THE LIFE OF WILLIAM …

THE LIFE OF WILLIAM BEDELL, D. D. Lord Bishop OF Killmore in Ireland.

WRITTEN By GILBERT BURNET, D. D. Now Lord Bishop of Sarum.

To which are Subjoyned Certain Letters, which passed betwixt Spain and England in Matter of Religion; concerning the general motives to the Roman Obedience, between Mr. Iames Waddesworth, a late Pensioner of the Holy Inquisition in Sevil, and the said William Bedell, then a Minister of the Gospel in Suffolk.

LONDON, Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crown, in St. Paul's Church-Yard. 1692.

THE PREFACE.

THe Contests that have been raised in this Age concerning the law­fulness and the useful­ness of the Episcopal Govern­ment, have engaged so many learned Men to treat that Argu­ment so fully, that as there is very little excuse left for the Ig­norance or obstinacy of those who still stand out against the Evidence of a Cause made out so clearly, so there is scarce any thing left to be said by any, whose zeal may set him on to [Page] handle a matter that seems to be now exhausted. There is one sort of Arguments yet remain­ing, that as they are more with­in every ones compass to appre­hend and apply, so they have a greater force on Mens affections, which commonly give a biass to their understandings. For con­viction has an easie access to us when we are already inclined to wish that were true, concerning which we imploy our enquiries: And in practical matters, such as Government, Arguments fetched from great Patterns do not only prepare us to think well of such Forms, but really give us truer and juster Ideas of them than speculative Discourses can raise in us; which work but coldly on persons unconcerned. An Argument not foreign to this, is used by all the Assertors of [Page] Episcopacy, in which the force of the reasoning is equal to the truth of the assertion; Which is, that it is not possible to think that a Government can be criminal, under which the World received the Christian Religion, and that in a course of many Ages, in which as all the corners of the Christian Church, so all the parts of it, the sound as well as the unsound, that is the Orthodox as well as the Hereticks and Schismaticks, agreed: the perse­cutions that lay then so heavy on the Church made it no de­sireable thing for a Man to be exposed to their first fury, which was always the Bishops portion; and that in a course of many Centuries, in which there was nothing but Poverty and labour to be got by the Imployment: There being no Princes to set it [Page] on as an Engine of Government, and no Synods of Clergymen gathered to assume that Autho­rity to themselves by joynt de­signs and endeavours. And can it be imagined that in all that glorious Cloud of Witnesses to the truth of the Christian Reli­gion, who as they planted it with their Labours, so watered it with their Blood, there should not so much as one single per­son be found, on whom either a love to truth, or an envy at the advancement of others pre­vailed so far as to declare against such an early and universal cor­ruption (if it is to be esteemed one.) When all this is compli­cated together, it is really of so great Authority, that I love not to give the proper name to that temper that can withstand so plain a demonstration. For [Page] what can a Man, even heated with all the force of imagina­tion, and possessed with all the sharpness of prejudice, ex­cept to the inference made from these Premisses, that a Form so soon introduced, and so won­derfully blest, could not be con­trary to the Rules of the Gos­pel: and cannot be ascribed to any other Original, but that the Apostles every where established it, as the Fence about the Go­spel which they planted, so that our Religion and Government are to be reckoned Twins born at the same time, and both derived from the same Fa­thers.

But things so remote require more than ordinary knowledg to set them before us in a true light: And their distance from us makes [Page] them lessen as much to our thoughts, as Objects that are far from us do to our Eyes. There­fore it will be perhaps necessary in order to the giving a fuller and amiabler prospect of that Apostolical Constitution, to chuse a Scene that lies nearer, and more within all peoples view; that so it may appear, that for the li­ving Arguments in favour of this Government we need not go so far as to the Clement's, the Ignatius's, the Polycarp's, the Ireneus's, the De­nys's and the Cyprian's that were the glories of the Golden Ages: Nor to the Athanasius's, the Basil's, the Gregorie's, the Chrysostome's, the Martin's, the Ambrose's and the Au­stin's, that were the beauties of the Second but Silver Age of Chri­stianity; but that even in this Iron Age, and dreg of time, there have been such Patterns, as per­haps [Page] can hardly be matched since Miracles ceased.

We ought not to deny the Church of Rome the just Praises that belong to some of the Bi­shops she has produced in this and the last Age, who were bur­ning and shining Lights: and we ought not to wonder if a Church so blemisht all over with the corruptions of her Clergy, and in particular of the Heads of them, covers her self from those deserved Reproaches by the brightness of such great names; and by the exemplary Vertues of the present Pope, which being so unusual a thing, it is not strange to see them magnifie and cele­brate it as they do. France has likewise produced in this Age a great many Bishops, of whom it must be said, That as the [Page] World was not worthy of them so that Church, that used them so ill, was much less worthy of them. And though there are not many of that stamp now left, yet Cardinal Grimaldy Who is dead since this was first written., the Bishop of Angiers, and the Bishop of Grenoble, may serve to dignifie an Age, as well as a Nation. The Bishop of A­let was, as, a great and good Man told me, like a living and speaking Go­spel.

It is true their intangle­ments with the See of Rome and the Court of France, were things both uneasie and dangerous to them; but I love not to point at their blind Sides, it is their fair one that I would set out: and if we can bear the highest com­mendations that can be given to [Page] the Vertues of Heathen Philoso­phers, even when they do eclipse the reputation of the greater part of Christians; it will be unjust for any to be uneasie at the Prai­ses given to Prelates of another Communion, who are to be so much the more admired, if not­withstanding all the corruptions that lye so thick about them, that they could hardly break through them, they have set the World such examples as ought indeed to make others ashamed that have much greater advantages. But since the giving of Orders is al­most the only part of their fun­ction, that is yet entirely in their Hands, they have indeed brought a regulation into that which was so grosly abused in former times, that cannot be enough commen­ded, nor too much imitated; they have built and endowed Semina­ries [Page] for their Diocesses, in which a competent number of young Ecclesiasticks are bred at Studies and Exercises suitable to that Profession, to which they are to be dedicated; and as they find them well prepared, they are, by the several steps and degrees of the Pontifical, led up to the Altar, and kept there till Bene­fices fall, and so they are remo­ved from thence, as from a Nur­sery, into the several parts of the Diocesses. By this means the Secular Clergy of France have in a great measure recovered their reputation, and begin now to bear down the Regulars, whose Credit and Wealth had risen chief­ly by the Ignorance and Scan­dals of the Curates. In this the present Archbishop of Rheims has set a pattern to the rest, suitable to the high Rank he holds in [Page] that Church, for he has raised a Seminary that cost him Fifty thousand Crowns a building, and above Five thousand Crowns a Year in supporting the expence of it: in which there are about One hundred Ecclesiasticks main­tained; and out of these he Or­dains every Year such a number as the extent of his Diocess does require: And with these he sup­plies the Vacancies that fall. This is a way of imploying the Re­venues of the Church, that is ex­actly suitable to the sense of the Primitive times, in which a Bi­shop was not considered as the Proprietor, but only as the Ad­ministrator and Dispencer of the Revenue belonging to his See: And there is scarce any one thing concerning which the Synods in those Ages took more care than to distinguish between the Goods [Page] and Estate that belonged to a Bishop by any other Title, and those that he had acquired du­ring his Episcopat: for though he might dispose of the one, the other was to fall to the Church.

But now to return to the Sub­ject that led me into this digres­sion, there is nothing that can have a stronger operation to o­vercome all prejudices against Episcopacy, than the proposing eminent Patterns, whose Lives continue to speak still, though they are dead: Of which my native Country has produced, both in the last and in the pre­sent Age, some great and rare In­stances, of which very eminent effects appeared, even amidst all that rage of furious Zeal, into which that Nation was trans­ported [Page] against it: And I suppose the Reader will not be ill plea­sed if I make a second digression to entertain him with some pas­sages concerning them, but will bear with it perhaps better than with the former.

And since my Education and the course of my Life has led me most to know the Affairs of Scotland, I will not enter upon a Province that is Foreign to me, and therefore shall leave to others the giving an account of the great Glories of the Church of England, and will content my self with telling some more emi­nent things of some of our Scot­tish Bishops: In which I will say nothing upon flying Reports, but upon very credible, if not cer­tain Information. There was one Patrick Forbes of Aberdeenshire, [Page] a Gentleman of Quality and E­state, but much more eminent by his Learning and Piety, than his Birth or Fortune could make him. He had a most terrible Calamity on him in his Family, which needs not be named: I do not know whether that or a more early principle determined him to enter into Orders: He undertook the labour of a private Cure in the Country, upon the most earnest invitations of his Bishop, when he was Forty Eight Years old, and discharged his Duty there so worthily, that with­in a few Years he was promo­ted to be Bishop of Aberdeen; in which See he sat about Seven­teen Years. It was not easie for King Iames to perswade him to accept of that Dignity, and ma­ny Months past before he could be induced to it, for he had in­tended [Page] to have lived and dyed, in a more obscure corner. It soon appeared how well he deser­ved his Promotion, and that his unwillingness to it was not feigned, but the real effect of his humility: He was in all things an Apostolical Man, he u­sed to go round his Diocess with­out noise, and but with one Ser­vant, that so he might be rightly informed of all matters. When he heard reports of the weak­ness of any of his Clergy, his custome was to go and lodge unknown near their Church on the Saturday Night, and next day, when the Minister was got into the Pulpit, he would come to Church, that so he might observe what his ordi­nary Sermons were, and ac­cordingly he admonished or encouraged them. He took [Page] such care of the two Colledges in his Diocess, that they be­came quickly distinguished from all the rest of Scotland: So that when the troubles in that Church broke out, the Do­ctors there were the only per­sons that could maintain the Cause of the Church; as ap­pears by the Papers that past between them and the Cove­nanters. And though they be­gun first to manage that Argu­ment in Print, there has no­thing appeared since more per­fect than what they writ. They were an honour to the Church both by their Lives, and by their Learning, and with that excellent temper they seasoned that whole Diocess, both Clergy and Laity, that it continues to this day very much distinguished from all the rest of Scotland, both [Page] for Learning, Loyalty and Peace­ableness; and, since that good Bishop died but three years be­fore the Rebellion broke out, the true source of that advan­tage they had, is justly due to his Memory: One of these Doctors was his Son Iohn, the Heir of his Vertues and Piety, as well as of his Fortune: But much superiour to him in Learn­ing; and he was perhaps in­ferior to no Man of his Age, which none will dispute, that have read his Instructiones Histo­rico-Theologicae, a Work which if he had finished it, and had been suffered to enjoy the pri­vacies of his Retirement and Study, to give us the Second Volume, had been the greatest Treasure of Theological Lear­ning that perhaps the World has yet seen. He was Divinity [Page] Professor at Aberdeen, an en­dowment raised by his Father: But was driven out by the Co­venant, and forced to fly be­yond Sea. One memorable thing of his Father ought not to be left unmentioned; he had Synods twice a year of his Cler­gy, and before they went upon their other business, he always began with a short discourse, ex­cusing his own infirmities and charging them that, if they knew or observed any thing a­miss in him, they would use all freedom with him, and either come and warn him in secret of secret errours, or if they were publick, that they would speak of them there in publick; and upon that he withdrew to leave them to the freedom of Speech. This condescension of his was never abused but by one pe­tulant [Page] Man, to whom all others were very severe for his insolence, only the Bishop bore it gently and as became him.

One of the Doctors of Aber­deen bred in his time and of his name William Forbes, was promoted by the late King, while he was in Scotland in the Year one thousand six hundred thirty and three, to the Bishop­rick of Edenburgh, that was then founded by him, so that that glorious King said on good grounds, that he had found out a Bishop that deserved that a See should be made for him; he was a grave and eminent Divine; my Father, that knew him long, and being of Coun­cil for him in his Law-mat­ters, had occasion to know [Page] him well, has often told me, That he never saw him but he thought his Heart was in Hea­ven, and he was never alone with him but he felt within himself a Commentary on these Words of the Apostles, Did not our Hearts burn within us, while he yet talked with us, and opened to us the Scriptures? He preached with a zeal and ve­hemence, that made him of­ten forget all the measures of time, two or three Hours was no extraordinary thing for him; those Sermons wasted his Strength so fast, and his ascetical course of life was such, that he sup­plyed it so scantly that he dy­ed within a Year after his Pro­motion; so he only appeared there long enough to be known, but not long enough to do what might have been other­wise [Page] expected from so great a Prelate. That little remnant of his that is in Print shews how Learned he was. I do not deny but his earnest desire of a general Peace and Union among all Chri­stians has made him too favour­able to many of the Corruptions in the Church of Rome: but tho' a Charity that is not well ballan­ced, may carry one to very indis­creet things; yet the Principle from whence they flowed in him was so truly good, that the errors to which it carried him ought to be either excused, or at least to be very gently censured.

Another of our late Bishops was the noblest born of all the Order, being Brother to the Lord Boid, that is one of the best Families of Scot­land, but was provided to the poor­est Bishoprick, which was Argile; yet he did great things in it. He [Page] found his Diocess overrun with ignorance and barbarity, so that in many places the name of Christ was not known; but he went about that Apostolical Work of planting the Gospel, with a particular industry, and almost with equal success. He got Chur­ches and Schools to be raised and endowed every where; and lived to see a great blessing on his en­deavours; so that he is not so much as named in that Country to this day but with a particular ve­neration, even by those who are otherwise no way equitable to that Order. The only answer that our angry people in Scotland used to make when they were pressed with such Instances, was, that there were too few of them: But some of the severest of them have owned to me, that if there were many such Bishops, they would all be Epi­scopal.

