YOur desire of being informed particularly by me, of the state of Religion and Learning in Italy, and chiefly here at Rome, has quickned my curiosity, and has set an edge upon a humour that is of it self Inquisitive enough: and tho I am not so much in lo [...] with writing, as to delight in transmitting you long Letters, yet I find I have matter at present for a very long one; chiefly in that which relates to the Quietists: for you observe right, that the short hints that Dr. Burnet gave of their matters in his Letters, did rather increase the curiosity of [Page 2] the English, than satisfy it. He told as much as was generally known in Rome at that time, concerning them; but as a longer stay might have discovered more particulars to him, so there have fallen out since that time such new and surprising accidents, that there is not more hearkning after new Evidence in England, upon the breaking out of Plots, than there was at Rome upon the Impri­sonment of so great a number of persons in February and March last; the number alone of 200 persons, was enough to raise a great curiosity; but this was much encreased by the quality of the persons that were clapt up, who were both for Rank, for Learning, and for Piety, the most esteemed of any in Rome. So I was pusht on by my own Incli­nations, as well as by your Entreaties, to take all the pains that was possible for me, to be well Informed of this matter. The particular Application with which I had read some of the Books of Devotion writ in this method, and the pleasure, and, I hope, pro­fit, that I had found in it, made me still the more earnest to know this matter to the bottom. It is true, it was hard to find it out: for those who have been in Rome, know with how much caution all people there talk of matters that are before the Inquisition: those are like the Secrets of state elsewhere: of which a man cannot talk much without [Page 3] incurring some Inconvenience; and there is no Inconvenience that is more terrible at Rome, than the falling into the hands of the Inquisitors: for besides the Danger that a man runs, if the suspitions are well founded, the least ill effect that this must have, is the cutting off all a mans hopes of Preferment; for what a Suspition of High Treason is else­where, the Suspition of Heresy is at Rome; and where there are many Pretenders, and there is so much to be expected, you may imagine that Hope and Fear working at the same time so powerfully, it must be very hard to ingage such persons as probably know the secret of things, to trust themselves upon so tender a point, to strangers. The truth is, Learning is so low in Italy, and the Opinion that they have of the Learning of Strangers, chiefly of Hereticks, is so high, that they do not willingly enter either on Subjects of Lear­ning or of Religion with them; and on the other hand a Stranger and a Heretick, who is considered as a Spye, or a fair Enemy at best, will not find it convenient to thrust on such subjects of conversation, as are tender and suspitious. All this is to prepare you for a relation which you will perhaps think defective, yet is as full a I could possibly ga­ther, out of all the Hints and Informations that some moneths stay at Rome procured me.

[Page 4] The first thing that surprises a stranger in Rome, is the very unequal mixture of Wealth and Poverty, that he sees here, as well as in all the parts of Italy; yet it is more con­spicuous here, than elsewhere: for as the Wealth of the Churches, Palaces and Convents is astonishing, so the Poverty of the Inhabi­tants, and the meanness of the ordinary Buil­dings, is extremely unsuteable to the magni­ficence of the other. When a man sees what Italy was an Age or two ago, not to go back so far as to remember what Rome was once; he can hardly imagin how such a fall, such a dispeopling, and such a poverty could be­fall a Nation and Climate, that Nature has made to be one of the richest of the world, or of Europe at least; if the PRIESTS had not at the same time a secret to make the Natives miserable, in spite of all that Abundance with which Nature has furnished them. It were not able to withstand even an ordinary Enemy, and it can scarce support it self. Those Italians that have seen the Wealth and Abundance that is in England and Holland, tho their Sun is less favorable, and their Cli­mate is more unhappy, and that come home so see their Towns deserted, and their Inha­bitants in Raggs, speak of this sometimes with an Indignation that is too sensible to be at all times kept within bounds. They speak of the difference betweeen Holland and [Page 5] Italy, like men affected when they compared the two soils and Climates together. The one is a soil divided between sand and turff, preserved from the Innudations of Land-floods, and the overflowing of the sea, at a vast Charge, suffering often such losses as would ruin other states, and paying great and constant Impositions: and yet with all these Inconveniences, and all the disadvan­tages of a feeble sun, a stagnating and phleg­matick Air, violent Colds, and moderate, or at least very shorts Heats, this Countrey is full of Wealth and People; and there is in it such an abundance of great Towns and con­siderable villages, and in all these there appear so many marks of plenty, and none at all of Want: and the other has a kind sun, long and happy Summers, and mild Winters: a fruit­ful and rich soil, and every thing that the In­habitants can wish for on Natures part, to ren­der them the Envy of the World: whereas they are become the Scorn and contempt of all that see them. And as much as the Dutch seem to have acted in spite of Nature on the one hand, in rendring themselves much more considerable than she has Intended they should be; so the Government of Italy seems to have reversed the design of Nature as much on the other hand, by reducing the Inhabitants to such a degree of Misery, in spite of all her Bounty: upon this subject [Page 6] the Italians will talk more freely than upon matters of Religion: and do not stick to say, that it flows from the share that PRIESTS have in the Government, and that not only in the Popes Territory, but in all the other Courts of Italy, where they have the main stroke. They will tell you, that Priests have not Souls big enough, nor tender enough, for Government: they have both a narrowness of spirit, and a sourness of mind, that does not agree with the Principles of human Society: Their having so short and so uncertain a time of governing, makes them think only on the present, so that they do not carry their prospect to the Happiness of, or misery that must be the consequences of what they do, at any considerable di­stance of time: nor have they those Com­passions for the Miserable with which wise Governours ought to temper all their Coun­sells; for a stern sourness of temper, and an unrelenting hardness of heart, seems to be­long to all that sort of men in Italy. What­soever advances their present Interests, and inriches their families, is preferred to all wise, great or generous councells. Now tho the Natives dare not carry this matter fur­ther, yet a stranger, that thinks more freely, and that has examined matters of Religion, in a more Inquisitive manner, sees plainly that all these errors in Government, are the [Page 7] effects of their Religion, and of that authori­ty which they believe is lodged in the Pope, chiefly and of which every Priest has so con­siderable a share, that he is easily able to make himself master of every mans Consci­ence that lets him into it, and that believes those three great branches of their power: that they can pardon their sins, make their God, and secure them both from Hell and Pur­gatory. These are things of such a mighty operation, that if it is not easy to imagine how they should be so easily believed, yet suppo­sing once the belief of them, all other things flow very naturally from thence: men are not convinced of these errors till it is too late to come and undeceive others. It is true, many of the Italians believe these things as little as we do; yet this is in them rather an effect of a loose and libertine temper, than of study and enquiry, in a Countrey where not only Heretical books would endanger a man, but the bare reading even of a Latin New Testament would give some suspition. But the thinking men among them are led to doubt of all things, rather from a principle of Atheism, than of searching into matters of Controversy: the one is much less dangerous there, than the other would be. And indeed as soon as a man becomes a little familiar with any of the men of freer thoughts here, he will soon see that the belief of their Religion has [Page 8] very little power over many of those who are the most zealous to support it, only because their Interest determins them. When a man has lived some time at Rome, and has known a lit­tle of the Mysteries of the Conclave, with the Character both of the present and the late Popes, particularly the weakness and Ignorance of him that now reigns, who does not so much as understand Latin; when a man sees how mat­ters are carried in that Court, what are the Ma­ximes they go by, and the Methods that they take; when he sees what a sort of men the Car­dinals are, men indeed of great Civility, and of much Craft; but as to the matters of Reli­gion, men of an equal sise both of Ignorance and Indifference: when a man sees how all preferments are obtained, but chiefly how the purple is given, and how men rise up to the Triple Crown: when, I say, a man has seen and observed all this a little, he cannot wonder enough at the Character that so great a part of the World sets on that Court. The plain and simple Arguments of Common sense work so strong, that Transubstantiation it self is not har­der to be believed, than that this man is Christs Vicar, a man of Infallibility, and the source or channel at least of divine truth. So that a man that has given himself the opportunities of observing these matters Critically, will feel a persuasion of the falsehood of those preten­sions formed so deep in him, that all the Sophi­stry [Page 9] of Argument will never be able to over­throw it: for the plain sense of what he has seen will apparently discover the delusion of those Reasons, which perhaps he is not lear­ned enough to answer: for let men say what they will, it is no easy matter to believe in a Contradiction to the clear Evidence of sence: and I cannot make my self so much as doubt, but that as Cato was wont to wonder how it came that every one of the Heathen Priests did not laugh when he saw another of the Trade, so the Cardinals when they look on one another, and a Pope even as Ignorant a one as the present Pope is, when he receives the submissions that are offered him by all who are of that Com­munion, must laugh within himself when he sees how lucky that Imposture is, which has subdued the World into so much respect for him, and to so great a dependance on him. A man who sees all these things upon the place, and is of an Age capable of making solid Reflections, and has a due portion of Lear­ning, must return amased, not so much at those who being already under the Yoke, have nei­ther knowledge nor courage enough to shake it off, nor at those who go into it because they find their account in it, and so hope to have a good share of the spoil, as at those who have shaken off the Yoke, and have got into more Liberty and more Knowledg, and feel the hap­py Influence of their deliverance even in their [Page 10] Civil Liberties and other Temporal Concerns, if they should ever come so much as to delibe­rate whether they ought to return and serve their old and severe Masters, or not. For my part, I speak freely to you, that I could sooner bring my mind to believe that there is no such thing as Instituted Religion; and that it is enough for men to be just and honest, civil and obliging, and to have a general re­verence for the Deity, than ever to think that such Stuff as the men of the Mission would im­pose on the World can be true. Chiefly in that part of it which relates to the Popes Authority, after all that I have seen and known.

You will perhaps think, that this is a long digression, or at least a very improper intro­duction to that which I told you I would offer to you, since the relation that all this has with the matter of the Quietists, does not appear to be so very proper. Yet you will perhaps change your mind, when I tell you, that the Miseries of Italy, that the Aversion that all men of sense there have to the Ar­tifices of their Religion, and chiefly to the conduct of the Regulars, and above all, of the Iesuites, is believed the true reason that led such numbers of men of all sorts to be so favourable to Molinos: to which this was rather to be ascribed, than to any Extraordi­nary Elevation of Piety or Devotion, of which [Page 11] so little appears in that Country, that nothing which touches only upon that Principle can have great effects among them. Men that are sick, turn to all sorts of remedies: and those who are discontented, do naturally go into every new thing that either promises re­lief, or that wounds those that displease them. The present state of things in Italy being such as I have described it, you need not wonder to find so many ready to hearken after any thing that seemed both new and safe. For as the Novelty gave that curiosity which might draw in many, so the safety that see­med to be in a Method of Devotion in which so many of the Canonised Saints had gone before them, and which appeared at first authorised by the Approbation of so many Inquisitours, made them apprehend that there could be no danger in it. In the recital that I am to give you, I do not pre­tend to tell you all the whole affair: nor will I assure you of the truth of all that you will find here. For in matters of this nature, in which Interest and Passion are apt to work so strongly, there are alwayes so ma­ny false Reports spread, and matters are so often aggravated on the one hand, and dimini­shed or denied on the other, that I will not say but there may be some things here that upon a stricter inquiry will perhaps appear not to be well founded; yet of this I will assure [Page 12] you very positively, that I have Invented and added nothing my self. I leave those arts to the Italians, and the Court of Rome: therefore I will tell you things nakedly and simply, as I found them, without adding so much as one Circumstance out of my own Invention. I also made as much use of my Judgment as was possible for me to do, both in considering the Circumstances of those with whom I talked on those heads, and the things themselves that they said to me; so I let pass all that seemed to be the effect of Pas­sion or Prejudice, and only marked down that which seemed to be true, as well as that which I had from men whom I had reason to believe. My Informers were men of Pro­bity and of Sense; they were not indeed ea­sily brought to talk of this Subject, and they spoke of it with great Reserves: so that there may be many defects, and possibly some mistakes in the account that I am to offer you; yet you must be contented with it; for it is all that I could gather; and it is not corrupted with any mixture of my own.

Michael de Molinos is a Spaniard, of a good and Opulent Family. He entred into Priests Ordors, but had never any Ecclesiasti­cal Benefice: so that he seemed to have dedi­cated himself to the service of the Church, without designing any Advantage by it to [Page 13] himself. He passes in Italy for a man both of Learning and of good Sense. His course of life has been exact, but he has never practi­sed those Austerities that are so much mag­nified in the Church of Rome, and among the Religious Orders: and as he did not affect to practise them, so he did not recommend them to others; nor was he fond of those poor Superstitions that are so much magni­fied by the trafficking men of that Church But he gave in to the Method of the Mystical. Divines, of which, since your studies have not perhaps lien much that way, I shall give you this short account.

That sublime, but mysterious way of De­votion, was not set out by any of the first Writers of the Church; which is indeed a great Prejudice against it: for how many soever they may be, who have followed it in the latter Ages, yet Cassians Collations, which is a work of the midle of the fifth Century, is the antientest Book that is writ in that strain: for the pretended Denis the Areopagite is now by the consent of all learned men thought no Elder than the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth Century. Yet after these Books appeared, very few followed the elevated strains that were in them: the latter was indeed too dark to be either well understood or much followed. So that this way of Devotion, if it was practised [Page 14] in Religious Houses, yet was not much set out to the World before S. Bernards time, whose melting strains, tho a little too much laboured and affected, yet have something in them that both touches and pleases: after him many began to write in that sublime strain; such as Thauler, Rusbrachius, Har­phius, Suso, but above all Thomas a Kempis. And when for some considerable time that way of writing was discontinued, it was again raised up in the last Age, with much luster by S. Teresa; and after her by Baltasar Alva­res a Iesuit: and as England produced a Car­thusian in King Henry the sixths time, one Walter Hilton, who writ the Scale of Perfe­ction, a Book Inferior to none of these I have cited, and more simple and natural than most of them; so of late F. Cressy has published out of F. Bakers Papers, who was a Benedi­ctine, a whole body of that method of Divini­ty and Devotion. The right notion of this way of Devotion is somewhat hard to be well understood, by those who have not stu­died their Metaphisicks, and is entangled with too many of the terms of the School; yet I shall give it to you as free of these as is possible.

With relation to Devotion they consider a man in three different degrees of Progress and Improvement: the first is the Animal, or the Imaginative state: in which the Im­pressions [Page 15] of Religion work strongly upon a mans Fancy, and his sensitive Powers: this state is but low and mean, and suteable to the Age of a Child; and all the Devotion that works this way, that raises a heat in the Brain, tenderness in the Thoughts, that draws Sighs and Tears, and that awakens ma­ny melting Imaginations, is of a low form, va­riable, and of no great force. The second state is the Rational, in which those Refle­ctions that are made on Truths, which con­vince ones reason, carry one to all suteable Acts: this they say is dry, and without mo­tion: it is a Force which the Reason puts upon the Will, and tho upon a great Variety of Motives, and many Meditations upon them, the mind goes thro a great many Performances of Devotion, yet this is still a Force put upon the will. So they reckon that the third and highest state is the Contem­plative, in which the Will is so united to God, and overcome by that Union, that in one single Act of Contemplation, it adores God, it loves him, and resigns it self up to him: and without wearying itself with a dry multiplicity of Acts, it feels in one Act of Faith more force than a whole day of Meditation can produce. In this they say that a true Con­templative Man, feels a secret Ioy in God, and an acquiescing in his Will; in which the true elevation of Devotion lies; and which is [Page 16] far above either the heats of Fancy, which ac­company the first state, or the Subtilty of Me­ditation, that belongs to the second state: and they say, that the perfection of a Contemplative state above the others, appears in this, that wheras all men are not capable of forming lively Imaginations, or of a fruitful Invention, yet every man is capable of the simplicity of contemplation: which is nothing but the silent and humble adoration of God, that arises out of a pure and quiet mind. But because all this may appear a little Intricate, I shall illustratte it by a similitude, which will make the diffe­rence of those three states more sensible; 1. A man that sees the exteriour of another, with whom he has no acquaintance, and is much taken with his face, shape, quality, and meen, and this has a blind prevention in his favour, and a sort of a feeble kindness for him, may be compared to him whose Devotion consists in lively Imaginations, and tender Impressions on his lower and sensible Powers: 2. A man that upon an acquaintance with another, sees a great many reasons to value and esteem, both his parts and his Vertues, yet in all this he feels no inward Charm that over­comes him, and knits his soul to the other; so that how high soever the esteem may be, yet it is cold and dry, and does not affect his heart much, may be compared to one whose Devotion consists in many Acts, and much [Page 17] Meditation. But 3dly, when a man enters into an entire friendship with another, then one single Thought of his Friend, affects him more tenderly, than all that variety of reflections, which may arise in his mind, where this U­nion is not felt. And thus they explain the sublime state of Contemplation. And they reckon that all the common methods of De­votion, ought to be considered, only as steps to raise men up to this state: when men rest and continue in them, they are but dead and lifeless Forms: and if they rise above them, they become Cloggs and Hindrances, which amuse them with many dry Performances, in which those who are of a higher Dispen­sation will feel no pleasure nor advantage. Therefore the use of the Rosary, the daily repeating the Breviary, together with the common Devotions to the Saints, are ge­nerally laid aside by those who rise up to the Contemplative State; and the chief business to which they apply themselves, is to keep their Minds in an inward Calm and Quiet, that so they may in silence form simple Acts of Faith, and feel those inward Motions and Directions which they believe follow all those who rise up to this Elevation. But be­cause a man may be much deceived in those Inspirations, therefore they recommend to all who enter into this method, above all o­ther things, the choice of a Spiritual Guide, [Page 18] who has a right sense and a true tast of those matters, and is by Consequence a Competent Judge in them.

This is all that I will lay before you in ge­neral, for giving you some tast of Mo­linos's Methods; and by this you will both see why his Followers are called QUIE­TISTS and why his Book is Entitled il Gui. da Spiritualc. But if you Intend to Inform your self more particularly of this matter, you must seek for it, either in the Authors that I have already mentioned, or in those of which I am to give you some account in the [...]equel of this Letter. Molinos having it seems drunk in the principles of the Contem­plative Devotion in Spain, where the great Veneration that is payed to S. Teresa gives it much reputation, he brought over with him to Italy a great Zeal for propagating it. He came and setled at Rome, where he writ his Book, and entred into a great commerce with the men of the best Apprehensions, and the most Elevated thoughts that he found there. All that seemed to concur with him in his design for setting on foot this sublimer way, were not perhaps animated with the same principles. Some designed sincerly to elevate the World above those poor and trif­ling Superstitions, that are so much in vogue, among all the Bigots of the Church of Rome, but more particularly in Spain and Italy, and [Page 19] which are so much set on by almost all the Regulars, who seem to place Religion chiefly in the exact performing of them. It was thought that others entred into the design up­on more Indirect motives. Some perhaps from the aversion that they bore the Regulars, were disposed to entertain every thing that might lead mens Devotions into other Channells, and to a conduct different from that prescribed by Friers and Iesuites. Some perhaps had under­standings good enough to see the necess [...]ty of correcting many things in their Wor­ship, which yet they dur [...]t not attack as simply unlawful: so that it might appear more safe to expose these things to the Con­tempt of the World, by pretending to raise men far above them: and thus they might have hoped to have Introduced a Reformation of many Abuses without seeming to do it. In fine, some who seemed to enter into this mat­ter, were men that aspired to fame, and ho­ped by this means to raise a Name to them­selves; and to have a Party that should depend upon them: for in such great numbers as see­med to imbark in this design, it is not to be imagined that all were acted by the same mo­tives, and that every man had as good Inten­tions as it is probable Molinos himself had.

