CHAP. 2. That Ferdinand was lawfully Elected King of Bohemia.

ANd although, I doubt not but that your Majeſty hath read ſome partiall breviat of the cauſe and ſtate of this buſineſſe, yet I will be bold to lay open the truth of it breifly, without gloſſe or partialitie, or reſpect to either partie, fearing neither, nor having any other end, but that your Highneſſe may not erre with the Multitude by miſinformation.

Ferdinand Sonne of Archduke Charles, and nephew to the Emperour, was elected King of Bohemia An. 1617. by an Aſſembly of the States of Prague, upon the Emperours ſummons; when Mathias declared that ſeeing his glaſſe was almoſt run, to leave the Kingdom ſetled in peace, and to prevent all Civill diſſention, he requeſted that after his deceaſe, they would agree to accept of Ferdinand for his ſucceſſor (whom for his vertue and piety he had adopted his Sonne) provided that during his life, without his ſpeciall commiſſion, Ferdinand ſhould not intrude himſelf into the government of his realme, and ſhould alſo take his oath to ratifie and confirme the priviledges granted to the Country.

Hereupon the 7. of Iune the three States of Bohemia gave this anſwer to the Emperours propoſition, That for his requeſt, and for the fatherly affection that he did ever beare to that kingdom, they conſented and agreed to accept Ferdinand for their King, and thereupon they aſſigned the 24. of Iulie for the day of his Coronation at Prague, upon which day this decree was ſolemnly read, and the States aſſembled being asked (according to Cuſtome) by the cheif Burgrave, if any did diſlike, or could ſhew cauſe to contradict this Free Election, they all freely and orderly with a generall applauſe approved it, and upon that ſo good warrant the Burgrave proclaimed Ferdinand King of Bohemia, and offered unto him (as their Cuſtome was) a certaine contribution of his inauguration. So here is an Election made, Frequenti Senatu, & plenâ curiâ, the Emperours aſſent (who was King in Eſſe) a conſent of the States in a generall aſſembly, and modo & formâ according to Law and Cuſtome, And Ferdinand himſelf was preſent, and brought upon the ſtage to take the Oath uſually miniſtred to his predeceſſors, and to conclude the whole Country acknowledged his regality by doing really the homage unto him, So as no defect was in the proceeding, no Competitor, no barre or oppoſition to his claime, neither was there any packing or partiality in the Election, and by this ſolemnity he was created actually King, and albeit his government was not to commence, untill after the death of Mathias, yet the Royalty he had in Eſſe, their Oathes at his Coronation, their homages, and their contribution was a full confirmation of his title in preſenti, (and the rather becauſe the States themſelves did him all the honour appertaining to their King) ſo he was more then an heir apparant, for they could not undo that which they had done, and diſpence with their Oathes, no more then Henry the ſecond of England could unKing Henry his Sonne (though he take Armes againſt him) becauſe he was created King by order and Authoritie.

Beſides, after this Election, by the Emperours inveſtiture, being poſſeſſed of the Electorate of Bohemia, it ſtood as reall livery and ſeiſin of his right, honour, and juriſdiction, which no man could avoid or defeate, and furthermore, there is extant one Letter from the States, and two from the Directors themſelves, written in the life time of Mathias: which were ſent to King Ferdinand, wherein they all give him the title of King of Hungaria and Bohemia, and call him their good Lord and Prince, and moreover they all promiſed to provide him a Crown fitt for their King and Lord, So ſoone as God ſhould take to his mercy the Emperour Mathias, Therefore if the State only had abſolute power to Elect their King: then was Ferdinand, orderly, generally, and freely Elected: And if they had not ſuch power, how had they power afterwards to create another? how could the power ſerve the turne for Frederick and be defective for Ferdinand?

CHAP. 3. That the Crown of Bohemia is not only Elective.

BVt becauſe Camerarius and Pl • ſſen (the unhappy Advocats of an evill cauſe) labour to defend a paradox, that the Kings of Bohemia are only Elective (which if it were true doth not prejudice Ferdinand whom the State have Elected:) and the Palatines own Declaration printed 1619. Cur Regns Bohemia Regimen in ſe ſuſcepit why he uſurped the title of King of Bohemia, alleadgeth that Ferdinand, leges regni fundamentales ever i • , & privil gia Provinciarum, quas ſibi ſubjugare voluit velut bared tarias, cum libera erant Electiones.

The which aſſertion was very frivolous, ſeeing Ferdinand holds Bohemia by Election aſwell as by inheritance: for it is evident by all Laws, Cuſtomes, records and hiſtories of that Country, that ſince Bohemia was a Kingdom, the Crown and Electorate have paſſed, not by Election only, but alſo by Inheritance and ſucceſſion, and all Antiquaries have derived and drawn from Vratiſt • vius primus Anno 907. by eight deſcents the Inheritance of that Realme, ſucceeding in one line and familie, and therefore as we deny not a forme of Election, So cannot Cam • rarius deny the verity of ſucceſſion.

Againe when Ʋratiſlavins the ſecond was created King by Henry the fourth Emperour, the Dominion continued ſtill in the ſame race and blood for many deſcents, jure ſucceſſionis & electionis: And when Phillip the Emperour created Primiſlans Othocarus King of Bohemia and Crowned him at Mentz An. 1197. (when for a time the title of a King had been ſuſpended) The Crown and Scepter continually remained as incorporated into that ſtock and familie for many yeares after. Moreover Carolus the fourth was both Emperour and King of Bohemia, and from him and his iſſue the Crown deſcended to Vladiſlaus, ſince whoſe time the kingdom hath ever remained by ſucceſſion in that familie without diſcontinuance o • interruption, except when Podilradius a Huſſite, by practiſe, ſedition and forcible entrie uſurped the Crown.

But to omitt other reaſons. Women and daughters have often inherited the Crown; and is it not probable that they had it by Election only

But admitt Bohemia ever heretofore had been Elective, yet are the States of that Country reſtrained by Law never to Elect a ſtranger King, but when the • e is none of the blood Royall left in remainder.

And that I prove by an authenticall record, the Decree of Carolus the fourth, wherein it is ſaid, Electionem Regis Bohemia, in caſu & eventu auntaxa quibus do Geneal gia, progenia aut proſ p • a regali Bohemia Maſculus vel Femella ſuperſtes legitimus nullus fuerit oriundus (quod Deus avertat) vel, er quemcung, al um modum vacare contigerit dict • m Regnum, ad Praelatos Duces, Principes, & Barones, Nobiles & Communitat • m dicti Regni & pertinentiarum e, uſdem, decernimus rite & legitimè in perpetuum pertinere. So here is granted a power of Election, but limited by a duntaxat, to make that free Election, only when all the branches of the Tree are fallen, and none remaineth of the Stock. And let no man object, that ancient Cuſtomes cannot be altered by Imperiall conſtitutions, for here the Emperour interpreteth the priviledges of Former Emperours, and declareth in what ſence they are given: Exponit, non abrogat conſuetudinem. Beſides (70 Aur Bvllae the fundamentall Law of the Empire) it is enacted, that all the Electorſhips ſhould deſcend by inheritance (wherein Bohemia was comprehended) and that for want of heires Bohemia ſhould not eſcheate to the Empire, as other Seignories of the Electors did, but that the States of the kingdom ſhould make choice of their King.

And becauſe practiſe and Cuſtome are the beſt Interpreters of Laws, I will ſhew an example.

Sigiſmond the Emperour (Grandfather of Carolus the fourth) being King of Hungaria and Bohemia, called an Aſſembly of both States of both kingdomes at Snoyma a towne in Moravia, where he put in his Sonnes claime, and required them, for the better ſetling of the Government, to accept and acknowledge for his Succeſſor Albert of Auſtria (who had married Elizabeth his only daughter, and heir of both Realmes) ſo to eſtabliſh that by conſent which was his right by Law; and why they ſhould do it he gave them this reaſon, becauſe by the marriage of Mary, the undoubted heir, he himſelf poſſeſſed Hungaria in her right, and his Grandfather John inherited the Crown of Bohemia in his wives right, both which are confrmed by the teſtimony of Dubravius l. 27. Histor. Bohemia, and by Franciſc. Reſieres, c • m. 4.

Beſides Dubravius l. 28. relateth that P • taſco (Embaſſadour from the States of Bohemia to Frederick the Emperour perſwaded him, ut ſumeret ſibi regni gubernicula and make himſelf King, in reſpect he was the principall of that Stock, and roote of the Tree of Austria, id quod ei licebat, ſaid he, ex antique ſedere inter Bohemos & Auſtrios icto, de ſucceſſione Regni, the which pact was called Pactio Iglavienſis, made between Rodolphus primus, and Primiſlaus, the ſumme whereof was this: Ʋt nullo relicto haere • e Regni Bohemiae, ad Rodolphi poſteritatem Regnum deferatur. So here is an argument cited to authoriſe the ſame, which had been an Idle part, and a frivolous argument if no other Prince ſhould weare the Crown but one Elected by the States only, without regard of his blood.

And although to dazell the eyes of men, ſome have objected, that Ferdinand the firſt did ſollicite the States in his life time to Elect his Sonne Maximilian, and Maximilian uſed the like mediation in the behalf of Rodolphus his Sonne, which proveth the States had power to chuſe their King.

I anſwer. The times were then troubleſome, and the Country dangerouſly infected, and ſo as it was probable that factions in Religion would breed factions in the State: And therefore, ſeeing Abundans caut. la non nocet, to prevent all ſiniſter practiſes, they provided wiſely to ſettle their Succeſſor in aſſurance and ſecurity with advice and conſent of the kingdom: the which they did in their life time by way of requeſt, becauſe the States of Bohemia were not yet bound to ſettle the heires: for haereditas non eſt viventis ſed defuncti: heires are ever in expectation till their Parents dye, and when they take poſſeſſion they ceaſe to be heires and become owners.