[Page]I shall not add much of the Bishops that have been in that Church since the last re-establish­ing of the Order, but that I have observed among the few of them, to whom I had the honour to be known particularly, as great, and as exemplary things, as ever I met with in all Ecclesiastical Hi­story: Not only the practice of the strictest of all the Antient Ca­nons, but a pitch of Vertue and Piety beyond what can fall under common imitation, or be made the measure of even the most Angeli­cal rank of Men; and saw things in them that would look liker fair Ideas, than what Men cloathed with Flesh and Blood could grow up to. But of this I will say no more, since those that are con­cerned are yet alive, and their Character is too singular, not to make them to be as easily known, [Page] if I enlarged upon it,The worthy person here meant, is dead since this was put in the Press; but both his Name and a more particular account of him, as it well deserves a Book by it self, so will perhaps be given on another occasion. as if I na­med them.

But of one that is dead I may be allowed to say somewhat; with whom the See of Aberdeen was as happy in this Age, as it was in his worthy Predecessor Forbes in the last; both in the number of the Years, for he sat seventeen Years in that Chair, and in the rare qua­lities that dignified them both al­most equally. He also saw his Son fill the Divinity Chair, as the other had done; but here was the fatal difference, that he only lived long enough to raise the greatest expe­ctation that I ever knew upon any of that Nation of his standing; for when all hoped to se in him a se­cond Dr. Forbes, or, to bring it nearer home, another Bishop Scougall, for [Page] that was his Fathers name, he dy­ed very young. The endearing gentleness of the Father to all that differed from him, his great strict­ness in giving Orders, his most un­affected humility and contempt of the World, were things so singu­lar in him, that they deserved to be much more admired than his other Talents, which were also ex­traordinary, a wonderful strength of Judgment, a dexterity in the conduct of Affairs, which he im­ployed chiefly in the making up of Differences, and a Discretion in his whole deportment. For he had a way of Familiarity, by which he gave every body all sort of freedom with him, and in which at the same time he inspired them with a veneration for him, and by that he gained so much on their affections, that he was consi­dered as the common Father of [Page] his whole Diocess, and the Dis­senters themselves seemed to e­steem him no less than the Confor­mists did. He took great pleasure in discoursing often with young Divines, and set himself to frame in them right and generous Noti­ons of the Christian Religion, and of the Pastoral Care; so that a Set of Men grew up under his Labors, that carry still on them clear Cha­racters of his spirit and temper.

One thing more I will add, which may afford a more general Instruction. Several years ago he observ'd a great heat in some young Minds, that, as he believed, had very good intentions, but were too forward, and complained much of abuses, calling loudly, and not very decently, for a Reformation of them: upon which he told them, the noise made about re­forming abuses was the likeliest [Page] way to keep them up; for that would raise Heats and Disputes, and would be ascribed to envy and faction in them; and ill-minded Men, that loved the abuses for the advantages they made by them, would blast and misrepresent those that went about to correct them, by which they would fall under the jealousie of being ill affected to the Church; and they being once loaded with this prejudice, would be disabled from doing the good, of which they might other­wise be the Instruments: There­fore he thought a Reformation of Abuses ought to be carried on by every one in his station, with no other noise than what the things themselves must necessarily pro­duce, and then the silent way of conviction that is raised by great Patterns would speak louder, and would recommend such Practices [Page] more strongly, as well as more modestly. Discourses work but upon speculative people; and it has been so long the method of fa­ctious and ill designing Men, to accuse publick Errors, that he wished those, to whom he addres­sed his advice, would give over all thoughts of mending the world, which was grown too old in wick­edness to be easily corrected; and would only set themselves to do what good they could, with less noise; and so to give less occasion to angry people to quarrel with them; and to justifie those abuses which are by such indiscreet oppo­sition kept in some credit, and pre­served; whereas without that they must have fallen under so general an Odium, that few could have the face to excuse them.

And now I have done with this digression; which not being at all [Page] foreign to my design of raising the credit due to that venerable Order. I shall make no Apology for it; but shall come next to the subject of the following Book. I had a great Collection of Memorials put in my hands by a worthy and learned Divine, Mr. Clogy, who as he lived long in this Bishops House, so being afterwards Mi­nister at Cavan, had occasion to know him well: And as he had a great zeal to see the Justice done to his Memory and the Service done to the World, which the putting these in order, and the publishing them must needs pro­duce; so he judged it would come better from another hand than his, that was so much obliged by him, that it might be thought affection and gratitude had biassed him too much. I confess my part in this was so small, that I can scarce as­sume [Page] any thing to my self, but the copying out what was put in my hands. Lives must be writ­ten with the strictness of a severe Historian, and not helped up with Rhetorick and Invention. But there are two great Imperfections that must be pardoned in this ac­count: The one is, That there is so little said of him gathered from a­ny of his own Writings, which would raise his Character much higher than any thing that others, though of his most intimate Ac­quaintance, could preserve in their Memories: The other is, That such Journals as perhaps some that intended to give a full representati­on of him to Posterity, might have writ, were all lost in the same com­mon Shipwrack of the Irish Rebel­lion: In which though our Bishops Works were swallowed up, yet he himself met with a most distin­guished [Page] Fate, more suitable to his own rare merit, than to the en­raged fury of those Cannibals. And it was so unlike their deportment in all other places, and to all other persons, that it ought rather to be ascribed to a tender and watchful Providence, and to be reckoned among its Miracles, than to any impressions that his worth made on those Barbarians, who seemed to be as incapable of all the tendernesses of Humane Nature, and as regardless of Religion and Ver­tue, as Bears or Wolves are: Or if there was any difference, it lay in this, that the one are satiated with Blood and Prey, whereas these burnt with a thirst of Blood that seemed unsatisfiable: And their cruel tempers being excited by the Priests of a Religion whose proper character is Blood, as their Ele­ment is Fire, no wonder if they [Page] made havock of all that fell in their way: The greatest Wonder was, how one that had so just a title to the rage of their Priests, that is chiefly founded on extraordinary Worth and great zeal for the Truth, should have been so preserved a­mong them, when he fell into their Hands, and so honoured by them at his Death: By which it appear­ed that the same mighty Power that saved Daniel's three Friends from the violence of the Fire, and himself from the rage of the Lions, is not yet exhausted.

The Memorials here put in or­der, are nothing but what the me­mory of that good Man could afford, together with some few Remnants of the Bishops own Pen, gathered up like Boards af­ter a Shipwrack. But in them we may find all that is Great in a Man, in a Christian, and in a [Page] Bishop: And that in so eminent a manner, that if the fame of the person were not so great, and if the usage he met with among the Irish, were not a Testimo­ny beyond exception, I could scarce hope to be believed. I will give only a bare and sim­ple Relation of his Life, and will avoid the bestowing on him or his Actions such Epithets and Praises as they deserve: But will leave that to the Reader▪ For in writing of Lives all big Words are to be left to those who dress up Legends, and Make Lives rather than Write them: the things themselves must praise the Person, other­wise all the good Words that the Writer bestows on him, will on­ly shew his own great kindness to his Memory, but will not perswade others: On the con­trary [Page] it will incline them to su­spect his partiality, and make them look on him as an Author rather than a Writer.

Letters inserted in the Life of Bishop Bedell.

1. A Letter of Sir Henry Wottons to K. Charles I. concerning Bishop Bedell.
pag. 31
2 A Letter of Bishop Bedells upon his being invited to go over to Ireland.
p. 34.
3 A Letter of B. Bedells to Archbishop Laud concerning the state of the Clergy, and other particulars relating to his Dio­cess.
p. 45
4. A Letter of B. Bedells to Archbishop Usher, against Pluralities.
p. 52
5. A Letter of B. Bedells to Archbishop Laud, setting forth the insolence of the Irish Priests.
p. 69
6, 7. Two Letters of B. Bedells to Arch­bishop Usher concerning the abuses of the Spiritual Courts, and of the Lay Chan­cellours.
p. 94, 96
8. A Letter of B. Bedells to Archbishop Usher, justifying himself in several parti­culars.
p. 126
9. A Letter of B. Bedells to the E. of Strafford, concerning the Translation of the Bible into the Irish Tongue.
p. 131
[Page] 10. A part of a Sermon of B. Bedells concerning brotherly love and moderation in the managing of Controversies.
p. 148
11. A part of a Sermon of B. Bedells, excusing some well meaning persons that were in the Church of Rome.
p. 156
12. The Conclusion of that Sermon, ex­horting to a more entire Reformation of abuses.
p. 166
13. The Remonstrance of the Rebels in the County of Cavan setting forth the Grievances that had provoked them to the Rebellion.
p. 185
14. A Letter of B. Bedells to the Po­pish Bishop of Kilmore when he was beset by the Rebels.
p. 188
15. A Letter containing Christian di­rections in time of Persecution, writ by B. Bedel for a Lady that desir'd them.
p. 192
16. B. Bedells last Words.
p. 210

At the end of the Life there are added some Papers in Latine.

1. B. Bedells form of Institution to Benefices.
p. 235
2. The Decrees of a Diocesan Synod that he held at Kilmore.
p. 237
3. B. Bedells Declinator of Archbishop Ushers Lay Chancellour upon an Appeal.
p. 243
4. His Letter to Bishop Swiney.
p. 251

THE LIFE OF WILLIAM BEDELL, D. D. Bishop of KILMORE IN IRELAND.

WILLIAM BEDELL was born at Black Notley in Essex, in the year 1570. he was the younger Son of an ancient and good Family, and of no in­considerable Estate, which has now descended to his Son (his elder Brother dying without Issue): After he had past through the common education at Schools, he was sent to Emmanuel Col­ledge in Cambridge, and put under Dr. Chadderton's care, the famous and [Page 2] long-liv'd Head of that House; and here all those extraordinary things, that rendred him afterwards so conspicuous, began to shew themselves in such a man­ner, that he came to have a very emi­nent Character both for Learning and Piety: so that Appeals were oft made to him, as Differences or Controversies arose in the University. He was put in Holy Orders by the Bishop Suffragan of Colchester. TH [...] I met with this passage, I did not think these Suffra­gans had been continued so long in Eng­land: How they came to be put down, I do not kn [...]w; it is probable they did ordain all that desired Orders, so pro­miscuously, that the Bishops found it necessary to let them fall. For com­plaints were made of this S [...]ffragan, upon which he was threatned with the taking his Commission from him: for though they could do nothing but by a Delegation from the Bishop, yet the Orders they gave were still valid, even when they transgressed in conferring them: Upon that the Suffragan said a thing that was as insolent in him, as it was honourable for Mr. Bedell, That he had ordained a better Man than any the Bishop had ever ordained, naming Bedell. He was chosen Fellow of the [Page 3] Colledge in 1593. and took his Degree of Batchelour of Divinity in the year 1599.

From the University he was remov­ed to the Town of S. Edmondsbury in Suffolk, where he served long in the Gospel, and with great success▪ he and his Colleague being of such different characters, that whereas it was said of him that he made the difficultest places of Scripture appear plain, it was said, That his Colleague made the plainest places appear difficult; the opening of dark passages▪ and the comparing of many Texts of Scripture, together with a serious and practical application of them, being the chief subject of His Sermons: Which method several other great Men at that time followed, such as Bishop Vsher, Dr. Iackson, and Mr. Mede. He had an occasion given him not long after his settlement in this charge, to shew his courage, and how little he either courted pre­ferment, or was afraid of falling un­der the displeasure of great Men: For when the Bishop of Norwich pro­posed some things to a meeting of his Clergy, with which they were ge­nerally dissatisfied, though they had not resolution enough to oppose them; He [Page 4] took that hard Province upon himself, and did it with so much strength of rea­son, as well as discretion, that many of those things were let fall: upon which when his Brethren came and magnified him for it, he checkt them and said, He desired not the praises of Men. His reputation was so great and so well established both in the Uni­versity and in Suffolk, that when King Iames sent Sir Henry Wotton to be his Ambassadour at Venice, at the time of the Interdict; he was recommended as the fittest Man to go Chaplain in so critical a conjuncture. This Imploy­ment proved much happier and more honourable for him than that of his fellow Student and Chamber-fellow Mr. Wadsworth, who was at that time beneficed in the same Diocese with him, and was about that time sent into Spain, and was afterwards appointed to teach the Infanta the English Tongue, when the match between the late King and her was believed concluded: for Wads­worth was prevailed on to change his Religion and abandon his Countrey, as if in them those Words of our Saviour had been to be verified, There shall be two in one Bed, the one shall be taken, and the other shall be left. For [Page 5] as the one of these was wrought on to forsake his Religion, the other was very near the being an Instrument of a great and happy change in th [...] Repub­lick of Venice. I need not say much of a thing so well known as were the quar­rels of Pope Paul the V. and that Re­publick; especially since the History of them is written so particularly by him that knew the matter best, P. Pau­lo. Some Laws made by the Senate, not unlike our Statutes of Mortmain, restraining the excessive Donations, ex­torted from superstitious Men, and the imprisoning two lewd Fryers, in order to the executing Justice on them, were the grounds of the quarrel; and upon those pretences▪ the Ecclesiastical Im­munity from the Secular Tribunals was asserted to such a degree, that after that high spirited Pope had tryed what the spiritual Sword could do, but without success, (his Interdict not being ob­served by any, but the Iesuites, the Ca­pucins and Theatines, who were upon that banished the State, for the age of the Anselms and the Beckets could not be now recalled) he resolved to try the Temporal Sword next, according to the advice Cardinal Baronius gave him; who told him in the Consistory, That [Page 6] there were two things said to S. Peter, the first was, Feed my Sheep, the other was, Arise and kill; and therefore since he had a [...]eady executed the first part of S. Peter's duty, in feeding the Flock, by Exhortations, Admonitions, and Censures, without the desired effect, he had nothing left but to arise and kill: and that not being an Age in which Croisades could pass upon the World; and the Pope not finding any other Prince that would execute his Bulls, he resolved to make War upon them himself, hoping to find assistance from the Crown of Spain, who, he believed, would be willing to enlarge their Do­minions on that side: but when all help failed him, and he saw that his Censures had not created any distracti­ons in the Republick, and found their Treasure and F [...]rce like to prove a match too hard to the Apostolical Cham­ber, and to such Forces as he could levy and pay, he was at last willing to ac­cept of a mediation, in which the Se­nate, though they were content to de­liver up the two profligate Fryers, yet asserted their Right, and maintained their Laws, notwithstanding all his threatnings; nor would they so much as ask pardon, or crave absolution. But [Page 7] without going further into matters so generally known, I shall only mention those things in which Mr. Bedell had some share.