In the year 1675. his Book was first pu­blished with five Approbations before it. One [Page 20] of these was by the Archbishop of Rheggio; another was by the General of the Franciscans, who was likewise one of the Qualificators of the Inquisition: another was by Fa. Martin de Esparsa a Jesuit, that had been Divinity Pro­fessor both at Salamanca and at Rome; and was at that time a Qualificator of the Inquisition. As for the rest, I refer you to the Book it self. The Book was no sooner printed, than it was much read and highly esteemed both in Italy and Spain. It was considered as a Book writ with much Clearness and great simplicity; and this so raised the Reputation of the Author, that his Acquaintance came to be generally much desired: those who were in the greatest credit in Rome, seemed to value themselves upon his friendship. Letters were writ to him from all places: so that a correspondence was setled between him and those who appro­ved of his method in many different places of Europe. Some secular Priests both at Rome and Naples declared themselves openly for it: and consulted him as a sort of an Oracle upon many occasions. But those who joyned them­selves to him with the greatest Heartiness and Sincerity, were some of the Fathers of the Ora­tory, in particular three of the most Eminent of them, who were all advanced at the last promotion of Cardinals, Coloredi, Ciceri, but above all Petrucci, who was accounted his Timothy. Many of the Cardinals were also [Page 21] observed to court his Acquaintance: and they thought it no small Honour to be reckoned in the number of Molinos's Friends. Such were Cassanata Azolini and Carpegna; but above all Card. d'Estrees. The last you must needs know, is a man of great Learning: he was Am­bitious to be thought a Reformer of some of those Abuses, which are among them, that are too gross to pass upon a man of his freedom of spirit; who had been bred up in the Sorbon, and had conversed much with Mr. de Launay. He therefore seemed the most zealous of all others to advance Molinos's Design: so that he entered into a very close commerce with him. They were oft and long together: and not­withstanding all the distrust that a Spaniard has naturally of a Frenchman, and that all men have of one another, who have lived long at Rome, yet Molinos, who was sincere and plain-hearted, opened himself without reserve to the Cardinal: and by his means a Corre­spondence was setled between Molinos and some in France: for tho the spirits of those of that Nation go generally too quick for a way of Devotion, that was setled and silent, yet some were strongly Inclined to favour it even there. Perhaps it might be considered as a method more like to gain upon Protestants, and to facilitate the Design of the Re-union, that was so long talked of there. All these things concurred to raise Molinos's Cha­racter, [Page 22] and to render his person so considera­ble. When the Pope that now reigns, was ad­vanced to the Throne, which was, you know, in the year 1676. that he took most particular notice of him: and made it Visibly apparent, that even in all that Exaltation, he thought it might contribute to raise his Character, if he were considered as a friend of Molinos's and an Encourager of his Design: For he lodged him in an Appartment of the Palace; and put many singular Marks of his Esteem on him. This made him become still the more Con­spicuous, when he had the advantage of Fa­vour joyned to his other Qualities: tho he nei­ther seemed to be fond of it, nor lifted up with it. His Conversation was much desired; and many Priests came not only to form them­selves according to his Method, but to dispose all their Penetents to follow it: and it grew to be so much in vogue in Rome, that all the Nuns, except those who had Iesuites to their Confessors, began to lay aside their Rosaries, and other Devotions, and to give themselves much to the practice of Mental prayer. This way had more Credit given to it by the translation of a French Book, that was writ upon the same subject, which Cardinal d'Estrees ordered to be made. It was writ in the form of a Dialogue, and was printed in France in the year 1669. by the Approbation of some of the Doctors of the Sorbon. I am able to give you no other ac­count [Page 23] of the Author, but that in the Italian Translation he is called Francis Malleva [...]la, a blind Clergy-man. The Book being chiefly formed upon the model of S. Terese, the Translation of it was dedicated to the Discal­ciate Carmelites of her Order. This did not contribute a little for raising the credit of Molinos's Method, since it appeared to be ap­proved both in Italy, France and Spain. At the same time Fa. Petrucci writ a great many Letters and Treatises relating to a Contempla­tive Staete: yet he mixed in many of them, so many Rules relating to the Devotions of the Quire, that there was less occasion given for censure in his Writings: They are a little too tedious; but they were writ chiefly for Nuns and others, that perhaps could not have apprehended his meaning aright, if he had expressed himself in a closer stile, and in sewer words. Both the Iesuites and the Dominicans began to be alarmed at the progress of Quie­tism: they saw clearly, that their trade was in a decay, and must decay still more and more, if some stop was not put to the pro­gress of this new Method: in order to this, it was necessary to decry the Authors of it: and because of all the Imputations in the world Heresy is that, which makes the grea­test▪ Impression at Rome, Molinos and his Followers were given out to be Hereticks. It being also necessary to fasten a particular [Page 24] Name to every new Heresy, they branded this with the Name of Quietism. Books were also writ by some Iesuites against Molinos and his Method; in which there appeared much of that Sourness and Malignity that is thought to be peculiar to the Society; they were also writ with their usual candor and sincerity. One of the Fathers Segueri took a more dectrous Method to decry it. He be­gan his Book magnifying the Contemplative State highly, as Superiour to all others; and blaming those who had said any thing that seemed to detract from it: yet he corre­cted all this, by saying, that very few were capable of it; and that none ought to pretend to it, but those who were called by God to so su­blime a State: and by this he seemed only to censure the Indiscretion of those Spiritual Guides, who proposed this way of Devotion to all persons, without distinction. He also believed, that such as were at some times called to it, could not remain long in so high a state, to which God called men rather for some happy Minutes, than for a longer con­tinuance: therefore he thought that such per­sons as were raised to it, ought not to fancy that they were now got so far above all their former helps, as never to need them any more: so he proposed to them the accustoming themselves still to Meditation, and to support themselves by that when they could not [Page 25] contemplate. He censured severely some of Molinos's expressions, such as that, He who had God, had Christ; as if this were an aban­doning of Christs Humanity: he also insisted much on that of a fixed looking on God, and the suspending of all the Powers of the Soul: but that on which he insisted most, was the Molinos (whom he never named, tho he cited his Words, and described him very plainly) made the Quiet of Contemplation to be a State to which a man could raise him­self; whereas he maintains, that in this Quiet the Soul is passive, and as it were in a rapture; and that she could not raise her self to it, but that it was an Immediat and Extraordinary Favour, which was only to be expected from God, and which an humble mind could not so much as ask of him.

These Disputes raised so much noise in Rome, that the Inquisition took Notice of the whole matter: Molinos and his Book, and F. Petrucci's Treatises and Letters, were brought under a second and severer Exami­nation; and here the Iesuites were considered as the Accusers. It is true, one of the So­ciety, as was formerly told, had approved Molinos's Book; but they took care that he should be no more seen at Rome: for he was sent away, and it is not known whether, it is generally believed that he is shut up within Four Walls; but what truth soever may be in [Page 26] that, he is no more visible, so careful are they to have all their Order speak the same Language; and if any speak in a different stile from the rest, they at least take care that he shall speak no more; yet in this Examen that was made, both Molinos and Petrucci justi­fied themselves so well, that their Books were again approved, and the Answers which the Iesuites had writ, were censured as scandalous: and in this matter Petrucci be­haved himself so signally well, that it raised not only the Credit of the Cause, but his own Reputation so much, that soon after he was made Bishop of Iessi, which was a new Declaration that the Pope made in their Favours: their Books were now more esteemed than ever, their Method was more followed, and the Novelty of it, the opposition made to it, by a Society that his rendred it self odious to all the World, and the new Approbation that was given to it after so vigorous an Ac­cusation, did all contribute to raise the Cre­dit and to encrease the Numbers of the Party. F. Petrucci's behaviour in his Bishoprick, contributed to raise his Reputation still higher, so that his Enemy's were willing to give him no more Disturbance; and indeed there was less occasion given for Censure by his Writings, than by Molino's little Book; whose succinctness made that some Passages were not so fully nor so cautiously expressed, [Page 27] but that there was room for making Excep­tions to them: on the other hand, Petrucci was rather excessively tedious, so that he had so fully explained himself, that he very easily cleared some small difficulties that were made upon some of his Letters: In short, every body was that thought either sincerely devout, or that at least affected the Reputation of it, came to be reckoned among the Quietists: and if these persons were observed to become more strict in their Lives, more retired and serious in their mental Devotions, yet there appeared less Zeal in their whole deportment as to the exteriour parts of the Religion of that Church. They were not so assiduous at Mass, nor so earnest to procure Masses to be said for their Friends: nor were they so fre­quently either at Confession or in Processions: so that the Trade of those that live by these things was sensibly sunk: and tho the new Approbation that was given to Molinos's Book by the Inquisition stopt the Mouths of his Enemies, so that they could no more complain of it, yet they did not cease to scatter about Surmises of all that sort of men, as of a Cabale, that would have dangerous consequences; they remembred the story of the Illuminated Men of Spain, and said, here was a Spawn of the same Sect: they insinuated, that they had ill Designs, and profound Se­crets among them; that these were in their [Page 28] Hearts Enemies to the Christian Religion; and that under a pretence of raising men to a most sublime strain of Devotion, they in­tended to wear out of their minds the sense of the Death and Sacrifice of Christ, and of the other Mysteries of Christianity: and because Molinos was by his birth a Spaniard, it has been given out of late, that perhaps he was descended of a Iewish or Mahometan Race, and that he might carry in his Blood, or in his first Education, some Seeds of those Religions, which he has since cultivated, with no less Art than Zeal: yet this last Calumny has gai­ned but little Credit at Rome; tho it is said, that an Order has been sent to examine the Registers of the Baptism, in the place of his Birth, to see if his Name is to be found in it or not.

Thus he saw himself attacked with great vigour, and with an unrelenting Malice. He took as much care as was possible to prevent, or to shake off these Imputations; for he writ a Treatise, of frequent and dayly Com­munion, which was likewise approved by some of the most learned of the Regulars at Rome, among whom one is Martinez a Ie­suite, the Senior Divinity Reader in their Col­ledge at Rome. This was printed with his Spiritual Guide, in the year 1675. and in the Preface he protests, that he had not writ it with any design to engage himself into mat­ters [Page 29] of Controversy, but that it was drawn from him, by the most earnest Solicitations of some Zealous Persons. In it he pressed a daily Communion, by a vast number of Pas­sages that he cited both out of the Ancient Fa­thers, and the Schoolmen; yet he qualified this and all his other directions in the matters of Devotion by that which he constantly re­peats, which is the necessity of being con­ducted in all things by a Spiritual Guide: whe­ther he intended to soften the aversion that the Iesuites had to him, by refuting some parts of Mr. Arnaud's famous Book of Fre­quent Communion or not, I cannot tell, but in this Discourse he answers some of the Ob­jections that Mr. Arnaud had made to Fre­quent Communion, and in particular, to that which he makes one main ground of restrai­ning men from it, which was the obliging them to go thro with their Penitence and Mor­tifications, before they were admitted to the Sacrament; whereas Molinos makes the being free of Moral Sin, the only necessary qualification. In this Discourse one sees more of a heated Eloquence, than of severe or so­lid Reasoning: yet it presses the point of daily Communion, and of an inward applica­tion of Soul to Iesus Christ, and to his Death, so vehemently, that it might have been ho­ped that this should have put an end to those Surmises, that had been thrown out to de­fame [Page 30] him; as if he had designed to lay aside the Humanity of our Saviour, by his way of Devotion: but there is no cure for Jea­lousy; especially when Malice and Interest are at bottom: so new matter was found for censure in this Discourse. He had asserted, that there was no other Preparation necessary, but to be free of Mortal Sin: so it was given out, that he intended to lay aside Confession: and tho he had advised the use of a Spiritual Guide, in this, as well as in all other things; yet the necessity of Confession before Commu­nion, was not expressed: so that by this peo­ple seemed to be set at Liberty from that Obli­gation: and it was said, that what he advised with relation to a Spiritual Guide, lookt ra­ther like the taking some general Directions and Council from ones Priest, than the co­ming alwayes to him as the Minister of the Sacrament of Pennance before every Com­munion; and to support this Imputation, it was said, that all of that Cabale had set down this for a Rule, by which they con­ducted their Penitents, that they might come to the Sacrament, when they found themselves out of the state of Mortal sin, without going at every time to Confession; but I will not in­large further upon the matters of Doctrine or Devotion, in which you may think that I have dwelt too long, for a man of my Bree­ding and Profession: and I should think so [Page 31] my self, if I were not consining my self ex­actly to the Memorials and Informations that I received at Rome. You will see by the Ar­ticles objected to the Quietists, and censured by one of the Inquisition, which I send you with this Letter, what are all the other points that are laid to their charge. Only I must advertise you of one thing, that their Friends at Rome say, that a great many of these Articles are only the Calumnies of their Enemies, and that they are disowned by them: but that they have fastned these things on them, to render them odious, and to make them suffer with the less Pitty: which is the putting in practice the same Maximes which we object to their Predecessors, who condemned the Waldenses and Albigenses of a great many Errors of which they alwayes protested themselves Innocent: yet the Ac­cusing them of those horrid Opinions and Practices, prevailed upon the Simplicity and Credulity of the Age, to animate them with all the Degrees of Rage against a Sect of men, that were set forth as Monsters: the same Maximes and Politicks are still imputed, and perhaps not without reason to that severe Court, which if you believe many has as little regard to Justice as it has to Mercy. Some have carried their Jealousies so far a­gainst the Quietists, as to compare their Maxims to those of Socrates his School, and [Page 32] his Followers after his death, when they saw what his Freedom in speaking openly against the establisht Religion had cost him: they re­solved to comply with the received Customs in their exteriour, and not to communicate their Philosophy to the Vulgar; nor even to their Disciples, till they had prepared them well to it, by training them long in the pre­cepts of Vertue, which they called the Pur­gative State: and when men were well tried and exercised in this, then they communicated to them their sublimer Secrets: the meaning of all which was, in short, that they would not discover their Opinions in those points that were contrary to the received Religion, and to the publick Rites to any, but to those of whom they were well assured, that they would not betray them: and therefore they satisfied themselves with having true and just notions of things; but they practised out­wardly as the Rabble did. They thought it was no great matter what Opinions were en­tertained by them, and that none but men of Noble and elevated Tempers deserved that such sublime Truths should be communicated to them, and that the herd of the Vulgar nei­ther were worthy nor capable of Truth, which is too pure and too high a thing for such mean and base minds. The Affinity of the matter makes me remember a conversation that I once had with one of the wittiest [Page 33] Clergy-men of France, who is likewise estee­med one of the Learnedst Men in it; He said, The World could not bear a Religion calculated only for Philosophers: The people did not know what it was to think▪ and to govern themselves by the Impressions that abstracted thoughts made on their minds: they must have outward things to strike upon their senses and Imaginations, to a­muse, to terrify and to excite them: so legends, dreadful stories and a pompous Worship were necessary to make the Impressions of Religion go deep into such course souls: for a Lancet, said he, can open a vein, but an Axe must fell down a Tree; so he concluded, that the Refor­mation had reduced the Christian Religion to such severe terms, that among us it was only a Religion for Philosophers: and since few were capable of that strength of thought: he conclu­ded, that if the Church of Rome had perhaps too much of this exteriour pomp, those of the Re­formation had stript it too much, and had not left enough of garnishing, and of the bells and feathers for amusing the rable. The speculation seems pretty enough, if Religion were to be considered only as a contrivance of ours, to be fitted by us to the tempers and humours of People; and not as a Body of Divine Truths, that are conveyed to us from heaven.

Thus was Molinos's method censured or approved in Rome, according to the different Apprehensions and Interests of those that [Page 34] made Reflections upon it. But the Iesuites fin­ding they were not so omnipotent in this Pon­tificate, as they have been formerly, resolved to carry their point another way. I need not tell you how great an Ascendant F. la Chaise has gained over that Monarch, that has been so long the terrour of Europe: and how much all the Order is now in the Interests of France. The Zeal with which that King has been extir­pating Heresy, Furnishes them with abun­dance of matter for high Panegyricks; since that which in the opinion of many will pass down to posterity, for the lasting reproach of a Reign, which in its former parts has seemed to approach even to Augustus's Glory, but has received in this a stain, which with Indif­ferent men passes for a blind, poor-spirited and furious Bigottry, and is represented by Prote­stants as a complication of as much Treachery and Cruelty as the World ever saw; yet among the bigots it is set forth as the brightest side of that Glorious Reign: and therefore it has been often cited by them with relation to the cold correspondence that is observed to be be­tween the Courts of Rome, and that at Versailles, that nothing was more Incongruous, than to see the Head of the Church dispute so obsti­natly with its Eldest son such a trifle, as the mat­ter of the Regale, and that with so much ea­gerness; and that he shew'd so little regard to so great a Monarch, that seemed to sacrifice [Page 35] all his own Interests to those of his Religion▪ It is believed, that the Iesuits at Rome, propo­sed the matter of Molinos to F. la Chaise, as a fit reproach to be made to the Pope, in that Kings name, that while he himself was Imploying all possible means to extirpate Heresy out of his Dominions. The Pope was cherishing it in his own Palace: and that while the Pope preten­ded to such an unyielding Zeal for the Rights of the Church, he was entertaining a person who was corrupting the doctrine, or at least the devotion, of that Body, of which he had the honour to be the Head. But here I must add a thing which comes very uneasily from me, and yet I cannot keep my word to you, of giving you a faithful account of all that I could learn of this matter at Rome, without mentioning it. I do not pretend to affirm it is true, for I only tell you what is believed at Rome, and not what I believe my self, nor what I would have you to believe; for I know you have so high an esteem of Cardinal d'E­strees, that you will not easily believe any thing that is to his Disadvantage. It is then said, that he being commanded by the Orders that were sent him from the Court of France, to prosecute Molinos with all possible vigour, re­solved to sacrifice his old Friend, and all that is sacred in Friendship, to the Passion he has for His Masters Glory; finding then that there was not matter enough for an Accusation [Page 36] against Moliuos, he resolved to supply that defect himself; so that he, who was once as deep as any man alive in the whole Secret of this Affair, went and Informed the Inquisition of many particulars, for which tho there was no other evidence but his Testimony, yet that was sufficient to raise a great Storm against Molinos; and upon this delation, he and a few others of his friends were put in the Inqui­sition; but this was managed so secretly, that all that is pretended to be known concerning it, is, that upon a new Prosecution both Mo­linos and Petrucci were brought before the Inquisition in 1684. Petrucci was soon absolved; for there was so little objected to him, and he answered that with so much Judgement and Temper, that he was quickly dismissed; and tho Molinos's matter was longer in agitation, yet is was generally expected that he should have been acquitted. In conclusion, a Corre­spondence held by him all Europe over, was objected to him: but that could be no Crime, unless the matter of that Correspondence was Criminal: some suspitions papers were found in his Chamber, but as he himself ex­plained them, nothing could be made out of them, till Cardinal d'Estrees delivered a Let­ter and a Message from the King of France to the Pope, as was formerly mentioned: and that the Cardinal added, that he himself could prove against Molinos, more than was ne­cessary [Page 37] to shew that he was guilty of Heresy. The Pope said not a word to this, but left the matter to the Inquisitors; and the Cardinal went to them, and gave other senses of those doubtful Passages, that were in Molinos's Books and Papers, and pretended that he knew from himself, what his true Meaning in them was. The Cardinal owned, that he had lived with him in the Appearances of Friendship: but he said, he had early smelled out an ill de­design in all that matter; that he saw of what dangerous consequence it was like to be; but yet, that he might fully discover what was at the bottom of it, he confessed, he seemed to assent to several things, which he detested: and that by this means he saw into their secret, and knew all the steps they made, he still cau­tiously observing all that past among them till it should be necessary for him to discover and crush this Cabal. I need not tell you how severely this is censured, by those who be­live it. I would rather hope, that it is not true, how positively soever it may be affir­med at Rome; but tho it is hard to reconcile such a way of proceeding with the common rules of human Society and of Vertue, yet at Rome a Zeal for the Faith, and against Heresie, supersedes all the Bonds of Morality or Hu­mainty, which are only the common Vertues of Heathens.

In short, what truth soever may be in this [Page 38] particular, relating to the Cardinal, it is cer­tain that Molinos was clapt up by the Inquisi­tion in May 1685. and so an end was put to all Discourses relating to him: and in this silence the business of the Quietists was laid to sleep, till the ninth of February 1687. that of a sudden it broke out again in a much more surprising manner.

The Count Vespiniani and his Lady, Don Paulo Rocchi, Confessor to the Prince Borg­hese, and some of his family, with several others, in all 70 persons, were clapt up. Among whom many were highly esteemed both for their Learning & Piety. The things laid to the charge of the Churchmen were their neglecting to say their Breviary; and for the rest, they were accused for their going to Communion without a going at every time first to Confes­sion: and in a word, it was said, that they ne­glected all the exterior parts of their Religion, and gave themselves up wholly to Solitude and inward Prayer. The Countesse Vespiniani made a great noise of this matter; for she said, she had never revealed her Method of Devotion to any Mortal, but to her Confessor, and so it was not possible that it could come to their knowledge any other way, but by his be­traying that Secret: and she said, it was time for people to give over going to Confession, if Priests made this use of it, to discover those who trusted their secretest Thoughts to them; [Page 39] and therefore she said, that in all time coming, she would make her Confessions only to God. This had got vent, and I heard it generally talked up and down Rome: so the Inquisitors thought it more fitting to dismiss Her and her Husband, than to give any occasion to lessen the credit of Confession; they were therefore let out of prison, but they were bound to ap­pear whensoever they should be called upon. I cannot express to you, the Consternation that appeared both in Rome and in many other parts of Italy, when in a months time about 200 persons were put in the Inquisition: and that all of the sudden, a Method of Devotion, that had passed up and down Italy for the highest Elevation to which mortals could aspire, was found to be Heretical, and that the chief promoters of it were shut up in prison.