Beſides, it is no good argument, becauſe the conſent of the States were demanded, therefore ſucceſſion hath no place: For all well governed kingdoms, ſucceſſive, have alſo a ſhew and a forme of Election. In England King Henry the ſecond requeſted the conſent of the Parliament, that in his life time he might ſee his Sonne crowned King, ſo did King Edward the third ſollicite for Rich. 2. and when Rich. 3. was Elected King, the words of the act are, we do chuſe you our Soveraign Lord and King, ex Rotul. Parl. 1. R. 3. therefore it is plaine that Election doth not exclude ſucceſſion, but ſucceſſion guideth the Election.

For in the ſame record this is expreſly added; it is agreed by the three eſtates that K. Rich. 3. is lawfull King of England by inheritance, and due election. So as inheritance and election are not two things incompatible, eſpecially in thoſe kingdomes, where Cuſtome hath given a Royall prerogative to the blood of a Familie.

But yet I will make the matter clearer. Anno 1547. it was enacted in Bohemia (as by the record appeareth) that according to the Edict of Carolus quartus, and the order of Ʋladiſlaus, and to the literae reverſales of Ferdinand 1. the States ſhould ever and only proceed, and no otherwiſe. And the States of Bohemia cannot now claime any ſuch Laws, Liberties, or Cuſtomes, to eject a King out of the right line and familie, wherein the Crown hath been ſo long inveſted, ſpecially till the iſſue be extinct: For, by the words of the Law, non aliter eis competeret libera Electio: and whereas they tell a tale of a Cuſtome in Bohemia to chuſe ſtrangers, and the Sonnes of the King of Poland (eminent for their vertue) they may aſwell tell a tale of Amadis de Gaule. And for that which Aeneas Silvius reporteth of Carolus the ſeventh of France, Sternbergius was the primus Motor of that to the King of France, to avoid a miſcheif by an hereticall intrudor, who deſired that a Catholique Prince might prevent George Podibradius an Huſsite, who (as he did foreſee) was like by violence to uſurpe the Crown, as appeareth by Dubravius l. 30.

And although I confeſſe that the Champions of this cauſe, artificially lay their colours, yet can they not make black white, but as Iuglers only make it ſeeme ſo to others. For this my laſt argument is unanſwerable.

The Princes Electors, when the States of Bohemia laboured at Franckford that they would not accept Ferdinand as an Elector, but ſuſpend his voice, quod nunquam plenarium adeptus eſt Imperium, they rejected them and their motions; and made this anſwer to the Bohemians; That ex cap. 7. Au • . Bullae, only he who was the lawfull Succeſſor of Mathias ought to be admitted to the Election as King of Bohemia: And they ſo judged it, firſt becauſe the States of Bohemia the ſeventh of Iune 1617. Solemnly accepted Ferdinand for their King, and confirmed their act by Oath: therefore no queſtion ought to be made of his claime and title. Secondly they alleadged that Juriſdictio Electoralis nulli competit niſi Regi Bohemiae jure haereditario, & nemo alius niſi Rex ad Electionem unquam erat vocatus. Thirdly, they ſaid King Ferdinand had lawfully received of the Emperour Mathias his Inveſtiture, the Office of Electorate, and the cheif Cup-bearer, and was put in poſſeſſion thereof, and further they added, that Maximilian the ſecond (Anno 1562.) was ſummoned by the name of King of Bohemia, and Elector, to be at Franckford to chooſe the King of the Romanes, and this being in his Fathers life time he ſigned the Decree, (though he had no other Election, Ceremony, or poſſeſſion then Ferdinand had) and the like they avouched of Rodolphus.

Therefore, ſeeing the Nobleſt Iudges, (the Colledge of Electors) have adjudged this controverſie, by reaſon, cuſtome, preſidents, and law, who will not rather obey learned authority, then be miſled by wrangling ſubtil • y.

A • for Moravia Sileſia, and Luſatia, (which Maximilian the ſecond did hold ex teſtamento patris) they were Seignories deſcended to K. Ferdinand the firſt by inheritance, and though annexed to Bohemia, yet as properly appurtenant to the King, and not to the kingdome of Bohemia.

Now, for as much as upon this Axis (vꝪt. the ſuppoſed nullity of Ferdinands Election, and the invalidity of his Title in ſucceſſion) all the motions and commotions of Bohemia were carryed: and ſeeing the weakeneſſe of that Axis is apparent, that it cannot beare the burthen layd upon it, they have more cauſe to lament their error then to defend it.

CHAP. 4. For the title of the Palſgrave.

IT remaineth now to demurre upon the title of the Palatine, Quo titulo ingreſſus eſt. Wherein I muſt firſt humbly, pray your Majeſtie that I may ſpeake the truth freely, and not abuſe you or flatter them.

He only and barely, upon no other ti • le th • n a ſuppoſed election by Count Thurn, ſome of the States, and the directors, by whom the Crown was offered unto him, and he accepted it. Paenam pro munere poſcit.

How can this action bee juſtified? judge you, how can a ſecond election and contract prejudice a precontract ſolemnly made and ſatified with all ceremonies? And which is no ſmall diſadvantage, the twentieth of March, Mathias being dead, 1619. the 25. of Auguſt King Ferdinand was choſen Rex Romanorum and Emperour: And ſhortly after a few factious ſubjects conſpiring together made the Count Palatine their King, whom they Crowned the fourth o • November after: whoſe Co • onation was no more than Raptus Helena, and his agents Proci alienae ſponſae.

Here is firſt to bee conſidered what pretences could be alleadged to diſpoſſeſſe Ferdinand, and divorce him and the Realme: ſecondly, who they were, and by what authority • he did elect Frederick.

The Count Palatine in his Declaration printed 1619. Cur Regni Bohemia Regimen in ſe ſuſcepit, alleadgeth certaine cavills, and unmateriall pretences for the ſame.

Firſt, that Leges Regni fundamentales evertit, & privilegia provinciarum quas ſibi ſubjugare voluit, cum liberae erant electionis, his ſuppoſed oppreſſion of their liberties is a ſcarre-Crow, a ſhew without ſubſtance, and already confuted and rejected.

Therefore two other hainous crimes, and crying ſinnes they charge him with, for which he ought to forfeit his claime to the Crowne. Tyranny and depopulation. Tyranny in tormenting their conſciences; Depopulations by ſpoyling the Country, with hoſtility contrary to his oath.

For the firſt they aggravate it, Aucta in immenſum religionis gravamina, and for the ſecond, Vi armorum hoſtiliter in eos ſaevitum, magna crudelitate, &c.

Therefore to excuſe their inſurrections, (that they might not be named rebellion) hee concludeth, Quis miratur ſi, quod indeſperatis morbis fieri ſolet, extremus afflictae provinciae ad extrema remedia deſcenderunt.

Theſe are fictions: for he can produce no greivance in the State which was not bredd by their own impatience and abundance of diſtemper'd humours. They could never produce any mandate from K. Ferdinand, or nominate any who were perſecuted upon that mandate, and the Law requireth, in rebus prejudicij plenis, plenas exigi probation • s: did ever Ferdinand deny tolleration of thoſe o • the Confeſſion of Auſpurgh, or did he ever revoke, or diſanull the grants of Rodolphus or Mathias I beſeech your Majeſtie heare an Emperour wrongfully accuſed plead his own innocencie, An 1620. Febr. 17. in his Ed • ctalis Caſſatio. Nos, ſaith he, post omnium Reg •• privilegi • rum confirmationem, quod promiſ • rimus, infra quatuor hebdomadas ad manus ſupremi Burgravij miſſuros pr • miſimus. At ſubditi nostri, benevolam nostram oblationem ne responſo dignati ſunt. Tamen dictae confirmationis diploma, juxtaten-remedicti R. Mathiae tot verbis & clauſulis ad Burgravium tranſmiſimus, idem que etiam Baronibu, Equitibu, & Civibus Pragae congregatis. But how did they welcome this faire offer of peace and mercie. The Emperour affirmeth upon his honour, Non a cep ârunt diploma, inducias & armorum ſuspenſati nem ſpreverunt, literas ejus▪ epudi • runt: that is; They by contempt and defiance provoked him to uſe theſe extremities, whereof they complaine being vanquiſhed.

But to make a cloſer fight the Argument which the Palatine uſeth for the defence of the Bohemians will appeare in the right ſhape of vanitie, if I may weigh it with Engliſh waights, and change the name; and if I may (to make the Judges the better to apprehend) thus breiflie draw it into forme.

The poore afflicted Catholiques of England have their greivances dayly multiplied, their eſtates ſpoiled, their perſons diſgraced &c. Therefore being driven to ſuch extremities, they may juſtlie and lawfullie take Armes in defence of their Religion and Libertie; how will the Judges like this reaſon? Surelie prefe • r me to Newgate worthilie: and yet this is the ſubſtance of their Argument, one Iohn of Stile is named for the Directors.

The antecedent of this Argument is comprehended in his own words; Aucta i • immenſum Religionis gravamina. Now if this reaſon be good to move compaſſion to the Bohemian; ſo it may for the Engliſh. If you object, that the Lawes of England puniſh Catholiques, and aboliſh the exerciſe of their Religion; ſo likewiſe doth the Law of the Empire and Bohemia condemne the Calviniſts. If you ſay, for the peace of the Realme, the King cannot tolerate Catholiques, experience ſheweth the like for the Calviniſes (whom the Empire accuſeth of hereſie, ſchiſme, and innovation) which laſt, cannot juſtlie be imputed to the Catholiques.

