortuitous, tumultuous, and forreign Ones, but our own Country Ones, Listed and Trained up with great Judgment, and choice Reasons. We should herein imitate valiant Soldiers, who when they are Besieged in a weak Fort, and are ready to fall into the Hands of a cruel Enemy, they stir up all their Strength, and do their very utmost to preserve themselves.

[Page]But if we be otherwse minded, and through Cowardise or mistake, be wanting to the Commonwealth, or our selves, there are but these two ways left, either we must leave our own Country and Hereditary Possessions, as a Prey to the Conqueror, or else we must dye, or be made Slaves; (Of the Two, if we be so degenerate) let us rather leave our Habitatations, our Lands, Goods, and Houses, than suffer our very Blood to be suck'd, the Chastity of our Wives and Children to be expos'd, or those Indignities suffer'd with so many People of Asia, Africa, and Europe, from the furthest Eastern Countries, even to our Borders do undergo: If we walk in their Steps, we may, fear the same Ruine.

But why, pray, should we Transplant our [...]ves, let's rather Fight it out, and chearfully buckle to those ways of Defence which God has mercifully supply'd us with. To our Arms, to our Arms, with Valor and Courage, our only Hope under God. This becomes the Christian Name, and the greatness of the Danger we are in, and this may prevent our impending Ruine.

The ORATION of Ebraim Strotschen, a Polonian, sent Ambassador by Solyman Emperor of the Turks, to Ferdinand the First, Emperor of Germany, made at Frankfort on the Main, before the States of the Empire, in the Sclavonick Tongue. Nov. 27. 1562.

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MOST Powerful and Serene Ferdinand the Elect Emperor of the Christians; My Master the most Powerful and Vnconquered Emperor of the Turks, hath sent me as his Ambssador a long Iourney both by Sea and Land, with some Special Commands, both to Congratulate your Health and Happy Government: Asalso to declare the great Benevolence and Respect he bears towards your Majesty; and he hopes that this Friendship begun upon account of the former Embassie is encreas'd, by the evident Tokens of an injuring Friendship which he hath shewed towards your Majesty, which God prosper on both sides.

Having thus spoken, he stopp'd awhile, and then proceeded thus:

That your Majesty may have an evident Token of my Masters good Will and Friendship towards you; he hath Released all the Christian Captives for your sake, which otherwise should not be Redeemed for Gold nor Silver, nor the Intercession [Page] of any other Prince. His Majesty hath done this for no other cause, but to confirm the Friendship between the two Crowns; and he likewise hopes and desires the same by Me, that you would Release those Turks that you have Prisoners in any of your Dominions, and that unperverted in their Religion. He also wishes Long-life, a quiet old Age, and a pacifick Government in the Administration of your Kingdoms, which be desires also might be happily transmitted to your Posterity. He promises also to use all means that this League and Truce between the Two Crowns, shall not in the least be Impair'd by any of his Subjects. He also desires that your Majesty would give a particular Answer to each Branch of his Letters; which if you shall do, my Master and your Majesty would vye Offices of Friendship one with another, and will seriously endeavour that this League begun between two aged Princes may encrease every Day more and more, and may receive Augmentation of Establishment, by new and growing Evidences.

Having ended this Discourse, he desired the Emperour to acquaint him which of the August Assembly was Maximilian his beloved Son and Heir of the Empire: Cesar pointed to him with his Finger, sitting at his Left-hand; then the Ambassador turning his Face [...] towards him, bowed his Body, after the Parthian or Turkish manner; and laying his Right-hand upon his Breast, wish'd him a long and happy Life, with a joyous Succession [Page] of the Roman Empire, and Prosperity in all his Affairs, adding these express words; That he did not doubt, but that he proceeding from so Noble a Stock, would not be inferiour to his Father, but rather according to the Notation of his Name, Maximilian, he would be Greater and famouser than his Parent. Then turning to the Emperor, he presented him the Gifts that he had brought, viz. Two high-priz'd Goblets of Native Crystals, beset with precious Jewels; together with a choice Turkish Horse, adorn'd with Golden Trappens and Jewels, and also four Camels, the best in all Constantinople: These he presented to the Emperor, excusing the Leanness of the Horse and Camels, contracted by so long a Journey, as the space of Four Months.

The COPY of the Prudential Letters given to the said Ambassador by his Master, upon the Eight Years Truce, by the German Emperor.