But the most surprising part of the whole story, was, that the Pope himself came to be sus­pected as a favourer of this new Heresy: so that on the 13th. of February some were de­puted by the Court of the Inquisition to exa­min him, not in the quality of Christs Vicar, or St. Peters successor, but in the single quality of Benedict Odescalchi: what passed in that Audience, was too great a Secret for me to be able to penetrate into it: but upon this there were many and strange Discourses up and down Rome: & while we Hereticks were upon that asking, where was the Popes Infallibility? [Page 40] I remember a very pretty Answer that was made me. They said, the Popes Infallibility did not flow from any thing that was Personal in him, but from the care that Christ had of his Church: for a Pope, said one, may be a Heretick as he is a private man: but Christ, who said to St. Peter, feed my sheep, will cer­tainly so order matters that the Pope shall never decree Heresy, and by consequence shall never give the flock Poyson instead of the Bread of Life; while the Popes Heresy was only a perso­nal thing, it could have no other effect but to damn himself: but if he decreed Heresy, this corrupted the whole Church: and since Christ had committed all the flock to the Popes care, it ought to be believed, that he would never suffer them to pronounce Heresy ex Cathedra, as they call it. This had some colour in it, that was plausible: but the shift of which ano­ther served himself, seemed Intolerable. He said, the Pope could never decree Heresy: for which he argued thus: he must be a Heretick be­fore he can decree it; and upon that he gave me many Authorities to prove, that in the minute that the Pope became a Heretick, he fell ipso facto from his Dignity; and therefore he said, the Pope could not decree Heresy; for he must have fallen from his Chair, and have forfeited his Authority, before he could possibly do it: so that he was no more Pope. This lookt so like a Juggle of the Schools, that I confess it [Page 41] made no great Impression on me. Imagine what a thing it would be, to see a King accused of Treason by one of his own Courts; and then you have fancied somewhat that comes near this attempt of the Inquisition's: which being a Court authorised by the Pope, yet had the Boldness to examin himself: and it had cer­tainly been an odd piece of News, if upon the Popes Answers, the Inquisition had stained him with the Imputation of Heresy, and had lodged him in the Minerva. Upon the discourse to which this gave occasion, I have heard the Authority of the Court of Inquisition magnified to so Extravagant a degree, that some have asserted, it was in some respects superiour even to the Pope himself. Two days after that, the Inquisition sent a Circular Letter to Card. Cibo, as the chief Minister, to be sent by him all about Italy, of which I send you a Copy in Italian: for tho it ought to have been writ in Latin, yet I do not know how it came to be writ in Italian: for the writing it in the Vulgar language, was censured not only as an Indecent thing, but as that which made the matter more publick; it was ad­dressed to all Prelats; and it warns them, that wheras many Schools and Fraternities were formed in several parts of Italy, in which some persons, under a pretence of leading people into the Wayes of the Spirit, and to the prayer of quietness, they instilled in them many [Page 42] abominable Heresies; therefore a stricte charge was given to dissolve all these Societies: and to oblige all the Spiritual Guides to tread in the known Paths: and in particular, to take care, that none of that sort should be suffered to have the Direction of the Nunneries, Order was likewise given to proceed in the way of Justice against those who should be found guilty of these abominable Errors. After this a strict enquiry was made into all the Nunne­ries of Rome; for most of their Directors and Confessours were found to be engaged into this new Method. It was found that the Carmelites, the Nuns of the Conception, of the Palestrina, and Albano, were wholly given up to Prayer and Contemplation, and that instead of their Beads, and their Hours, and the other Devo­tions to Saints, or Images, they were much alone, and oft in the Exercise of Mental Prayer: and when they were asked, why they had laid aside the use of their Beads, and their antient Forms; their Answer was, that their Directors had advised them, to wean them­selves from these things, as being but Rude Beginnings, and Hindrances to their further progress: they justified also their Practice from those Books that had been lately publi­shed by the approbation of the Inquisitors themselves, such as Molinos and Petrucci's Books. When report was made of this mat­ter to the Inquisition, they sent Orders to take [Page 43] out of the Nuns hands all those Boaks, and such Forms of Devotion as were written in that strain; and they required them to return again to the use of their Beads, and their other abandoned Forms, which was no small morti­fication to them. The Circular Letter pro­duced no great effects; for most of the Italian Bishops were either extream unconcerned in all those matters, or were Inclined to Molinos's Method: and whereas it was Intended, that this as well as all the other Orders that come from the Inquisition, should he kept secret, yet it got abroad, and Copies of it were in all peoples hands, so that this gave the Romans the more occasion to discourse of these mat­ters, which troubled the Inquisitors ex­treamly, who love not to have the World look into their Proceedings, nor to descant upon them: they blamed Card. Cibo, as if this matter was grown so publick by his means: but he on the other hand blamed the Inquisi­tors for it, and his Secretary blamed both. It was also said, that the Pope was not plea­sed with Card. Cibo's conduct, and that he thought he had suffered this matter to go too far, without giving a check to the Inquisi­tors, when it might have been more easily done; wheras now matters are gone to that height, that many think they cannot end without some very great Scandal. For the Quality of the Prisoners is considerable; [Page 44] some of Cardinal Petrucci's Domesticks, and both his Secretary and his Nephew were of the Number; and tho the Cardinal himself came to Rome soon after, yet he was there for some time Incognito. It is generally belie­ved, that both he and the Cardinal Caraffa, and Cardinal Ciceri, who is Bishop of Como, are in great apprehensions of a storm from the Inquisition: and the Ceremony of giving them their Hats being so long delayed, was generally ascribed to some complaints that it seems the Inquisitors made; yet in Conclu­sion they appeared in Publick, and had there Hats given them. The Duke of Ceri, Don Livio, that is the Popes Nephew, is believed to be deeply engaged in the matter: for the Count Vespiniani, who was first seised on, is his particular Friend and Favorite: and is a sort of a Domestick of his. Don Livio him­self is likewise a person of a Melancholy Temper, that is much retired; and this at present is enough to make a man pass there for a Quietist. He went from Rome to a House he has not far from Civitavecchia, to avoid, as was thought, the falling into the hands of the Inquisitors. The Pope writ oft for him, before he could prevail with him to return; and it was said, that he did not think himself secure even after all the Assu­rances that the Pope gave him, that no harm should come to him; for it might be justly [Page 45] enough apprehended, that the Inquisitors, who had been so hardy as to examin the Pope, would make no Ceremony with his Nephew, if they found matter against him.

But among all that were clapt up, Father Appiani was the man that surprised the Ro­mans the most: he was seised on the first Sun­day of April; he was esteemed the learnedest and Eminentest Iesuite that was in the whole Roman Colledge. This did not a little morti­fie the Society; one of their Fathers had approved of Molinos's Book, and now ano­ther was found to be engaged in this matter: upon which a Priest, that was indeed no Friend to their Order, said to me, that this was their true Genius, to have men among them of all sides; that so which side soever pre­vailed, they might have some among them, that should have a considerable share in the Honour of the Victorious. And thus if Mo­linos's Method had been established, then they would have gloried as much in Esparza and Appiani, as they are now ashamed of them. It is likely that they had not discovered Appiani's favouring the party, otherwise no doubt they had been before-hand with the Inquisition, and had shut him up as they did Esparza; and so have covered themselves from the reproach of having a man that fa­voured Heresy among them. But the Con­fidence of that Society is an Original; and since [Page 46] I have this occasion to mention them, I will here digress a little from the business of Quietism, to give you account of some of their Practices at Rome, with relation to English Affairs, with which I was made acquainted during my stay there.

There is a Iesuit belonging to the English House, F. Cann, well known in England, by some of his Writings, and in particular by one against the Oath of Allegeance, in which he pleads for the Popes Power of deposing Princes; it seems he was sorry to see that the Discourse which he had writ against the ta­king that Oath, had no better effect, and that the Papists generally took it: so he resolved to carry this matter further, therefore tho he had no other Character but that of a Fa­ther of the Society; he proposed at Rome, that a formal Oath, abjuring the Oath of Alle­geance, should be taken by all who had ta­ken the other; and that for all that should be received to be Students in that House, in all time coming, they should be bound by an Oath never to swear the Oath of Allegeance: since he said, a time might come, in which it should be necessary for their Interests, that they should be under no such tie to a Here­tical Prince: But because it was not safe for them to enjoin any new Oath, without an order from the Court of the Rota, according to the Forms there, it was necessary to pre­sent [Page 47] a Memorial for this: and that ought to come from the Protector of the Nation con­cerned: So he ought to have addressed him­self to Cardinal Howard; but the Cardinal's temper, and his principles, with relation to Civil Obedience, were so well known, that F. Cann thought to carry the business without his having any share in it. Yet he found him­self mistaken; for the Iudges of the Rota were surprised at the Proposition; and gave notice of it to the Pope, who lookt upon it as a thing of very bad consequence: and askt Cardinal Howard, if it had been set on by any direction from him; for it seems his Name was made use of, tho without his know­ledg. The Cardinal was surprised at it, and highly resented the Impudence of F. Cann: He sent a Complaint of it to the General of the Society, who, to give the Cardinal some content, gave Cann a Reprimand, and sent him out of Rome: But the Iesuites carry a Grudge in their Hearts to the Cardinal for this, and other things: and this appeared very visibly during the Earl of Castlemain's Embassay: for tho he lodged for some time in the Cardinal's Palace, yet he gave himself up so intirely to the Conduct of the Iesuites, that the Cardinal was quite shut out of the Councils: and while Fa. Morgan came at all hours to the Ambassadour, even in his night Gown and Shippers, which was thought [Page 48] an unusual thing at Rome, where publick persons live in an exactness of Ceremony: once the Cardinal was made to wait in the Antichamber, while the Father was within entertaining the Ambassadour in this lasy dress, who coming out in it, the Cardinal was so provoked at this Indignity, that was done him, and at the Iesuites Insolence, that he threatned to sling him down stairs, if he ever presumed to come within his House a­gain in that Habit: and indeed, a Cardinal makes so great a figure in Rome, that such an usage of him was thought a little Extraordi­nary, but the Cardinal is of so mild a temper, and the Iesuites are so violent, as to be rec­koned the Horns of the Beast, that no won­der if a Sympathy of temper made the Ambassador fall in more naturally with them.

But I will now return to the Quietists, from whom, the particular regard that I hear to the Order of the Iesuites, has diverted me so long. The Prisons of the Holy Office were full, and the Terrour of this matter had struck so many, that no body could guess when or where it should stop. It is said, that the Inquisitours have found in some of their Examinations, that they have to do with men that are learneder than themselves: and that their Prisoners are steady and resolute. It is also said, that their Friends abroad have ex­pressed a great concern for them, and for [Page 49] the cause of their Sufferings, and that many Letters have been writ to the Inquisitors, wishing them to consider well what they do to their Prisoners; and assuring them, that they will maintain their Interests: and that they are ready to seal them with their Blood. It is certain, the Pope and Cardinal Cibo are much troubled, to see that this matter is gone so far, and is now so much talked of. Cardinal Petrucci is still much in the Popes favour, and was suffered not long ago to go visit Molinos, with whom he had a long con­versation all alone, but the subject and the effects of it are not known: yet a severe Sen­tence is expected against Molinos. Those that speak the mildest, think he will be a Prisoner for life: but a little time will shew more than I can presume to tell you. It is a terrible thing to have the whole body of the Regulars against one, who according to the estimate that is made at Rome, are about 500000. Persons, and of that number it is said the Iesuites make 40000. In the City of Naples alone it is believed the Regulars and other Ecclesiasticks amount to 25000. so it is very likely, that when such Bodies, and Mo­linos are in the ballance, Cajaphas's Resolution may once more take place: It is expedient that one man should die, rather than that those Nati­ons of Regulars should perish, or their Trade and Profits be lessned. But to come to an end, [Page 50] the Inquisitors have prepared the world for any Judgments that they may pass in this matter, by ordering one of their number, to draw up a Censure of 19. Articles, which he pretends to have collected out of the Writings and Doctrines of the Quietists, and thus by repre­senting them so odiously, they have as much as in them lies, prevented those Compassions which may perhaps be kindled by the suffe­rings of those whom they may condemn as guilty of those censured Opinions. I have now given you all the Informations that I could pick up of this matter, with all possi­ble sincerity; for I have represented this bu­siness to you, just as it was set before my self, without making any Additions to it, or inter­posing my poor judgment in such a matter, which I leave to you, and to such as you are. I conclude, referring you for a further light into this Affair to the Censure of the Inquisi­tors, which I procured in Italian, for tho pro­bably it is written Originally in Latin, yet I could not get a Copy of the Latin Censure, and so was forced to content my self with this that follows. It appears by it, how low the study both of Divinity and of the Scrip­tures is sunk at Rome: some few strictures will be found on the Margin of the English Translation of this Censur, which I have ad­ded, because some perhaps may desire to see this, who do not understand Italian.

IN the former Letter, I told you all that I could learn of this matter, during my stay at Rome, but having left in Iuly, I prevailed with one to give me an account of the Con­clusion of this Affair, of which I send you a Copy: for tho I know all the Gazettes of Europe will be full of the Decision and end that is believed to be put to the business of Quietism, yet you know too well, how little one ought to depend on such Relations: all the news of this matter, will either be that which is writ by the direction of the Inquisition, or by the Strangers that are there, and pick up such things as they find among the Romans, who are ever true to the old [Page 89] Character that Iuvenal gave of that City,

Sequitur fortunam, ut semper, & odit Damnator.

Therefore I will give you an account of this business, on which you may depend, in the words of a Letter writ me from Rome.

Now this great Affair, upon which men have so long lookt with so much expectation, is at an end: and a party that was believed to be a Million strong, is now either quite extin­guisht, or at least oppressed with a great deal of Infamy: and Mr. Molinos, who has lived above twenty years in this City, in the highest Reputation possible, is now as much hated as ever he was admired: he is not only consi­dered as a Condemned, and an Abjured Here­tick, but he is said to have been convicted of much Hypocrisy, and of a very Iewd course of life; which is so firmly believed by the Romans, that he was treated by them on the day of his Abjuration, with all possible In­dignities; but the people as they shewed their affections to him, by their cries of Fire, Fire, so were ready to have sacrificed him to their rage, if he had not been well defended by the Sbiri and Guards that were about him. And it would be a crime enough at present, to re­commend a man to the care of the Inquisitors, if he should seem to doubt either of his Here­sy, or of the Scandals of his life. All the party is extreamly sunk: Cardinal Petrucci [Page 90] himself lives in Rome as if he were in a desert; for no Body goes to visit him, and he stirs as little abroad: nor is it thought that he will escape: there are four sent by the Inquisition to his Diocess of Iessi to examin his beha­viour there: there is also a discourse, that has lately appeared at Rome, that was secretly prin­ted, of which he is suspected to be the Author, which is an Apology for Quietism, that gives great offence. It is said, that the Inquisitors had full proofs against Molinos, by fourteen Witnesse; of whom eight indeed came and offered their Depositions of their own accord, and the other six were forced to declare the truth, which raises the Credit of their Testi­mony: since his Abjuration, it is said that ma­ny of his Followers have abjured in private, and that besides the Prisoners that are in their hands, great numbers come in every day to accuse themselves, and to offer themselves to pennance, these are all very gently dismissed by the Inquisitors, who are now as much cen­sured by the Romans for their excessive mild­ness, as ever they have been blamed by others for their rigour: and those secret Abjurations are believed to be all the Severity that they will practise on this Occasion; for it is said that even F. Appiani the Iesuite will be abjured in secret; tho some say, he is madd, others that he is become deaf and dumb, and not a few believe that he is dead: so uncertain are all [Page 91] Reports at present. In a word, the hatred of the present Pontificate appears very visibly upon this Occasion: the People affecting to shew a very extraordinary rage against a person, and a party, that has been so much favoured and sup­ported by the Pope: so that this matter comes clearly home to him, and wounds his Repu­tation extreamly; all this raises the credit of the Iesuites, who value themselves upon the zeal and the conduct of their Society upon this Oc­casion. All the Popes Enemies, the Iesuites, the French Party, and the body of the People, that are Malecontented and weary of him, and his long and dull Reign, shew the Plea­sure they have in aggravating this matter a­gainst him: they say, this is the first time that ever any Heresy made Rome its Seat, where it choosed to nestle it self; but it is yet more strange, that it should have conti­nued there above twenty years, notwithstand­ing all that multitude of Spyes that the Inqui­sition has every where; that the Pope should have shut his Ears against all Complaints, so that this Doctrine had gained so great Au­thority, that those who attackt it, passed for Hereticks, or Calumniators at least, and that even after all the Discoveries that have been made, that the Pope was known to favour Molinos secretly, and was so hardly brought at last to consent to the Condemnation, in which it is said, that nothing prevailed on him till [Page 92] the Cardinal's informed him of the Scandals of Molinos's Life, that were proved: this was indeed a matter that could fall within the Popes understanding; for the points of Do­ctrine are believed to be above it. All these things concur to increase the Contempt un­der which the present Pontisicate lies; yet as for those Scandals of Molinos's life, I do not know what to believe: many will not believe them, and think they are only Impostures given out to render him odious; for if they had been true, and well proved, it is said, that the Censure would have been severer; for a perpetual Imprisonment, and the saying his Credo, and the fourth part of the Rosary every day, are mild Punishments, if he is found to have been so flagitious a man, and so vile a Hypocrite, as is given out. His own Be­haviour at the Minerva did not look, either like a Man, that was much confounded with the Discoveries that had been made, or that was very Penitent for them, or for his Heresy: so that the Mildness of the Censure, to a Man that shewed to little humility or repentance, seems to flow rather from the Defectiveness of the Proofs, than from the gentleness of the Tribunal. I confess, I was not a Witness to what passed in the Minerva; for as I would not venture in the Crowd, so both Money and Favour was necessary to accommodate a man well on that occasion, where not only [Page 93] a general Curiosity brought a vast confluence of People together, to see the issue of a Busi­ness that has been so long in suspence, but a particular Devotion: for the Pope had granted a General Indulgence to all that should assist in that Solemnity: but I will give you the ac­count as I had it from Eye-witnesses. Moli­nos was well dressed, new trimm'd, in his Priestly Habit, with a cheerful Countenance, that as was said by his Enemies, had all the Charmes on it, that were necessary to re­commend him to the fair Sex. He was brought from Prison in an open Coach, one Domini­can being with him in it. He was at first placed for some time in one of the Corridori of the Minerva: he looked about him very freely, and returned all the Salutes that were made him: and all that he was heard say, was, That they saw a man that was defamed, but that was Penitent (Infamato ma Pentito.) After that he was carried to dinner, where he was well treated, that being to be his last good Dinner. After Dinner, he was brought into the Church, as in a Triumph, carried on the shoulders of the Sbiri in an open Chair: when he was brought to his place, as he made his Reverence very devoutly to the Cardinals, so there was no shew of Fear or of Shame, in his whole Deportment. He was chained, and a Wax Light was put in his hand, while two strong-lung'd Fryers read his Process aloud, [Page 94] and care had been taken to lay matters so, that as some of the Articles were read, all should cry Fire, Fire. When he came back to Prison, he entred into his little Cell, with great Tranquillity, calling it his Cabinet, and took leave of his Priest in these words, Adieu Father, we shall meet again at the Day of Iudg­ment, and then it will appear on which side the Truth is, whether on my side, or on yours. So he was shut up for Life. Yet after all I find none of the wise men here think that the thing is at an end; but that the Fire which seems to be now extinguished, will break out with more violence; for one of his Fol­lowers had the boldness to tell the Inquisitors to their face, that they were a Company of Unjust, Cruel, and Heretical men; and compared their Treatment with that which Christ had met with, and yet even he has escaped upon an Abjuration, as is pretended. The Reasons that are given for this extraor­dinary Gentleness of the Inquisitors, who are seldom accused for erring on this side, are both the Numbers of the Party, who might be much irritated by publick Examples, and also the great Credit that their Doctrine has from the Mystical Divinity, that is autho­rised by so many Canonisations: for it is said, that from several parts the Inquisitors have brought together above twenty thousand of Molino's Letters: whose Correspondence [Page 95] was so vast, that some give out, that the Post of the Letters, that were brought him the day in which he was seised on, rise to twenty Crowns. And I heard a Divine of Rome con­fess, that they have such Authorities for most of their Tenets, that they will never be beat out of them, by the force of their School Divinity, therefore he thought it was necessary to con­demn them by a formal Sentence, in which the Authority of the Church was to be inter­posed. Most of the condemned Articles are nothing but an Invidious Aggravating of the Doctrine of Predestination and Grace Ef­ficacious of it self, and of Immediat Inspira­tion: for all the hard Consequences that are pretended to be drawn, either from the one or the other of these Opinions, are all turned into so many Articles, and condemned as so many Impious Doctrines; but you will be better able to judge of this matter when you see all that the Inquisitors will think sit to print concerning it.