And touching the conſequent, it is the Palatines own concluſion viꝪ: Quis miratur, ſi quod in deſperatis morbis fier ſolet, ad extrema quoque remedia deſcenderant: So if the Catholiques ſhould follow the Palſgraves opinion and advice, ind • ſperatis morbis; that is in violent perſecution; they may lawfullie take Armes and defend themſelves; but they are otherwiſe Catechized, and better inſtructed in the School of true patience and humilitie, and practiſe, doctrine, and conſcience to draw in the Yoake of our Saviour.

They object alſo▪ that the Emperours Councell prohibited the exerciſe of their Religion, and pulled down two Churches lately edified for that uſe; one in the Town of Brunaw (where, in deſpight of the Abbott cheif Lord of the Soyle, they preſumed to erect a Temple) and the other at Cloſtergrap, belonging to the Archbiſhop of Prague.

The Emperour Mathias, upon petition delivered unto him, An 1616. and haveing heard the cauſe debated, Judicially decreed, that they ſhould be demoliſhed, becauſe the building of them was againſt Law, and the contempt of the cheif Lords unto whom both the juriſdiction and propriety of the Soyle appertained (as the Emperour ſignified to Thurn) and I doubt not but my Lord of Cant. would have done the like, had any ſuch attempt been made at Croydon by the Catholiques of Survey.

But what is this to Ferdinand? who can juſtlie charge him with his predeceſſors actions? Actio m • ritur • oum perſonâ.

But Ferdinand ſhewed too much ſeverity againſt thoſe reformers in Moravia.

Surelie, he did nothing but by the direction of the Emperour, whom it was requiſite he ſhould obey and aſſiſt (being choſen his • ucceſſor) both to ſupport his Majeſties authority, and to • acifie the troubles of thoſe Provinces, ſo as executing his Commiſſion it was not his act but the Emperours.

But marke their iniquity; they ſet all the Realme on fire, and cry out againſt them that ſeek to quench it, they gave the firſt blows, and when they are beaten for it they complaine they are oppreſſed, and hyperbolically exclaime, in eos ſaevitum eſt tantâ crudelitate.

Againſt King Mathias was their firſt inſurrection, and after his death, the Directors took Armes to barr Ferdinand out of the Realme, ſo as he had neither time nor opportunity, or occaſion to exerciſe ſuch cruelty, whereby he ſhould deſerve to forfeit his title to the Crown, or be condemned for breaking his Oath to the States. And therefore the Count Palatines pretences were inſufficient and goutie; and to ſay truely, Camerarius and his Camerado did but ve • niſh over the colours (ſlovenly hid) of thoſe tumults of Bohemia, and did build their Paradoxes upon weake and ſandy grounds. And therefore I conclude all with the Authority of learned Rocleſter. lib. de poteſtate Papa in temporalibus, who fetts this down as certaine as one of Euclides Elements, pag. 639. Non poteſt Apoſtolus Chriſtianos eximere à ſubjectione de jure naturali debitâ, aut Regem quemquam privare • ure ſuo cùm gratia non deſtruit naturam, & cùm Regnum in natura, Evangelium in gratiâ fundatur; ſicut Evangelium non dat Regnum, ſic nec auferre poteſt: And therefore he exclaimeth: Tota haec ratio ſeditioſa est, & proditoria: mul •• udini fraena laxat, & Rebellioni viam ſterni • . And in the ſame opinion was Doctor Bilſon in his book of Obedience, and Doctor Marton.

Now touching the Directors, who were the principall perſons and agents in this Election, two things are to be conſidered.

Firſt, the Originall.

Secondlie, what lawfull authority, and whoſe Commiſſion they had for their warrant.

For their Originall, it had a beginning in this manner, when the Emperour Mathias languiſhed at Ʋienna, by a long ſickneſſe, Count Fhurn took advantage of the time, and conſpiring with many of his Confederats, upon a ſuddaine ſurpriſed the Caſtle of Prague, the Emperours Armory, and the Court, and in a rage they apprehended his Majeſties Lieutenants and Cheife Officers of the Realme, the Preſident Slavata, Methansky Marſhall of the kingdom, and Secretary Fabricius, whom they caſt headlong out of a window forty cubitts high from the ground, who yet miraculouſlie were preſerved, and afterwards they Hollandized bravely, for they took the Scepter and Crown of Bohemia into their own hands: and to make good their tumultuous proceedings, they leavied an Army, and took upon them to create new Magiſtrats (whom they called Directors) to govern the State, and to excuſe themſelves of theſe inſolencies, they writ their Letters to King Mathias dated the 27. of March 1618 and alleadge a few poore reaſons to excuſe and ſhaddow their proceedings. Firſt, that the Preſident and the reſt were enemies to the State, and ſought to diſturbe the peace of the Realme, and alſo, whereas King Rodolphus granted them free exerciſe of their Religion (which, ſay they, was confirmed by your Majeſtie) that theſe men purpoſed to deprive us of the benefit of theſe your grants, and therefore, ſaid they, we were forced for our defence, to enter into league againſt them: ſo they oppreſſed the Magiſtrats before they ſenſibly felt the ſmart of perſecution, and to prevent a thing only purpoſed (as they gave out) they really & actually rebelled. But this was only a cunning ſhift: for they practiſed to draw the Provinces of Moravia, Sileſia and Luſatia to joyne with them, and not content to keep themſelves within the limits of Bohemia, they did riſe a degree of miſcheif higher, and ſollicited the upper Auſtria (the Emperours own inheritance, and no way ſubject to their Directorſhip) to runn the like deſperate courſe with them, as if their end and ſcope had been to ſet all the Empire in combuſtion, and to have a King and a Religion of their own Edition.

Although theſe exceſſes of diſorder were inexcuſable to be offered to the Emperour (whom in their own Letters they acknowledge to be á Deo ſibi prastitum Regem & Dominum, ac Magiſtratum clementiſſimum) yet King Mathias with great mildneſſe and clemencie ſought to pacifie rather then to provoke their furies: and therefore on the 6. of Iune 1618. he anſwered their Letters thus: That it did not become Subjects to take Armes againſt his Lieutenants (though they had offended before they did complaine of their injuries received, and ſought redreſſe by order of Juſtice: For he proteſted he never intended to abrogate or ſuſpend their priviledges, or revoke his letters of tolleration, and therefore they did him injurie without better grounds to forge ſuch ſlanders againſt his Governour. And further he promiſed to compound all quarrells, and eaſe their greivances by a moderate courſe of commiſſion. Laſtly ſeeing there appeared no enemies in Bohemia to moleſt and perſecute them, he adviſed them to diſmiſſe their Armies, and levie no more forces, and he aſſured them reciprocally he would diſmiſſe his Souldiers, cui cauſam (ſaid he) dederat veſtra conſcriptio, and for the better aſſurance he vouchſafed to write unto them againe the 18. of June, and a third time alſo to ratifie what he had graciouſlie promiſed. To all which letters they never returned thankes nor anſwer, but like Salvages, marched to Budviſe and Comotonium where they compelled the Magiſtrats to revolt from the Government of the Caſtle, and (which was a treaſon in the higheſt degree) they took Carleiſtein, where the Kings Crown and treaſure were kept, they depoſed the Burgrave, ſeized upon the Kings rents and revenues, and converted all to their own uſe, which was an Apiſh imitation of the union of Ʋtreche.

So here is Riott in the beginning, tumult in the proceedings, and treaſon in all.

But now for the lawfull authority of the Directors, whence had they their lawfull vocation and commiſſion? they took upon them an abſolute power, more like Tribuni plebis, then Officers of the Crown, nay a more high power, to degrade a new King, and at their own pleaſures to create ſuch Magiſtrats as they liked, and to diſpoſe at their pleaſures the Crown and the kingdom: a power unknown in any orderly State, greater then the Ephori and Hermoſtae of the Lacedaemonians, or the Archontes of Athens, or Highstewards of England (who notwithſtanding were ordinary and lawfull Magiſtrats, and eſtabliſhed by conſent of the States) but theſe arrogate and uſurpe a power to degrade old Kings, and create new (a tranſcendent prerogative which no wiſe State will admit, nor truſt any ſubjects with ſuch unlimited power,) and if they be not Magiſtrats, Idolum nihil eſt: and if they be Magiſtrats, I follow the Biſhop of Rocheſters judgment; à ſuperiore eſt poteſtas eorum, & ab eo ſolo deſtitui poſſunt, à quo inſtituuntur; Anſwer me then Categoricallie: were they choſen by the King or States generall? or were they his Lieutenants, or Regents in his abſence, or Procuratores Regni? No ſuch thing, no commiſſion, no durante beneplacito, no authoritie appeareth, no power from thoſe that had power and ſuperioritie to grant it.

Neither were they choſen by the Kings and States of the Countrie, but by Aſſemblies of a faction, who contrary to order and Cuſtome, preſumed to uſurpe Authoritie, and Domineere over the Countrie: The King is the head of the State, the Clergie a part of the State yet neither was the King, nor the Archbiſhop of Pragu, nor the Biſhops of the Realme, the Chancellor, the Preſident of the Councell, the Marſhall, nor the principall Secretarie, nor the Burgrave, nor moſt of the Nobilitie preſent, either at the creation of their irregular Officers, or at the Election of the Palſgrave: All this was done by Count Thurn, and a few ſeditious perſons, who had no power themſelves to give ſuch power to others, and could have no ſupreame power, unleſſe they would unking Mathias: which no man could do by Law, or order: for it is a falſe Paradox, that the States of any kingdom are above the Prince, and may bind his hands & depoſe him. And no man can demonſtrate, that the ſtates and Directors of Bohemia had ever power to depoſe one and Elect another Prince.