P. Paulo was then the Divine of the State, a man equally eminent for vast learning and a most consummated pru­dence; and was at once one of the greatest Divines, and of the wisest Men of his Age. But to commend the ce­lebrated Historian of the Council of Trent, is a thing so needless that I may well stop; yet it must needs raise the Character of Bedell much, that an Ita­lian, who, besides the caution that is natural to the Countrey, and the pru­dence that obliged one in his circum­stances to a more than ordinary distrust of all the World, was tyed up by the strictness of that Government to a ve­ry great reservedness with all people, yet took Bedell into his very Soul; and, as Sir Henry Wotton assured the late King, He communicated to him the inward­est thoughts of his Heart, and profes­ed that he had learnt more from him in all the parts of Divinity, whether Spe­culative or Practical, than from any he had ever conversed with in his whole life. So great an intimacy with so ex­traordinary a person is enough to raise [Page 8] a Character, were there no more to be added. P. Paulo went further, for he assisted him in acquiring the Italian Tongue, in which Bedell became such a Master, that he spoke it as one born in Italy, and penned all the Sermons he then preached, either in Italian or La­tine; in this last it will appear by the productions of his Pen yet remaining, that he had a true Roman Stile, inferior to none of the Modern Writers, if not equal to the Ancients. In requital of the Instruction he received from P. Paulo in the Italian Tongue, he drew a Grammar of the English Tongue for his use, and for some others that desi­red to learn it, that so they might be able to understand our Books of Divini­ty, and he also translated the English Common-prayer Book into Italian; and P. Paulo and the seven Divines that du­ring the Interdict were commanded by the Senate both to preach and write against the Popes authority, liked it so well, that they resolved to have made it their pattern, in case the diffe­rences between the Pope and them had produced the effect which they hoped and longed for.

[Page 9]The intimacy between them grew so great and so publick, that when P. Paulo was wounded by those Assassi­nates that were set on by the Court of Rome to destroy so redoubted an Ene­my, upon the failing of which at­tempt a Guard was set on him by the Senate, that knew how to value and preserve so great a Treasure; and much precaution was used before any were ad­mitted to come to him, Bedell was ex­cepted out of those rules, and had free access to him at all times. They had many and long discourses concerning Religion: He found P. Paulo had read over the Greek New Testament with so much exactness, that having used to mark every Word when he had fully weighed the importance of it as he went through it; he had by going of­ten over it, and observing what he past over in a former reading, grown up to that at last, that every word was mark­ed of the whole New Testament: and when Bedell suggested to him critical explications of some passages that he had not understood before, he received them with the transports of one that leapt for joy, and that valued the disco­veries of divine Truth beyond all other things.

[Page 10]During his stay at Venice, the fa­mous Ant. de Dominis Archbishop of Spalata came to Venice; and having re­ceived a just character of Mr. Bedell, he discovered his secret to him, and shew­ing him his ten Books De Republica Ec­clesiastica, which he afterwards printed at London: Bedell took the free­dom which he allowed him, and cor­rected many ill applications of Texts of Scripture, and Quotations of Fathers. For that Prelate being utterly ignorant of the Greek Tongue, could not but be guilty of many mistakes both in the one and the other; and if there remain some places still that discover his igno­rance of that Language too plainly, yet there had been many more, if Be­dell had not corrected them: but no wonder if in such a multitude some escaped his diligence. De Dominis took all this in good part from him, and did enter into such familiarity with him, and found his assistance so useful, and indeed so necessary to himself, that he used to say he could do nothing with­out him.

A passage fell out during the Inter­dict, that made greater noise than per­haps the importance of it could well amount to: but it was suited to the [Page 11] Italian Genius. There came a Jesuite to Venice, Thomas Maria Caraffa, who printed a Thousand Theses of Philoso­phy and Divinity, which he dedicated to the Pope with this extravagant Inscri­ption, PAULO V. VICE-DEO Christianae Reipublicae Monarchae invictis­simo, & Pontificiae Omnipotentiae conser­vatori accerrimo. To Paul the U. the Uice-God, the most invincible Mo­narch of the Christian Common­wealth, and the most zealous asserter of the Papal Omnipotency.

All people were amazed at the impudence of this Title, but when Mr. Bedell observed that the numeral Letters of the first Words, PAV­LO V. VICE-DEO being put to­gether, made exactly 666. the number of the Beast in the Revelation, he com­municated this to P. Paulo and the Se­ven Divines, and they carried it to the Duke and Senate: it was enter­tained almost as if it had come from Heaven, and it was publickly preached over all their Territories, that here was a certain evidence that the Pope was Antichrist: And it is like this was promoted by them more, because they found it took with the Italians, than that they could build much upon it; [Page 12] though it was as strong as the like com­putation from the Greek Word [...], upon which some of the Ancients laid some weight. This flew so over Italy, that lest it should take too much among the people, the Pope caused his Emissaries to give it out every where, That Antichrist was now born in Baby­lon, and was descended of the Tribe of Dan; and that he was gathering a vast Army, with which he intended to come and destroy Christendome: and there­fore all Christian Princes were exhorted to prepare all their Forces for resisting so great an Invasion. And with this piece of false news that was given out very confidently, the other conceit was choaked. But though Mr. Bedell makes use of it in his Book against Wadsworth, yet he was too modest a Man to claim the discovery of it to himself, but Sir Henry Wotton assured King Iames, That he first observed it.

Here I must add a passage, concern­ing which I am in doubt whether it re­flected more on the sincerity, or on the understanding of the English Ambassa­dour. The breach between the Pope and the Republick was brought very near a Crisis; so that it was expected a total separation, not only from the [Page 13] Court, but the Church of Rome, was like to follow upon it. It was set on by P. Paulo and the Seven Divines with much zeal, and was very prudently conducted by them. In order to the advancing of it, King Iames ordered his Ambassadour to offer all possible as­sistance to them, and to accuse the Pope and the Papacy as the chief Authors of all the mischiefs of Christendome. The Prince and Senate answered this in words full of respect to King Iames, and said, That they knew things were not so bad as some endeavoured to make the World believe, on design to sow discord between Christian Princes: and when the Popes Nuncio objected, That King Iames was not a Catholick, and so was not to be relyed on; The Duke answered, The King of England be­lieved in Jesus Christ, but he did not know in whom some others believed. Upon which P. Paulo and the Seven Divines pressed Mr. Bedell to move the Ambassadour to present King Iames's Premonition to all Christian Princes and States, then put in Latine, to the Senate, and they were confident it would produce a great effect. But the Ambassadour could not be prevailed on to do it at that time, [...] pretended that [Page 14] since S. Iames's day was not far off, i [...] would be more proper to do it on that day. If this was only for the sake of a Speech that he had made on the con­ceit of S. Iames's Day and K. Iames's Book, with which he had intended to present it, that was a weakness never to be excused. But if this was only a pretence, and that there was a design under it, it was a crime not to be for­given. All that Bedell could say or do to perswade him not to put off a thing of such importance was in vain; and indeed I can hardly think that Wotton was so weak a Man as to have acted sin­cerely in this matter. Before S. Iames's day came, which I suppose was the First of May, and not the Twenty fifth of Iuly, the difference was made up, and that happy opportunity was lost; so that when he had his audience on that Day, in which he presented the Book, all the answer he got, was, That they thanked the King of England for his good will, but they were now re­conciled to the Pope, and that therefore they were resolved not to admit of any change in their Religion, ac­cording to their agreement with the Court of Rome.

[Page 15]It may be easily imagined what a Wound this was to his Chaplain, but much more to those who were more immediately concerned in that matter; I mean P. Paulo with the Seven Di­vines, and many others, who were weary of the corruptions of their Wor­ship, and were groaning for a Refor­mation. But now the reconciliation with Rome was concluded: the Senate carried the matter with all the dignity and Majesty that became that most se­ [...]ene Republick, as to all civil things: for they would not ask Absolution; but the Nuncio, to save the Popes credit, came into the Senate-House, before the Duke was come, and crossed his Cushi­on, and absolved him. Yet upon this they would not suffer any publick signs of joy to be made; nor would they recal the Jesuites. But in all these things greater regard was had to the dignity of their State, than to the interest of Religion; so that P. Paulo was out of all hopes of bringing things ever back to so promi­sing a conjuncture; upon which he wisht he could have left Venice and come over to England with Mr. Bedell: but he was so much esteemed by the Senate for his great Wisdom, that he was con­sulted by them as an Oracle, and trust­ed [Page 16] with their most important Secrets: so that he saw it was impossible for him to obtain his Congè; and therefore he made a shift to comply as far as he could with the established way of their Wor­ship; but he had in many things parti­cular methods, by which he in a great measure rather quieted than satisfied his Conscience. In saying of Mass, he past over many parts of the Canon, and in particular those Prayers, in which that Sacrifice was offered up to the honour of Saints: He never prayed to Saints, nor joyned in those parts of the Offices that went against his Con­science; and in private Confessions and Discourses, he took people off from those abuses, and gave them right No­tions of the purity of the Christian Re­ligion; so he hoped he was sowing Seeds that might be fruitful in another Age: and thus he believed he might live innocent in a Church that he thought so defiled. And when one prest him hard in this matter, and objected that he still held communion with an Idola­trous Church, and gave it credit by ad­hering outwardly to it, by which means others that depended much on his ex­ample would be likewise encouraged to continue in it: All the answer he made [Page 17] to this was, That God had not given him the Spirit of Luther. He expres­sed great tenderness and concern for Bedell, when he parted with him; and said that both he and many others would have gone over with him, if it had been in their power: but that he might ne­ver be forgot by him, he gave him his Picture, with an Hebrew Bible with­out Points, and a little Hebrew Psalter, in which he writ some Sentences expres­sing his esteem and friendship for him; and with these he gave him the unva­luable Manuscript of the History of the Council of Trent, together with the History of the Interdict and of the Inquisition; the first of these will e­ver be reckoned the chief pattern after which all, that intend to succeed well in writing History, must copy. But a­mong other Papers that P. Paulo gave him, some that were of great impor­tance are lost: for in a Letter of Mr Be­dells to Dr. Ward, he mentions a Col­lection of Letters that were sent him Weekly from Rome during the contests between the Iesuites and Dominicans, concerning the efficacy of Grace; of which P. Paulo gave him the Origi­nals; and in his Letter to Dr. Ward he mentions his having sent them to him. [Page 18] These, very probably, contained a more particular relation of that matter than the World has yet seen, since they were writ to so curious and so inquisitive a Man; but it seems he did not allow Be­dell to print them, and so I am afraid, they are now irrecoverably lost.

When Bedell came over, he brought along with him the Archbishop of Spa­lata, and one Despotine a Physician, who could no longer bear with the corruptions of the Roman Worship; and so chose a freer air. The latter lived near him in S. Edmundsbury, and was by his means introduced into much Pra­ctice, which he maintained so well, that he became eminent in his Professi­on, and continued to his death to keep up a constant correspondence with him. As for the Archbishop of Spalata his Sto­ry, it is too well known to need to be much enlarged on. He was an ambitious Man, and set too great a value on him­self, and expressed it so indecently, that he sunk much in the estimation of the English Clergy, by whom he was at first received with all possible respect; but after he had stayed some years in England, upon the promotion of Pope Gregory the XIV. that had been his School-fellow, and old acquaintance, he [Page 19] was made believe that the Pope inten­ded to give him a Cardinals Hat, and to make great use of him in all a [...]fairs; so that he fancied that he should be the instrument of a great Reformation in the Church: his Pride made him too easie to flatter himself with these vain Hopes, and the distaste some of the English Clergy had taken at him for his ambition and covetousness, gave Gun­damor the Spanish Ambassadour great advantages in the conduct of that mat­ter: for his mind that was blown up with vanity, and sharpned with resent­ment, was easily wrought on, so that he, believing that the Promises made him would not only be performed, but that he might be the instrument of bringing about a great change, even at Rome, went thither. He was at first well re­ceived by the Pope himself: But he happened to say of Cardinal Bellarmine, that had writ against him, That he had not answered his Arguments. Upon which a complaint was carried to the Pope, as if he had been still of the same mind, in which he was when he pub­lished his Books. He excused him­self, and said, That though Bellarmine had not answered his Arguments, yet he did not say they were unanswerable: [Page 20] and he offered to answer them himself▪ if they would allow him time for it. But this excuse was not accepted, so he was cast into the Inquisition, but was never brought to any Tryal: He was poysoned not long after, and his Body was cast out at a Window, and all his Goods were confiscated to the Pope. This was the tragical end of that great but inconstant Man: If he had had as good a Soul as he had a great understand­ing, together with vast learning, con­sidering his education and other disad­vantages, he had deserved to have been reckoned among the greatest Men of his Age. In his Fate it appeared, how foolishly credulous, Vanity makes a Man; since he that was an Italian born, and knew the Court of Rome so well, could be wrought on so far, as to believe that they were capable of par­doning and promoting him after the mischief he had done their Cause. This account of that matter, my Author had from Master Bedell's own Mouth.