MY last to you, together with the Advertisement which was sent me from Rome, related wholly to the Affairs of the Quietists; but be­cause I know your Curiosity will perhaps go further, and that you expect such Observations from me, as you fancy me capable to make, in a Countrey where I have now made so long a stay, that it is my own fault, if I have not been able to see a little further than Common [Page 97] Travellers do, therefore I will try what I can say that may please you.

I am, as you know, no Searcher into Manu­scripts, or the Curiosities of Libraries, nor can I bring my self to so dry a study as is that of Medals, or Inscriptions. I had rather be beholding to the Labours of others, for the Discoveries they have made in those mat­ters, than wear out my Eyes and spend my Time in the reading and Deciphering those Remains of Antiquity. I love all that know­ledg, which, with how much difficulty soe­ver it may be acquired, feeds the mind with some useful Ideas: but as for that knowledg which carrys one no further, then that such a Word, or such a Hierogliphick signified such a thing, and that gives the mind no matter to work on, and raises no game at which it may fly, it has not charm enough to work on so lasy a man as I am. I confess, my studies, and my way of Life would have carried me more naturally into matters of Religion, or into the Politicks: but as to the former, Italy is not a Country, where a man either can or dare reason upon these Subjects: for their Ignorance is such, that no man can profit much by their conversation on those heads: besides that, it is not safe to do it. The Ita­lians are too well bred, to attack a man on that Argument; and they know their own Ignorance so well, and have so high an Opi­nion [Page 98] of the Learning of the Hereticks, that they are sure never to provoke any of them: and he were a very bold and Indiscreet man, that would begin the dispute with them: so after all, Newes and Politicks is all that Remains, and you know I am idle enough both to think and to talk of these upon occasion: yet I must confess, that I find so many of my Reflections in Dr. Burnets Letters, that I have got sent me from Leghorn, that if I had not seen these, I had very likely writ you a great many of those that are already set out by him, with so much advantage, that I find the best part of all my Observations are already made by a better Pen: but I, who have as great an Aversion from copying, as he says he has; will avoid the saying any one thing that I find in his Letters: and will only speak of those Places that he did not see, or of those matters which he had not time enough to enquire af­ter, or to observe; and since the former Let­ter, contained such a long and serious recital of a matter, that if it fixed your attention, yet must have wearied it, I will now divert you a little, with some Storys, that will be more agreeable; and then I will return to more se­rious Subjects. I will begin with some relating to the Inquisition. I told you in my former Letter, of a great many Prisoners in the In­quisition, but among all the Prisoners that are there, none will surprise you so much as [Page 99] when I tell you that there is a Cruxifix kept there, which is called, our Saviour in the In­quisition: when this was first told me, I durst not speak out that which naturally occur­red to my thoughts, which was, that our Sa­viour and the Truth of his Gospel, was indeed shut up with so much severity by the Inquisi­tors, that it was no wonder if he were recko­ned among the Prisoners of that severe Court. But this story is less serious, and more Comical.

You know that in all the bigotted Towns, the people are sorted in several Fraternities, and every one of these, has their peculiar Churches, Altars, Images and Relicks, to which they pay a more extraordinary devo­tion: so there was one in Florence, among whose favourite Images a Crucifix hapned to be one: a Woman (that had a fair Daughter) fell sick: and as she had payed many Devo­tions to that Image, so she came to fancy, that in her sickness she had the Returns of very extraordinary Favours from it. The truth of the matter was, that one who had a mind to have frequent access to her Daugh­ter, made a shift to deceive the poor sick Woman: for he appeared in such a disguise to her, that she believed it was the Image that came to comfort her. And that which was the most acceptable part of the Impo­sture was, that the Impostor knew by her Daughters means, every thing that she wan­ted, [Page 100] and took care to provide it for her, so that at every visit that he made her, he brought along with him, all the things that she needed: this was sensible; so the credulous Woman believed all this came from her be­loved Image: and she was now as gratefull as she had been before devout: she told all that came to see her; how careful and bountiful that Image was to her: and shewed them how well she was supplied by it. In short, this came to be generally believed: for when the least story of this kind gets vent, and is well received by the Priests, the People run in so headlong to it, that it would pass for a Crime capable enough of ruining one in the Spirit of the Inquisitors, to seem to doubt of it; but much more if one studied to unde­ceive others: therefore things of this nature kindle the minds of a superstitious multitude so quick, that in a few days a whole Town will seem as it was out of its Wits: which appeared signally on this occasion at Florence: for now the whole Town entred into this Fra­ternity. The Great Duke himself came into the number, and all were studying what new Honours should be done to an Image that had been so kind to one of its Worshippers. But some that were wiser than the rest, saw thro the Cheat, and Informed P. Innocent the 10th. of it, who was resolved to put a stop to the cur­rent of this Superstition: yet he saw it was ne­cessary [Page 101] to do it with some address: It fell out to be the year of Iubily 1650. so the Pope writ to Florence, that he had heard of the Miracles of that Image, to which he desired earnestly to do his own Devotions, therfore he intreated them to bring it to Rome; that so the Image might have the addresses of all the Pilgrims, as well as his own made to it. Upon this the more bigotted of the Fraternity, would needs accompany the Charitable Image: so they carried it in Procession to Rome: and did not doubt but that the Pope and Cardinalls with the Clergy of Rome would have come out in Pro­cession to meet them and their Image: The sur­prise was no doubt very great, when instead of all this, they found a Company of Sbirri stay­ing for them at the Porta dell Populo; who took their Image from them, and carried it away to the Inquisition; and sent them away not a little mortified at the Disgrace, that had befallen their Crucifix, who has been ever since a Prisoner in the Inquisition.

I was told of another Prisoner there of a later date, but not much unlike this. You know the legend of the Plague that was in Rome, as I remember in S. Gregory the great's time, that was stopt by an Angel, that as was pretended came down, and stood over that Castle, which was formerly called Moles Ha­driani, but has carried the name of Castro S. Angelo ever since. The Fryers of Ara Coeli had [Page 102] got a Stone, upon which there was an Im­pression like the print of a Foot: so they had put this in some part of their Church, and gave it out that this print was made by the Foot of that Angel; tho one can hardly Ima­gine how they fancied that an Angel treads so hard. This Stone had many Devotions payed it. The learned Sig^r. Pietro Bellori, who is without dispute the best Antiquary in Rome, being once in that Chappel at his Devotions; observed a great many praying about this Stone, and kissing it with great Respect and Affection; so he came to look upon it, and having examined it carefully, he saw clear­ly it was a fragment of a Statue of the Goddess Isis; the Greek Characters were legible, and many things concurred to make a man of his Learning and Exactness conclude, that the Devotions were mis-applied that were payed it; so he went to one of the Fathers of the House, and acquainted him with his Observa­tion: and wished that they would remove that mistaken Object of Worship, lest some of the learned Hereticks that passed thro Rome, might discover and reproach the Church with it. But the Fathers of the House found their account in this matter, so they were so far from following his good Advice, that they aspersed him that had given it, so as to accuse him of Impiety for diverting the Devotions of the people: the Imputation was carried so [Page 103] far that he was brought before the Inquisition to clear himself, which he did so fully, that he not only got safe out of their hands, but which was more, he convinced them that he was in the right: so the Stone was removed, and keeps the Crucifix company in the Inqui­sition.

But by these two Storys, you will perhaps imagin that I design to beget in you a good Opinion of that Court; but I will now tell you another, that will soon bring you back to your old thoughts of that Tribunal. Burrhi is a man so famous in the World, that one that has looked into Natural Philosophy and Chimistry, could not be long in Rome with­out making an acquaintance with him: but to tell you truth, I neither found him to be so great a Chimist as he fancies himself to be, nor so great a Heretick as the Inquisitors have made him. I tell you this the more par­ticularly, that you may upon it judge how far you are to believe the account that the Inquisitors may give of their proceedings a­gainst Molinos: since you may conclude from what was done to the one, what may be ex­pected in all cases that are brought before them. Burrhi's Story is in short this; He is a Gentleman of the Millanese, who was born to an Estate of 8000. Crowns a year: In his youth he had travelled, and had got into his head the Notions of the Now Philosophy and [Page 104] of Chimistry: so at his return to Milan, he began to propogate the new Philosophy, and to form a Conference upon those matters: the Priests it seems suspected, that there might be somewhat under this, so he was put in the Inquisition, but nothing could be made out against him, he was let out: after that he went and stayd for some years in Germany and Holland; and it is very probable that he might have expressed himself concerning the Courts of Inquisition, as a man that had no great opinion either of their Justice, or of their Mercy. And as he has gone into all the high pretensions of the Chimists, so it is pro­bable enough that he has talked of matters of Religion in that Mysterious unintelligible Iargon, that is used almost by all the men that are of the highest Elevation of Chimistry, but chiefly by Paracelsus and Van Helmont. In short, some Accusations were given in to the Inquisitors against him, who complained of him to the Emperour, and had so much cre­dit in his Court that he strained his power to the utmost, and seised on him, and sent him to Italy, where those good Fathers were re­solved not to give him a second occasion of boasting, that he had got safe out of their hands: strange things were objected to him; and as is pretended, they were proved against him; as that the B. Virgin was God equal with the Son; and that the H. Ghost was incarnate in [Page 105] her, as well as the Eternal Word was in her Son: that the three Persons in the Trinity were the first, the second, and the third Heavens: that the Son was from all Eternity discontented with the Father, for not making him equal to him: that the Consecrated Hosty had in it the Body of the Mother as well as that of the Son: and that the putting the pieces of it together in the Chalice, demonstrated the Vnion between the Mother and the Son. These Opinions were all proved against him: tho he protests that he never thought of them, yet he was forced to abjure them in the year 1668. and was up­on that condemned to perpetual Imprison­ment; he continued in the Prison of the In­quisition, till within these five or six years, that the Duke d'Estrees being sick, procured an Order for having Burrhi to come and treat him; and in gratitude to Burrhi, who cured him, he got his Prison changed to the Castle St. Angelo: where he now entertains himself with Chimical Processes. It is indeed very probable, that he had provoked the Inquisition, by speaking severely and reproachfully of them, and this was all his Crime, unless an­other Article against him might be his Estate; for of his 8000. Crowns a year, there is but 3000. left him; for the good Fathers have had the Charity to take 5000. to themselves: and his 3000. is so eat up by them, thro whose hands it comes to him, that he has not 1500: [Page 106] Crowns a year payed him: and from this you may see what credit you ought to give to the Processes, the Articles, and the Abjurations that are made before that Court.

If instead of that Zeal which animates them against Heresy, they would purge their own Church of those Disorders, which they themselves acknowledg to be corruptions, they would sooner bring themselves again in­to credit. The scandalous Pictures that are in many Churches of Italy, are things that might deserve their care, if they would turn it to that hand. Is it not a shameful thing, that there has not been a great Master in Painting who has not put that Complement on his Mistress, as to paint her for the Virgin? so that the most celebrated Madonna's of Italy are known to have been the Mistresses of the Great Painters. The Postures, the Looks, and the Nakedness of many of the Church-pieces, are Monstrous Indecent things. The great design of the Cupulo at Florence, is such a Re­presentation of Vice, that all that can be pre­sented by a defiled Imagination, comes short of what is to be seen there: and tho the Scrip­ture speaks but of one Apparition of the Holy Ghost in the shape of a Dove; one shall find this Dove on the Head, at the Ear, and the Mouth of I know not how many of their Saints; and as one finds in many Pieces, that their Masters have resolved to perpetuate [Page 107] their own Amours in them, so Amours are every day managed by the same methods: for while I was at Rome, I discovered an Intrigue between a Fryer and a Nun, by two Pictures, that were drawn for them: the Fryer was drawn as a S. Anthony, and the Nun as a S. Katherine of Siena: these they were to ex­change, and so to feed their passion under this disguise of Devotion.

But to return to Indecent Pictures, there is nothing more scandalous, than the many various Representations of the Trinity, which must needs give to all Iews and Mahometans as well as to us, that pass for Hereticks, a strange horror to a Religion that suffers those odious Resemblances, that give such gross Ideas of the Deity, and of the Trinity: and that which is yet the most scandalous part of those Pictures, is that the Representation of God the Father is often diversified according to the caprice of the Painter; and he is to be seen in the Habits of the several Orders of that Church, and indeed both Features, Hair, Ha­bit, and Postures, have all the diversity in them that is necessary to feed an Idolatry, that is as Extravagant as it is gross.

The Picture of the B. Virgin, with the Or­der of the Capuchins under her Petticoat, is not very apt to raise Chast Idea's in those who look upon it. In short, whereas the Rule of the Antient Architecture of Churches, was to [Page 108] below and dark, which was thought the most proper, for the Recollection of a man's Fa­culties, and by consequence for Devotion, is now quite altered: and great Cupulos with a vast Illumination, are necessary to shew the Beauty of those rich Pieces, which would be lost in Churches built as dark as the Antient Ones were.

I confess, those Pictures are charming things, if they were any where else than in Churches: but the pleasure they give, does so possess a man that begins to understand them, that it will kindle any thoughts in him, sooner than devout ones. I will not here let my Pen carry me into a Subject that must needs set all my thoughts on fire; and speak of the great Pieces of Painting that are in Italy, and of the many Masters that it produced in the last Age: who as they were such Extraordi­nary men, so they lived within the Compass of one Age; as if the Perfection in that amasing Art had been to dye with them, as well as it was born with them; this, I say, would make one think, that there are Revolutions and Aspects in the Heavens that are favorable or cross to Arts or Sciences: and that then, the most favourable Aspect for Painting that ever was, produced those astonishing perfor­mances. For tho the great decay of Learning that is every where, may be reasonably e­nough resolved in this, that whereas in the [Page 109] last Age many great Princes were either Learn­ed themselves, or at least they made it a Maxim to protect and encourage Learning; but this having at last grown to an excess of Rudeness and Pedantry, and Princes beco­ming generally extream Ignorant, it came to pass for a piece of breeding, to say nothing that was beyond their pitch, or that seemed to reproach their Ignorance: and those who could not hide their Learning, were called Pedants: and pedantry was represented so odious, that Ignorance being the lasiest as well as the surest way to avoid this, all men took that very naturally; and when other methods are as effectual to raise men to the highest preferments either of the Barr or of the Pulpit as true Learning or reall Merit, few will choose the long and tedious, and often the most uncertain way, when the End that they propose to themselves, may be cer­tainly compassed by a more effectual and ea­sier one. Flattery and Submissions are sooner Learned and easier practised by men of low and mean souls, than much hard and dry study: thus, I say, the decay of Learning is very easily accounted for, in the Age in which we live: but as for the Art of Painting, it is still in such esteem, and great pieces go still at such vast rates, that if the Genius and capacity for it were not lost, there is encouragment enough still to set it a going: [Page 110] but I leave this subject not without putting some constraint on my self; for who can think of such Wonderful men as Correge, Michael Angelo, Raphael, Paulo Veronese, Iulio Ro­mano, Carrache, Palma, Titian and Tintoret, without feeling a concern at every time that he reflects on the Wonders of their pencils: St. Lukes pretended work, and even the sup­posed performances of Angels, are sad things set near their pieces. One, whose thoughts are full of the Wonders of that Art, that are to be seen in Florence, goes into the Annunciata, and sees not without Indignation, that ado­red picture of the Virgin, which, as the fond people there believe, was finished by an An­gel, while the Painter that was working at it, and that could not animate it as he desired, fell asleep, who as soon as he awaked, saw his piece finished. This fiction of the painters, to raise the credit of his picture, is so well be­lieved at Florence, that he presents made to enrich the Altar and Chappel, where it stands, are Invaluable: & yet after all, the Angel's work is still no better than the common painting of that time: and that Angel-painter, was but a bungler if compared, to the great Masters. In a word, what can be thought of humane na­ture, when in so refined a place as Florence, so course an Imposture has been able to draw to it, such an Inestimable stock of Wealth.

[Page 111] All these things are so many digressions from my main subject, which was, to shew you how much matter the Inquisitors might find, if they would use any exactness in redres­sing those Abuses which they themselves will not defend in common conversation: and yet tho the smallest thing, that seems even at the greatest distance to go against their Interest, is lookt after with a very watchful care; yet the grossest of all Impostures, that proves profitable to them, is much encouraged by them.

The fable of Loretto, is so black and so ri­diculous a piece of Imposture, that I never saw a man of sense, that cared to enter upon that subject. I was once in Company where I took the liberty to propose two modest Exceptions to it: the one was, that about 200 years after the rest of the Angelical La­bour in carying about that Cottage is preten­ded to have fallen out, Vincent Ferrrier, whom they believe a great Saint, not only sayes nothing of its being then in Italy, but sayes expresly, that it was then in Nazareth, & that many Miracles were wrought about it. Antonin of Florence; who is also the most Im­pudent Writer of Legends that ever was, say's not a word of it some Ages after they say that it was at Loretto. All the answer that I had to this was, that it was no Article of Faith, but whether it was true or false, the Devo­tion [Page 112] of the People was still entertained by it: and this, they said, was as much meritorious, tho founded on a Fable, as the giving of Cha­rity to one who is believed a fit object, but yet is indeed a Cheat, is acceptable to God: and thus he who gives upon a good inward motive, will be rewarded according to the Dispo­sition of his Mind, and not according to the Truth or Falsehood of the Story, that wrought upon him. I durst not press this matter too far: otherwise I would have replied, that how excuseable soever the Superstition of Ignorant People may be, yet this does not at all justify the Cheat that the Church puts upon her so easily deluded children. The truth is, the Romans themselves have not such stiff notions of all the points of Controversy as we are apt to Imagine: this makes me remember a conversation that past some years ago, be­tween an Abbot & one of our Clergymen, that was then a Governour to a Person of Quality, that in his Travels stayed for some time at Rome. The Abbot seeing the Governour was con­sidered as a man of Learning, desired to be In­formed of him, what were the Points in diffe­rence between the two Churches: so the Go­vernour told him, that we had our worship in a known tongue; that we gave the Cup in the Sacrament; that we had no Images, and did not pray to Saints: all this did not disturb the Abbot, who said, that these were only [Page 113] different Rites and Ceremonies, which might be well enough born with: when the other added, that we did not believe Transubstan­tiation nor Purgatory, the Abbot said, these were the subtilties of the School: so he was very gentle till the Governour told him, that we did not acknowledge the Pope; then the Abbot was all on fire, and could not compre­hend, how men could be Christians, that did not acknowledge Christs Vicar, and S. Peter's Successor: and it is very plain at Rome at this day, that they consider the Conversion of Na­tions, only as it may bring in more profit into the Datary Court, and raise the value of the Offi­ces there; for when I seemed amased in con­versation with some of them, to see so little regard had to the Ambassadour of England, and to every thing that he proposed; they told me plainly, that perhaps the Angels in Heaven re­joiced at the conversion of a sinner upon the pure motives of perfect Charity, but they at Rome looked at other things. They saw no profit like to come from England; no Bulls were called for, and no Compositions like to be made; if those things should once appear, then an Ambassadour from thence would be treated like the penitent Prodigal, especially if he were a little less governed by the Iesuites, who were believed to have managed our Am­bassadour a little too absolutely: and here it will be no unpleasant digression if I tell you [Page 114] the true reason that retarded the Promotion of the Cardinal d'Esté so long.

The Pope himself saw what the Vncle of this Cardinal did at Rome, in P. Alexander the 7ths time, upon the business of the Corsis, and the affront that was put on the Duke of Crequy, which made so much noise. That Cardinal being then the Protector of the French Nation, offered first to the D. of Crequy, to go with him, accompanied with 500 Men, that he knew he could raise in Rome, to the Palace of Dom Mario Chigi, and to fling him out at window: but the D. of Crequy thinking that such a revenge went too far, the Cardinal himself went accompanied with his 500 Men to the Palace, and expostulated the matter with the Pope, and demanded Reparation; and when the Pope put it by in some general an­swers, he prest him so hard, till the Pope threat­ned to pull his Cap from him, but he answered, that he would clap a Head-piece on it, to defend it, and that he would never part with that, till he had pulled the Tripple Crown from his head: This was vigorous, and the Cardinal had a mind to perpetuate the memory of it, for he made himself be drawn with a Headpiece by him, his hand pointing towards it, which I saw at Modena; and it is plain by their way of spea­king of this matter, that they were proud of it. The present Pope being at that time a Cardinal, saw this disorder, and so he was resolved never [Page 115] to raise one of that family to the Purple: yet the earnest and repeated Instances from England, overcame him at last.