In Denmark and Poland (kingdoms meerelie Elective) yet the Kings Office is to aſſemble the States, as the Emperour doth at the Diett and the Danes alſo are bound to chooſe the Sonne of the laſt King, as they confeſſed themſelves in their apologie 1523. And therefore they did Elect Schioldus, Sonne of that Monſter, Lother King of Denmark.

Moreover, where a Prince is Soveraign, no Subject can be partaker of his Soveraigntie, which is a qualitie not communicable, for it reſideth in the union of a bodie politique, and if it be devided (without the Princes conſent) it looſeth the Soveraigntie.

An. 42. Hen. 3. certain Officers were elected, and appointed to ſee the performance of orders ſet down by the Parliament, and to correct the tranſgreſſors thereof, and the Kings brethren, and the Barons did take their Oathes to ſee the ſame obſerved, yet that act had no force till the King conſented.

1. Rich. 2. (as Ranulphus Higdenſis teſtifieth) conſtituti ſunt ad gubernationem Regis & Regni, duo Epiſcopi, duo Barones, duo Baronetti, duo Baccalaurij milites cum uno Iuriſconſulto. Yet was this done becauſe of the Kings minoritie, and under the name and authoritie of the King.

The Cheif Juſtice of Aragon hath a large command, and the States claime a power, Noſ que valemos tanto como vos, maſ que vos &c but this holdeth not to underpropp the uſurpation of the Directors and their Conventicles, for the Cheif Juſtice is an ancient and an ordinary Officer, eſtabliſhed by Cuſtome and long continuance, and is allowed by the King, and is depoſeable by him: as the King gives the Office, ſo may he take it away from him, as he did from Didaco.

And ſeeing all ſubordinate Magiſtrats have their Authoritie, jure humano, & non poteſtate ſua ſed alienâ: And ſeeing theſe Directors of Bohemia were not choſen nor admitted by the whole State, but (which was worſe) uſurped an Authoritie inconſulto Rege, I may ſay of them truelie whom theſe uſurpers elected, that which God himſelf ſaid Oſee 8. Ipſi Regnant, & non ex me, Principes extiterunt, & non cognovi eos.

And therefore I will conclude, that this Election of the Count Palatine was contrary to Law and reaſon, being made by Conſpiratours (who uſurped an authoritie which they lawfullie had not) and by private men and not by the King, nor Officers of the Realme, nor the Generall States.

And I the rather hold this opinion; becauſe King Iames, in his oration to the Parliament 1620. uſed theſe words, very judiciallie, Kings and kingdoms were before Parliaments, the Parliament was never called for the purpoſe to meddle with complaints againſt the King, the Church, or State matters, but ad conſultandum de relus arduis, Nos & Regnum noſtrum concernentibus; as the writ will informe you. I was never the cauſe, nor guiltie of the Election of my Sonne by the Bohemians, neither would I be content that any other King ſhould diſpute whether I am a lawfull King or no, and to toſſe Crowns like Tennis-balls.

Beſides if the Count Palatine had been elected in any ſhew of order, a maine defect yet lyeth as a block in his way: For the Aur. Bulla cap. de confirmat. Regis Bohemiae, ſetteth down this clauſe, as an eſſentiall Axiome: volentes ut quicunque in Regem Bohemorum Electus ſit, accedat ad nos & ſucceſſores noſtros (which Frederick did not) ſua à nobis Regadia accepturus, (which he likewiſe never did) and it muſt be done debito modo & ſolito, to ſhew the uſe, Cuſtome and dutie. And to take away all cavills, he binds it with à non obstantibus legibus municipalibus, that the pretence of impoſtors, the name of liberties, and the title of Vicarius Imperij might have no place for excuſe. And to prove the neceſſitie of his inveſtiture. Read Aur. Bullae exp. 2. and Curia Nurimbergh art. 7. & 8. Si quis autem Principum Electorum, aliuſve, feudem à ſacre tenens Imperio, ſupra & infraſcriptus Imperiales constitutiones adimplere noluerit, aut iis contraire praeſumpſerit, ex tunc cateri Coëlectores à ſuo ipſum deinceps conſertio excludant; And ſurelie the Palſgrave had ill Councell, and as weak a judgment, to ſeek to diſpoſſeſſe the Emperour of his right and title, who was to give him the inveſtiture of Bohemia, and by diſorder to ſeek a Crown alſo, by men who had no power to give it: by which ambition came the ruine of that mightie Familie, who aſpiring to a Crown it could not rightfullie challenge, loſt that Crown which it had lawfully long poſſeſſed.

CHAP. 5. Of the proſcription of the Palſgrave.

NOw I come to the maine point which the Puritans call the head of all theſe evills, the proſcription of the Palſgrave; wherein we muſt examine whether it were done de jure, or injuriouſlie, and whether there be juſt cauſe why the Father ſhould vindicate the honour of his Sonne; the grounds of the proſcription were too ſolid. For after the Aſſemblie at Franckford 1619. where, by the pluralitie of voices, Ferdinand was Elected (the Palſgrave not contradicting it) the Count Palatine took the Crown of Bohemia (as it were) from the head of the Emperour, he joyned with the Directors, begun this unfortunate tragedie made himſelf head of the union (the moſt dangerous that ever was contrived in Germany) conſented to the invaſion of the Lower Auſtria, and at Retz the States being aſſembled 2. Auguſt. 1620. Fredericum Palatinum Dominum & Protectorem elegerunt.

Beſides he aſſiſted all the malcontents of the State, and raiſed Armies for his defence, as if he had not been fullie ſatisfied with the Crown of Bohemia, except he had likewiſe diſpoſſeſſed him of the Empire, and forced him to flye into Spaine for ſuccour, as it is evident by the Records of Cancellaria Anhaltina.

Nay the ſame Count Palatine in his Letters to the Duke of Saxonie, confeſſeth that he took upon him the Crown of Bohemia: Firſt, that the kingdom might not be longer reſtrained from the exerciſe of their Religion: Secondly, that they might enjoy their priviledges: Thirdly and cheifly, that the Election of the King of the Romanes might be in the power and choice of the Proteſtant Electors: faire Colours on a falſe ground: zeal to Religion out of Charity is made to break the peace of Europe, and to maintaine the liberties of Bohemia, he muſt needs violate the Laws and orders of the Empire, and to enlarge the Dignitie of the Secular Electors, he would tread upon all the Eccleſiaſticall.

But to ſay more plainly, he ſcorned to hold the ſtirrup, while the Houſe of Austria did mount and ſurmount him.

But to proceed; was their end only to releive Bohemia? no ſurely: For they ſollicited the revolt of Hungaria: they joyned with Bethlem Gabor the Turks vaſſall: and if you look well into the ſcope and intention of theſe correſpondents, you ſhall ſee a Meduſaes Head.

For what was their project? by the Rolls of Cancellaria Anhaltina, the union intended to give the Palſgrave for his ſhare more then Bohemia, Alſatia, and a part of Auſtria, and to enlarge his Dominions with the ſpoiles of the Biſhopprick of Mentz and Spires, the reſt of the Correſpondents purpoſed to ſhare the fatteſt morſells of Germany amongſt them. Onoltsback gaped for Writzburgh. Barl • n thirſted after Bryſack and to oppreſſe the poore Count Eberſtein. Anhalt hoped to ſupply his prodigali • ies with Brambergh, and ſome eſcheats in Bohemia ▪ al of them reſolved by fire and ſword to extirpate pied a pied, the Papalty. And Bleſſen i • his letters to P. Anhalt 27. November 1619. certifieth him, unitat in conventu Noric • bellum decreviſſe in catholicas. Eccleſiaſt. invaſio, pag. 67. Cancellariae was reſolved upon, and the deprecation alſo of Tryer, and the ſurprizing alſo of that Prince Electors country, and pag. 131. it was concluded ut adverſae partis Provincia invadantur.

Beſides, as if they went to caſt the Empire in a pure mould, and refine the governement, they deſigned to ſwallow up the houſe of Auſtria, whereupon that Atheiſt Beth • ehem Gabor aſſured the great Turke by his letters, that the Palatine and Brand • nbergh would not endure nor ſuffer the advancement of Ferdinand. And ſo did Anhalt write to Danau beſides to weaken Auſtria, the union agreed to aſſiſt Gabor to raviſh the crowne of Hungaria and poſſeſſe it.

Moreover Anhalt councelled Danau by his letters 1619. to ſurprize a City which ſhould be worth thirty two millions.

I wil be breife, and omit infinite impieti • s▪ never was there any plot ſo prophane and graceleſſe as this one; ſclt: to ſet open the gates of chriſtendome to the Turk, and ſuffer him to march into the heart of it.

I will draw the curtaine and reveale the myſterie of iniquitie, to amaze their favori •• s, and make themſelves bluſh; for, undoubtedly to bring in the Turk to ſubdue the Emperour, is all one as to fight by Mahomet to expell Chriſt, yet ſo did Gabor certifie the Turk, that al the Princes of the union, Sultan, et toti nationi Mahom • tica corde et anim • , omn a officia fideliſſimi praeſtabunt: and that thortly Ferdinand ſhould be forced to abandon Germany, and upon this monſter the Palſgrave ſo much relyed, asby his letters to him July 13. 1623. appeareth in their Chancerie, where he honoureth him with the name of Father and Goſſip, as if yet he hoped for a ſun-ſhine day by his interceſſion. And that th • ſe things may not be denyed (becauſe they had not ſucceſſe) wherefore did Count Thurne (the Author of thoſe tumults) accompany Gabors embaſſadour to the Turk? onely to crave ſuccour againſt the Emperour, and draw the Janiſaries into his Country, 1622. wherefore did the Palſgrave in his proſperity at Prague receive a Chaous from the Turke, and after treaty with him diſpatched an Embaſſadour to the Port? and wherefore did he afterward by his letters dated the twentieth three of Iuly 1623. and directed to the confederate Provinces, adviſe them to conſider de augendo legationis Turciae ſpl • ndore? And wherefore was John of Coelen ſent to Constantinople by the union? Wherefore did Count Hohenloe often threaten that the Turke ſhould come in to vex their enemies? whereupon did Gabor ſolicite the Grandvizier for aide to proſecute the warres of Hungaria? Whereupon did the Turke write his letters to the Palſgrave, and to the Prince of Orange, that he had given order for the aide they deſired, and exhorted them to take the field couragiouſly againſt their enemies meaning the houſe of Austria, &c.