But now Mr. Bedell had finished one of the Scenes of his life with great honour. The most considerable addi­tion he made to his learning at Venice, was in the improvements in the He­brew, [Page 21] in which he made a great pro­gress by the assistance of R. Leo, that was the chief Chacham of the Jewish Sy­nagogue there: From him he learn'd their way of pronunciation, and some other parts of Rabbinical learning; but in ex­change of it, he communicated to him, that which was much more valuable, the true understanding of many passa­ges in the Old Testament, with which that Rabbi expressed himself often to be highly satisfied: And once in a solemn dispute, he prest his Rabbi with so clear proofs of Jesus Christ being the true Messias, that he, and several others, of his Brethren, had no other way to escape, but to say that their Rabbins every where did expound those Prophe­cies otherwise, according to the Tra­dition of their Fathers. By R. Leo's means, he purchased that fair Manu­script of the Old Testament, which he gave to Emmanuel Colledge; and, as I am credibly informed, it cost him its weight in Silver.

After Eight Years stay in Venice, he returned to England, and without pre­tending to Preferment, or aspiring to it; he went immediately to his charge at S. Edmundsbury, and there went on in his ministerial labours; with which he [Page 22] mixt the translating P. Paulo's immor­tal Writings into Latine. Sir Adam New­ton translated the two first Books of the History of the Council of Trent, but was not master enough of the two Lan­guages; so that the Archbishop of Spa­lata said it was not the same Work; but he highly approved of the two last, that were translated by Mr. Bedell, who likewise translated the History of the Interdict, and of the Inquisition, and dedicated them to the King. But no notice was taken of him, and he lived still private and unknown in that ob­scure corner. He had a Soul of too ge­nerous a composition to stoop to those servile compliances, that are often ex­pected by those that have the distribu­tion of Preferments in their power. He thought that was an abjectness of Spi­rit that became not a Christian Philoso­pher, much less a Churchman, who ought to express a contempt of the World, a contentedness with a low con­dition, and a resignation of ones out­ward circumstances wholly to the con­duct of Divine Providence; and not to give that advantage which Atheists and Libertines take from the covetous­ness and aspirings of some Churchmen, to scoff at Religion, and to call Priest­hood [Page 23] a Trade. He was content to de­serve Preferment, and did not envy others, who upon less merit, but more industry arrived at it. But though he was forgot at Court, yet an eminent Gentleman in Suffolk, Sir Thomas Ier­myn, who was a privy Counsellour, and Vice-Chamberlain to King Charles the First, and a great Patron of Ver­tue and Piety, took such a liking to him, that as he continued his whole life to pay him a very particular esteem; so a considerable Living that was in his Gift, falling void, he presented him to it in the Year 1615. When he came to the Bishop of Norwich to take out his Title to it, he demanded large Fees for his Institution and Induction: But Bedell would give no more than what was sufficient gratification for the Wri­ting, the Wax, and the Parchment; and refused to pay the rest. He lookt on it as Simony in the Bishop, to de­mand more, and as contrary to the command of Christ, who said to his Apostles, Freely ye have received, and freely give. And thought it was a branch of the sin of Simony to sell Spiritual things to Spiritual persons; and since whatsoever was askt, that was more than a decent Gratification to the Ser­vant [Page 24] for his pains, was asked by rea­son of the thing that was granted, he thought this was unbecoming the Go­spel, and that it was a sin both in the Giver and in the Taker. He had obser­ved that nothing was more expresly con­trary to all the Primitive Rules. Chry­sostome examined a complaint made a­gainst Autonine Bishop of Ephesu [...], for exacting Fees at Ordination. Autonine dyed before the Process was finished; but some Bishops, that had paid those Fees, were upon that degraded and made incapable to officiate any more, though they pretended, that they paid that Mo­ney as a Fee for obtaining a Release from such Obligations as lay on them by Law, to serve the Court. After­wards not only all Ordinations for Mo­ney, but the taking Money for any Im­ployment that depended upon the Bishops Gift, was most severely con­demned by the Council of Chalcedon The Buyer was to lose his Degree, and the Seller was to be in danger of it: And after that, severe censures were every where decreed against all Presents that might be made to Bishops, either be­fore or after Ordinations, or upon the account of Writings, or of Feasts, or any other expence that was brought in [Page 25] use to be made upon that occasion; and even in the Council of Trent, it was Decreed, That nothing should be taken for Letters dimissory, the Certificates, the Seals, or upon any such like ground▪ either by Bishops or their Servants, even though it was freely offered. Up­on these accounts Mr. Bedell resolved ra­ther to lose his Presentation to the Par­sonage of Horingsheath, than to pur­chase his Title to it by doing that which he thought Simony. And he left the Bi­shop and went home: But some few days after, the Bishop sent for him, and gave him his Titles, without exacting Fees of him; and so he removed to that place, where he stayed Twelve Years, during which time he was a great honour to the Church, as well as a pattern to all Churchmen. His habit and way of living was very plain, and becoming the simplicity of his Profession. He was very tender of those that were truly poor, but was so strict in exami­ning all Vagabonds, and so dexterous in discovering counterfeit Passes, and took such care of punishing those that went about with them, that they came no more to him, nor to his Town. In all that time no notice was ever ta­ken of him, though he gave a very [Page 26] singular evidence of his great capacity. For being provoked by his old acquain­tance Wadsworth's Letters, he writ upon the points in controversie with the Church of Rome, with so much learn­ing and judgment, and in so mild a strain, that no wonder if his Book had a good effect on him, for whom it was intended: It is true he never returned and changed his Religion himself, but his Son came from Spain into Ireland, when Bedell was promoted to the Bi­shoprick of Kilmore there, and told him, That his Father commanded him to thank him for the pains he was at in writing it: he said, It was almost al­wayes lying open before him, and that he had heard him say, He was re­solved to save one. And it seems he in­structed his Son in the true Religion, for he declared himself a Protestant on his coming over. This Book was printed, and dedicated to the late King, while he was Prince of Wales, in the Year 1624. The true Reasons that obstru­cted Bedell's preferment seem to be these; He was a Calvinist in the matter of De­crees and Grace; and Preferments went generally at that time to those that held the other Opinions. He had also ano­ther Principle, which was not very ac­ceptable [Page 27] to some in power: he thought, Conformity was an exact adhereing to the Rubrick; and that the adding any new Rite or Ceremony, was as much Nonconformity, as the passing over those that were prescribed: So that he would not use those Bowings or Gesticu­lations that grew so much in fashion, that Mens affections were measured by them. He had too good an understanding, not to conclude, That these things were not unlawful in themselves; but he had observed that when once the humour of adding new Rites and Ceremonies got into the Church, it went on by a fatal increase, till it had grown up to that bulk, to which we find it swelled in the Church of Rome. And this began so early, and grew so fast, that S. Austin complained of it in his time, saying, That the condition of Christians was then more uneasie by that Yoke of Ob­servances, than that of the Jews had been. And therefore Bedell thought the adhering to established Laws and Rules was a certain and fixed thing; where­as Superstition was infinite. So he was against all Innovations, or arbitrary and assumed Practices; and so much the more, when Men were distinguished, and markt out for Preferment, by that [Page 28] which in strictness of Law was a thing that deserved punishment. For in the Act of Vniformity, made in the first Year of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, it was made highly penal, to use any other Rite or Ceremony, Order or Form, either in the Sacraments, or in Morning or Evening Prayers, than what was menti­oned and set forth in that Book. And this was particularly intended to restrain some that were leavened with the for­mer Superstition, and yet for saving their Benefices, might conform to the New Service, but retain still with it many of the old Rites in sacred Offices. And it seems our Legislators were of the same mind, when the last Act of Vniformity was past; for there is a special Proviso in it, That no Rites or Ceremo­nies should be openly used in any Church, other than what was prescribed and ap­pointed to be used in and by the said Book. Therefore he continued to make the Rubrick the measure of his Con­formity, as well before his promotion as after it.

But he was well satisfied with that which the Providence of God laid in his way, and went on in the duties of his pa­storal care, and in his own private Stu­dies; and was as great a Pattern in Suf­folk, [Page 29] of the pastoral care, in the lower degree, as he proved afterwards in Ire­land in the higher Order. He la­boured not as an Hireling that on­ly raised a Revenue out of his Pa­rish, and abandoned his Flock, trust­ing them to the cheapest Merce­nary that he could find; nor did he satisfie himself with a slight perfor­mance of his duty only for fashions sake; but he watched over his Flock like one that knew he was to answer to God for those Souls committed to his charge: so he preached to the under­standings and Consciences of his Parish, and Catechised constantly. And, as the whole course of his own most exempla­ry behaviour was a continued Sermon; so he was very exact in the more pri­vate parts of his Function, visiting the Sick, and dealing in secret with his peo­ple, to excite or preserve in them a deep sense of Religion. This he made his work, and he followed it so close, and lived so much at home, that he was so little known, or so much for­got, that when Diodati came over to England, many years after this, he could hear of him from no person that he met with; though he was acquain­ted with many of the Clergy. He was [Page 30] much amazed at this, to find that so extraordinary a Man, that was so much admired at Venice, by so good Judges, was not so much as known in his own Countrey; and so he was out of all hope of finding him out, but by a meer acci­dent he met him on the Streets of Lon­den, at which there was a great deal of joy on both sides. And upon that Diodati presented him to Morton the learned and antient Bishop of Duresme, and told how great a value P. Paulo set on him; upon which that Bishop treated him in a very particular manner. It is true, Sir Henry Wotton was alwayes his firm and faithful Friend; but his Credit at Court had sunk: for he fell under ne­cessities, having lived at Venice in an expence above his appointments. And as necessitous Courtiers must grow to for­get all concerns but their own; so their interest abates, and the favour they are in lessens, when they come to need it too much. Sir Thomas Iermyn was in more credit, though he was alwayes suspected of being too favourable to the Puritans; so that his inclinations be­ing known, the characte [...] he could give of him, did not serve to raise him in England.

[Page 31]While he was thus neglected at home, his fame was spread into Ireland; and though he was not known either to the famous Bishop Vsher, or to any of the Fellows of Trinity Colledge in Dublin, yet he was chosen by their una­nimous consent, to be the Head of their Colledge, in the Year 1627. and as that worthy Primate of Ireland, together with the Fellows of the Colledge, writ to him, inviting him to come and accept of that Mastership, so an Address was made to the King, praying that he would command him to go over. And that this might be the more successful, Sir Henry Wotton was moved to give his Majesty a true account of him, which he did in the following Letter.

May it please your most gracious Majesty,

HAving been informed, That certain persons have, by the good Wishes of the Archbishop of Armagh, been directed hi­ther, with a most humble Petition unto your Majesty, That you will be pleased to make Mr. William Bedell (now resident upon a small Benefice in Suffolk) Governour of your Colledge at Dublin, for the good [Page 32] of that Society: and my self being re­quired to render unto your Majesty some Testimony of the said William Bedell, who was long my Chaplain at Venice, in the time of my imployment there; I am bound in all Conscience and Truth (so far as your Majesty will accept of my poor Iudgment) to affirm of him, That, I think, hardly a [...]itter Man could have been propounded to your Majesty in your whole Kingdom, for singular Erudition and Piety, Conformity to the Rites of the Church, and Zeal to advance the Cause of God; wherein his Tra­vells abroad were not obscure, in the time of the Excommunication of the Venetians. For, may it please your Majesty to know, That this is the Man whom Padre Paulo took (I may say) into his very Soul, with whom he did communicate the inwardest Thoughts of his Heart; from whom he professed to have received more knowledge in all Di­vinity, both scholastical and positive, than from any that he had practised in his Dayes: of which all the passages were well known unto the King your Father, of blessed memory. And so with your Majesties good favour, I will end this needless office: for the general fame of his Learning, his Life, and Chri­stian [Page 33] Temper, and those religious La­bours which himself hath dedicated to your Majesty, do better describe him than I am able.

Your Majesties most humble and faithful Servant, H. Wotton.

But when this matter was proposed to Mr. Bedell, he expressed so much both of true Philosophy, and real Chri­stianity in the Answer that he made to so honourable an offer, that I will not undertake to give it otherwise than in his own Words, taken from a Letter which he writ to one that had been im­ployed to deal with him in this matter. The Original of this and most of the other Letters that I set down, were found among the Most Reverend Pri­mate Vsher's Papers, and were commu­nicated to me by his Reverend and worthy Friend Dr. Parre.

SIR,

WIth my hearty commendations re­membred: I have this Day re­ceived both your Letters, dated the 2. of this Month; I thank you for your care and diligence in this matter. For answer whereof, although I could have desired so much respite, as to have confer­red with some of my Friends, such as possibly do know the condition of that place better than I do, and my insufficiencies better than my Lord Primate; yet since that I perceive by both your Letters, the matter requires a speedy and present an­swer, thus I stand: I am married, and have three Children; therefore if the place requires a single Man, the business is at an end. I have no want, I thank my God, of any thing necessary for this life; I have a competent Living of above a hun­dred pound a Year, in a good Air and Seat, with a very convenient House near to my Friends, a little Parish, not exceeding the compass of my weak Voice. I have of­ten heard it, That changing seldom brings the better; especially to those that are well. And I see well, That my Wife, [Page 35] (though resolving, as she ought, to be contented with whatsoever God shall ap­point) had rather continue with her Friends in her native Countrey, than put her self into the hazzard of the Seas, and a foreign Land, with many casualties in Travel, which she perhaps out of fear, apprehends more than there is cause.