But now again I return to that from which I have digressed so often, which is the work that the Inquisition might find in Italy, even with­out departing from any of their received Prin­ciples. That scandalous Imposture of the blood of S. Ianuary at Naples, that seems to be firm & dry in the Vial, and that dissolves and moves as it is brought near his Head, which is so firmly believed by all the bigots there, must needs give an Indignation to all that love Truth, when they see such gross Deceptions put upon the World. I will not take upon me to say how it is managed; but nothing is more easy than the ordering of this matter may be. For if that Vial be filled with tinctured liquor, the Vial being put in Ice and Salt, will freese in an In­stant; and it being again in the air, may return very quickly to its former state, so that there is no need of any great skill for the conducting this matter: and it is so much their Interest, who have the keeping of this pretended Blood, to keep the secret very religiously, that it is no wonder if it is not discovered. He indeed who either doubts of it, or would adventure to discover it, must resolve to go and live some were else than in Naples, where this passes for the chief Glory, as well as the greatest bles­sing of their City: and the people there are so [Page 116] extreamly credulous, & the Priests are so very Insolent, that this has appeared of late in such Instances, that if the Viceroy of Naples, were not both a very extraordinary man, and most excessively esteemed and beloved there, he could not have stood his ground in the Dispute which is now on foot, and of which tho all the Gazettes make mention, yet I may perhaps tell you some particulars, that may be new to you, for I was in Naples while this matter was in its greatest heat.

The business of the Ecclesiastical Immunities, is carried so high here, that the General of the Horse, who is by birth a Flemming, had almost felt it to his cost; there were two under him, that had quarrelled, but were made Friends; and one of these meeting the other some days after that, he embraced him with all the shewes of Friendship, but having a stiletto in his hand, he managed it so fatally, that under all the ap­pearences of tender Embraces, he killed him out-right, and presently he took Sanctuary in a Church, that was hard by; the General hear­ing of this, resolved he would make an Exam­ple of the Murderer: but not daring to drag him out of the Church, he set a Sentinel to the Doors, reckoning that hunger would soon force him to come out: and tho the Priests that belonged to the Church, carried him in some Provisions, yet that could not serve him long. But the General was forced to discharge [Page 117] the Sentinels: for he was Informed, that an Excommunication was coming out against him, for distrurbing the devotions of those that went to the Church: and he knew that if the Excommunication should be once given out, no body would so much as talk with him or come near him after that: so he would not run that risque: and this Assassinate had a fair occasion given him to make his escape: this was a good Essay of the Zeal for the Immunity of places. Another fell out about the same time near Leghorn, in which the sacredness of ex­empted persons was asserted in a manner that was no less scandalous; a Priest was seised on, for a most horrid Crime, either a Rape or a Murder, I do not remember which: but he who had no mind to be taken, defended him­self; and shot one of the Sbiri, upon which the rest run away. So he apprehending that a stronger party would be sent, that would be too hard for him, went and retired into a Wood, with his Fusee; and some being sent to find him out, he had shot six or seven of them; yet after all the sacred Character was like to save this execrable man; for while I was at Leghorn I was told that an Excommuni­cation was coming out, against all that should violate the Ecclesiastical Immunities in his Person: and no doubt the Great Duke will give way to this: for he is so entirely deli­vered up to his Priests, and is become so [Page 118] excessively scrupulous, that to deliver himself from those Troubles of Conscience, which many things, in the Administration of the Go­vernment are apt to give him, he has found out an easy receipt, which if all other Princes can be brought to follow, it will be very happy for their Ministers. He then considers, that the only sure way to be Innocent in the Conduct of Af­fairs, is not to know them at all: but to devolve them entirely on his Ministers, who do all, with­out so much as communicating matters to him.

But the Viceroy of Naples is not so very tra­ctable in those matters, as appears by the vi­gour with which he has supported the secular Tribunal against the Invasions of the Ecclesia­stical Court. That which gave the rise to the dispute, was, a sute that was between a Layman and a Church-man, before one of the Iudges of Naples, who decided in favour of the Layman; upon which it was pretended, that this was a Violation of the Immunities of the Church: so the Iudge was Excommunicated; And upon it no body would willingly appear before him, or so much as speak to him, so ter­rible a thing is that Thunder there: but the Viceroy has shewed on this occasion, that firm­ness that has appeared in all his other Actions: and has also received Orders from Spain autho­rising him to keep his ground. The Iudge is not only maintained in what he has done, but continues still to sit on the bench, all people are [Page 119] forced to bring their causes before him; & his Sentences are executed with resolution. This Contempt put on the Ecclesiastical Censures by a Minister of Spain, and at a time in which the Pope is so much in their Interests, is a little Extraordinary. But the affront that the Vice­roy put on an Auditor of the Nuntio's, was yet much more provoking, for it was managed with a particular care to make the Scorn very wounding as well as it was publick. The Nun­tio is believed to do ill Offices in this matter; and his Auditor was known to be a man of Li­berties; it was found out that he went often to a Bordello; the Viceroy therefore gave order to watch him so carefully, that the Sbiri should be sure to find him in such circumstances, as should make his shame very Conspicuous: so he was taken, and carried before the next Iudge: the thing was laid before hand, and the Iudge refusing to medle in it, the Sbiri (a sort of men like our Bailiffs) carried him to ano­ther, and so made the round of all the Iudges in Naples; and every one of them refusing to medle with the Auditor, the Sbiri let him go, when the matter was made sufficiently pu­blick, by their carrying him about to so man­ny places. The Nuntio complained of the Vio­lation of the Rights of a Publick Minister, e­specially of so sacred a one. But the Reparation that the Viceroy made, was a redoubling of the Affront: for he ordered the Sbiri that had [Page 120] taken the Auditor, to be carried about all Naples with an Inscription writ in Capital Letters, both on their Breasts and on their Backs, mentioning the Crime for which they were thus led about, which was their having disturbed the Nuntio's Auditor in his pleasures.

You will easily imagin that this was consi­dered at Rome as a most outrageous Affront; and indeed the Pope has carried the matter of the Regale in France so very far, that it is hard to tell to what a degree this breach in Naples may be also carried: for tho the Pope is most excessively ignorant in all those Matters, yet he has another Quality, that is the only thing that is great in him, and that would indeed become him very well, if he had a little more Knowledg to govern it: and that is, that he is the wilfullest man alive; and his temper is fearless enough to make him shut his Eyes upon all Danger.

It cannot be denied, but it is the Interest of the Pope, as he is a Temporal Prince, to be of the side that is now the weakest; and that needs his support the most: and therefore it is no wonder if he is so favourable to the Crown of Spain, and the House of Austria: but after all, his carrying the business of the Regale so far, against so great a King, and a King that has merited so much from that Church, by his zeal against Hereticks, is [Page 121] somewhat unaccountable: After all the Ha­vock, that has been made both by Princes and Popes of the true Liberties of the Church, and particularly after that shameful Bargain that was made between them in the Concor­date, it has a very ill grace to see a Pope make this the subject of so great and so long a Di­spute; and that the factious Clamours of a few ill-natured and angry Priests, should have been so much considered, as to inter­rupt the good understanding of the Courts of the Vatican and Versailles. All this flowed from the ill opinion that the Pope had of the Iesuites, which being known in France, the Iansenists thought it was high time for them to recommend themselves to the Court of Rome, in hope of mortifying the Iesuites: yet they could not with any decency carry the Papal Authority high, after they had with so much force both of reason and lear­ning, depressed it as they had done: so they betook themselves to the first thing that of­fered it self, that they knew would be very acceptable in Rome, which was the asserting the Liberties of the Church, and the dispu­ting the Kings Imposing the Rights of the Regale (that is, the mean profits of Bishopricks, and the Collating to Benefices without Cure, during the Vacancy) on the four southern Provinces of France. I will not say more of a matter that is so well known, only I will tell [Page 122] you, what a Doctor of the Sorbon said to me upon this subject; I found he did not believe the Pope's Authority more than I did my self; and yet he was one of those that indirectly op­posed the Articles of the Clergy, and the con­demnation that was past on the Bishop of Strigonium's Censure of those Articles; for his Authority and Learning gave a great turn to that matter: so when I seemed amased at this, that a man of his Principles, had acted as he had done upon that occasion, he told me, he had no other Consideration before him in that matter, but to mortify the Clergy of France, and to maintain the Dignity of the Sorbon. It was not long since that in the Di­spute about Iansenius's matter, they had made the Pope not only Infallible in matters of Right, but of Fact: and now because the Pope was not in the Interests of France, the dispute of Infallibility, and of the Councils of Constance and Basil, were again set on foot; all which would be given up, and the Pope would be considered Infallible to morrow, if he were once more in the Interests of France; & the Clergy, who had neither learning nor vertue, but made up all Defects, by a slavish Obsequi­ousness, would be then as forward to magnify the Infallibility, as they are now to depress it.

How far the Pope will embroil himself in this new business of the Franchises, I do not know: he has expressed a great steadiness in [Page 123] it; and the truth is, Rome is now so sunk from what it was, and the Franchises are so considerable a part of the City, that their being covered from the Execution, both of Civil and Criminal Iustice, is a most horrible Disorder: and it seems reasonable enough, that as in all other Courts, there is nothing now under the Ambassadours Protection, but that which is within his Gates, so the same Regulation should be made in Rome; where the extent of those priviledged Places is very great: yet afterall, if the French Ambassadour, that is now on his way thither, has positive Orders to maintain them, and has mony e­nough to list men, if the matter goes on to a more obstinate Dispute; It will be no hard matter for him to raise such a Revolt in Rome, that neither the Popes Guards, nor those in the Castle of St. Angelo, will be able to subdue it: and if this matter goes on so far, the French will very probably cut off all Annates, and find a shorter way of granting of Bulls within the Kingdom. It is said, that while some have represented the apparent Inconveniences of a Rupture with France to the Pope, and that he was in no condition to resist that migh­ty Power: He answered, that he would suf­fer Martyrdom in maintaining the Rights of St. Peter. It must be confessed, that there was something in this saying that was more Magnanimous, than prudent. And in­deed [Page 124] the Popes way of treating with Am­bassadours, has somewhat in it that comes neerer the simplicity of the Fishermen, the more modern Politicks. His dry Answer to our Ambassadour, when he threatned him that he would leave Rome, and go back to England, if he were not better used; Lei e Badrone; You are Master of that as you please; had an air in it that I should have been much pleased with, if it had fallen on any other than on the King's Minister.

His Conduct of the Revenue is an unac­countable thing; for if there is not a vast Treasure laid up, or a most prodigious deal of Wealth secretly conveyed to his Family, it is not to be imagined what has become of all that Revenue that he has raised, in which the Income is so vastly disproportioned to the ex­pence, that the most prying men do not know what is become of it. The War with the Turks has not cost him so much as is believed; on the contrary, many think that he has got by it; and that the Taxes which he has laid on the Clergy of Italy amount to more than he has laid out upon it: It is certain, it has not cost him very much. He retrenched all Ex­pences to so great a degree, that even the pu­blick Charities were lessened: for in Lent, there is a weekly Charity of a Iulio, or a six pence, to all the poor that come and ask it: and the poor commonly brought their Children with [Page 125] them, so that they got as many Iulio's as they brought Children; but the Pope limited this, that no Charity should be given to any under such an Age, as I remember it was be­low ten year old. The Administration of the Revenue is indeed the only thing that he un­derstands, and in which he imploys all his thoughts: and it was believed, that the true Secret of the greatest number of the Cardi­nals in the last Promotion, was the Advantages that he made by the sale of the Offices which they held, and that fell to the Pope upon their Advancement; out of which it was thought that he gained above a Million: and upon this I will tell you, what I have learned con­cerning the aversion that two of the Cardinals, Taia and Ricci, expressed to the Purple in the Promotion that was made five year ago; this was magnified in several Books, that were printed out of Italy, as somewhat that seemed to approach to the best Ages of the Primitive Times, when men refused to accept of so great a Dignity, that brought them within a step of the Supream Elevation: but the truth of this matter was, they were both men of Fourscore, and not like to live long; as they both died within a year of their Preferment: they had very good Imployments, which they had bought, and which by their accep­ting the Purple were to fall into the Popes hands: besides that, the new Dignity was not [Page 126] to be entred upon without a great Expence: so all this being considered, the vertue of re­fusing so chargeable a Dignity, in men that were more concerned for their Families, than for that small remnant of life that was before them, was not so very Extraordinary.

But since I am upon the discourse of promo­ting of Cardinals, I will tell you a remarkable Instance of a Promotion, that I do not remem­ber to have met with in any Book; and the Dig­nity of the Person and of the Family descended from him makes me think it worth the rela­ting; and the rather because I had it from no ordinary person, but from one of the exactest men in Rome, and who has taken the greatest pains to be well Informed in the Modern Hi­story. I had seen several pictures of Clara Far­nese, for there are more than one of them in the Palestrina: so I knowing nothing concerning her, asked her story, which in short was this: that she was P. Paul the 3d's Sister, and the person to whom he owed his Cardinals Cap, and by Consequence all that followed upon it, tho he rewarded her ill for it; for he poysoned both her and his Mother, that he might have all their Wealth; their Father was a poor man, that went about selling Saucidges and such sort of stuff. Clara was married young, and was soon a Widdow; she was a lovely wo­man, but no Extraordinary beauty: her Bro­ther was bred to Letters, and was one of those [Page 127] poor Churchmen, that was looking about on all hands where he might find a Patron; when of a sudden his Sisters charms and her artifices toge­ther raised him to a height, to which he was far enough from pretending at that time. On a great occasion Clara Farnese was so near P. A­lexander the 6^th, and was so much in his Eye & in his thoughts, that he ordered one that was about him, to enquire who she was, and where she lived: Instruments upon such occasions are never wanting to great Persons: and notwith­standing the Popes great Age, yet his Vices hung still so close to him, that he could have no quiet till Clara Farnese was brought him. She resolved to manage her self on this occa­sion, and to raise her price all that was possi­ble, so a Cardinals Cap to her Brother was both asked and granted: a promise of it was made at least, upon which she came and atten­ded on the old leud Pope: yet when the next Promotion came to be in agitation, the Propo­sition for Abbot Farnese was rejected by Cesar Borgia with scorn; he had never been a slave to his word, and he had no mind that his Father should observe it on this occasion.

The way of a Promotion is this, the Pope setles the List of the Cardinals, and writes down all their names in a paper with his own hand; and in a Consistory, when all other business is ended, he throws down the Paper on the Ta­ble, and say's to the Cardinals, habetis Fratres; [Page 128] you have now some Brethren. One of the Se­cretaries upon that takes up the Paper, and reads the Names aloud; and the Sbiri are at the door, and as soon as one is named, they run for it, to see who shall be able to carry the first newes of it to the party concerned.

Upon this occasion, the Pope after he had con­certed the Promotion with his Son, writ down all the names. Clara Farnese was in great appre­hensions for her Brother, so she being to pass that night with the Pope, rise when the old man was fast asleep, & searched his Pocket, & found the Paper, but her Brothers name was not in it: then she set her self with great care to counterfeit the Popes hand; and writ her Bro­thers name the first in the List: next morning she kept the Pope as long in bed as was possi­ble; till word was brought him, that the Con­sistory was set, and that the Cardinals were all come: for she reckoned that the less time that the Pope had for being drest, there was the less Danger of his looking into his Paper: So without ever opening it, he went into the Consistory, and according to Custom, he threw down the list on the Table: but to the great surprise of him, and of all that were upon his Secrets, the first name that was read, was that of Abbot Farnese; and it seems the Pope thought it better to let the matter pass, than to suffer the true secret of the business to break out. It is well that the Doctrine of the Inten­tion, [Page 129] does not belong to the Creation of Car­dinals, otherwise here was a Nullity with a Witness. Thus begun that long course of P. Paul the thirds greatness, who lived above 50 years after this, and laid the Foundation of the Family of Parma, which he saw quite overthrown, his Son being assassinated in his own time; and both his Grand-children having revolted against him, which, as was believed, precipitated his death, tho he was then Four­score.

But now I return to the present Pope; for I have writ you a very loose sort of a Letter, all made up of digressions. His aversion to the Order of the Iesuites is very visible; for he takes all occasions to mortify them; and every thing that is proposed to him, thrives the worse for their sakes, if he believes they are concer­ned in it; which was given by all at Rome, as the true reason of the cold usage that the En­glish Ambassadour found there. Indeed the Pope is not singular in the hard thoughts that he has of that Order: I never saw an Indiffe­rent man in all Italy, that was of another mind: they do generally look upon them as a Cove­tous, Fraudulent, Intriguing, and turbulent sort of people; who can never be at quiet, un­less they reign: who are men of no Morals, that will stick at nothing that may raise the Wealth and Power of their Order: and at Rome they do not stick to say, that all the con­cerns [Page 130] of the Roman Catholick Religion must needs miscarry in England, because the Iesu­ites are so much in credit there. And indeed the Extravagantly vain Letters that they write to Rome out of England, are such contextures of Legends, that ever since I saw them, I know what value I ought to put on their Letters that come from the Indies and other remote Coun­treys; for when they take so great a Liberty when the Falsehood is so easily found out, what must me think of the Relations that come from places at such a distance, that they may lie with more assurance & less hazard of discovery.

The Letter that was writ in February last from Liege to the Iesuites at Friburg, of which so many Copies were given, that it got to the Press at last, was a good Instance of their Va­nity, and of the small regard that they have to a Prince, that has as they give out, so much for them. Their representing the King, as so concerned in the Interests of their Order, that he espoused them all as if they were his own, that he was now become a Son of the Society, and that he was received into a com­munication of the Merits of the Order, (tho a share in their Treasure upon Earth were a much more considerable thing, than of their Treasure that is Invisible,) Their setting out the Kings Zeal for their Religion, in such high terms, that they say he is resolved to die a Martyr rather than not to succeed in his de­sign [Page 131] of changing the Religion, and converting the Nation: and this at a time when the King was declaring himself so much for Liberty of Conscience: and their affirming that the King is become bigotted to so high a degree, as to refuse to suffer a Priest to kneel down and do the duty of a Subject in kissing his Hand, and to tell him, that he himself ought rather to kneel down, and to kiss his Hands: all these are such Extravagant strains, that by the boldness of them it is Evident, that they were writ by a Iesuite, and my Copy came to me from so good a hand, and so near the source, that how many Falsehoods soever may be in that Letter▪ I can assure you, it is no Im­posture, but was really writ by those of Liege.

In a word, all the Romans have so very ill an Opinion of the Iesuits, that as soon as any piece of Newes comes from England, that is not favourable to their Affairs, one finds all, from the highest to the lowest, agree in the same short reflection; Thus it must ever be, where the Iesuites have such a share in the Councils. A man long practised in the Court of Rome, told me, it was impossible it could be otherwise, for all the chief men of that Or­der are kept teaching in their Schools, till they are almost forty years of age; and by that means Pedantry, a disputatious and Imperious humour, and a peevish littleness of soul, becomes natural to them, so that an [Page 132] Eminent man here said to me, It was Impos­sible that matters could go better than they did in England, as long as the Morals and the Poli­ticks of the Jesuites, and the Vnderstandings and Courage of the Irish, were so much relied on.

But besides all these General Considera­tions, there are some things in the Constitu­tion of the Order of the Iesuites that give those at Rome reason enough to be on their Guard against them. There are two things peculiar to this Order that make it very for­midable; the one is, that those who have made the fourth vow are capable of no Pre­ferment, unless it be to be Cardinals, and then they are indeed capable of Bishopricks. In most of the other Orders, every man has his own private Interest, and his particular views; so that they are not always looking after the concerns of their Order. But a Iesuite can receive no Honour but from his Order, therefore he Consecrates himself to it, and advances the Interests of the Society with all possible zeal, knowing that there is no other way left him to advance his own Interests, but this. So that Hope being one of the great Springs of humane Nature, a Iesuite, who hopes for nothing but from his Order, must be extreamly devoted to it. Be­sides this, a Iesuite fears nothing but from his Order: They have not a Cardinal Pro­tector, [Page 133] as the other Orders have, to whom an Appeal lies from the sentence of the Ge­neral of the Order: but the Iesuites are a body more shut up within themselves; for the sentence of the General is definitive, and can never be reviewed, no Appeal lying from it: whensoever a Pope comes that dares mortify them, he will open a way for Appeals, for till that is done, the General of the Iesuites is the most Absolute and the most Arbitrary Soveraign that is in the World.