I Lord of Lords, Reigning over the East and West; that am able to do, and not do, what I please; Lord of all Greece, Persia, and Arabia, and Ruler over all that can be Subjected either to King or Lord; the great Hero of these Times, and the Valiant Giant of the wide World; Lord of the White and Black Sea, and of the Holy City Mecha; Shining with the Splendor of [Page] God; and of the City Medina, and of the Holy and Chast City of Jerusalem; King of the Noble Kingdom of Egypt; Lord of Jonia, and of the Cities of Athens; Senate of the Holy Temple of God: Zabilon, and Bassio, Retham, and Magodin, the Seat and Throne of the great King Nashin Reta, and Lord of the Island of Algeus, and Prince of the Kingdoms of Tartary, Mesopotamia,; and of the Medes, Georgians, and all Greece; of Moria, and Anatoria; of Asia, Armenia, Valakia, Moldavia; and Emperor of all Hungary: With many other Kingdoms and Dominions; the Thrice Great Emperor Sultan, Solyman; the son of the Great Emperor Selin: Who hath Power from God to bridle all People, and Ability to open the Bars and Gates of all Cities and Forts: All the ends of the Earth, none excepted, are put into my Powerful Hands: The Lord of the East, from the Land of Tsin unto the Borders of Africa, whom God hath made strong by the Edge of the Sword; Amongst whose Powerful Kingdoms, Cesars inexpugnable Castle is accounted one of the ieast; and the Empire of Alexander the Great, was but small in respect of my Hereditary Dominions; the Valour of the whole World, and the Vertue of the Firmament is with me. Seeing King Ferdinand, who art the Powerful Lord of all Christianity, and the Elect Vessel of the Powerful Christian Faith, Created and Chosen Emperor of the Romans, and of Bohemia, of the Vandals, Croats, and many other Countries, King and Ruler. Seeing, I say, that awhile since you sent your [Page] Chosen Counsellor and Ambassador, Augerius a Busbeck, to our Court, the Refuge of Princes, and the Throne of Grace, to them that desired it; with Letters of Friendship to renew the Ancient Peace and Contract of Amity between us: Which Letters were Dated in the Year from the Prophet Jesus; (upon whom, and upon our Prophet Mahomet, be the Light and Peace of God) 1562. the First Day of June: Desiring of us, to grant the Truce for Eight Years; during which Time, no Cities, Countries, or Forts of his, should be Molested by our Arms, but his People should live in secure Tranquility, &c. To which Request, we answer: That such a Truce, firm Concord and Friendship shall be continued between Vs for Eight Years, on these Conditions: First, That Urinis should send Yearly to our Court, as a Pledge of the Truce, 30000 Hungarian Duckats, together with the Remainder due for Two Years past [...] and for that we Promise, that we will not Interpose in any Offices either of Friendship, or of Enmity, as to the Hereditary Dominions of the Son of King John, whether Situate in Upper Hungary, or in the further Part of the Teise; all of which belong to Vs by Right of War. Moreover the Son of the said King John, during this Eight Years Truce, shall be Oblig'd to be Obedient to Vs; not to undertake any War against You, or to M [...]lest your Subjects with Fire and Sword [...] not to exact any Money, or drive any Prey from Them. And we likewise do Promise, That we will take no Occasion to destroy your People by Fire or Sword, but will devoutly observe this Eight Years [Page] Peace and Concord. Moreover, Balaski Michael, and Nicholas Bathol, and some Others, shall be included in the same Conditions of Peace, and shall be subject to you, and the Son of King John: And if any of yours, or if his Subjects, have taken away any Goods or Lordships in time of War, from whence new Dissentions may arise; Our Will and Pleasure be, That such Matters shall be put off undetermin'd, until the Time of this Truce shall be Expir'd. And if perhaps new Controversies shall hereafter arise between us, upon the account of our Mutual Jurisdiction which cannot be compos'd; Let each of us keep their own, without any Contention or Strife. Moreover, some Towns Situate on the Da [...]ow and Tatta, may remain as they now do; so that the Soldiers in the Garrison of Tatta, shall have no Right to Infest the Villages upon the Danow. Moreover, If from this time of Peace, any of your Nobles have some of my Subject Prisoners, they shall set them free without Ransom; that so this Peace and Concord shall be more firmly kept. All and every of these, we will and faithfully Promise that they shall be duly Observ'd till the end of the Eight Years aforesaid: And for that purpose, we have caus'd these Letters of Confederation to be Publish'd from the Court of Our Magnificence; and have also taken Care, that a Copy of these Letters, together with my Edict thereupon, should be sent to all the Commanders and Officers of all my Forces both by Land and Sea, to be faithfully observed by them.