All these reasons I have, if I consult with Flesh and Blood, which move me rather to reject this offer; (yet with all humble and dutiful thanks to my Lord Primate for his Mind and good Opinion of me:) on the other side, I consider the end, wherefore I came into the World, and the business of a Subject to our Lord Iesus Christ, of a Minister of the Gospel of a good Patriot, and of an honest Man. If I may be of any better use to my Coun­trey, to Gods Church, or of any better service to our common Master, I must close mine eyes against all private respects; and if God call me, I must answer, Here I am. For my part therefore I will not stir one Foot, or lift up my Finger for or against this motion; but if it proceed from the Lord, that is, If those whom it con­cerns there, do procure those who may command me here, to send me thither, I shall obey, if it were not only to go into Ireland, but into Virginia, yea though I [Page 36] were not only to meet with troubles, dan­gers, and difficulties, but death it self in the performance. Sir, I have as plainly as I can, shewed you my mind; desiring you with my humble service to represent it to my reverend good Lord, my Lord Primate. And God Almighty direct this affair to the glory of his holy name, and have you in his merciful protection; so I rest

From Bury March 6. 1626.
Your loving Friend Will. Bedell.

The conclusion of this matter was, That the King being well informed concerning him, commanded him to undertake this charge, which he did cheerfully obey; and set about the du­ties incumbent on him, in such a man­ner, as shewed how well he had im­proved the long time of retirement, that he had hitherto enjoyed, and how ripely he had digested all his thoughts and observations. He had hitherto liv­ed [Page 37] as if he had been made for nothing but speculation and study; and now when he entred upon a more publick Scene, it appeared that he understood the practical things of Government and humane life so well, that no man seem­ed to be more cut out for business than he was. In the Government of the Colledge, and at his first entry upon a new Scene, he resolved to act nothing till he both knew the Statutes of the House perfectly well, and understood well the tempers of the people; there­fore when he went over first, he car­ried himself so abstractly from all affairs, that he past for a soft and weak Man. The zeal that appeared afterwards in him, shewed, That this coldness was only the effect of his Wisdom, and not of his Temper: but when he found that some grew to think meanly of him, and that even Vsher himself began to change his opinion of him: Upon that when he went over to England some Months after, to bring his Family over to Ireland, he was thinking to have resign­ed his new Preferment, and to have returned to his Benefice in Suffolk; but the Primate writ so kind a Letter to him, that as it made him lay down those thoughts: so it drew from him the fol­lowing [Page 38] Words in the Answer that he writ to him.

Touching my return, I do thankfully accept your Graces exhortation, advising me to have Faith in God, and not to con­sult with Flesh and Blood, nor have mind of this Countrey. Now I would to God, that your Grace could look into my Heart, and see how little I fear lack of Provision, or pass upon any outward thing in this World: My chief fear in truth was, and is, lest I should be unfit and unprofitable in the place; in which case, if I might have a lawful and honest retreat, I think no wise Man could blame me to retain it: Especially having understood that your Grace, whose authority I chiefly followed at the first, did from your own Iudgment, and that of other wise Men, so truly pro­nounce of me, That I was a weak Man. Now that I have received your Letters so full of life and encouragement, it puts some more life in me. For sure it can­not agree with that goodness and ingenui­ty of yours, praised among all Gods Graces in you, by those that know you, to write one thing to me, and to speak another thing to others of me, or to go about to beguile my simplicity with fair Words, laying in the mean while a Net for my Feet, espe­cially [Page 39] sith my weakness shall in truth re­dound to the blaming of your own discre­tion in bringing me thither.

Thus was he prevailed on to resign his Benefice, and carry his Family to Ireland, and then he applyed himself with that vigour of Mind, that was peculiar to him, to the government of the Colledge.

He corrected such abuses as he found among them; he set such rules to them, and saw these so well executed, that it quickly appeared how happy a choice they had made: And as he was a great promoter of learning among them, so he thought his particular Province was to instruct the House aright in the Prin­ciples of Religion. In order to this he catechised the Youth in the Colledge once a Week, and preached once a Sunday, though he was not obliged to it: And that he might acquaint them with a plain and particular body of Di­vinity, he divided the Church Cate­chism into Two and Fifty Parts, one for every Sunday, and did explain it in a way so mixed with Speculative and Practical Matters, that his Sermons were both learned Lectures of Divinity, and excellent exhortations to Vertue and [Page 40] Piety: Many took notes of them, and Copies of them were much enquired after; for as they were fitted to the ca­pacity of his Hearers, so they contained much matter in them, for entertaining the most learned. He had not stayed there above two Years, when by his Friend Sir Thomas Iermyn's means, a Patent was sent him to be Bishop of Kilmore and Ardagh, two contiguous Sees in the Province of Vlster. And in the Letters by which the King sig­nified his pleasure for his Promotion, he likewise expressed his acceptance of the service he had done in the Col­ledge, in very honourable terms as fol­lows: ‘And as we were pleased by our former gracious Letters to establish the said Wil­liam Bedell, by our Royal Authority in the Provostship of the said Colledge of the Blessed Trinity near Dublin, where we are informed that by his care and good Government, there hath been wrought great Reformation, to our sin­gular contentment; so we purpose to con­tinue our care of that Society, being the principal Nursery of Religion and Learn­ing in that our Realm; and to recommend unto the Colledge some such person from whom we may expect the like worthy ef­fects [Page 41] for their good, as we and they have found from Mr. Bedell.’

And now in the 59th. Year of his Age, he entered upon a different course of Life and Employment, when it might have been thought, that the vi­gour of his Spirits was much broken and spent. But by his administration of his Diocess, it appeared that their re­mained yet a vast heat and force of Spirit to carry him through those diffi­cult undertakings, to which he found himself obliged by this new Character; which if it makes a Man but a little lower than the Angels, so that the term Angel is applyed to that Office in Scri­pture, he thought it did oblige him to an angelical course of life, and to di­vide his time, as much as could consist with the frailties and necessities of a Body made of Flesh and Blood, as those glorious Spirits do, between the be­holding the Face of their Father which is in Heaven, and the ministring to the Heirs of Salvation: he considered the Bishops office made him the Shep­herd of the inferiour Shepherds, if not of the whole Diocess; and therefore he resolved to spare himself in nothing, by which he might advance the interest of Religion among them: and he thought [Page 42] it a disingenuous thing to vouch Anti­quity for the Authority and Dignity of that Function, and not at the same time to express those Virtues and Pra­ctices that made it so Venerable among them. Since the Forms of Church Go­vernment must appear amiable and va­luable to the Word, not so much for the reasonings and arguments that learn­ed Men use concerning them, as for the real advantages that mankind find from them. So that he determined with the great Nazianzen, To give Wings to his Soul, to rescue it wholly from the World, and to dedicate it to God: And not to think it enough to perform his duty in such a manner, as to pass through the rest of his life without reproach: for according to that Father, This was to weigh out Vertue by small weights; but in the Language of that Father he re­solved to live, As one that had got above his Senses, and all sensible things, that was recollected within himself, and had attained to a familiarity with divine matters, that so his mind might be as an unsullied Mirrour, upon which he might receive and represent the impresses of God and divine things, unallyed with the Cha­racters of lower objects. He saw he would fall under some envy, and meet [Page 43] with great oppositions, but he consi­dered that as a sort of martyrdome for God, and resolved cheerfully to under­go whatsoever uneasie things he might be forced to suffer, in the discharge of his Conscience and Duty.

In laying open his designs and per­formances in this last and greatest peri­od of his life, I have fuller materials than in the former parts. For my Author was particularly known to him during a large part of it, and spent several Years in his Family; so that his oppor­tunities of knowing him were as great as could be desired, and the Bishop was of so gentle a temper, and of so com­municative a nature, that he easily o­pened himself to one, that was taken into his alliance as well as into his heart, he being indeed a Man of primitive sim­plicity. He found his Diocess under so many disorders, that there was scarce a sound part remaining. The Revenue was wasted by excessive dilapidati­ons, and all sacred things had been ex­posed to sale in so sordid a manner, that it was grown to a Proverb. But I will not enlarge further on the ill things o­thers had done, than as it is necessary to shew the good things that were done by him. One of his Cathedrals, Ar­dagh, [Page 44] was fallen down to the ground, and there was scarce enough remaining of both these Revenues to support a Bishop that was resolved not to supply himself by indirect and base methods: he had a very small Clergy, but Seven or Eight in each Diocess of good suffi­ciency; but every one of these was multiplyed into many Parishes, they having many Vicarages a piece; but being English, and his whole Diocess consisting of Irish, they were barbarians to them; nor could they perform any part of divine Offices among them. But the state of his Clergy will appear best from a Letter that he writ to Archbishop Laud concerning it, which I shall here insert.

Right reverend Father, my honourable good Lord.

SInce my coming to this place, which was a little before Michaelmas (till which time, the settling of the state of the Colledge, and my Lord Primate's Visita­tion deferred my Consecration) I have not been unmindful of your Lordships com­mands, to advertise you, as my experience should inform me, of the state of the Church, which I shall now the better do, because I have been about my Diocesses, and can set down, out of my knowledge and view, what I shall relate: and short­ly to speak much ill matter in a few words, it is very miserable. The Cathedral Church of Ardagh, one of the most an­cient in Ireland, and said to be built by S. Patrick, together with the Bishops House there, down to the ground. The Church here, built, but without Bell or Steeple, Font or Chalice. The Parish Churches all in a manner ruined, and un­roofed, and unrepaired. The people, sa­ving a few British Planters here and there, (which are not the tenth part of the rem­nant) obstinate Recusants. A Popish [Page 46] Clergy more numerous by far than we, and in full exercise of all Iurisdiction Ecclesi­astical, by their Vicar-General and Offici­als; who are so confident as they Excom­municate those that come to our Courts, even in matrimonial causes: which affront hath been offered my self by the Popish Pri­mates Vicar-General; for which I have be­gun a Process against him. The Primate himself lives in my Parish, within two Miles of my House; the Bishop in ano­ther part of my Diocess further off. Eve­ry Parish hath its Priest; and some two or three a piece, and so their Mass-Houses al­so; in some places Mass is said in the Chur­ches. Fryers there are in diverse places, who go about, though not in their Habit, and by their importunate begging impover­ish the people; who indeed are generally ve­ry poor, as from that cause, so, from their paying double Tythes to their own Clergy, and ours, from the dearth of Corn, and the death of their Cattle these late Years, with the Contributions to their Souldiers and their Agents: and which they forget not to reckon among other causes, the op­pression of the Court Ecclesiastical, which in very truth, my Lord, I cannot excuse, and do seek to reform. For our own, there are Seven or Eight Ministers in each Diocess of good sufficiency; and [Page 47] (which is no small cause of the conti­nuance of the people in Popery still) English, which have not the Tongue of the people, nor can perform any Di­vine Offices, or converse with them; and which hold many of them Two or Three, Four, or more Vicarages apiece; even the Clerkships themselves are in like manner conferred upon the English; and sometimes Two or Three, or more, upon one Man, and ordinarily bought and sold or let to farm. His Majesty is now with the greatest part of this Countrey, as to their Hearts and Consciences, King, but at the Popes discretion.

Kilmore Apr. 1. 1630.
Will. Kilmore & Ardagh.