All these things concur to Unite almost all the several Interests in Rome against this Society, which yet is strong enough to sup­port it self against them all: they have the Mission generally in their hands; for the Con­gregation de Propaganda, payes a small pen­sion of 20 Crowns to all the Secular Priests that are on the Mission, whereas the Iesuites bear the expences of their own Missionaries, to whom they allow an 100 Crowns a year: & so those of the Propaganda being willing to be eased of a charge, accept of the Missionaries that the Iesuites offer them: and they find their account in this. Their Missionaries are powerfully recommended, so they are quickly received into Families, especially where there are yong children to be bred up, or Estates to be managed: for in these two lies their strength: but they never forget their Order, for which they are as so many Factors every [Page 134] where: and they draw vast Presents from all places to the House that returns them their Appointments; wheras the poor Secular Priest must make a shift to live out of the small al­lowance that he has from the Congregation de Propaganda fide, and out of what he can raise by his Masses. Therefore there is nothing that they desire so much, as to see Protestant States that give a Tolerance to Popery, grow once so wise as to shut out all the Regulars, and above all the Iesuites; and to admit none but Secular Priests: for the former, as they are so many Agents, to return all the wealth that they can possibly draw together, to the house to which they belong, so they are united to­gether in one Body, under a most strict O­bedience to their General, which may be as great a prejudice to the Peace and Security of a Countrey, as the other is to its Wealth and Abundance: on the other hand, the Secular Priests are generally good-natured men, who are only subject to their Bishop, and that have no designs upon the Government, nor the Con­cerns of any House that is in Forreign Parts lying upon them: so that since those of that Communion have the full exercise and all the Consolation of their Religion from Secular Priests, even those in Rome it self wonder at the Error of Protestant States, who have not Learned long ago to make this difference in the Toleration that they allow: And one that [Page 135] has been almost 50 years in the most refined practices of the Court of Rome, said to me with a very sensible concern, how happy would we here reckon our selves, if we could have a Toleration of our Religion allo­wed in England, tho it were with an Eter­nal Exclusion of all Regulars and Iesuites? and added, that if he saw good grounds for ma­king it, he himself would go and carry the Proposition to those of the Propagan­da.

And now I am sure, I have rambled over a great Variety of matter, and have made a shift to bring in to one place or other of this Letter, a great many particulars, that I could have hardly brought out in an exactness of Method, without a much grea­ter compass of words, and a greater stifness of form: but I thought it was more natural, and by consequence, that it would be more accep­table to you, to make them follow one ano­ther, in an easy and unforced contexture. I have discoursed all these matters often over and over again since I came into Italy: but I have read very little concerning them; there­fore there may be many things here, that I mention because they were new to me, that perhaps are no newes to those that are much more Learned than my self. I have told you all that I could gather upon these sub­jects from the wisest and worthiest men that [Page 136] I found here: I have writ of all matters freely to you, because I am in a Countrey where freedom of discourse, in matters of State especially, is practised in its utmost extent.

I have yet matter for another long letter, in which the matters of Religion will have no share; for I will end all these in this: and therfore there is one piece of the Super­stition of Lombardy, that affected me too sen­sibly, not to lead me to bestow a severe cen­sure upon it. I went through that Coun­try in October and November, and was often in great distress, because it was not possible to find a Glass of Wine, that could be drunk, all being either dead or sour. At Parma I waited on an Eminent Person, and lamented to him the misery of Travallers, since no Wine was to be found that could be drunk: he told me, the Natives felt this much more sensibly than Strangers did, with whom it was soon over, but they were condemned to suffer that every year; and tho he himself had Vineyards, that produced much more Wine than he could consume, yet he could not be Master of a good Glass of Wine, for a great many Months of the year; since all the people were possessed with this Superstition, that it was Indispensably necessary to mix it with Water in the Cask, that by this means it drunk dead or sour for so great a part of the [Page 137] year: and all that could be said could not beat this out of the heads of those that dressed their Wine: but he added, that the Priests, who con­firmed the vulgar in this Conceit, had found a Device to excuse their own Wine from this hard fate: for they said, it must needs be kept unmixed, since in the Sacrament the Wine must be pure, and is then only to be mixed with Water; and thus in all their Cellars good Wine is to be found, where there is not a drop any where else that can be drunk: one would think that this is to abuse the Weakness and Credu­lity of the People, a little too grosly, when they condemn all the laity to drink ill Wine, whereas they themselves drink it pure, which is felt more sensibly by the Laity, than the depriving them of the Chalice, and the en­grossing it to the Priest in the Sacrament. Yet the Excise that is laid on the Wine in Florence, has taught the Inhabitants a point of Wisdom, that those on the other side of the Appenins are not capable of; for the Excise being raised upon all their Wine, the People who have no mind to pay Excise for Water, keep their Wine pure, so perhaps some such severity in the Government in Lombardy, may likewise reform them in this piece of absurd Superstition, which I felt too sensibly with all the effects that naturally fol­low the drinking of sour Liquor, not to Insist upon it with some more than ordinary con­cern.

[Page 138] But since I am upon the point, of the Arts that the Convents have to live easy, I will end this Letter with an account of a House that was very Extraordinary, which I saw in my way to Italy thro Bavaria; Etal, an Abbey of Benedictines, that by its foundation is bound only to maintain an Abbot and 25 Monks. It was founded by Lewis Duke of Bavaria, that was Emperour: the building is not answerable to the Endowment, which is so vast, that they keep a stable of 150 horses, which is indeed one of the best in Germany, the horses are of great value, and well kept: they hunt perpetually, and live in as great an abundance of all things as the Duke of Ba­varia himself can do; and yet these are Religious men, that are dead to the World.

I cannot forget to tell you a very beau­tifully diversified prospect that we had at Burgo, a little Town in the hills of Trent, as we lookt out at window, We saw before us a lovely Meadow in all the Beauty and Pride of the Moneth of May: a little beyond that was a rising Bank all covered over with Trees in their full verdure: beyond that the ground rise higher, and the Trees had not yet put out their leaves, and things lookt dead and dry, as after Harvest: and beyond that there was a huge hill, all covered on the top with snow: so that here we saw in one pro­spect all the seasons of the year: upon which [Page 139] one of the Company made this reflection, that if any Painter should in one Landskip; mix all these things, that were then in our eye, he would be thought a man of an Ir­regular fancy, whose designes did not agree with nature; and yet we had them all then before us. I will make no Excuses nor Com­pliments: for those things do not mend matters, and therefore I send you my Let­ter, such as it is, just as it has grown under my Pen: and so Adieu.

I find I have forgot to mention one very extravagant piece of Devotion, to which I was a Witness at Rome, on the 17 of Ianuary, which is St. Anthonys day, that was the great Father of the Monastick Orders, whose Life is pretended to be writ by S. Athanase; all Hor­ses and other Beasts of Burden are believed to be in an especial manner under his Protection: and the Monks of his Order, have a House near St. Maria Maggiore; thither all the Hor­ses, Mulets and Asses of Rome, and all round the City, are brought that day to the door of the Church, where some Monks stand with a Broom in holy water, and sprinkle it upon them all: many Doggs and Lambs, and other [Page 140] favorite Animals, are also brought to share in this Aspersion: which is believed to have a most special vertue: the force of this hallo­wing is believed to be such, that if any should fail to bring his Horses thither, all the Neigh­bourhood would look on those that have no portion in it, as accursed Animals, upon whom some unlucky Accident were hanging; which is so firmly believed, that none would hire a Horse or a Mulet, that had not been so sprinkled. So that from the Popes Horses down to the poorest man in Rome, all are brought thither; but this is not all, the profi­table part of this piece of Folly is, that every one brings a Present; the richer sort send Purses of Money; some give great Wax-Lights, all stuck full of Testons (a piece of 20 pence) the poorer bring either smaller pieces of Money, or Presents of Wine, Oyl, Bread, or such things as they can afford: but in a Word, no man comes empty; so that this is the Market-day of those Monks, in which for some Gallons of Water and Salt, they get more Presents, than would serve to maintain them for seven years: they quick­ly convert all that is not necessary for them into Money: and by this means they are vastly rich. When I saw all this, I could not but think that men must become first Beasts themselves, before things of this kind could pass upon them: but since I have [Page 141] added this in a Postscript, rather than give my self the trouble to make it come in perti­nently into my Letter I will add another par­ticular that is writ me from Rome the sixth of October 1687.

I am told, that men are now more puzled in their thoughts with Relation to the business of Molinos than ever. It was Visible that his Abjuration was only a pretended thing; for in effect he has abjured nothing: his party be­lieve, that they are very numerous, not only in Rome, Italy, Spain, and France, and in all these parts of the world, but that they have many followers even in America it self: one sees now in almost all the Churches in Rome some of them praying in corners, with their Hands and Eyes lifted up to Heaven, and all in Tears, and Sighs; which is no small trouble to those who thought they had quite routed them: but find they are not so much quasht as it was thought they would have been by the mock Triumph that was made upon Molinos. Nor do they believe a word of those Reports that are spread of his Leudness: they say, there was no Proof ever brought of it; and that there are many thou­sands in Rome, of both sexes, that conversed much with him, who have all possible reason to conclude, that all these stories that were given out concerning him, are Impudent Ca­lumnies, set about only to blast Him and his [Page 142] Doctrine: and the truth is, this seems to be much confirmed by the Bull that condemns his Books, and his Doctrine; in which no mention is made of his ill Life and Hypocrisy, which had been very probably done if the matter had been well proved: since this would not only have satisfied people, with relation to him, but would have very much confir­med the Accusations of those horrid Opinions that are laid to his Charge, Which had ap­peared with much more Evidence, if it had been found that his Life had agreed with those Tenets: for tho it had not been a just Inference to conclude him guilty of those things, because they were charged on him in the Bull, yet one may reckon it almost a sure Inference, that he is not guilty of them, since the Bull does not tax him for them.

I Threw into my former Letter, all those general Reflections on the State of Religion, and the Maxims of the Romans, con­cerning it, that I could gather together during my Stay at Rome. Now I quit that subject, and shall at present [Page 144] entertain you with some Political Observa­tions, which will be so much the more accep­table, because I fancy they will be new to you.

But before I go so far as Italy, I will give you an account of a very curious Salt-work, that I saw in my way to Italy, at Sode near Francfort. It belongs to Mr. Malapert, and has been wrought above 60 years; but the present Master of it, as he is a man of great worth, so he is very Ingenious, and has much perfected that, which was managed at a much greater Expence before he undertook it. There rises at the foot of some little Hills, which produce a very good Wine, a Spring of Water, that is so very little brackish to the tast, that one will hardly think it possible to fetch much Salt out of it; yet it has such a tast of Salt, that there was room for Industry to prepare this Water, so that without such an expence in Fire as should eat out the profit, it might turn to a good account; which Mr. Malapert seems to have carried as far as is possible. The Meadow that lies in the levil with this Spring, is Impregnate with Salt, Iron, Nitre, and Sulphur: but Salt is that which prevails: first then, a Pump is put upon this Spring, which is managed by a Water­mil, and throws up the Water about fifteen Foot high; and then it goes by a Pipe into vast Machines, that are made to receive it.

[Page 145] There is a great piece of ground Inclosed, in which there are 24 vast Chests or Cisterns for the Water, in two stories, 12 in a story, the one just over the other; they are about seventy foot long, twelve broad, and two deep; over every one of these, there is a roof of boards, supported by wooden Pillars, of 12 foot high; which covers them from Rain-water, but yet the water within them is in a full exposition to the Sun; those roofs are hung with straw, upon which some that manage the work, are often throwing up the Water, so that a great deal of the Phlegme is Imbibed by the Straw, and the more fixed parts fall down: according to the heat of the Season, this Evaporation of the watry parts, goes quicker or slower; there is a Gage, by which they Weigh the Water; and so they know how the Evaporation advances; it is of Silver, and is so made, that according to the weight of the Water, it sinks in it to such a depth; & so by the degrees markt upon it, they know how heavy the Water is: according then to the heat of the season, and the progress of the Evaporation, they let the Water out of one Cistern into another, by a Pipe, and when it has past thro the 12 that are in the upper story, then it is conveyed down by Pipes into the 12 that are below, and in them all they continue still to throw up the water upon the Withs of Straw, that are over head.

In a word, this Evaporation discharges the [Page 146] Water of so much of its Phlegin, that the same quantity of water, that weighed one ounce when it was drawn from the Spring, weighs six ounces in this last Chest: and all this rolling about of the Water from Chest to Chest lasts sometimes not above twenty day's; but if the season is only moderately hot, it will be longer a doing; sometimes it will not be done in a month's time: after that the Water is brought to a very considerable degree of Salt­ness, it is conveyed into two great Cauldrons, that are 13 foot long, ten broad, & 3½ deep; un­der which there are vast Furnaces, where in a most violent Fire of 11 or 12 hours continuance, the Water receives its last Evaporation; & when that is done, the Salt which is become thick, but is still moist, is taken up in Baskets of Willows, and placed about the wall of the Furnace: and so the humidity that remains in it drops out, and it is brought to its last degree of perfection: out of it, a Tyth is payed; of which the Elector of Ments has one half, and the City of Francfort the other. This Salt is exceeding good and pleasant to the tast. It is much solider and more like the Portugal Salt, than like our Newcastle salt. It ser­veth very well all the uses of the Kitchin, and Table: but it has not strength enough to preserve things long. There are vast quanti­ties made of it in hot and dry Summers: for the Chests are always kept full: and thus all [Page 147] Franconia is furnished with Salt of its own Production at very moderate rates; for there is so great a lessening of the Expence of the fire by this conveyance of the water thro so many Chests, that it is afforded very cheap. This I thought deserved well that I should Interrupt the earnestness in which you be, to hear what I have to tell you concerning Italy, so that I hope you will not be ill pleased with it, especially if your curiosity after the Histo­ry of nature is as great as it was.

I now go over in one step all the Iourney that I made from hence to Italy, which is cer­tainly the highest scituated Country in Europe: for as the Rhine and Danube, that rise in the Alpes, and run down to the Ocean and the Euxine, shewes you that all that tract of ground to those Seas is a constant descent, so when one comes to the Alpes, either on the French or on the German side, he is a great many days in climbing up those vast moun­tains, but the descent on the Italian side is very Inconsiderable. This appears yet more sensible when one comes from Turin, where the ascent up Mount Senice is but a work of a few hours: and yet from the height of that hill, one is in a constant descent till he comes to Lions. I will not carry you about Italy, to tell you the remarkable things that are there; but will only tell you some particulars that made the greatest Impression on my self, and [Page 148] which were not seen by Dr. Burnet.

In my way from Parma to Mantua, I past at Guastale, which is half way between them, 18 miles distant from both; where I saw a scene that surprised me. This Town is situated on the southside of the Po, at half a miles distance from it: It was a considerable branch of the Territory of Mantua, that was given off to one of the Cadets of that Family, and was setled in an intail to the Heir male. The best part of the Revenue of this small Principality, was a Duty that was payed for all merchandises that went or came upon the Po, which when the Trade of Italy was in a more flourishing condi­tion than it is at present, was farmed for above Threescore thousand Crowns. The situation of this place makes it yet much more conside­rable than it is in it self; for as it lies in the neighbourhood of the Principalities of Parma and Modena, and is not far from the Popes Territory, so if this place is Master of the Po, by crossing it, the detachments that may be sent out from it are not only in the Territory of Mantua, but they may be also in a very few hours both in the Milanese and in the Vene­tian Dominion; so that Guastale in some respect may be esteemed the Center of all the States of Lombardy. The Duke of Mantua married the Daughter of the last Duke of Guastalé, who died in the year 1680. and his Nephew Don Vespasiano Gonzaga, who was then in [Page 149] the Spanish service, was acknowledged to be his undoubted Heir: so he came & took peace­able possession of his Dutchy: He was ex­treamly much beloved by his Subjects, and thought himself at quiet in the enjoyment of his new Dignity: but all this was soon over­turned; for one came to him from the Court of France, to let him know, that that Great King could not be wanting to his Ally the Duke of Mantua, to whom Guastale be­longed of right, his Dutchess being the Daughter and Heir of the late Duke, and that therefore since he had usurped the just right of another, the French King warned him, that if he did not withdraw of his own accord, he would give order to put the D. of Mantua in possession. It was to no purpose to argue against all this, and to shew the Messenger that Guastale was a Fee intailed on the Heir male, of which there had never been the least dispute: But reasons taken from the equity of the thing, are seldom thought strong enough to hold the ballance against reasons of State: so the poor Prince being in no con­dition to resist so powerful an Enemy, was forced to abandon his Right, and to with­draw, and he was again entertained by the Spaniards. For tho there was a sort of a for­tification cast about Guastale 50 or 60 year ago, yet as that was at best an Inconsidera­ble defence, so even that was now quite rui­ned. [Page 150] Upon his retiring there came a detache­ment of 300 Men from Cassale, who took pos­session of Guastale, and continue there to this day: but this had been no great matter, if it had not gone further: some years passed after the new Duke was driven away before the true design of this matter appeared. The world was first to be laid to sleep. The Town it self is composed of about six or seven thou­sand Inhabitants; and so the small Garrison in it seemed of no great Consequence, and was rather an Advantage than a prejudice to the Town; they were kept in very good order, and they payed punctually for every thing that they called for: only they brought the place in­to the Method of a Garrison; for all must come in and go out of the Town only at one Gate.

But in the beginning of the year 1686. the mystery of this matter begun to appear: for Mr. du Plessis, a French Engineer, came thither, under the pretence of repairing the old Fortifications, and designed a Noble and a Regular Fortification: It is to be a Hexagone, with all necessary Out-works; and there is a great Splanade that is to be made round the place, and all the houses or trees that are with­in a considerable distance are to be beat down. In a word, the design is great, and will be executed in all the exactness of the modern Fortification; so that the advantage of the situation, will make it the most Important [Page 151] place of Italy, and that which will bridle all Lombardy, and be able to put it all under Con­tribution upon every occasion. The Works were begun in April 1686. and ever since they have kept 400 men constantly at work, upon the pay of a Iulio a day: another year will go near to finish it. And yet tho here the justest ground possible, is given to alarm all Italy, none seems to be so much as concerned at it. The Venetians, that have at all other times, valued themselves upon their prospect of Dan­ger, even at the greatest distance, either do not see this, or dare not own their fear. It is true, all this is carried on in the name of the D. of Mantua: but it is as certain, that tho it lies so near him, he has never been at the pains to go and see it: It has never been so much as once considered by his Council; nor is his Revenue in such a condition as to bear such an encrease of Expence: and yet it passes among the people there, that this is a great strength, that is to be made to keep the French out of Italy; and some Priests that are corrup­ted to serve the French Interests promote this Fiction. If the Venetians look on till this is fi­nished, they will do very well to assure them­selves of their new Conquests in the Morea, for their Antient ones in the Terra firma of Italy will probably fail them very quickly.

All those of the Territory, who know well that their Princes name is only made use of, [Page 152] for the fortifying this place, look on with great regret, while they see a Work advan­cing so fast, that is to be a Citadel upon all their Countrey: of which an Ancient Person of Qua­lity, that is there spoke to me with so much feeling, that he could hardly forbear weeping, when he shewed me that Yoke of Slavery un­der which they were falling. I saw, during my stay in Mantua, how much all the sensible people there, are concerned to see their Prince deliver himself up so blindly to the French In­terests: they told me, that since his childhood he has been so beset with the Instruments and Agents of that Court, that his Inclinations for them are become as another nature in him: he was not out of Childhood, when almost all his Domesticks, and his masters, both for Lan­guages and Armes, were furnished him from thence. His putting Cassale in the hands of that Monarch, was one good Evidence, and now the business of Guastale is another, to shew that they have gained such an Ascendant over his Spirit, and have Insinuated them­selves so much into him, in all those fatal hours of Liberty which he allows himself, that it is not thought he will stick at any thing that they demand of him, unless it be at his own going into France; to which he has been much solicited: but it is not so much as doubt­ed, that if he goes once into that Countrey, he will never come out of it again. So he is [Page 153] not like to be wrought on so far; and if it were not for some such apprehension, it is like enough that he might undertake the Journey; for he does not love staying in his Principality so well, but takes pleasure to ramble about; and he devests himself often of the Ceremonies of his Greatness, that so he may take a freer career in those Exerci­ses, that he loves better than his Affairs: and a Prince, whose Revenue is none of the greatest, and whose expence is often Irregular, who has an active Envoy always near him, and who is ever ready to furnish him with Money, falls naturally into a great dependence on that Court.