They pretend that religion moved them to this, and eſteeme nothing for truth but the word, and therefore let them heare ſic dicit Dominus, cap. Eſay 30. vae qui ambulatis, ut deſcendatis in Egyptum, et os meum interrogatis, ſperantes auxilium in fortitudine Phar • nis et habentes fiduciam in umbra Egypti. That is as he ſaith. cap. 31. peribunt qui ſpe in Deum • r licto, c • nfugiunt ad humanum auxilium, what a blindeneſſe then was this to invite the Turke, for their ambitious pretences to march into the Empire, and ſucke the bloud of Chriſtians that favoured the houſe of Auſtria. And therefore, upon ſo great and imminent dangers to the Church and State, the league was made by the catholike Princes at Mulhowes in Turingia 1620, for their neceſſary defence, againſt which the Palatine publiſhed an invective, and tearmed it a Councell of blood.

But to omit all theſe, who can by law defend or warrant the raiſing of ſuch an army againſt the Emperour, in the Empire, as the Palatine had? or their confederations with Yagendorffe, P. Aubalt, On lizba • h the Marqueſſe of Auſpack, Durlack, Baden, and the Duke of Wittenbergh, beſides the aſſiſtance of Nurembergh, Frankfort, and many imperiall townes? or the aſſociation with Holland, Denmarke, and the Duke of Bullion? or the large contributions which Cogmandolo ſetteth downe to have beene taxed upon each of them particularly from the yeare, 1608. to 1619. againſt the Emperour.

What Orator then can excuſe the Count Palatine, extenuate his offence, or pleade againſt his proſcription? ſpecially ſeeing (which arrogateth his offence) that hee ſtill is content to uſurp the ti • le of Bohemia, and not to renounce it. Nay though the Duke of Baviere ſent an herald to the Bohemians, they deſpiſed his letters, the E • ector of Saxony diſſwaded the States, exhorted and admoniſhed them but ſurdiscecinet, they would liſten to no pacification. The Emperour himſelfe wrote his moniteriall letters unto them, but the Palſgra • e too obſtinately refuſed all, for a crowne is an infectious and tempting baite, and as men ſtung by ſcorpions which breed the infection, ſo nothing pleaſed Ph • eton and his aſpiring ambition, but to guide currum ſolis, rather deſirous to dye then live loſſer then a King.

Therefore the Emperour had juſt cauſe to proſcribe him, and publiſh the Bann.

If you aske whether for the order of proceedings it were lawfully done, I anſwer, that the cauſe is already judged where the offence was committed, for in the Imperiall-diet at Ratiſbone the Embaſſadors of the Duke of Saxony; and the M. of Brandenbergh (Electors) and Lewis Lantgrave of Heſſen, made this anſwer to the Emperours propoſitions, Anno 1624, that they condemned the hoſtilities of Mansfield, and the proceedings of the Hollanders a Westphalia, and ſo in their conſciences that they condemned the practiſes and proceedings of the Palſgrave, and they acknowledged that the Emperour had cauſe to publiſh the Bann, becauſe they would not give eare to the councell of the Electors, nor ceaſe to aſſaile the Emperour in his owne territories, but ſtill diſturbe the peace of the Empire,

And the Eccleſiaſticall Electors joyned with them, that all of them had deſerved the Bann, both for the cauſes aforeſaid, and for proſecuting the Emperours principal officers of Bohemia, and for ſoliciting the Turkes (enemies of Chriſt) to invade the weſt Empire, and put the whole State in danger and confuſion.

So here is the Decree and Judgment of the Electors themſelves, Peeres to the Vicarius Imperij, and his Iudges without appeale: And here is alſo a concurrence of the whole Diett, although Charles the fifth proſcribed great Iohn, Frederick and the Lantſgrave who never pleaded that in Barr, that they were not juſtly condemned becauſe not by their Peers.

But let the Law it ſelf determine the queſtion. Firſt, for his Dignitie, there is no doubt to be made by the feudall conſtitutions, for by Aurea Bulla it is forfeited, tit. 1. & 10. the which was made by Carolus the fourth Imper. ex communi omnium at ſingulorum Electorum & multorum S. Imperij Romani Principum, Comitum, Nobilium, ac fidelium concilio & conſenſu. And by Farinaecius qu. 116. num. 72. and all Lawyers agree, that for rebellion they looſe all Feuda, old and new inheritance, and expacto, both Father and Sonne.

So Gigas l. 3. q. 4. Hernia Farinaccius de crimine laeſae Ma • eſtatis q. 116, num 80. Molina l. 4. c. 11. Socinus Iu. conſil. 65. num 2. l. 3. Et in hoc omnes convenire affirmant And Gail. l. 2. c. 13. num. 21. de pace publicae. And H. Roſentall is confident in this opinion, that the Emperour cannot pardonne the Sonnes, l. de Feud. c. 10. concl. 38. whereunto I cannot ſubſcribe: But to put Camerarius by Law to ſilence. And Gail. overthroweth all their plots and practiſes, l. 1. de pace publica cap. 5. in crimen laeſae Majeſtatis incidit, qui bellum in Imperio ſine Caeſaris licentia gerit, & movet. In what State then ſtandeth he that warreth againſt Caeſar himſelf, and that for his own inheritance? And to put all out of Controverſie, he yeeldeth this reaſon, Quia uſurpat ſibi ea quae ſunt ſolius Principis, nam movere bellum ad ſolum Imperatorem pertinet. It is a marke of ſupremacie and an inſeparable prerogative to Kings. Is Ʋicarius Imperij here excepted? N: for the ſame man, c. 1. l. 9. ſaith conditio pa • is publicae omnes omnium ordinum ſtatus Imperij, majorum & minorum gentium, cujuſcunque dignitatis perſonas aequè obligat. And, that you might not imagine the Lawes of the Empire are made like ſpider-webbs, only to catch Flyes, and to be broken by great ones, he adds this clauſe, licet ſit contra potentiores promulgata. Nay further, here that great Antiquarie, and a Proteſtant, Goldaſtus li. tit. 190. who cites this ancient Law, Nemo inter Imperij fines, militum ſollicitate, niſi de voluntate Ducis istius circuli: Curet que ſide juſſione ſtatuum, nihil ſe contra Caeſarem, Principes ſubditos, & clientes Imperij moliturum.

But the Directors of Bohemia begann this war againſt the Emperour Mathias, and the Palſgrave and they continued it againſt Ferdinand.

And the ſaid Goldaſtus relateth a decree made by the Emperour Ludovicus Pius, againſt the King of the Romans and his Confederates, as guilty of a high treaſon, for attempting againſt him and the State, for which cauſe the King was judged to looſe his head.

And the like Iudgement was pronounced by Otho 1. againſt his Sonne Ludolphus King of the Romanes.

But I will conclude all with the Law of Lande-Freiden, made by Maximil • an the firſt, Pacem publicam armatâ manu violantibus, poena proſcriptionis, quam Bannum Imperiale vocamus, irrogatur, ſc • vi • ae necis que .

And ſo I leave this cauſe rather to be pittied, then diſputed, if the offendors had not been too long Advocats of their own offences, and had not ſought rather to exaſperate the victor, then to pacifie him, till it was too late.

CHAP. 6. Of King James his not taking Armes to vindicate the honour of his Son proſcribed.

HAving thus curiouſly examined the grounds and cauſes of the Proſcription of the Count Palatine, and how they ſtand in Law and conſcience, without any partiality, neither taking affection to the one part (whom I know not) nor to the other (whom I pittie) but as the truth of the cauſe leadeth me, I aske this queſtion: Why is King James accuſed for not taking armes to vindicate the honour of his Son ſo proſcribed? And why ſhould the King of England give over all treaties, and enter into war with Spaine, if the Palatine be not reſtored; being the King of Spaine neither did, nor could proſcribe him▪ but the Emperour? For Spaine (as your Majeſtie knoweth) hath no command in the Empire, nor title, nor Authoritie.

The Archduke Albert ſent aide to King Ferdinand his nephew, with the conſent of Spaine, to aide their Familie, and to revenge ſo intollerable injuries to the Emperour in a juſt cauſe: Firſt the Count Bucquoy, and after Marqueſſe Spinola (great Commanders) marched thither, whereof the one with the Emperours forces diſpoſſeſſed and ejected the Palatine out of Bohemia, the other invaded the Palatinate and took poſſeſſion of it, An. 1620. and Verdugo and others his ſucceſſors did hold it, aſwell to weaken the Emperours competitor, to diſcomfort their partie, to force the Palatine to relinquiſh his title (for arma tenenti omnia • at qui • uſtanegat) as alſo to ingage the ſame for a pawne, to ſatisfie the charges of four juſt a wa • , and to pay the penaltie of an offence ſo odious.

And there is no reaſon why the King of Spaine might not ſuccour the Familie whereof he is the Root, ſeeing theſe lands were the proper poſſeſſion of Charles the Fifth, And by him freely given to the family.

Neither did Spaine breake the treatie with England, an. 1604. in any article, by that ſupport, and therfore they ſhall do well to ſet the ſaddle on the right horſe, and accuſe the Emperour for proſcribing the Pal • tine, and the imperiall diet for ratifiing the ſame, which no wiſe man will do. For it cannot bee honourable to juſtifie an unjuſt and condemned action, or ſeeke to take vengeance on the execution of juſtice on offenders, decreed by the generall conſent of the whole Empire. And it was wiſely ſaid of King Iames in his oration to the Parliament Quis me conſtituit judicem inter vos?