Here was a melancholy prospect to a Man of so good a mind, enough to have disheartned him quite, if he had not had a proportioned degree of Spi­rit and courage to support him under so much weight. After he had reco­vered somewhat of the spoils made by his Predecessor, and so put himself into a capacity to subsist, he went about the [Page 48] reforming of abuses: And the first that he undertook was Pluralities, by which one Man had a care of Souls in so ma­ny different places, that it was not pos­sible to discharge his duty to them, nor to perform those Vows, which he made at his Ordination, of feeding and instructing the Flock committed to his care. And tho' most of the Pluralists did mind all their Parishes alike, that is, They neglected all equally; yet he thought this was an abuse contrary both to the nature of Ecclesiastical Fun­ctions, to the obligations that the care of Souls naturally imported, and to those solemn Vows that Church-men made at the Altar when they were ordained: And he knew well that this corruption was no sooner observed to have crept in­to the Christian Church, than it was condemned by the Fourth general Coun­cil at Chalcedon. For when some that had removed from one Diocess to ano­ther, continued to have their share in the dividend of the Church, which they had left, as well as of that to which they had gone; the Council decreed, That such transgressours should restore all that they had got from the Church, which they had left, and should be de­graded, if they refused to submit to this [Page 49] regulation. He thought it a vain, and indeed an impudent thing, for a Man to pretend that he answered the obli­gation of so sacred a trust, and so ho­ly a Vow, by hiring some mercenary Curate to perform Offices: since the Ob­ligation was personal, and the ecclesi­astical Functions were not like the Le­vitical Service in the Temple, in which the observing their Rites, was all that was required. But the watching over Souls had so many other things involved in it, besides officiating according to the Rubrick, that it drew this severe refle­ction from a witty Man, in which though the Wit of it may seem too pleasant for so serious a subject, yet it had too much sad truth under it; That when such Betrayers and Abandoners of that trust which Christ purchased with his own Blood, found good and faithful Curates that performed worthily the ob­ligations of the pastoral Care, the Incum­bent should be saved by Proxy, but be damned in Person. Therefore the Bi­shop gathered a meeting of his Cler­gy, and in a Sermon with which he o­pened it, he laid before them, both out of Scripture, and Antiquity, the Insti­tution, the Nature, and the Duties of the Ministerial Imployment; and after [Page 50] Sermon he spoke to them largely on the same subject in Latin, stiling them, as he alwayes did, His Brethren and fellow Presbyters: And exhorted them to reform that intolerable abuse, which as it brought a heavy scandal on the Church, and gave their Adversaries great advantages against them; so it must very much endanger both their own Souls, and the Souls of their Flocks. And to let them see that he would not lay a heavy Burthen on them, in which he would not bear his own share, he resolved to part with one of his Bishop­ricks. For though Ardagh was con­sidered as a ruined See, and had long gone as an accessory to Kilmore, and continues to be so still; yet since they were really two different Sees, he thought he could not decently oblige his Clergy to renounce their Pluralities, unless he set them an example, and re­nounced his own; even after he had been at a considerable charge in reco­vering the Patrimony of Ardagh, and though he was sufficiently able to discharge the duty of both these Sees, they being contiguous, and small; and though the Revenue of both did not exceed a competency, yet he would not seem to be guilty of that which [Page 51] he so severely condemned in others: And therefore he resigned Ardagh to Dr. Richardson; and so was now only Bishop of Kilmore. The Authority of this example, and the efficacy of his Discourse, made such an impression on his Clergy, that they all relinquished their Pluralities. The Arguments that arise out of interest are generally much stronger than those of mere speculation, how well soever it be made out; and therefore this concurrence that he met with from his Clergy in so sensible a point, was a great encouragement to him to go on in his other designs. There seemed to be a Finger of God in it; for he had no authority to compel them to it, and he had managed the minds of his Clergy so gently in this matter, that their compliance was not extorted, but both free and unanimous. For, one on­ly excepted, they all submitted to it: and he being Dean, exchanged his Dea­nery with another; for he was asha­med to live in the Diocess, where he would not submit to such terms, after both the Bishop himself and all his Cler­gy had agreed to them. But the oppo­sition that was given him by the Dean, and both his sense of that matter, and his carriage in it, will appear from the [Page 52] following Letter, which he writ con­cerning it to the Primate; which, though it be long and particular, yet it seemed to me too important to be either stifled or abridged.

Most reverend Father, my honourable good Lord,

I Cannot easily express what contentment I received at my late being with your Grace at Termonseckin. There had no­thing hapned to me, I will not say, since I came into Ireland, but, as far as I can call to remembrance, in my whole life, which did so much affect me in this kind, as the hazzard of your good opinion. For, loving and honouring you in Truth (for the truths sake, which is in us, and shall abide with us for ever) without any pri­vate interest, and receiving so unlookt for a blow from your own Hand, (which I expected should have tenderly applyed some remedy to me, being smitten by others) I had not present the defences of Reason and Grace. And although I knew it to be a fault in my self, since in the perfor­mance of our duties, the Iudgment of our Master, even alone, ought to suffice us; [Page 53] yet I could not be so much Master of mine Affections as to cast out this weakness. But blessed be God, who (as I began to say) at my being with you refreshed my Spi­rit by your kind renewing and confirming your love to me: and all humble thanks to you, that gave me place to make my Defence, and took upon you the cognisance of mine innocency. And as for mine Ac­cuser (whose hatred I have incurred only by not giving way to his covetous desire of heaping Living upon Living, to the evi­dent damage, not only of other Souls com­mitted to him, but of his own) truly I am glad, and do give God Thanks that this malignity, which a while masked it self in the pretence of friendship, hath at last dis­covered it self by publick opposition. It hath not, and I hope it shall not be in his power to hurt me at all; he hath rather shamed himself: and, although his high Heart cannot give his Tongue leave to ac­knowledge his folly, his Vnderstanding is not so weak and blind as not to see it. Whom I could be very well content to leave to tast the Fruit of it also, without being further troublesome to your Grace, save that I do not despair, but your Grace's Authority will pull him out of the snare of Satan, whose instrument he hath been to cross the Work of God, and give me [Page 54] more occasion of joy by his amendment, than I had grief by his perversion and op­position.

Your Grace's Letters of Aug. 23. were not delivered to me till the 29th. In the mean space what effect those that ac­companied them had with Mr. Dean you shall perceive by the inclosed which were sent me the 28th. the Evening before our Communion. I answered them the next Morning, as is here annexed. As I was at the Lord's Table, beginning the ser­vice of the Communion before the Sermon, he came in, and after the Sermon was done, those that communicated not being de­parted, he stood forth and spake to this purpose:

That whereas the Book of Common Prayer requires, That before the Lord's Supper, if there be any variance or breach of charity, there should be re­conciliation; this was much more re­quisite between Ministers: And because they all knew that there had been some difference between me and him, he did profess, That he bare me no malice nor hatred, and if he had offended me in any thing, he was sorry. I answered, That he had good reason to be sorry, considering how he had behaved him­self. For my part I bare him no ma­lice, [Page 55] and if it were in my power, would not make so much as his Finger ake. Grieved I had been that he, in whom I knew there were many good Parts, would be­come an instrument to oppose the Work of God, which I was assured he had called me to. This was all that passed. He of­fered himself to the Lord's Board, and I gave him the Communion. After Din­ner he preached out of 1 Joh. 4.10. And this Commandment have we from him, that he that loveth God, &c. When we came out of the Church, Dr. Sheriden delivered me your Grace's Letters. And thus Mr. Dean thinks he hath healed all, as you may perceive by his next Letters of August 30. Only he labours about Kil­dromfarten. Whereabouts I purposed to have spoken with your Grace at my being with you; but I know not how it came not to my mind, whether it be that the Soul, as well as the body, after some travel ea­sily falleth to rest; or else God would have it reserved perhaps to a more seasonable time.

It is now above a Twelvemonth (the Day in many respects I may well wish that it may not be reckoned with the dayes of the year) that your Grace, as it were, de­livered to me with your own Hands, Mr. Crian a converted Fryer. To whom [Page 56] I offered my self as largely as my Ability would extend unto: though I had already at your Grace's commendation received Mr. Dunsterville to be in my House, with the allowance of Twenty Pound per an­num. The next Day before my depart­ing, Mr. Hilton made a motion to me, That where he had in his Hands sufficient to make the Benefice of Kildromfarten void, if I would bestow it upon Mr. Dean he would do so; otherwise it should re­main in statu. I answered with professi­on of my love and good opinion of Mr. Dean, whereof I shewed the reasons. I added, I did not know the place nor the people, but if they were mere Irish, I did not see how Mr. Dean should discharge the duty of a Minister to them. This motion was se­conded by your Grace: But so as I easily conceived, That being sollicited by your old Servant, you could do no less than you did; and notwithstanding the Lecture he promi­sed your Grace should be read to me in the matter of Collations, would not be dis­pleased, if I did as became me, accord­ing to my Conscience, and in confor­mity to your former motion for Mr. Crian ▪ Mr. Dean after pressed me, that, if with­out my concurrence your Grace would conferr that Living upon him, I would not be against it; which I promised, but [Page 57] heard no more of it till about April last. In the mean while the Benefice next unto that which Mr. Dunsterville was already possessed of, falling void: Mr. Crian not coming to me, nor purposing to do so till after Christmas, and whensoever he should come, my House, as I found, not afford­ing room for him and Mr. Dunsterville both, whose former Benefice was unable, be said, to maintain him, chiefly he promi­sing Residence, and taking of me for that purpose an Oath, absolutely without any exception of Dispensation, I united it to his former, and dismissed him to go to his Cure; wherein how carelesly he hath be­haved himself, I forbear to relate. To return to Mr. Dean. About mid-April he brought me a Presentation to Kildrom­farten under the broad Seal. I could do no less but signifie to the Incumbent, who came to me, and maintained his Title, re­quiring me not to admit. Whereupon I returned the Presentation, indorsing the reason of my refusal; and being then occasi­oned to write to the Lords Iustices, I signi­fied what I thought of these Pluralities, in a time when we are so far overmatcht in number by the adverse part. This passed on till the Visitation; wherein Mr. Dean shewed himself in his Colours. When the Vicar of Kildromfarten was called, he [Page 58] said, he was Vicar; but would exhibite no Title. After, the Curate, Mr. Smith, signified to me, That his Stipend was un­paid, and he feared it would be still in the contention of two Incumbents. Vpon these and other Reasons, I sequestred the Profits, which I have heard by a Simonaical compact betwixt them should be for this Year the former Incumbents. Neither did Mr. Dean write or speak a Word to me hereabout, till the day before the Com­munion in the inclosed. That very Morn­ing I was certified that he purposed to ap­peal to your Grace, which made me in an­swer to his next [...]o add, Quod facias, fac­citius.

Here I beseech your Grace give me leave to speak freely touching this matter, so much the rather, because it is the only root of all Mr. Dean's despite against me. Plainly I do thus think, That of all the diseases of the Church in these times, next to that of the corruption of our Courts, this of Pluralities is the most deadly and pestilent, especially when those are instituted into charges Ecclesiastical, who, were they never so willing, yet for want of the Language of the people, are unable to discharge them. Concerning which very Point, I know your Grace re­members the Propositions of the learned and [Page 59] zealous Bishop of Lincoln before Pope Innocent. I will not add the Confession of our Adversaries themselves in the Council of Trent, nor the judgment of that good Father, the Author of the History there­of, touching non-Residency. Let the thing it self speak. Whence flow the igno­rance of the people, the neglect of Gods worship, and defrauding the Poor of the remains of dedicate things, the ruine of the mansion-Houses of the Ministers, the desolation of Churches, the swallowing up of Parishes by the Farmers of them, but from this Fountain? There may be cause, no doubt, why sometimes, in some place, and to some Man, many Churches may be committed; but now that, as appears by the late Certificates, there are, besides the titular Primate and Bishop, of Priests in the Diocesses of Kilmore and Ardagh, 66. of Ministers and Curates but 32. of which number also 3. whose wives came not to Church: In this so great odds as the adversaries have of us in number, (to omit the advantage of the Language, the possession of peoples Hearts, the coun­tenancing of the Nobility and Gentry, Is it a time to commit many Churches to one Man, whom I will not disable, and he saith he hath a very able Interpreter, and I think no less (which made me once [Page 60] to say, That I would sooner confer the Bene­fice of Kildromfarten upon him than upon himself, which resolution I do yet hold, in how ill part soever he take it.) But what hath he done in the Parishes already committed to him, for the instruction of the Irish, that we should commit another unto him? he that cannot perform his duty to one without a helper, or to that little part of it whose Tongue he hath, is he sufficient to do it to three? No it is the Wages is sought, not the Work. And yet with the means he hath already, that good Man his Predecessor maintained a Wife and a Fa­mily; and cannot he in his solitary (he had once written Monkish) life defray himself? Well, if there can be none found fit to discharge the duty, let him have the Wages to better his maintenance. But when your Grace assureth us we shall lack no Men, when there is besides Mr. Crian (whom Dr. Sheriden hath heard preach as a Frier in that very place; which I account would be more to Gods Glory, if there now he should plant the Truth, which before he endeavoured to root out) besides him we have Mr. Nugent, who offereth himself in an honest and discreet Letter lately written to me, we have sun­dry in the Colledge, and namely, two train­ed up at the Irish Lecture, one whereof [Page 61] hath translated your Grace's Catechism into Irish; besides Mr. Duncan and others; with what colour can we pass by these; and suffer him to fat himself with the blood of Gods people? Pardon me, I beseech your Grace, when I say We: I mean not to pre­scribe any thing to you; my self, I hope, shall never do it, or consent to it. And so long as this is the cause of Mr. Dean's wrath against me, whether I suffer by his Pen or his Tongue, I shall rejoyce, as suf­fering for Righteousness sake. And, sith himself in his last Letter excuses my in­tent, I do submit my actions after God, to your Grace's Censure, ready to make him satisfaction, if in any things, in word or deed, I have wronged him.

For conclusion of this business (where­in I am sorry to be so troublesome to your Grace) let him surcease this his greedy and impudent pretence to this Benefice, let Mr. Nugent be admitted to it, or Mr. Crian, if he be not yet provided for: To whom I will hope ere long to add Mr. Nugent for a Neighbour, [...], If these second (questionless bet­ter) thoughts have any place in him; as in his last Letters he gives some hope, let my complaints against him be cast into the Fire. God make him an humble and modest Man. But if Mr. Dean will needs [Page 62] persist, I beseech your Grace to view my Reply, to the which I will add no more. As touching his traducing me in your Pul­pit at Cavan, I have sent your Grace the Testimonies of Mr. Robinson and Mr. Teate; although he had been with them before, and denied what they former­ly conceived. And if your Grace will be pleased to enquire of Mr. Cape, by a line or two, (with whom I never spake Word about the matter) or compare the Heads of his Sermon (which he saith were ge­neral) with his former Reports made of me, I doubt not but you will soon find the truth.