Of this a very Extraordinary Instance ap­peared not long ago, in the Disgrace of the Marquisses of Cannosse and Palliotti: the first of these is his Kinsman, and has served him now for many years, with as much Fide­lity as Affection; the second was Captain of his Guards, and Governour of the Castle of Mantua which commands the Town. These then had the Courage as well as the Fidelity, to lay before him the Ruin that he was like to bring upon himself as well as upon all Italy, by delivering himself up so intirely to the French Councils, and by putting them first in possession of Guastale, and now suffering then to Fortify it, which was in effect the delivering up of his Principality, and of all [Page 154] his People to them; who looked upon them­selves as brought already under a Forreign Yoke: they also represented to him the dan­ger of having almost no other Domesticks but Frenchmen about him, who were all as so many Spies upon him, and upon all that were near him, and that were very exact in giving the French Envoy Mr. Baumbeau an account of every thing that he either said or did. These Demonstrances made some Impressions on the Duke, and he promised to them to find out an effectuall Remedy to all those Evils: But this was not a secret very long; Money and Spies find out every thing; and it is possible that they who gave the Duke these faithfull Advices might have been engaged to it, either by some Instruments of the Court of Spain, or of the Republick of Venice: yet the truth of this is not known, but the French Envoy made a shift to charge them so heavily, that he got them both to be made close Prisoners; in this condition they were when I was at Mantua, and no body durst so much as men­tion their Names, much less Interpose for them.

All the Princes of Italy, are as Absolute in their own Dominions, and as much de­livered from all the bonds of Law, as some greater Kings are, so their subjects are at their Mercy, both for their Lives, Liberties, and Estates: and this is that from which one may [Page 155] take a sure measure of the weakness of Italy. Subjects that retain still all the due liberties of humane nature, and that are not under an Arbitrary but a Legall Government; fight for themselves, as well as for their Prince; but if they are already as miserable as they can be, so that a change may perhaps put them in a better condition, but can hardly put them in a worse, they will not much concern them­selves in their Princes Quarrel, since they only fight for the continuance, if not for the en­crease of their Slavery.

But now to return to the Duke of Mantua; the French Envoy has since that time stuck closer to him than ever; he indeed waits always on him, sometimes acting like an Officer of his Houshold, and at other times like the Governour of his Person: he made the tour of Italy with him this year, and waited on him to Millan, Genoa, Florence, Rome, Naples and Venice, where they passed the Carnavall together: and he took a most particular care that the Duke should meet with none in all those places, that might open his eyes, to let him see the Ruin that he is bringing upon himself; yet after all, one of his Secretaries, had still the Integrity and Courage to give him such faithful Councels, as had been fatal to others: yet the Duke used him better than he had done the two Marquisses: for tho the French Spies discovered him likewise, yet, [Page 156] nothing could be done to hurt him in the Dukes good opinion, therefore it was resolved to take another method to tear so dangerous a man from him; so he being sent to negotiate some business at the Court of Turin, was often invited to go a Hunting, which he resisted for a great while, tho the French Ambassadour pressed him much to it; at last he was over­come, but his sport was fatal to him; for he was seised on, and carried by a small Party sent from Pignarol as is believed. In short, he is in the hands of the French, and it is said in Italy, that he is clapt up in St. Margarite one of the little Islands in the Mediterranean sea. This matter was at first highly resented by the Duke, but a little time will shew whether the earesses of the Court of France can soften him in this matter or not; for if they can lay him asleep after such an Attempt, then all persons will conclude that he is so much in their power, that none will dare to run the hazard of undeceiving him any more.

Those in the Mountferrat feel what a Neigh­bour Cassal is to them; that Imperious way of proceeding, without having any great re­gard to Justice, or to Contracts and Aggree­ments, that is practised in France, begins to be felt here likewise: of which many smaller Instances were given me, but I will tell you two that were more remarkable; when the Garrison was first setled in Cassal, those of the [Page 157] Mountferrat held the price of their Corn so high, that it was hard to furnish the Garrison with Bread: so some of Piedmont undertook to sup­ply them for two years at 21 Livers the Ra­tion, and the bargain being made▪ they bought in great stores, and so they quickly filled their Granaries: upon this some in the Mountferrat came and offered to serve the Garrison at 14 Livers the Ration, upon which the other bargain tho made as sure as any such contract can possibly be made, was broke, and the undertakers were ruined by it. The other story was, that in order to the building the Fortifications, some Masons made a bargain at 32 Livers such a measure, so they brought together a great number of Workmen, and were at work; when others came and offer'd to perform the work at 28 Livers, for which the others had 32 Livers, only they deman­ded a considerable advance; so the first Bar­gain was presently broken, to the great loss of the Undertakers: but the 2d Undertakers, that had Money advanced them, found they had made a Bargain that was too hard for them to execute, so they ran away with the Money, to the great joy of the Countrey. He that told me this, said, that perhaps it surprised the Italians, who were not yet acquainted with such things; but nothing of that kind would seem extraordinary in France, which was so much accustomed to such a way of proceeding [Page 158] that he gave me a particular account of so many, that he had reason to know well, as would fill a Book: but that which touched him most sensibly, was the Fonds that was made for an East-India Company, to which the King gave in three Millions, with this positive Assurance, that all the Losses and Dammage of the Company should fall on that Stock. This was a great encouragment to draw in men, to put Money into the stock, and the Court set on the Project with so much Zeal, that Letters were writ to all the great Bodies and Towns of France, that were considered rather as Commands than Desires: yet after all were engaged, upon the first occasion the Kings three Millions were taken out of the stock, and the rest were left to shift for themselves.

But I must here give you an account of a very Extraordinary Transaction in the Court of Turin, which is likewise thought an effect of the Authority that the Councils of France have likewise there. The Marquis de Pianesse the son of him that set on the Massacre of the Protestants in the Valleys of Piedmont 34 years ago, was in great favour with the late Duke of Savoy, but the war of Genoa miscarried so in his hands in the year 1672 that the Duke could never forgive him that matter; of which the Resentments were so quick when he died, that he left a charge on Madame Royale, never to forgive him, nor to Imploy [Page 159] him: he upon his Disgrace retired into France and was so well entertained there, that he had Interest enough to procure a Recom­mendation from the King to the Dutchess of Savoy in his favour; but her Excuse was so rea­sonable, being founded on the Orders she had received from the Duke on his Death bed, that there was no reply to be made to it: yet afterwards a Nephew of his, the Count Massin, was so happy in the Dutchesses favour, that he found he only wanted a Head as able as his Vncles was to support him in that credit, which her favour gave him: and he was so much in the good graces of Mad. Royale, that he at last prevailed with her to bring his Vncle into the chief Ministry; he being certainly one of the ablest men that belongs to that Court; and the pretence found to bring this about decently, was, that the Dutchesse did secretly Intimate to the Court of France, that she found it ne­cessary to Imploy the Marq. de Pianesse, and therfore she desired that the King would renew his recommendation of him, which being done, he was received into the Ministry, and had the chief stroke in all Affairs: he placed another of his Nephews about the Duke, and supported him so that he got very far into his favour, so Mr. de Pianesse observing great Disorders in the Government, and a great and useless Consumption of the Revenue, he In­structed his Nephew that was about the Duke [Page 160] so well, that he entertained the young Duke often upon these heads, who was not then 15 year old: he shewed him how his Countrey was ruined by his Mothers ill conduct, and was always suggesting to him the Necessity of his assuming the Government, and putting an end to his Mothers Regency, which is a discourse to which all Persons of that Age have such a natural Inclination, that it was no wonder if both Vncle and Nephew came to believe that the Duke hearkned to the Pro­position: but the Duke thought it too hardy a thing to venture on it, without consulting it with some wiser heads; upon which Mr. de Pianesses Nephew told him, that he would bring his Vncle to him, who would conduct the matter for him; for tho he had great obli­gations to Madam Royale, yet his Fidelity to his Prince, and his Affection to his Countrey overcame them all. This was a great sur­prise to the Duke, who looked on Mr. de Pianesse as the person in the World, that was the most obliged to his Mother, and that was the most in her Interests: and it was believed that the prejudice which this gave him, blasted this whole design: yet he gave him several Audiences in secret, and had concerted with him the whole method, both of assuming and managing the Government: which was carried on so secretly, that there was no suspition of the matter, till the day [Page 161] before it was to break out, and that the Duke was to withdraw himself from his Mother: but then it was discovered, and the Duke to reconcile himself to his Mother, sacrificed the Marq. de Pianesse to her resentments: he was not only Disgraced, and put in Pri­son, but his processe was made before the Court of Parliament of Chambery, for ha­ving endeavoured to throw the Government into a Confusion, by sowing of Division be­tween the Duke and his Mother: yet he defen­ded himself so well that he was acquitted, but he continues still a Prisoner: upon his Dis­grace, there was none that durst oppose him­self to Mad. Royale, or offer any advices to the Duke, so that the Court of Turin was as abso­lutely governed by the Directions that were sent from the Court of France, as if the one had been the Vassal, if not the Subject to the other.

I will not prosecute this discourse to tell you that which all Europe knows, of the de­signed Match with the Infanta of Portugal, by which Savoy and Piedmont would have un­doubtely fallen into the hands of the French. The breaking of this, and the Dukes being Poysoned, as well as his Father had been, tho his youth carried him thro it, are things too well known, for you to be Ignorant of them. It is true, those who Poysoned the present Duke, have not been yet Discovered and pu­nished, [Page 162] as those were who poysoned his Fa­ther. While I was at Turin, there was a discourse, that the Duke was reflecting on the Wise Advices that Mr. de Pianesse had given him, and that he Intended not only to bring him out of prison, but to receive him again into the Ministry, which is confirmed to me since I left those parts. There is no­thing more Visible, than that the Dukes of Savoy have sunk extreamly in this Age, from the figure which they made in the last; and how much soever they may have raised their Titular Dignity, in having the Title of Royal Highness given them, they have lost as much in the Figure, that they made in the affairs of Europe: and it is now almost too late to think of a Remedy: for Pignerol and Cassal are two very Inconvenient neighbours. The truth is, the Vanity of this Title, and the expenceful humour that their late Marria­ges with France has spread among them, have undone them, for instead of keeping good Troops and strong places, all the Revenue goes to the keeping up of the Magnifi­cence of the Court; which is indeed very splendid.

I will not ingage in a Relation of this last Affair of the Valleys of Piedmont; for I could not find particulars enough, to give you that so distinctly as you may perhaps desire it. It was all over, long before I came to Turin? [Page 163] but this I found, that all the Court there, were ashamed of the matter: aud they took pains upon Strangers, not without some affectation, to convince them that the Duke was very hard­ly drawn to it: that he was long pressed to it, by the repeated Instances from the Court of France; that he excused it, representing to the Court of France the constant Fidelity of those people ever since the last Edict of Paci­fication, and their great Industry, so that they were the profitablest Subjects that the Duke had, and that the body of men which they had given his Father in the last War with Genoa, had done great Service; for it saved the whole Army: but all these Excuses were without effect; for the Court of France having broken its own Faith, that had been given to Hereticks, and in that shewed, how true a respect it pays to the Council of Constance, had a mind to engage other Princes to follow this new Pattern of Fidelity that it set the world: so the Duke was not only pressed to extirpate the Hereticks of those Valeys; but this Threatning was added, that if he would not do it, the King would send his own Troops to extirpate Heresy; for he would not only not suffer it in his own Kingdom, but would even drive it out of his Neighbourhood. He who told me all this, knowing of what Countrey I was, added, that perhaps he would within a little while send the like Messages to some o­thers of his Neighbours.

[Page 164] But to return to the expence that is made in the Court of Turin, I cannot forget a dis­course that I had on this subject with a German, that was a man of very good sense: he told me, that nothing ruined the Empire so much, as the great Magnificence which all the Princes affected to keep up in their Courts; and the Luxury in which they begun to live, which had much corrupted the Antient Simplicity and Gallantry of that great and Warlike Nation. Not only the Nobility, but their very Princes travel into France; and are so much taken with the Splendor & Luxury that they see there, that they return home quite spoiled with the ill Impressions that this makes on them. They carry home with them French-Cooks, and all the contrivances of Pleasure that are so much studied there, for the vitia­ting the minds of their Countreymen: and by a vast Expence, they not only exhaust their Revenue, and ruin their Subjects, but they become so liable to corruption, that if their Income at home cannot support their charge, both their Princes and their Ministers are re­duced, as it were to the necessity of taking Pensions, from those whose Instruments have set on this Luxury, and whose Pensions will still support it, till the Germans are suffi­ciently enervated by the Feebleness into which all that Luxury must needs throw them, and then they will despise and trample [Page 165] upon them, as much as they do now Court them. He who told me all this, added, that the little Princes of the Empire, affected now as much Splendor in their Courts as the Ele­ctors did in the last Age, and that the Electors lived now in as much Magnificence as Crowned Heads did formerly. But he carried his Observation further, and having staied some considerable time both in Switzerland and Holland, he added, that Luxury and Ex­pence were wicked things even in Monar­chys, but they were fatal and destructive when they got into Common-wealths; of which the History of Lacedemon, Athens, and above all of Rome, give proofs that are beyond exception; for there is a Humility, a Sobriety, and a Frugality, that is so necessary for their preservation; that Kingdomes can be better-maintained without Troops and strong Places, than Common-wealths without these. An E­mulation in Expence, a Vanity in Clothes, Furniture, or Entertainments, are so con­trary to all the principles upon which a Com­mon-wealth must be either built or preserved, that he said, he thought that the Dutch had lost more of their real Strength, by the Pro­gress that this Pest makes among them, than by all the Expence of the last War, of which they complain so much: and indeed the men of Luxury and Vanity ought to be driven out of Common-wealths, as publick [Page 166] Enemies to the Constitution of the Govern­ment: since an irregular Profusion throws them into Injustice and Oppression, and may in time expose them to the Corruption of o­ther Princes, and dissolves that Industry and Application for Affairs by which only they can subsist: for all the Maximes that relate to a Common-wealth, there is none more Indi­spensable, than that all men regulate their Ex­pence, so that it may not exceed their Income: and therefore he admired that part of the Venetian Constitution, that regulates the Expence of their Nobility; and concluded, that if the States and the Cantons did not put an effectual stop to the Progress of those Dis­orders among them, the Figure that they had made in all the Affairs of Europe, as it was in a great degree already Eclipsed among the Cantons, so would sink apace even in the States; and this was all that was wanting, to set up a new Monarchy in the West.

But I have got such a trick of making Di­gressions, that I find it is hardly possible for me to hold long close to a point: there is something in travelling, I fancy, that makes a mans thoughts reel; and that leads his Pen to wander about as much as his Person does: yet I remember still what drew me into all this ramble; It was the business of Guastale, and the Court of Mantua that led me so far about. I will say no more to you of the rest of Lombar­dy; [Page 167] nor will I enter into any description of Tuscany; but shall only tell you one thing, which both touched me much and pleased me extreamly.

I need not inlarge to you on the Poverty & Misery that appears in Pisa, where there re­mains yet enough to shew what they once were, and how much they are now sunk from what they were while they were a Free State: but all this is much more sensible, when one goes from hence to Lucca, which tho it has not the advantage of situation that Pisa has, yet is quite another sort of a place. The Town is well built, full of People, and as full of Wealth: the whole soil of this small State is well Culti­vated and is full of Villages, all the marks and effects of Liberty appear, in an Universal Ci­vility, & a generous and frank way of living: This is also the place of all Italy that is freest of all Crimes and Publick Vices; they value themselves upon nothing but their Liberty, of which the State is so Jealous, that the frequent change of their Magistrates, from two Moneths to two Moneths, & the Restraint in which they are kept while they bear Office, they being indeed honorable Prisoners all the while, have preserved that here, which so▪ many of their Neighbouring States have lost: and as Liberty is engraven in Capital Letters, upon the Publick Buildings of this State, so it appears to be much deeper in all their [Page 168] Hearts. One sees the Effects of their Wealth, in all their Publick works, as well as in the Fortifications of this place, which are much better, and better kept than in any place I saw in Italy, except Genoa. There is on the inward side of the Ramparts, a noble Planta­tion, which is one of the beautifullest Deco­rations that belongs to this place; for as there is a considerable space left void between the Ramparts and the Buildings, so this is planted all about the whole Town, with several rows of Trees, which afford pleasant Walks, and a lovely Shade, which is no small mat­ter, where they are exposed to so hot a Sun.

I come in the last place to give you an account of Genoa, which tho it is not able now to Com­pete as it did some Ages ago with the Repu­blick of Venice, yet is still a great Body and full of Wealth; one that comes out of the Popes Patrimony and Tuscany, into this nar­row border that lies between the Hills and the Sea, should expect to find as great a diffe­rence between their abounding in People and Wealth, as there is between the soil of these two Countries: but he finds the change just contrary to what in reason he ought to expect: for all this edge of soil, is so full of Villages and Towns, and there is so great a plenty of Money and of every thing else here, that it Amases a Traveller no less, than the abando­ned state of those other places.

[Page 169] The numbers of the subjects of this Repu­blick, are estimated to 330000 Persons; which are thus reckoned up; In the Town of Genoa it self there are about 80000. Persons: in the Villages and Towns that lie Westward there are 120000. and 30000. in those that lie to the East: and the Inhabitants of the Island of Corsica are reckoned to be 100000. They keep two small Forts in Corsica, one at Calvi on that end that looks to Genoa, and another at Boniface on the other end that looks to Sardinia; for they have let S. Fiorenza and some other small places go to ruin. These two are considerable in themselves, and com­mand two very good Harbours; yet as the building in Calvi are too much exposed and too high, so Boniface is under a high Ground, that is within musket shut of it, and that com­mands it: these places are now in a sad condi­tion, ill kept, and ill furnished both with Men and Animunition, so that they could not make a great Resistance, there being but 150 men in Calvi, and 200 in Boniface; and it is believed, that the reason of their letting S. Fiorenza go to ruin, is, the Greatness of the Place, and the Expence of keeping it. The Corses are extreamly brave, and have a Rage in their courage, that would be much more valueable and usefull than it is if they were more governable, and could be brought un­der an exact Discipline: but they are unruly, [Page 170] and as apt to Mutiny, when they see no Ene­my, as to fight well when it comes to that. The compass of the Fortification of Genoa is an amasing thing; for it runs all along the hills in a compass of many miles, I was told it was above 15 mile, & in the Expence that has been laid out on this and on the two Moles, chiefly the new one, one sees that this State spares nothing which Publick safety or the Conve­nience of Trade do require: these Publick Works has run the Republick into a vast debt; for they owe above Nine Millions of Crowns that are upon the Bank, besides several other debts, in particular their great Debt to St. Georges House; the greatest part of the Re­venue of this State stands engaged for the In­terest that they pay, so that tho the whole Revenue amounts to 1200000 Crowns, they reckon that 900000 Crowns of this is engaged, so that they have only three hundred thou­sand Crowns clear for their whole Expence, which is so small a matter, that it is no won­der if they are in a low condition, and can do little upon so narrow a fond: their Revenue rises chiefly out of an Excise that falls so equally upon all the Subjects of this State, that they reckon that every man in Genoa, payes six Crowns a year to the State. The whole Land Forces of this State were but 3500 men, yet of late they have raised them up to 4000 men; of which 2500 are the Garrison of the City, [Page 171] and there are 600 in Savona, which after the City it self is the most Important place that belongs to this State: the extent of the whole Countrey, that goes by the name of the River of Genoa, is 180 miles, of which 120 lie West­ward, and 60 lie Eastward; the Mountains that are almost Impassible are thought a suf­ficient Defence to cover them from their Neighbours in Lombardy, and from the Duke of Savoy, and the State of Millan. It is true, they have one Fort called Gavi, that is 25 miles distant from the Town, which has all the advantages of sitution that are possible for keeping the Passes thro the Mountains: but as they keep only a Garrison of 120 men in it, so all things in it are so neglected, that it could make no considerable Resistance to an Enemy that could attack in vigorously. In short, the strength of this State is very Inconsiderable, their Souldiers are ill Disci­plined, their Officers want Experience, and they have no good Engineers; the New Mole is indeed a vast work, built out into the Sea seven fathom deep, and there are an hundred pieces of Cannon on it to defend the Old Mole; their Naval forces consist in six Galleys, and and two Men of War; but these are not kept as Ships of War, but are Imployed rather as Merchant-men, so that they not only bear their own Expence, but bring in an Over­plus to the State.

[Page 172] Finale, which is the only Seaport that belongs to the State of Millan, is a poor abandoned Vil­lage without either Fortification or Garrison, nor do the Spanish Galleys come there any more; but make Genoa it self their Step, and Passage between Spain and Millan: so that an attempt upon Genoa was indeed the taking of all the Milanese, since the communication between Spain and it, being now thro Genoa, whensoever this Republick falls into the hands of the French, all the Millanese must fall of it self, or rather indeed all Italy, must needs fall with it.

This is as far as I could understand it the outward force of Genoa: for it can expect little from its Allies, it having none at all be­side Spain: and the Slowness and Feebleness of that Court, are too visible to give any State great Courage that has no other support be­sides this to depend on: As for their Neigh­bours in Italy, they have no sort of Com­merce with them; for they pretend to a de­gree of Precedence, equal to the Venetians: and to have the respect of a Crowned Head pay'd to them, and this cuts off all Commu­nication with the other Courts of Italy, who consider Venice in another manner than they do Genoa. As for Spain, they have all possible Engagements with it: many of the richest Fa­milies of Genoa have great Estates in the Mila­nese, and the other Dominions of the King of [Page 173] Spain; so that they must upon their own ac­count be true to the Interests of that Crown, and Spain is as much concerned in their pre­servation as in any of its own Provinces, since it defends their Empire in Italy; so that Genoa and Spain are now inseparably united to one another, by their mutual In­terests.