He were very well ill adviſed that would perſwade the King to fight for the Church of Bohemia, and undertake to preſerve Gods children in France, (as they call them) by the ſword. For, as that worthy Iohannis Roffenſis ſaid lib de poteſtat. Papaec. 20. Quis tribunal, illud erexerit in terris, in quo Rex de Rege, pa • de pari judicet? Iudex alterius Regis nemo Rex • conditus eſt, et rempublin rempublicam concitant. I know King Iames was defenſor fidei; but in his owne circle and imm •• ; intra quat nor maria: for Kings like plannets have their proper ſpheares and bounds of authority, in which they move proprio motu, and may not extend their prerogative of dignitie into places where it hath no juriſdiction or influence, but by interceſſion and graces.

But Spaine hath abuſed us (they ſay) with hopes and promiſes given, and not performes, for they keepe yet the Palatinate: what do they inter upon this? to truſt no more your enemies, but give over all treaties with them.

We expect (ſaith Tom. T. T.) to ſee an armie raiſed as well as ſubſidies, and that the King would really and royally ingage himſelfe in the right waie.

Touching the firſt, the Spaniard can reſtore no more then he hath, and for that it is fit Don Carolo be heard, who is a man of integritie and plain dealing, the Infanta hath ever had a princely compaſſion of my Ladies grace, the Counteſſe Palatine: and all her Councell can witneſſe how really ſhe did mediate, that the town in the Palatinate belonging to her dowrie, might by the Spaniards be preſerved for her, and not ſuffered to fall into hukſ • ers hands, and though C. Gondamore hath beene much defamed in England for a juggler in this caſe, yet I have heard by wiſe men, that he imploied his friends, conferred ſincerely with men of action, and imploiment, and uſed al means he could invent and contrive how to ſatisfie the King of England but ultra poſſe non eſt eſſe. It is neither the fault nor the fallacie of Spaine, and for the reſtitution of the Palatinate, your Majeſtie well knoweth, and I think hath diſcovered that there is a knot in that buſineſſe which onely the Duke of Bavaria can untie.

The Emperour cannot, except he would hazard to looſe part of his owne inheritance, (the upper Auſtria) and what, if that cannot (during the Duke of Baviers life) be yet effected; will you breake of all treaties with Spaine, for a matter hee cannot compaſſe, nor prevaile to effect? Will you make a perpetuall deadly feud with Spaine, becauſe he cannot yet therein fully ſatisfie you? It is a cauſe neither charitable nor politique, for marke the reaſon and project of this ſilly ſtateſ-man. pag. 13 your children (ſaith he) perhaps may have committed a fault, and though you thought good to purge them, yet to let them ſtill drinke of affliction, you may be thought juſtus ſed crudelis pater.

Well, how ſhould the King helpe his children, and ſhew his royall wiſedome as well as naturall affection, and regard the kingdome, as well as his cradle? A ſecret treaſure (ſaith he) lies hid in your peoples hearts, wee will contribute more to redeeme the credit of our nation, then to regaine the Palatinate, men and mony are the engines of war, ſend forces that ſhall be able to make their way thither.

Mark I humbly pray your Majeſtie, how ignorance roveth and looſeth it ſelfe, and yet he ſaith as much as any other can object. If you aske him, ſhall they march into the Palatinate? No ſaith he; there is great difficulty to get thither, the Palatinate is ill ſeated for us to warre in, being remote from the ſea, and ſurrounded with enemies, and the proteſtant league is beheaded (which ſhould have ſuccoured you) and therfore here ſolveth that you muſt not confirm the action to the bare Palatinate; for ſo it will never have an end, but draw it ſelfe into ſuch a circle of troubles, as wee may look twelve years hence to ſee two ſuch armies keep one another at a bay in the Palatinate, as now they doe in the low Countries.

So by this his Argument, to recover the Palatinate, you muſt not march thither, For the reaſons he wiſely alleadgeth, for that it is out of your way. Is not this man in a labyrinth? for hee wiſheth a thing whereof hee hath no hope, ſomething hee would have done, but he knoweth not what, nor how, what then? qua ſpe quo concilis, would he proceed? heare a counterfeit Hanniball ſpeak like a ſouldier: give the Hollanders your helping hand, and lend the Palatine an armie to diſpoſe of as he ſhall ſee cauſe.

Conſider well, firſt, that his plot is to relieve or revenge the Palatine, but not to recover the Palatinate.

I hope your prudence and providence is ſuch, as you wil be aſſured how they wil imploy this army. For, if the H • llanders muſt tutor him, they will aſſaile Flanders, or ſome parts of the Empire, or invade Spaine, or the Indies, and your Majeſty ſhall beare the name of the great Nimrod, have all the blame and malice of your neighbours, and yet the Pala • ine himſelfe ſhall gaine nothing by theſe ſharkers; who ſerve onely their owne turne by you both, and when you come to the account and reckoning for the charges, you ſhall finde neither honour, comfort, profit, thankfulneſſe, nor reputation by dealing with them.

Nay, Tom T. T. in all his booke hath but one wiſe ſentence, and that touching them; the Pedlers whom wee our ſelves ſet up for uſe, are become our maſters in the Eaſt-Indies, and think themſelves our f • llowes.

It is now given out in Holland, that your Majeſtie meaneth not to make peace with Spaine, but to confirme the treaties made with the Hollanders at Southampton before the laſt journey to Cales, which report I cannot beleive, for your wiſedome may foreſee many dangers and inconveniences by it, it is neither for • he benefit of your merchants, nor for the wealth of your Realme, nor the peace of Europe, nor your owne ſafe • ie. And I beleive France will finde in the end occaſions to caſt them off, for the Gummariſts and the Huganots draw in one line, have ſuck't one nurſe, and like no royaltie.

Forget not your Amboyna, and the imperious and cruell uſage of our merchants in the eaſt-Indies.

Forget not how ſcornefully they uſed Sir William Moriſon (your Fathers Admirall of the narrow ſeas) not without apparent contempt of your Majeſtie.

Forget not how th • y uſed your ſea men, and Fiſhers in Gre • neland.

And call to remembrance how unthankfully they uſed Qu • ene Elizabeth (their Patrone and Protectour) Anno 1594, wh • n ſhe ſe • t Sir Thomas Bodley to demand the mony ſhe had la • ed out for them.

And as if they hated Royaltie and the King himſelfe, they cauſe and ſuffer to bee printed Tom Tell-truth; and other malicious libells, and ſcandalous, to defame Majeſtie, and bring it into contempt, and ſecretly publiſh them in Brabant and Flanders.

Conſider alſo how preſumptuouſly they only uſe the fiſhing on your coaſts without licence, and challenge it as a due to them, which the French never durſt doe.

Beſides you may diſcerne clearely what inſolency Armata ſemper militia ever groweth unto, and I can witneſſe how falſely they dealt with the Earle of Leiceſter and my Lord Willoughby, who was forced to write an Apology for himſelfe againſt them.

And as for your glorious Father, I proteſt, for all his favours to them, (which were many and great) yet how ſhamefully they ſpake of him both living and dead, I cannot with modeſty relate.

Nay they have dared to ſheere the graſſe from under their feete, and laugh at his councell; and therefore they have planted ſo many low-country-men in England to ſerve their turne, who robbed you, and tranſported all your gold thither, that the States might make their benefit of it, which your Starre-chamber can well witneſſe: and theſe men are yours externally, theirs in heart and affection, neither hath your Majeſty cauſe to repoſe too much truſt in them, for their Aſtrologer Dr. Fink long ſince foretold them of a Starre riſing out of the eaſt, which I perceive they long to ſee come into England, that they might adore him.

But to ſpeake freely and loyally, it would be cenſured by forraigne Princes, as a great weakneſſe in ſo wiſe a Prince to hazzard your owne ſafety, and the welfare of the Kingdome and the lives of your deareſt Subjects for a cauſe ſo deſperate.

And on the contrary part, to enter into amity and league with your ancient confederates, with Spaine, and all men of judgement, and impartiall, hold it moſt honourable and profitable.

Your leagues wi • h the houſe of Burgundy were ever wont to be tyed with a ſu • e knot and inviolable, even by Hen. 2. Rich. the 1. and Hen 3.

Edw. 1. beſtowed upon Fland • rs and Brabant great penſions, as it appeareth by the records of the Exchequer.

Edw. 3. loved no nation better, and ſo did they him.

So long as Hen. 6. preſerved amitye with the Netherlands, he proſpered, and flouriſhed.

Yea (ſay the enemies of peace) but now the caſe is altered, Burgundy was then in mediocrity, now it is in extreames, for the King of Spaine is growne too great, too potent, and ſeekes to over ſhadow his neighbours, and terrifie them with his titles of greatneſſe, as if Iupiter would raviſh Europa.

Theſe are vaine thunderbolts of fancie: for, the benefites which the Realme may reape by peace with Spaine (being well ſetled) are of farre more advantage then can any way be expected by joyning with Holland. For thereby you ſhall againe eſtabliſh commerce and traffique, ſet all trades on work in the Realme, enrich your merchants, advance your Staples, (which bee your Maieſties Indies) increaſe, or at leaſt continue your cuſtomes, and ſo ſtore and furniſh your Exchequer by peace, which the warres will continu • ally exhauſt and draw drie.