I have sent also his Protestation against my Visitation, wherein I desire your Grace to observe the blindness of Malice: He pretends that I may not visit but at or after Michaelmas every Year. As if the Month of July, wherein I visited, were not after Michaelmas: For before the last Michaelmas I visited not. I omit that he calls himself the Head of the Chapter. The Canon Law calls the Bishop so: he will have the Bishop visit the whole Diocess together; directly con­trary to that Form, which the Canons prescribe. But this Protestation having neither Latin, nor Law, nor common Sense; doth declare the skill of him that [Page 63] drew it, and the Wit of him that uses it. which, if your Grace injoyn him not to re­voke it, I shall be inforced to put remedy unto otherwise, in respect of the evil ex­ample and prejudice it might bring to po­sterity. And now to leave this unplea­sing subject. Since my being with you, here was with me Mr. Brady, bringing with him the resignation of the Benefice of Mullagh, which I had conferred upon Mr. Dunsterville, and united to his former of Moybolke; He brought with him Letters from my Lord of Cork, and Sir William Parsons, to whom he is alli­ed. But examining him, I found him (be­sides a very raw Divine) unable to read the Irish, and therefore excused my self to the Lords for admitting him. A few Dayes after, viz. the 10th. of this Month, here was with me Mr. Dunsterville him­self, and signified unto me that he had re­voked his former Resignation. Thus he playes fast and loose, and most unconscion­ably neglects his duty. Omnes quae sua sunt, quaerunt. Indeed I doubted his Re­signation was not good, in as much as he retained still the former Benefice, where­unto this was united. Now I see clearly there was a compact between him and Mr Brady, that if the second could not be admitted, he should resume his Benefice a­gain.

[Page 64]I have received Letters from Mr. Dr. Warde, of the Date of May 28. in which he mentions again the point of the justification of Infants by Baptism. To whom I have written an answer, but not yet sent it. I send herewith a Copy thereof to your Grace, humbly requiring your advice and censure (if it be not too much to your Grace's trouble) before I send it. I have also written an answer to Dr. Richardson in the question touching the root of Efficacy or Efficiency of Grace; but it is long, and consists of 5. or 6. sheets of Paper, so as I cannot now send it; I shall hereafter submit it, as all other my endeavours, to your Grace's censure, and correction. I have received also a large answer from my Lord of Derry, touch­ing justifying Faith; whereto I have not yet had time to reply; nor do I know if it be worth the labour, the difference being but in the manner of teaching, As whether justifying Faith be an assent working affi­ance; or else an affiance following Assent. I wrote presently upon my return from your Grace to my Lords Iustices, desiring to be excused from going in person to take possession of the Mass-House; and a Certi­ficate that my suit with Mr. Cook is de­pending before them. I have not as yet received answer, by reason (as Sir Wil­liam [Page 65] Usher signified to my Son) the Lord Chancellor's indisposition did not per­mit his hand to be gotten.

I do scarce hope to receive any Certifi­cate from them, for the respect they will have not to seem to infringe your Grace's Iurisdiction. Whereupon I shall be infor­ced to entertain a Proctor for me at your Grace's Court, when I am next to appear, it being the very time when my Court in the County of Leatrym was set before I was with you.

Ashamed I am to be thus tedious. But I hope you will pardon me, sith you requi­red, and I promised, to write often; and having now had opportunity to convey my Letters, this must serve in stead of ma­ny: Concluding with mine and my Wives humble service to your Grace and Mrs. Usher, and thanks for my kind en­tertainment, I desire the blessing of your Prayers, and remain alwayes

Your Grace's humble Servant, Will. Kilmore & Ardagh.
Kilmore, Sept. 18. 1630.

[Page 66]The condemning Pluralities was but the half of his Project. The next part of it was to oblige his Clergy to reside in their Parishes: but in this he met with a great difficulty. King Iames upon the last reduction of Vlster after Ty­rone's Rebellion, had ordered Glebe-lands to be assigned to all the Clergy: And they were obliged to build Houses up­on them, within a limited time, but in assigning those Glebe-lands, the Com­missioners that were appointed to exe­cute the Kings Orders, had taken no care of the conveniences of the Clergy: For in many places these Lands were not within the Parish, and often they lay not all together, but were divided in parcells. So he found his Clergy were in a strait. For if they built Houses up­on these Glebe-lands, they would be thereby forced to live out of their Pa­rishes, and it was very inconvenient for them to have their Houses remote from their Lands. In order to a reme­dy to this, the Bishop that had Lands in every Parish assigned him, resolved to make an exchange with them, and to take their Glebe-lands into his own hands for more convenient portions of equal value that he assigned them: and [Page 67] that the exchange might be made upon a just estimate, so that neither the Bi­shop nor the inferiour Clergy might suf­fer by it, he procured a Commission from the Lord Lieutenant▪ for some to examine and settle that matter, which was at last brought to a conclusion with so universal a satisfaction to his whole Diocess, that, since the thing could not be finally determined with­out a Great Seal from the King, con­firming all that was done, there was One sent over in all their names to ob­tain it; but this was a work of time, and so could not be finished in several Years: and the Rebellion broke out before it was fully concluded.

The Lord Lieutenant at this time was Sir Thomas Wentworth, afterwards Earl of Strafford, a name too great to need any enlargement or explanation: for his Character is well known. At his first coming over to Ireland, he was pos­sessed with prejudices against the Bishop upon the account of a Petition sent up by the County of Cavan, to which the Bishop had set his hand, in which some complaints were made, and some regu­lations were proposed for the Army: Which was thought an insolent attempt, and a matter of ill example. So that [Page 68] Strafford, who was severe in his ad­ministration, was highly displeased with him: And when any Commission or Order was brought to him, in which he found his name, he dashed it out with his own Pen; and expressed great indignation against him. When the Bi­shop understood this, he was not much moved at it, knowing his own inno­cence; but he took prudent methods to overcome his displeasure. He did not go to Dublin upon his coming over, as all the other Bishops did, to congratu­late his coming to the Government: but he writ a full account of that mat­ter to his constant Friend Sir Thomas Iermin, who managed it with so much zeal, that Letters were sent to the De­puty from the Court, by which he was so much mollified towards the Bishop, that he going to congratulate, was well received, and was ever afterwards treated by him with a very particular kindness. So this Storm went over, which many thought would have ended in impri­sonment, if not in deprivation. Yet how much soever that Petition was mistaken, he made it appear very plain, that he did not design the putting down of the Army: For he saw too evident­ly the danger they were in from Pope­ry, [Page 69] to think they could be long safe without it. But a Letter that contains his vindication from that aspersion, car­ries in it likewise such a representation of the state of the Popish interest then in Ireland, and of their numbers, their tempers, and their principles, that I will set it down. It was written to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and is taken from the printed copy of it that Mr. Prynne has given us.

Right Honourable, my very good Lord,

IN the midst of these thoughts,This seems to be but the half of the Letter by the begin­ning. I have been advertized from an honourable Friend in England, that I am accused to his Majesty to have opposed his service; and that my hand with two other Bishops only, was to a Writing touching the Money to be levied on the Papists for mainte­nance of the Men of War.—Indeed, if I should have had such an intention, this had been not only to oppose the service of his Majesty, but to expose with the pub­lick peace, mine own Neck, to the Skeans of the Romish Cut-throats. I that know, that in this Kingdom of his Majesties, [Page 70] the Pope hath another Kingdom far great­er in number, and as I have heretofore signified to the Lord Iustices and Council (which is also since justified by them­selves in Print) constantly guided and directed by the Orders of the new Congre­gation De propaganda Fide, lately erect­ed at Rome, transmitted by the means of the Popes Nuntio's residing at Brussells or Paris; that the Pope hath here a Cler­gy, if I may guess by my own Diocess, double in number to us, the heads whereof are by corporal Oath bound to him, to maintain him and his regalities contra omnem hominem, and to execute his Mandates to the uttermost of their For­ces; which accordingly they do, stiling themselves in Print, Ego N. Dei & Apostolicae Sedis gratia Episcopus Fer­mien & Ossorien. I that kn [...]w there is in the Kingdom for the moulding of the peo­ple to the Popes obedience, a rabble of irre­gular Regulars, commonly younger Bro­thers of good Houses, who are grown to that insolency, as to advance themselves to be members of he Ecclesiastical Hierar­chy in better ranks than Priests, in so much that the censure of the Sorbon is fain to be implored to curb them, which yet is called in again; so tender is the Pope of his own Creatures. I that know [Page 71] that his Holiness hath erected a new Vni­versity in Dublin to confront his Ma­jesties Colledge there, and to breed the youth of the Kingdom to his Devotion, of which Vniversity one Paul Harris, the Author of that infamous libel, which was put forth in Print against my Lord Ar­mach's Wansted Sermon, stileth himself in Print to be Dean: I that know and have given advertisements to the State, that these Regulars dare erect new Fry­eries in the Countrey, since the dissolving of those in the City; that they have brought the people to such a sottish senselesness, as they care not to learn the Command­ments as God himself spake, and writ them; but they flock in great numbers to the preaching of new superstitio [...]s and detestable Doctrines, such as their own Priests are ashamed of; and at all those they levy Collections, Three, Four, Five, or Six Pounds at a Sermon. Shortly, I that kn [...]w, that those Regulars and this Clergy have at a general meeting like to a Synod, as themselves stile it, decreed, That it is not lawful to take the Oath of Allegiance; and if they be constant to their own Doctrine, do account his Majesty in their Hearts to be King but at the Popes discretion. In this estate of [Page 72] this Kingdom, to think the Bridle of the Army may be taken away, should be the thought not of a brain-sick, but of a brain­less Man.—

The day of our delive­rance from the Popish Powder Plot, Anno 1633.
Your Lordsship's in all Duty, Will. Kilmore.

By his cutting off Pluralities there fell to be many Vacancies in his Diocess, so the care he took to fill these, comes to be considered in the next place. He was very strict in his Examinations be­fore he gave Orders to any. He went over the Articles of the Church of Ire­land so particularly and exactly, that one who was present at the Ordina­tion of him that was afterwards his Arch-Deacon, Mr. Thomas Price, repor­ted that though he was one of the Se­nior Fellows of the Colledge of Dublin, when the Bishop was Provost; yet his Examination held two full Hours: And when he had ended any examina­tion, which was alwayes done in the [Page 73] presence of his Clergy, he desired eve­ry Clergy-Man that was present to ex­amine the person further, if they thought that any material thing was omitted by him; by which a fuller discovery of his temper and sufficiency might be made. When all was ended, he made all his Clergy give their approbation before he would proceed to Ordination: For he would never assume that singly to himself, nor take the Load of it wholly on his own Soul. He took also great care to be well informed of the moral and reli­gious qualities of those he ordained, as well as he satisfied himself by his Exami­nation of their capacity and knowledge. He had alwayes a considerable number of his Clergy assisting him at his Ordina­tions, and he alwayes Preached and ad­ministred the Sacrament on those occa­sions himself: And he never ordained one a Presbyter, till he had been at least a year a Deacon, that so he might have a good account of his behaviour in that lower degree, before he raised him high­er. He lookt upon that power of Or­dination as the most sacred part of a Bishop's trust, and that in which the Laws of the Land had laid no sort of imposition on them, so that this was intirely in their Hands, and therefore he [Page 74] thought they had so much the more to answer for to God on that account; and he weighed carefully in his thoughts the importance of those Words, Lay hands suddenly on no Man, and be not a partaker of other Mens Sins. There­fore he used all the precaution that was possible for him in so important an affair. He was never prevail'd on by any recom­mendations nor importunities to ordain any▪ as if Orders had been a sort of Free­dom in a Company, by which a Man was to be enabled to hold as great a portion of the Ecclesiastical Revenue as he could compass, when he was thus qualified: Nor would he ever ordain any without a title to a particular Flock. For he thought a title to a maintenance was not enough; as if the Church should only take care that none in Orders might be in want; but he saw the abuses of those emendicated titles, and of the Va­grant Priests that went about as Jour­neymen, plying for Work, to the great reproach of that sacred Imployment; and in this he also followed the Rule set by the fourth general Council that carri­ed this matter so high, as to annul all Or­ders that were given without a particu­lar designation of the Place, where the person was to serve. For he made the [Page 75] Primitive times his Standard, and re­solved to come as near it as he could, considering the corruption of the Age in which he lived. He remembred well the grounds he went on, when he re­fused to pay Fees for the Title to his Benefice in Suffolk, and therefore took care that those who were ordained by him, or had Titles to Benefices from him, might be put to no charge: For he wrote all the Instruments himself, and delivered them to the persons to whom they belonged, out of his own Hands, and adjured them in a very so­lemn manner, to give nothing to any of his Servants. And, that he might hin­der it all that was possible, he waited on them alwayes on those occasions to the Gate of his House, that so he might be sure that they should not give any gratification to his Servants. He thought it lay on him to pay them such conve­nient wages as became them, and not to let his Clergy be burthened with his Servants. And indeed the abuses in that were grown to such a pitch, that it was necessary to correct them in so exempla­ry a manner.