[Page] The Condition of this Truce shall Comprehend our true Vayvords of Valachia and Moldavia; and that none of your Hungarians, Croats, Sclavonians, or others, should be molested or troubled by any of Mine, on any pretence whatsoever. But if some of yours making Inrodes from your Castles shall Plunder some of ours, they shall be [...]ound to make Restitution; and if any Fugitives of ours shall carry away their Master's Gold, or other Goods, and seek shelter from you; the Goods are to be restor'd, and the Fugitives punish'd in Terrorem; for the Goods of Fugitives belong to their Masters: The like is to [...]e done, if your Fugitives fly to us. Moreover, It shall be lawful for your Commander to Fortifie Towns and Castles upon the Borders of Hungary, and to Import Victuals and Arms, but not beyond their own Bounds. None of your Subjects in Hungary, or elsewhere shall be carried away Prisoners, during this Truce; if they be, they shall be presently Releas'd: Besides, if any Ambassadors and Christian Princes shall Reside at our Court, for the dispatch of Business, they shall have free Leave to walk up and down, to go and come: And moreover shall be handsomly Assisted by Interpreters, to declare their Errands; and if by reason of the Co [...]s [...]e [...] of each other Countries, some Differences do arise between our Subjects, those Disputes shall be Determin'd by discreet Persons, chosen on both Sides; that the Causers of those Disputes shall be punished as Truce-Breakers. Moreover, We forbid Duels on the Borders of both our Countries: And we desire that this Truce, and every Article [Page] hereof, may be publickly Read in your Dominions, and Command given that they be Obediently kept. We have Promis'd the same before, and your Ambassador lately sent, desir'd it in your Name; and humbly besought us, that this Peace may be firm and establish'd by Imperial Oaths, and by these Letters of Credence, as if we Our Selves had been present. And therefore I send these Letters of Peace to you, that your Commanders and Soldiers may be bound to Observe them, as long as they shall not Act contrary thereunto; so long these Articles of Peace be Confirm'd between us. In Testimony whereof, I Swear by the True and Living Creator of Heaven and Earth; by the true Signs of our Great and Venerable Prophet, by my Imperial Power, and by my True Faith, that none of my Captains, Commanders, &c. shall presume, or attempt to do any thing in Breach of this Eight Years Truce; Commanding also all the Jurats of our Potent Emperor, the Rulers of Valakia and Moldavia, and King Stephen himself, with other Commanders on our Borders, that they observe these Conditions towards your People, Cities, &c. as I my self will do: Nor that they commit the least Breach, to the Prejudice of any of your Subjects. In short, I shall Ascribe great Reverence and Authority to this Great and Potent Friendship; so that I will not vary a jo [...] to the Breach thereof. And whereas your Ambassadors have desir'd me to Release some Christian Captives without R [...]nsom; I have granted the same to your Friendship, which otherwise no Money could have releas'd; especially hoping that you would [Page] Release all the Turks that are Prisoners with you. These Letters of Peace and Confederation, were Dated in our Imperial Palace and Throne of our powerful City Constantinople, in the Year of our Great and Venerable Prophet, 969. Sept. 1.

'Tis to be observ'd, That the Turkish Ambassador had 23 Persons in his Train; the greatest part whereof were Commanders of Buda in Hungary, He had also 29 Horses and 6 Camels.

The Names and Sirnames of the Turkish Ambassador, and his Attendants, from Constantinople and Buda, which entred into Frankfort with him.

EBraim Strotius, a Polonian, Ambassador had 23 Servants, and 29 Horses, 6 Camels.

The Bassa of Buda had 7 Servants, 10 Horses.

Rassius Mustica of Five Churches, 3 Servants, 4 Horses.

Istraphius Zauschus, 2 Servants.

Percham Zauschus, 2 Servants.

Bermanus Bily of Buda, 2 Servants.

Durac Bulius of Buda, 2 Servants.

Dellius Constraff of Buda, 2 Servants, 3 Horses.

Hossen Bulius of Buda, 2 Servants, 3 Horses.

Duraston of Buda, 1 Servant, 2 Horses.

Dalli Achmal, 1 Servant, 3 Horses.

Odoverdas, 1 Servant, and 2 Horses.

Kadulius, 2 Horses.

Ballius Sachemius, 2 Horses.

Mustafa, 1 Servant, Hussam.

FINIS.

Books printed for and sold by J. Taylor at [...] the Ship in St. Paul's Church-Yard.