Moreover by this peace, you may better hold Holland in awe, and a little reſtrain their inſolency, by a virtus unita, and I ſee there is need to do ſo; if you wil bridle their headin • ſſe, you muſt keep them between hope and feare, neither make them deſpaire of your aide, by entertaining their enemies, nor give them cauſe to preſume, by rej • cting the amity of Spaine. And ſo holding them in ſuſpence, they wil ſeek by all good offices to win you, for they know that England onely can curbe them, and advance their enemie. And ſo a ſtate alwaies living in Armes muſt be uſed, becauſe they are more dangerous neighbours then all others, and want neither will, nor meanes to offend, and by neceſſity are forced to reſpect onely themſelves, and to uſe all extreame ſhifts to uphold ſo broken and corrupt a ſtate.

And for that argument of the greatneſſe of Spaine, I ſay it is therefore the greater honour to England, to have ſo great a Prince to ſeeke and imbrace your amity.

Philip the third 1604. ſent the great Conſtable of Caſtile, with an olive branch in his hand to ſeeke peace, bury al offences, and reconcile the two Kingdoms with a perfect Amnestia, here you ſee their greatneſſe is no obſtacle to amity, and the rather, becauſe there never was till of late, betweene England and Spaine any nationall contention, nor any antipathy between the two crowns: but now there is; true, but ab initio non fuit ſic: and curſed be he that would make variance continue perpetually betweene Kings and Realmes.

But that your Highneſſe may know how great and entire the love and amity long continued betweene Spaine, Portugall and England hath been, the records ſhew, that Anno 36. Hen. 3. Alphonſus King of Caſtile made a league with England for him and his ſucceſſors ſolemnly contra omnes homines, which he conſtantly obſerved. So as when the French ſolicited a tru • e betweene them, he denyed ceſſation of armes, and would hearken to no motions of a treaty, till King Edw. 2. did mediate for it, and the knot was ſo faſt tyed betweene theſe two Realmes, that Edw. 1. did marrie Elenor the Kings ſiſter, who proved a deare and loving wife unto him, and plauſible to the whole Realme, in reſpect of which contract and marriage, King Alphonſus renounced and r • ſigned to King Edw. all his right and title to Aquitaine.

And his love and amity ſtill increaſed, for Iohn Protectour of Castile, Anno 18. Edw. 2. ſent a thouſand horſe, and ten thouſand foote to aide the King of England againſt France, and ſo afterwards 18. Edw 3. before he made his challenge and invaded France, King Peter of Caſtile agreed with King Edw. mutually the one to aid the other, and the ſame King made the like league with Ferdinand King of Portugall.

But of all others John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaſter, by his actions, his marriage, and his titles, did incorporate in a perfect union theſe two crownes, as if nature had determined by an holy Sacrament inviolably to couple and linke together theſe three Kingdoms, and by an union of blood to confirme that amity (for of him all the Kings of Spaine and Portugal are deſcended.)

Wherupon, after the civil warres in Eng. were ended (K. H. 7. a politick Prince) ſought to match his Sonne Prince Arthur with the Lady Katherine of Spaine, that there might continue a perpetuall ſucceſſion of conſanguinitie between the two crownes, and therefore renewed the old league with Philip the firſt of Austria. an. 1505. the which continued warmely and faithfully untill the ſchiſme and unkindneſſe of Hen. 8. made ſome variance unfortunately betweene them

But all this notwithſtanding, they object that the like is not hereafter to be expected of Spaine, which by the union and acceſſe of Auſtria, Portugall, and both the Indies cannot be contained in any circle, nor tyed by any pact to hold friendſhip with any Prince farther then he pleaſeth.

Theſe are the ſcar-crowes of Amſterdam, vaine and untrue, for Maximillian the Emperour after that great union, made a league with King Hen. 8. 1507. and held ſo good correſpondency with him, that at Turvey he did his Maieſty the greateſt honour that ever was done to England, to take a hundred crownes a day to ſerve under his ſtandard, and he further promiſed King Henry to aſſiſt and aid him to take poſſeſſion of the crowne of France.

Beſides, Carolus 5. (on whom the greatneſſe and glory of Spaine and Auſtria was moſt eminent and powerfull) did be not come to viſit King Henry in England? did he not make the treaties of entercourſe with him, Anno 1515. and 1520? did he not confirme their amity by the treaty of Cambr • y, 1529? So as there was a reciprocall and inviolable friendſhip betweene them, till the Kings divorce from Queene Katherine, the diſgrace of his Aunt, the ſchiſme of England, and King Henries confederation with the French King, did much alien the Emperours heart from him: but it was no rooted hatred. For, notwithſtanding all his ſupereminent of titles and Kingdomes, Anno 1543 they embraced one anothers friendſhip, and renued it againe, tractatu auctioris amicitiae.

And laſtly, King Edw 6. being dead, the ſame Charles 5. (as if hee had foreſeene how one of theſe crownes ſtood in neede of the other) married his legitimate ſon to Queene Mary; with ſuch conditions as were moſt honourable and profitable. And after her death nothing but a quarrell of Religion ambition, and faction broke the bond, which prudently, and out of his temperate diſpoſition, King Philip 3. laboured to tye a new, and binde with a faſter knot, if his Royall offer had beene as wiſely accepted, as by the Count of Villa Mediana it was nobly tendred.

By all which appeareth their folly and vanity, that thinke there can be no peace made with Spaine, nor articles kept, nor faith nor fidelity obſerved.

But conſider, who can oppoſe this peace with reaſon. The Hollanders will I doubt not, and they have meanes and ſpies in your Court, I dare not ſay in your Councell, as others here confidently affirme that know it: but their quarrell is de capite; for which they ſeeke their owne ends, not yours, and though ſome of your puritan Subjects will dare to contradict it; yet let traffique be heard, and conſult with your merchants who can beſt tell where entercourſe and commerce is to be for their moſt advantage.

And I am ſorry that ſo religious a King, and ſo magnanimous as the King of France, for privatum odium, & ſingulare commodum, I ſhould lay any block in the way of peace, yet your highneſſe knoweth that France hath their particular exceptions and piques againſt Spaine, which no way concerne England, and pretend what they will for your good, it is their owne they ſeeke, and keepe Spaine low, and draw dry their finances, but you ſhall ſhew to the world both great policy and vertue to glorifie your judgement, if you can keep them both your friends, albeit, è duobus milibus utrum 〈◊〉 tibi ut, your Majeſty and Councell can beſt judge.

Therefore, I beſeech your Majeſty conſider what inconveniences may happen to England, if either you ſhould bee councelled to reſtore the Palatine, or revenge his quarrell in deſpight of juſtice, whom the law and juſtice have caſt downe. For, cui bonos? it can be no honour to defend a mans errours, who might have ſaid with Albinus, Arma ameus capio, let not a non putaram be laid to your charge. The Realme hath no ſuch intereſt in the quarrell of Forreigners, but by alliance, and I ſhould pitty that Councellours weakneſſe, who ſhould adviſe your Highneſſe to the contrary; for nothing is ſo neere and deare to a King as his Crowne, and ſolus populi ſupreme lex eſt, it is not your caſe, but by conſequence and participation, and if you would attempt to reſtore or revenge him by indirect courſes, how are you provided to performe it? Vana eſt ſine viribus ira, and to breake with Spaine, and doe the Palatine no good, is to damnifie England, undoe your merchants, and blemiſh the honour of your judgement.

CHAP. 7. Reaſons why the Count Palatine is not to bee reſtored by Armes.

CAll therefore (moſt gracious Prince) true polici, experience, and vertue to give you councell, and conſult whether that your attempt be honourable, falſible, and for a King of England.

Cicero at Rome (the beſt ſchoole of civill government) being asked his opinion in a caſe like to this, whether it were good for Lentulus and the common-wealth, to undertake the charg to reſtore Ptolomy, and put him in poſſeſſion of his Kingdome, out of which he was ejected, he gave this adviſe, li. 1. epiſt familia ſi exploratum tibi ſit poſſe te illius regni potiri, non eſſe conſtandum: ſi dubium, non eſſe conandum, and why? totius facti tui judicium non tam ex concilio tuo, quam ex eventu homines eſſe facturos, ſi cecidiſſet ut volimus et optamus omnes te & ſapientur et fortiter, ſi aliquid eſt offenſum, eoſdimillos te et cupidè et temerè feciſſe dicturos: apply this to your ſelfe and you cannot erre, Ptolomy was a Prince depoſed, and to be reſtored by force of armes (who had caſt his ſelf into the protection of the Romanes) and yet the danger, hazard, and uncertainty of that action did diſſwade and diſcourage the whole ſtate.

I will ſhew another preſident to guide your judgment, neerer to your caſe.

Chriſtian the ſecond King of Denmarke was depoſed by his uncle Fredericke, and his owne ſubjects, his wife Iſabella ſiſter to Charles the 5th. as the Palatines wife is to your highneſſe, and afterward hee was betrayed by Canutus Gulderſtein (who promiſed him in Fredericks name ſecurity and capitulations) but notwithſtanding he was taken and impriſoned many yeares yet the Emperour his brother maintained her and her children very nobly, but though his cauſe was juſt, his title without queſtion, his caſe lamentable, Halfnia, Malbogia, and both Burgers and Paiſants ſeeking his reſtoration, and his cauſe depending in ſuite at Spires, where he was like to have judgement for him (as is manifeſt by the acts and records there) Denmark contra Denmark in cauſa ſpolij, as Melchior Geldaſtus teſtifieth, yet for divers cauſes the Emperour reſolved not to hazard himſelfe and his people in a war ſo dangerous and unneceſſary, and for a man of forlorne hope, and eſpecially he himſelfe being engaged in other occaſions of more importance touching his honour, and ſafety, hee neglected this, which though it were a croſſe to his friends, yet for their good hee was not to neglect himſelfe and his State.