But I come next to give you some account of the Inward state of Genoa. It is known, that the Liberty was restored to them, by the most earnest Intercession of that great Cap­tain, and gallant Countrey-man, Andreas Doria, whose Statue, in remembrance of this, is set up in an open place in their Town: this was in the year 1528. yet tho from that time they had their Government in their own hands, they were still obliged to let a Squa­dron of the Spanish Gallys, stand in their Ar­senal, who kept then a Fleet of about 80. Gallys, so that till Spain was so much sunk from its former Greatness, that it was no more a Terrour to any of its Neighbours, Ge­noa was still in great dread of having their Liberty swallowed up by them, and therefore they do not reckon their entire Liberty but from the year 1624. or 1625. that they saw themselves out of all Danger from any of their Neighbours: France was not then be­gun to grow strong at Sea, and Spain was strong no where; so that since that time, till [Page 174] France began to put out great Fleets, and that they had such a dreadful Neighbour of Touloun, they were safe and at quiet: but they fell under the common Disease of all Common-wealths, when they are long in Peace, and while their Commerce flourishes; a Spirit of Insolence and of Faction began to spread it self over the whole Town, which was grown to such a height, that in the Project that was offered to the Court of France, shewing the easiness of this Conquest (of which I have seen the Copy) the Divisions and Factions amongst them are proposed, as the chief ground upon which they founded the Proba­bility of the ruin of that Common-wealth.

There are three sorts of Persons in Genoa, the Nobility, the Citizens, and the Inferior People. There are two Ranks of Nobility, the one is of the more Antient Families, the o­ther is of those who have been chosen and raised up to that Dignity of late. It is true, the Aggreement that was made in the year 1576. between them, is exactly observed, by which the Government and the Publick Im­ployments are to be equally divided between them: but yet there is so great a height of Pride kept up among the Ancient Families, that they will not Inter-marry with the other, and think it a diminution to them, to enter into any Familiarity with them, and even to keep them Company: this on the other hand [Page 175] kindles an Indignation in those latter Families, when they see themselves so much despised by the other. The Ancient Families have a necessary Dependence upon the Crown of Spain, by the great Estates that they have in their Dominions; but the others, whole Estates lie rather in Money, which either is in the Bank, or that runs out in Exchange or Trade, they are concerned in nothing but in the preservation of their Bank, and by con­sequence in their Liberty; for none can doubt but that if they fell in the power of another Prince, the Debts on the Bank would be but ill payd. Thus the Nobility stand di­vided into two Factions, which discover their Animosities to one another upon very many occasions: for Publick Imployments are sought after here, with as much Intrigue as elsewhere. I will give you only one Instance of this, because it is both very refined, and it related to that Doge, whose Government was so unhappy both by the Bombarding of Genoa, and by his own going to Versailles to ask Pardon. He himself was a Man of a quiet temper, that did not aspire; but his Wife could not be satisfied till he was Doge, and she Do­gesse: so she set so many Machines at work, that after the several tours, that the matter made in the many Ballottings, it came to the fixing of the last three out of whom the Doge was to be chosen: and her Husband [Page 176] was one of them; but there being one of the three, of whom she was very apprehen­sive, she engaged one of her Friends, to seem so assured of his Election, as to lay considera­ble wagers with several of the Electors, who were likeliest to favour him, that he should be chosen: now they having a greater mind to win their Betts, than to promote their Friend, gave their Votes in favour of him, that was upon that made Doge.

The 2^d body in Genoa is that of the Citizens, who seem to be extreamly weary of the In­solence of the Nobility; and there are many among them, that think themselves no way Inferiour to them, neither in the Antiquity, nor in the Dignity of their Families. They do also complain of a great Injustice done them by the Nobility; for in the agreement made between the Nobility and the Citizens, in the year 1528. one Article was, that every year ten Citizens should be according to their merit received into their body. It is certain, that if this had been observed, the Nobility of Genoa had become by this time so common, that this would have sunk its dignity ex­treamly: but instead of doing this yearly, it is now done but once in 30 years: so the Citizens complane much, that this Encourag­ment and Recompence of Merit is now with­drawn. The Nobility pretend on the other hand, that by that Agreement, they are [Page 177] only enabled to make an Annuall promotion, but that they are not obliged to it: and I was told, that the Originall Record of that Agree­ment, could not be found now; and no doubt it has been destroyed by the Order of the Se­nate. In short, the Citizens have so great an aversion to the Government, that it was ge­nerally thought that they would easily be prevailed on to shake it oft, and to throw themselves rather into the Armes of another Prince, who would certainly have very soon trampled upon them all equally; for it is too common a thing, to see in all those Intestine Factions, that angry and ill-natured men, consider the last Injury, more that all other things: and are ready to sacrifice all to their Resentments: and are so intent upon their Revenges, that often they will not look into the Consequences of what they do, but go on, which way soever the Anger of the Faction drives them: and those who are wise enough, to make their own Advantage of those Quarrels, and that are dextrous enough to manage them artificially, make commonly those parties take their turns in using one another ill, in which they know how to find their account: and as this ob­servation holds often in Colder Climates, so in a Countrey where revenges are very much studied and gratified, no wonder if this was much relied on. The third rank is of the Trades men and Rabble, who have their chief, [Page 178] dependance upon the great Nobility: but they are a Vicious and dissolute sort of People, as any are in the world. And indeed all Genoa is so extreamly corrupt, so Ignorant, and so brutal, and so little acquainted with the true Notions of Government, that here is a Com­mon-wealth degenerated to such a degree, that it cannot resist a considerable shock. The Sub­jects are excessively Rich, tho the State is Poor: and this appears both in the Magnifi­cence of their Buildings, which is beyond Imagination, and in the great Wealth that is in their Churches and Convents, which see­med to me to be beyond what is in Venice it self.

A sensible man that I knew there told me, that as there was among them a sort of Impu­nity to all Kind of Vice, so their gross Igno­rance made them Incapable to conduct their State; for while their Wealth blew them up, with that Pride that it commonly produces in mean Souls, and when their Intrigues brought them into a considerable share of the Government, they satisfied themselves with carrying on the Interests of their own Cabal, and depressing those that opposed them, without opening their minds to so great a thought, as that of correcting or se­curing their Common wealth. They neither had Heads nor Hearts capable of a vigorous Defence: and they knew nothing of what was doing abroad; but contented themselves [Page 179] with minding the Interest of their City Fa­ctions. He added, that when a Common-wealth fell once into this Disease, it was in a much worse state, than any to which the Rigour even of an unhappy War, could reduce it: as a man whose Vitals are In­wardly corrupted, is in a much worse condi­tion, than he that has received many Wounds; Nature may bring him thro the one, tho he had lost ever so much blood; whereas it must sink under the other: so all the mischief that could befall a Common-wealth could hardly destroy it, if it retain'd the Inward vigour of its first Maximes and Constitution: and he did not stick to say, that as high as the States of Holland were now in holding the ballance of Europe, if their Towns fell once into established factions, if Learning sunk among them, so that their Magistrates grew Ignorant, chiefly of the Affairs of Europe, if they came to have a Magistracy, that had not the right understanding of War, and the Courage with which some practice in Mili­tary matters Inspire men, and if their Wealth swelled them up to an Unreasonable Pride, and that men rise more upon the little In­trigues of City Factions, than upon true merit; whensoever, he said, the States fell into this disease, then the strength of that Republick was gone; and tho they might subsist after that longer or shorter, according to the Con­juncture of Affairs, yet one might reckon [Page 180] them to be in their decline, which must end in a most certain Ruin to them, either within doors, or from abroad.

I have now told you enough to let you see how reasonable a Project it was to send a fleet against so feeble a body; which without most prodigious Errors in the management, could not have miscarried: and this is so clear, and so confessed by every man in Genoa, that one rather Wonders how they found a way to conduct it so ill. The man that formed the whole project was Stiven Valdyron of Nismes, and a Protestant, who is a person of a very good Understanding, and having lived above 12 years in Genoa, had time enough not only to raise a very good Estate out of his Trade, but to see into the whole Feebleness of that Government. I conversed long and much with him: and having since that time been in Ge­noa it self, I have seen so clearly the truth of all that he told me, that I may now assure you of all that I learnt from him. He had a strange affection to his Great Monarch, and fancied that the obligations of raising his Glory, was superiour to all other: and no doubt he reckoned to find his own account in it, if he could have been the occasion of making the King of France Master of Genoa: therefore he drew up the whole Project, and shewed both of what Importance the thing was; and how easily it might be executed: for I have a Copy of the whole Scheme, which [Page 181] Mr. St. Olon sent to the Court of France, of which Mr. Valdyron was indeed the Author; the design being entertained, St. Olon had an Intimation given him, to withdraw some day's before the French fleet came before the Town. But Valdyron was left to try his hard fate; for as soon as the Fleet began to do Acts of Hostility, Valdyron, who had been known to be much with St. Olon, was clapt in Prison, and while he was in it, a Bomb broke thro his Prison, but did him to hurt, only the violent noise it made weakned the Tympan of his Ear so much, that he lost his hearing of one side.

But he, as well as all Genoa, fancied they were lost, and that the French must be cer­tainly Masters of the Place in a few hours. The Consternation and Confusion was so great, that if at first a great shower of Bombs had been thrown into the Town, and a de­scent had been made, they had certainly suc­ceeded; for the people were in such a disorder, that the Magistrates were not regarded; and indeed many of them shewed as much fear as the rabble did. But the French, instead of beginning vigorously at first, threw in one Bomb, and after some hours another; and so went on slowly for a day or two; in which time, the People began to get into or­der, and to take heart: and now their first fear, turned to a Rage against the French; so that when they made a descent, they found [Page 182] such a Resistance, that they were forced to go back to their Ships, having left behind them 500 of their best Men: and the Fleet continued Bombarding the Town, till they had shot all their Bombs; and when their store was spent, they sail'd away, having laid a great many noble buildings in ruines.

The morality of this way of proceeding, was somewhat hard to be found out: the Italians do not stick to say, it was an As­sassinat, when without Warning or procee­ding in the way of a fair War, a fleet came and surprised and burnt a Town: but the Conduct was as extraordinary, as the Action it self was honorable and worthy of a MOST CHRISTIAN KING.

It was pleasant to hear a Spaniard, that belonged to the Count of Melgar talk of this matter: he said, that in this, France had acted as it had done on many other occasions, in which tho it had the favourablest conjuncture possible, it had done nothing suteable to what might have been expected; for tho they had here a calm Sea, for four dayes, which is a very Extraordinary thing in the Bay of Genoa, that is almost alwayes in a Storm, and tho they had surprised the Town, that had not the least apprehension of such a Design, and found them in a condition not likely to have resisted a much smaller Force; yet he said, that Feeble­ness which had appeared upon many other occasions, shewed it self likewise here, since [Page 183] this great Expedition failed, and the Re­proach of first attempting it, and then Miscarrying in it, was studied to be carried off by this, that the design was only to Chastise Genoa, at which there is not a man in the Town that does not laugh. He upon this took a great compass for these last twenty years backwards, to shew that there was no­thing extraordinary in all this Reign, that had been the Subject of so many Panegyricks, un­less this may be reckoned extraordinary, that there has been so little progress made, when they had the fairest opportunities possible: an Infant King of Spain, and a feeble Council, and a Distraction in the States of Holland; so that the first Successes that were the Effects of the weakness and surprise of those that were attackt, are rather a Reproach than a Glory to a Reign, that has understood so ill how to serve it self of those advantages, that had nothing of the Greatness of a Con­quering Genius in it; and where the Ministry shewed rather an exactness in executing little Projects, than a largeness of Soul in laying vast ones. I could not but be pleased to see a Spaniard, find somewhat that entertained his Pride in the Contempt of the French, at the same time that the low estate of their Af­fairs, made him feel the depression of their own Empire as much as the progress of the Great Monarch of France.

But now I cannot but tell you the rest of [Page 184] Valdyron's Story: as soon as the French were gone, the Government of Genoa began to examin him, but he stood to his denial, and said, he knew nothing: all his Effects were seised on and dissipated, and he himself was four or five times put to the strapado, which was done by tying his hands behind his back, and fetching them over his Head, which dis­joynted his Armes and Shoulder-blades, in a most terrible manner, yet he had the firm­ness to stand it out: and so they could draw nothing from him: but as soon as the Court of France understood, that both he, and seve­ral other Frenchmen, that lived in Genoa, were put in Prison, the Resident of Genoa was clapt up at Paris: and when the Over­tures were made to accommodate this matter, Valdyron was no more ill used, and after some Months he was set at Liberty: but his Estate was quite lost: yet he came to France, not doubting but that so great a Ser­vice, and such severe Suffering, would have procured him some considerable Reward: but after he had languished there above a year, he got a Pension, that was just enough to keep him alive, of two hundred Crowns: and even that was stopt, as soon it was known that he was of the Religion, till he changed. This piece of Gratitude for such a Service, that had cost him so dear, was no extraordi­nary Encouragement for others to venture as he had done. Yet I who knew him well, for [Page 185] almost two years, could not but admire the wonderful Zeal he had for the Glory of his King; for in the midst of all his Misery, and of all the Neglect he met with, having fallen from so flourishing a condition, he could ne­ver be brought to think that he had done foo­lishly: but was rather proud of it, that he had formed so sure a Scheme, for putting Ge­noa into his Masters hands: & this he said often to me, when he was so poor, that he did not know where to dine. The affinity of the matter, makes me call to mind a conversation that I had at Rome, with two of the Old Ma­gistrates of Messina; who had been men that bore a great stroak in that Town, during the Revolt: and were then reduced to the misery of accepting a Charity. They told us, that all the Oaths, that Mr. de Vivonne, and Mr. la Fueillade, swore to them in the Kings name, as well as in their own, never to abandon them, which were made upon the Sacrament, besides whole Valleys of Oaths, that Mr. la Fueillade made them from morning to night, while he was among them, it seems went for nothing, but matters of form: yet they said, they thought the French Ministry would have considered the Kings Interests, if they had no regard to his Honour. They added, that if the King of France, when he found the War of Messina lay heavy upon him, had sent to Spain, and offered to that Court, as a pledge of the Peace that he was offering them at Nimmegen, [Page 186] to put Messina again in to their hands, provided they would grant an Indemnity for what was past, and a Confirmation of their Antient Priviledges, of which he himself would be the Garand, this they said the Spaniards would have without doubt, accepted as something come to them from Heaven: and if the mat­ter had ended thus, as it would have been highly honourable for the King, so it would have given him the dependance both of Sicily and Naples, and have kept them still in a disposition to throw themselves into his hands: whereas in the way that their business ended, if there should be in any time hereafter, a provocation given in those parts to revolt, they would sooner throw themselves into the Armes of the Turk, if he should be again in a condition to protect them, than of those who had abandoned them in so strange a man­ner, taking no care neither of the Priviledges of the Town in general, nor of those particu­lar Persons, who had rendred themselves un­pardonable to the Spaniards. It is true, some were brought away to France, the two that I have mentioned were of that number, and had small Pensions assigned them, which were but ill payed: and because some of them had not patience enough to bear such an unlooked for Usage, but complained freely of it, a pre­tence was taken from thence, to banish them all out of France; so that ever since they have suffered a great deal of Misery. I will not [Page 187] digress so far as to give you an account of that whole Revolt, which they justified to us, from the great Priviledges of their Town, which were indeed such as made it a sort of a Common-wealth: that had a right to defend it self against those manifest Infractions with which they charged the Spaniards. They told us, that the Confiscations of Messina had amounted to twenty Millions: and yet for all that the King of Spain was not much the ri­cher by their Ruin; for the Vice-Roy and Government of Sicily, pretended to exhaust all by a Citadel that they are building: and by some other publick Works. In Conclusion, the two poor Messinesses, seeing a Dutchman in our Company, turned the Discourse to him, and wished him to warn his Countrey­men, by their Fate, how much some Courts ought to be relied on.

And now I have done with all the Political Observations, that I could make in Italy. But as I begun this Letter with one piece of Na­tural History, I will end it with another. The first was a way of preparing of Salt, and the second is a new way of preparing of Vitriol, which was lately set up in the Sulfatara, near Puzzolo. It has not been long enough a going, to enable one to judge how it will succeed; but yet all things are very promi­sing; and that which gives a good Prospect of it, is, that all is done without the expence of any fire. The Method of it is this. There [Page 188] are several Cistorns made in that great Bot­tom of the Sulfatara, of great stones Cemented very close: into these all the Rain both of that Bottom, and of the little Hills that are round it does fall, which is impregnated with Vitriol: they do also lay a great many Tiles and Bricks before all those Vents, that the Fire which is in this Soil makes: and where the Smoke comes out, with so rapid a vio­lence; so that this Smoke passing thro these Bricks, leaves a great deal of Sulphur and Vi­triol upon them: and these Bricks are washed in those Cisterns, and by this means the Wa­ter becomes impregnated with Vitriol: then they put the Water into Coppers, which they set over those violent hot Eruptions; so that this serves as a Fire, to evaporate the Phlegm, and so they find quantities of Vitriol. The revenue of this goes to the Annunciata of Na­ples: and they begin to promise themselves great advantages from it: but a little time will shew this, as well as greater matters. I will add no new trouble, to that which the length of this Letter must needs have given you: so I will conclude, without any other Formality, but that of assuring you that I am,

SInce I added a Postscript to my two former Letters, I intend to make this so far of a piece with them, as to conclude this likewise with one; for I find, looking over the little Notes that I took, a Particular that had esca­ped me, and yet it seems to deserve to be men­tioned: and since I have not brought it into my Letters, I have resolved to make a Postscript express for it.

There is a little Town in the Appennins, about 25 miles from Rome, called Norcia, near which there is a considerable Abbey, which belongs now to a Cardinal. This Town, tho it lies within the Popes Territory, yet has such great Priviledges still reserved to it, that it my pass in some sort for a free Common-wealth. They make their Lawes, and choose their own Magistrates; but that which is the most extraordinary part of their Constitution, and that is the most exactly observed, is, that they are so jealous of all Priests, and of their having any share in their Government, that no man that can either read or write is capable of bearing a share in their Government: so that their Magistracy, which consists of 4 Persons, is alway's in the hands of Vnlettered Men, who are called there Li quatri Illiterati: for they think the least [Page 190] tendency to Letters, would bring them under the ordinary Miseries that they see all their Neighbours are brought under by the cre­dit in which both the Robes are among them. And they are so shy of all Churchmen, and so jealous of their Liberty, that when the Cardinal comes during the Heats of the Summer sometimes, to his Abbey, they take no notice of him, nor do they make any sort of Court to him. One that has been oft there, told me, that by divers of their Cu­stomes they seem to be of the race of the old Latines; and that their Situation and their Poverty had at all times preserved them: yet they are not such Strangers to the manners of the rest of the Italians as not to take plea­sure in severe revenges, of which this Instance was given me. The Abbot that was the Car­dinals Predecessor, had an Auditor who was much in his favour, that made love to the Wife of one of the Magistrates of Norcia, which she discovered to her Husband; he ordered her to give the Auditor an Appointment; but provided a good Surgeon and all other things that were necessary to put the Auditor out of all danger of breaking his Vow of Chastity: for he was a Churchman; and the Auditor not failing to observe his rendezvous, was caught, and the operation was performed with all pos­sible care: and he was treated very well till he was quite cured, and then he was sent back to his Patron. The Abbot was highly offended [Page 191] with this affront that was done him: and it may be easily believed that the Auditor was not well pleased with this forced Chastity that was now Imposed on him: so they sent an Informa­tion of the matter to the Rota; and asked their opinion: but the Court of the Rota was wiser than to suffer a matter of this nature to become publick. To this I shall add a pleasant thing that was told me concerning Priests that fell under the misfortune of this Auditor. It is known, that according to the Canon Law, the one Indelible Character defaces the other: and that a Priest so treated can no more say Mass: yet I was told that this distinction was used, that if the Priest had all that was taken from him restored to him, so that he could car­ry it in his Pocket, he was still esteemed entire, and might say Mass; but unless he could have the consolation of carrying those things dead about him, that had been perhaps too quick before, the Character was lost, or was at least under a totall suspension: If all this is a little too pleasant and too natural, a little good humour must be forgiven to a Traveller, whose Spirits are too much in motion, to be so setled and so grave as they ought to be.