[Page]

1. DR. Salmon's Practical Phisick.

2. Dr. Yworth's new Art of Brewing

3.—His whole Art of Distillation.

4. Logick, or the Art of Thinking.

5. Lord Viscount Shannon's Moral Essays.

6.—His Characters and Discourses.

7.—His Letter to an Atheistical Acquaintance [...]

8. Dr. Salmon's, with Dr. Sydenham's, and Monsieur Blankard's new Method of curing the French Disease.

9. Love's whole Art of Surveying.

10. Strode's easie Method for the Art of Dyalling.

11. Plutarch's Morals, Vol. 5. Englished by several Hands.

12. Culpeper's Directory for Medicines.

13. Kirkwood's new Family Book, with a Preface by Dr. Horneck.

14. Abbade's Truth of the Christian Religion, Englished.

15. Gouges Words to Saints and Sinners.

16.—His Christian Directions.

17. Councellor Manner's Legacy to his Son.

18. Ryder's new Practice of Surgery.

19. Evelyn's French Gard'ner with Cuts.

20. Gilbert's Florists Vade Mecum.

[Page]21. Baxter's Call to the Unconverted.

22. Osborn's Works, Divine, Moral, Historical

and Political.

23. Virgilius Notis Minelii.

24. Quintilian's Declamations Englished.

25. Le Grand's Historia Sacra.

26. Newton's Compleat Arithmetician.

27. The Modern Courtier.

28. Miracles perform'd by Money, a Poem.

29. The Humors of a Coffee House, a Poem.

30. Foxes and Firebrands.

31. A Defence of their Majesties King William and Queen Mary.

32. Strode of Combinations, &c.

33. The Swordman's Vade Mecum, by Sir William Hoop.

34. Dyer's Works.

35. Vanity of the Creature.

36. Publick Devotions, by Mr. Camfield.

37. Mr. Boyles's Heads of History.

38.—His Medicinal Experiments or Collect of choice Remedies Part 3.

39. The Travels of Monsieur Thevenot into Persia and the East-Indies.

Books printed for and sold by J. Wyat at the Rose in St. Paul's Church-Yard.

[Page]

1. SIR Simon Dewes's Journal of all the Parliaments in Queen Elizabeth's Time.

2. Bacon of the Government of England.

3. Abbadie's Vindication of the Christian Religion.

4. Mr. Boyle's Christian Virtuoso.

5.—His Experiments & Observations Phisicae.

6. An Enquiry into the Constitution, Discipline, Government, Unity, and Worship of the Primitive Church by an Impartial Hand.

7. Family Devotions for Sunday Evenings throughout the Year, in 2. Volumes:

8. Mr. Edwards's Enquiry into difficult Texts, with a probable Resolution of them, in 2. Volumes.

9. His Discourse on the Authority and Stile of the Holy Scriptures, in 2. Volumes:

10. Meige's English Grammar.

11. Dr. Payn's Practical Discourse of Repentance.

12. Florist's Vade Mecum.

13. Harris's Enquiry into the Acute Diseases of Infants.

Information about this book

Title statement

The four epistles of A.G. Busbequius concerning his embassy into Turkey being remarks upon the religion, customs, riches, strength and government of that people : as also a description of their chief cities, and places of trade and commerce : to which is added, his advice how to manage war against the Turks / done into English.Legationis Turcicae epistolae quatuor. English

Busbecq, Ogier Ghislain de, 1522-1592.

Edition statement

1694

Publication

Publisher

Text Creation Partnership,

Place of publication

Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) :

Date

2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A30685

ID [STC]

Wing B6219

ID [STC]

ESTC R14352

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12004724

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12004724

ID [VID]

52279

Availability

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.

Series

Early English books online.

Notes

(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A30685)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 52279)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 85:6)

Source

— The four epistles of A.G. Busbequius concerning his embassy into Turkey being remarks upon the religion, customs, riches, strength and government of that people : as also a description of their chief cities, and places of trade and commerce : to which is added, his advice how to manage war against the Turks / done into English., Legationis Turcicae epistolae quatuor. English, Busbecq, Ogier Ghislain de, 1522-1592., Tate, Nahum, 1652-1715..

Extent

[8], 420, [3] p.

Printed for J. Taylor ... and J. Wyat ...,. London :: 1694.. (Translation of: Legationis Turcicae epistolae quatuor.) ("The epistle dedicatory" signed: N. Tate.) (Advertisements on p. [1]-[3] at end.) (Reproduction of original in Yale University Library.)

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