But, if the practiſes of your predeceſſours may bee thought beſt to guide you, Queene Iſabell, wife to King Edw. 2. flying to her brother the King of France for ſuccour againſt the Spencers (the Kings minions:) the French Kings Councell adviſed him to give her money, and leave her to ſolicite ſuch friends as ſhe could procure, but in no ſort to appeare in the action, nor give commiſſion to levie men againſt the King of England, for ſo he ſhould give cauſe to renue the warre, and ſet France in an uproare and danger, which were a thing incommodious to himſelfe, and inconvenient to the State: ſuch was their warineſſe and providence to preferre the place, ſafety, and proſperity of their Country, farr above the reſpect of particular perſons, not regarding the Queene his ſiſter, ſo much as his crowne and ſafety. And afterwards when Sir Iohn Heynault Lord Braumont, undertooke to reſtore her, both the heart of Heynault and his cheife officers oppoſed it, as an enterprize of more courage then wiſedome, and although good ſucceſſe made it ſeeme good, yet it was not ſo of it ſelfe, but by accident, for the Queene having ſtrong partie in England, (as now the Palatine hath in Germany) the Barons ſent over the Archbiſhop of Canterbury to aſſure her of their aſſiſtance and beſides ſhe carried over into England with her ſolem orientem, Prince Edw. the Kings ſonne and heire.

It was lately objected to me, that the famous blacke Prince aided Don Pedro King of Caſtile againſt his Subjects who rebelled, and wrongfully expelled him: and therefore King Charles ought to doe the like for the aide of his ſiſter.

I denie that he ought, and I ſay alſo, that the conſequence is not good, for the Prince aided a lawfull King againſt rebels, you ſhall aide a uſurper againſt a lawful King and an Emperour, ſo in the cauſe there is odds. Beſides, have you a blacke Prince (the mirrour of all martiall Princes) to be imployed in this expedition? Or have you in Spaine or Ger. ſuch a Rendezevous to let in your Forces with facility, as he had in Aquitaine? And beſides, you ſhall break a treaty of peace ſolemnly ſworne, which the Princes did not; I adde alſo, that valiant Cand • is diſſwaded the Prince from undertaking the action: you ought (ſaith he) to be content with the ſtate you have, and not to pull upon you the malice of forreign Princes: but Prince Edwards owne reaſon why he undertook it, proveth ſtrongly that your highneſſe ought not to undertake the like for the Palſgrave: for his argument was as heroicall as himſelf, that he would attempt it for the right heir, who was diſpoſſeſſed of his inheritance, by one who had no right to it, the which was a matter of honour, and ſuch as the Kings ſon could not endure, becauſe it was a bad preſident, and a wrong to the Royal ſtate of all Monarchies, whereupon King Edward 3, his father gave his conſent to the enterprize.

Now, if that argument were forcible to move him, then it is as ſtrong to move you not to aſſiſt the Palſgrave, either for his reſtoration or revenge, becauſe hee diſpoſſeſſed K. Ferdinand without any juſt title or claime, and only upon quirks and cavills.

Queene Elizabeth ſhewed more wiſedome, and taught them a wiſer leſſon, rather to have protected religion and the country, then to uſurp the crowne, and though for the ſafety of her owne eſtate ſhe went too far) yet her colours were wel died, and had a good gloſſe, although in the end ſhe repented, and ſought for peace (Ann. 1588.) when it was too late.

Lay this conſideration to your heart before you ſtrike up the drumme, and learne by other mens harmes to prevent your owne.

When Queene Elizabeth began to aide the low-country-men, I know ſhe had 700 co. l. in her Exchequer, but before the 4. yeare of her raigne, ſhee was forced to ſell her land, her people were taxed with ſubſidies, tenths, and privy-ſeals, above two Millions and 800000. l. all which the realme loſt, and ſhe gained nothing, no not ſure and thankfull friends.

I wil uſe no ominous predictions, nor tell you the Aſtrologicall prophecy of Litenbergius, who lived above 140. yeares before the battell of Prague.

I omit how that brave P. Sebastian King of Portugal ruined himſelfe, and loſt his K. by iuvenile concilium, by aſſiſting a weak competitor againſt a ſtrong adverſary.

The world ſeeth that Man field and Alberstate are buried in oblivion, and without a tombe, and nothing proſpereth that is undertaken to a perverſe end, or without good ground of juſtice.

The magnanimous King of Denmark (albeit Tyeko Brabe had long before given him faire warning, and a good caveat to looke to himſelfe) yet for his friends ſake he hath dangerouſly run upon a rocke, and hazarded his perſon, his eſtate, In land, Holſt, the lives of his Subjects, and his honour, by taking armes againſt the Emperour. Firſt, by aſſiſting Halberſtat, and after revengeing the Palatine, I wonder that ſo great a Prince did not remember, that hee and his predeceſſours did hold Dith-Marſh in feodo of the Empire, ever ſince Frederick the Emperour, and alſo the Dutchy of Holſten (for the which ſolemnly by an Embaſſador Pogge Wiſch, he did ſweare homage and fealty to the Emperour) and yet, which was no ſmall errour, with his owne hands he did in contempt, caſt into the conditions of peace offered unto him by the peaceable Emperour Ferdinand, for which hee may repent too late. But Paulus Nagel who promiſed him, mountains in his Kallender, hath deceived him as Doctor Fink did the Hollanders, and ſurely he is felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum. For it is a ſafe Councell that Polibius gave, non tantum praeſentia ſpectare, ſed et futura proſpicere, et quis exitus in de futurus ſit. And as Niceas adviſed lib. 7. Thucid, temeritas ſuperbiaque populorum injuſta bella ſuſcipientium, eos funditus perdit. But Claud l. 11. annal. Taciti, gave his friends this rule to rectifie all your judgements in this deſperate caſe: Princeps, quantumvis graviter offenſus, prius ſecuritati ſuae, quàm vindicte conſulat. It is better to digeſt patiently ſome wrongs, then ſtirre to revenge them, and to keepe your owne eſtate ſecurely guarded, before you ſeeke to damnifie anothers.

And to ſay truely, it is no policy in you to venture further in theſe actions then were fit, and it were groſſe folly to hazard your owne Crowne to recover a Coronet for another (in a time of ſo dangerous practiſes.) And it is neceſſary to foreſees whether the Palatine being by force put into poſſeſſion of his Country, the warre may ſo bee ended, and you may bee ſure to live in peace, otherwiſe you ſhall enter into a laberinth, and be entangled in a perpetuall incumbrances (which your father 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 did wiſely foreſee) and if onely revenge muſt end the quarrell, and ſatisfie you who then ſhall judge when the quarrell is ſufficiently taken.

To conclude, for the love and reverence I beare you, I will not preſume the councell your highneſſe, but to tell you the Councel of the ſtate of Corſica. lib. 1. Thucid non eſt ſemper prudentiae velle cum alijs periclitari: ſed ubi extra teli factum et periculum tutus in aliorum diſcrimine, atque etiam poſt victoriam eſſe potiris: But how much then more when there is doubt of the victory? I will put your Majeſty in mind of true judicious councellours: Turpe eſt (ſaid Hermotinus in Thucid) ſi quae reſpublica ut aliam ulciſcatur acceptamque injuriam vindic • t, ipſam majorem quam alias parat calamitatem incidat. And how can you aſſure your ſtate not to run this hazard? Let them not abuſe you, and preſſe you with your honour, for quicquid ex aequitate et justitia faciendum eſt licet ſepè non ex dignitate reipub. fieri videatur, ut bellum et calamitas imminens evitetur. Remember that the Par. of England adviſed Rich. 2 to do homage for Callice and Guyen rather then to enter into war. And the moſt glorious and fortunate Prince Edw. 3. told the Parliament, anno 25. that to avoid the effuſion of blood, hee was content to diſclaime all the right and intereſt he had in the crowne of France, quietly and peaceably to enjoy his owne chart. original. de renunciat in theſaur. If this King (ſo great and victorious and fortified with an iſſue borne to inherite fame) was deſirous to imbrace peace upon tearmes of inequality, and diſadvantage, though it concerne both the proſperity of the Realme, and his own honour. Hath your Majeſty reaſon to precipitate your ſelfe and your Kingdome into an unneceſſary war, to endanger the ſtate, and prodigally ſpend your treaſure; and that which is dearer, the lives of your Subjects, for revenge of a quarrell ill begun, and now in deſperate termes? A wiſe Prince will meaſure his undertakings by his power, and great attempts need the directions of great judgments. Forget not I pray you that Hen. 3. was driven to pawn his robes, jewels, and gold of St. Edwards Shrine, and Edward 3. morgaged the crowne imperiall to Sir Iohn W • ſenham, a merchant, invadavit magnam coronam Angliae, for mony to ſupply him (ſaith record.) Therefore without urgent cauſe, be not by any giddy councell drawn hereafter to doe injuries to your neighbours, or any more to invade Cales or Retz. Hannibal invaded Jtaly, and thereupon came the leſt of Carthage. King Iohn of France invaded Aquitaine, and was led captive to England If by invadings, then firſt, the King of Spaine, and the Emperor ſhould invade you (which God forbid) how can the ill Councellours that miſled you, ſatisfie the the Realme, and cleare your honour? or how can they with conſcience anſwer poſterity for ſo much blood of their progenitors ſhed by reaſon of their folly.

Therefore this is my humble ſupplication and ſuite to your Majeſty, that your ſelf would be pleaſed to peruſe and ponder theſe few lines, and to bee perſwaded that nothing moveth me to this ſcribling preſumption, but my owne fidelity, and the love of ſome of your ſervants here that pray for your happineſſe. Proteſting and taking God to witneſſe that I write by no inſtruction of Forreigners, not for no penſion, nor obligation to any forreigne Prince whatſoever; but this Hanc animum concede mihi, ut caetera ſunto.

FINIS.