His next care was to observe the be­haviour of his Clergy; he knew the lives of Churchmen had generally much [Page 76] more efficacy than their Sermons, or other labours could have; and so he set himself much to watch over the Manners of his Priests; and was very sensibly touched, when an Irishman said once to him in open Court, That the Kings Priests were as bad as the Popes Priests. These were so grosly ignorant, and so openly scandalous, both for drunken­ness, and all sort of lewdness, that this was indeed a very heavy reproach: Yet he was no rude nor morose Reformer, but considered what the times could bear. He had great tenderness for the weakness of his Clergy, when he saw reason to think otherwise well of them: and he helpt them out of their troubles, with the care and compassion of a Fa­ther. One of his Clergy held two Li­vings; but had been cousened by a Gentle­man of Quality to farm them to him for less than either of them was worth; and he acquainted the Bishop with this: Who upon that writ very civilly, and yet as became a Bishop, to the Gentle­man, perswading him to give up the bargain: but having received a sullen and haughty answer from him, he made the Minister resign up both to him; for they belonged to his Gift, and he provided him with another Benefice, [Page 77] and put two other worthy Men in these two Churches, and so he put an end both to the Gentleman's fraudulent bargain, and to the Churchman's Plu­rality. He never gave a Benefice to any without obliging them by Oath to perpetual and personal residence, and that they should never hold any other Benefice with that. So when one Bu­chanan was recommended to him, and found by him to be well qualified, he offered him a Collation to a Benefice, but when Buchanan saw that he was to be bound to Residence, and not to hold another Benefice; he that was already possessed of one, with which he resol­ved not to part, would not accept of it on those Terms. And the Bishop was not to be prevailed with to dispense with it, though he liked this Man so much the better, because he found he was akin to the great Buchanan, whose Paraphrase of the Psalms he loved be­yond all other Latin Poetry. The La­tin form of his Collations will be found at the end of this Relation, which con­cluded thus;See at the end, Numb. 1. Obtesting you in the Lord, and enjoyning you, by vertue of that obedience which you owe to the great Shep­herd, that you will diligently feed his Flock committed to your care, which he purcha­sed [Page 78] with his own Blood; that you instruct them in the Catholick Faith, and perform Divine Offices in a Tongue understood by the people: and above all things that you shew your self a pattern to Believers in good Works, so that the adversaries may be put to shame, when they find nothing for which they can reproach you. He put all the Instruments in one, whereas devices had been found out, for the in­crease of Fees, to divide these into se­veral Writings: nor was he content to write this all with his own hand, but sometimes he gave Induction likewise to his Clergy; for he thought none of these Offices were below a Bishop: and he was ready to ease them of charge all he could. He had by his zeal and earnest endeavours prevailed with all his Pres­byters to reside in their Parishes; one only excepted, whose name was Iohn­ston. He was of a mean Education, yet he had very quick Parts, but they lay more to the Mechanical than to the Spiritual Architecture. For the Earl of Strafford used him for an Engineer, and gave him the management of some great Buildings that he was raising in the County of Wicklo. But the Bishop finding the Man had a very mercurial Wit, and a great capacity, he resolved [Page 79] to set him to work, that so he might not be wholly useless to the Church; and therefore he proposed to him the composing an universal Character, that might be equally well understood by all Nations: and he shewed him, that since there was already an universal Mathe­matical Character, received both for Arithmetick, Geometry, and Astrono­my, the other was not impossible to be done. Iohnston undertook it readily, and the Bishop drew for him a Scheme of the whole Work, which he brought to such perfection, that, as my Author was informed, he put it under the Press, but the Rebellion prevented his finish­ing it.

After the Bishop had been for many years carrying on the Reformation of his Diocess, he resolved to hold a Synod of all his Clergy, and to establish some Rules for the better government of the Flock committed to him: The Canons then established will be found at the end of this Work.See at the end, Numb. 1. He appointed that a Sy­nod should be held thereafter once a Year, on the Second Week of Septem­ber; and that in the Bishop's absence, his Vicar General, if he were a Priest, or his Arch-Deacon should preside; That no Vicar should be constituted [Page 80] after that, unless he were in Orders, and should hold his place only du­ring the Bishop's Pleasure. He revived the ancient custome of Rural Deans, and appointed, That there should be three for the three Divisions of his Dio­cess; who should be chosen by the Cler­gy, and should have an inspection into their deportment, and make report to the Bishop of what past among them, and transmit the Bishop's Orders to them; and that once a Month the Clergy of each Division should meet, and Preach by turns, without long Prayers or Pre­ambles: And that no Excommunication should be made but by the Bishop in person, with the assistance of such of his Clergy as should be present. The rest related to some things of less importance, that required amendment. When the News of this was carried to Dublin, some said it was an illegal Assembly, and that his presuming to make Canons, was against Law, and brought him within the guilt of a Praemunire. So that it was expected that he should be brought up as a Delinquent, and cen­sured in the Starr-Chamber, or High Commission-Court: But others lookt on what he had done, as nothing but the necessary discharge of his Episcopal [Page 81] Function. And it seemed strange if some Rules laid down by common con­sent, for the better Government of the Diocess, should have furnished matter for an Accusation or Censure. His Arch-Deacon, that was afterwards Arch­bishop of Cashill, gave such an account of this matter to the State, that nothing followed upon it. The Bishop had in­deed prepared such a Justification of him­self, as would have vindicated him fully before equitable Judges, if he had been questioned for it. Archbishop Vsher, who knew well how much he could say for himself upon this Head, advised those that moved that he might be brought up upon it, To let him alone, lest he should be thereby provoked to say more for himself, than any of his Accusers could say against him.

When he made his Visitations, he al­wayes preached himself, and admini­stred the Sacrament; and the business of his Visitations was, what it ought truly to be, to observe the state of his Diocess, and to give good Instructions both to Clergy and Laity. The Visi­tations in Ireland had been matters of great Pomp and much Luxury, which lay heavy on the inferiour Clergy. Some slight enquiries were made, and those [Page 82] chiefly for Forms sake; and indeed no­thing was so much minded, as that which was the reproach of them, the Fees, that were exacted to such an intollerable degree, that they were a heavy grievance to the Clergy. And as the Bishops Visitation came about every Year; so every third Year the Archbi­shop made his Metropolitical Visitation, and every seventh Year the Kings Vi­sitation went round: And in all these as they were then managed, nothing seemed to be so much aimed at, as how to squeeze and oppress the Clergy, who were glad to purchase their Peace by paying all that was imposed on them, by those severe Exactors. These Fees at Visitations were not known in the Pri­mitive Times, in which the Bishop had the whole Stock of the Church in his hands to defray what expence necessari­ly fell on him, or his Church. It is true, when the Metropolitan, with other Bishops, came and ordained the Bishop at his See, it was but reasonable that their expence should be discharged; and this came to be rated to a certain Summ, and was called the Inthronistick: and when these grew unreasonably high, the Emperours reduced them to a cer­tain proportion, according to the Re­venues [Page 83] of the Sees. But when the Bi­shops and the inferiour Clergy came to have distinct Properties, then the Bi­shops exacted of their Clergy that which other Vassalls owed by their Tenure to the Lord of the Fee, which was the bearing the expence of their Progress: but when they began first to demand those Subsidies from their Clergy, that Practice was condemned, and provision was made, That in case a Bishop was so poor that he could not bear the charge to which his Visitation put him, he should be supplyed by the richer Bishops about him; but not prey upon his Cler­gy. And both Charles the Great, and his Son Lewis took care to see this exe­cuted: Yet this abuse was still kept up, so that afterwards, in stead of putting it quite down, it was only regulated, so that it might not exceed such a pro­portion; but that was not observed: So that an arbitrary Tax was in many places levied upon the Clergy. But our Bishop reformed all these excesses, and took nothing but what was by Law and Custome established, and that was imployed in entertaining the Clergy: And when there was any overplus, he sent it alwayes to the Prisons, for the re­lief of the Poor. At his Visitation he [Page 84] made his Clergy sit all with him, and be covered, whenever he himself was covered. For he did not approve of the State, in which others of his Order made their Visitations; nor the distance to which they obliged their Clergy. And he had that Canon often in his Mouth, That a Presbyter ought not to be let stand after the Bishop was set. He was much troubled at another abuse which was, that when the Metropolitical and Regal Visitations went round, a Writ was served on the Bishops, suspending their Jurisdiction for that year: And when this was first brought to him, he received it with great indignation, which was increased by two Clauses in the Writ: By the one it was asserted, That in the year of the Metropolitans Visitation, the whole and entire Iuris­diction of the Diocess belonged to him; the other was the Reason given for it, Because of the great danger of the Souls of the people: Whereas the danger of Souls rise from that suspension of the Bishops Pastoral power, since during that Year he either could not do the duty of a Bishop; or if he would ex­ercise it, he must either purchase a De­legation to act as the Archbishop's De­puty, and that could not be had with­out [Page 85] paying for it, or be lyable to a Suit in the Prerogative Court.

He knew the Archbishop's power over Bishops was not founded on Di­vine, or Apostolical right, but on Ec­clesiastical Canons and Practice, and that it was only a matter of Order, and that therefore the Archbishop had no Authority to come and invade his Pastoral Office, and suspend him for a Year. These were some of the worst of the abuses that the Canonists had introduced in the later Ages; by which they had broken the Episcopal Authori­ty, and had made way for vesting the whole power of the Church in the Pope. He laid those things often before Archbi­shop Vsher, and prest him earnestly to set himself to the reforming them, since they were acted in his name, and by vertue of his Authority deputed to his Chancellour, and to the other Officers of the Court, called the Spiritual Court. No Man was more sensible of those a­buses than Vsher was; no Man knew the beginning and progress of them bet­ter, nor was more touched with the ill effects of them: and together with his great and vast learning, no Man had a better Soul and a more Apostolical mind. In his conversation he expressed the true [Page 86] simplicity of a Christian: For Passion, Pride, self-Will, or the Love of the World, seemed not to be so much as in his Nature. So that he had all the innocence of the Dove in him. He had a way of gaining peoples Hearts, and of touching their Consciences that lookt like [...]omewhat of the Apostolical Age revived; he spent much of his time in those two best Exercises, secret Prayer, and dealing with other peoples Consci­ences, either in his Sermons or private Discourses; and what remained he dedi­cated to his Studies, in which those ma­ny Volumes that came from him, shew­ed a most amazing diligence and exact­ness, joyned with great Judgment. So that he was certainly one of the greatest and best Men that the Age, or per­haps the World, has produced. But no Man is intirely perfect; he was not made for the governing part of his Fun­ction. He had too gentle a Soul to man­age that rough Work of reforming Abu­ses: And therefore he left things as he found them. He hoped a time of Re­formation would come: He saw the ne­cessity of cutting off many abuses, and confessed that the tolerating those abomi­nable corruptions that the Canonists had brought in, was such a stain upon a [Page 87] Church, that in all other respects was the best reformed in the World, that he apprehended it would bring a Curse and Ruine upon the whole Constitution. But though he prayed for a more fa­vourable conjuncture, and would have concurred in a joynt Reformation of these things very heartily; yet he did not bestir himself suitably to the Ob­ligations that lay on him for carrying it on: And it is very likely that this sat heavy on his thoughts when he came to dye; for he prayed often, and with great humility, That God would forgive him his sins of Omission, and his failings in his Duty. It was not without great uneasiness to me that I overcome my self so far, as to say any thing that may seem to diminish the Character of so extraordinary a Man, who in other things was beyond any Man of his time, but in this only he fell beneath himself: And those that upon all other accounts loved and admired him, lamented this defect in him; which was the only al­lay that seemed left, and without which he would have been held, perhaps, in more veneration than was fitting. His Physician Dr. Bootius, that was a Dutch­man, said truly of him, If our Primate of Armagh were as exact a Disciplinarian, [Page 88] as he is eminent in searching Antiquity, defending the Truth, and preaching the Gospel, he might without doubt deserve to be made the chief Churchman of Christen­dome. But this was necessary to be told, since History is to be writ impartially; and I ought to be forgiven for taxing his Memory a little; for I was never so tempted in any thing that I ever writ, to disguise the Truth, as upon this oc­casion: Yet though Bishop Vsher did not much himself, he had a singular e­steem for that vigour of Mind, which our Bishop expressed in the reforming these matters. And now I come to the next instance of his Pastoral care, which made more noise, and met with more opposition, than any of the for­mer.

He found his Court, that sat in his name, was an entire abuse: It was ma­naged by a Chancellour, that had bought his place from his Predecessor; and so thought he had a right to all the Profits that he could raise out of it, and the whole business of the Court seem­ed to be nothing but Extortion and Oppression. For it is an old observati­on, That men, who buy Justice, will also sell it. Bribes went about almost barefaced, and the exchange they made [Page 89] of Penance for Money was the worst sort of Simony; being in effect the ve­ry same abuse that gave the World such a scandal when it was so indecently pra­ctised in the Church of Rome, and o­pened the way to the Reformation. For the selling of Indulgences is really but a commutation of Penance. He found the Officers of the Court made it their business to draw people into trouble by vexatious Suits, and to hold them so long in it that for three Pence worth of the Tithe of Turf, they would be put to five Pounds charge. And the solemn­est and sacredest of all the Church Cen­sures, which was Excommunication, went about in so sordid and base a man­ner, that all regard to it, as it was a Spi­ritual Censure, was lost, and the effects it had in Law made it be cryed out on as a most intolerable piece of Tyranny. The Officers of the Court thought they had a sort of right to oppress the Na­tives, and that all was well got that was wrung from them. And of all this the good Primate was so sensible, that he gives this sad account of the Venality of all sacred things in a Letter to the Arch­bishop of Canterbury: As for the ge­neral state of things here, they are so de­sperate, that I am afraid to write any [Page 90] thing thereof. Some of the adverse part have asked me the Q [...]estion, Where I have heard or read before, that Religion and Mens Souls should be set to sale, af­ter this manner? Vnto whom I could re­ply nothing, but that I had read in Mantu­an, That there was another place in the World where ‘Coelum est venale, Deúsque.’ Both Heaven and God himself are set to sale. But our Bishop thought it not enough to lament this; he resolved to do what in him lay to correct these abuses, and to goe and sit and judge in his own Courts himself. He carried a competent number of his Clergy with him, who sate about him, and there he heard Causes, and by their advice he gave Sentence. By this means so many Causes were dismist, and such a change was wrought in the whole Proceedings of the Court, that instead of being any more a griev [...]nce to the Countrey, none were now grieved by it but the Chan­cellour, and the other Officers of the Court; who saw their Trade was sunk, and their Profits were falling; and were [Page 91] already displeased with the Bishop, for writing the Titles to Benefices himself, taking that part of their Gain out of their Hands. Therefore the Lay Chancel­lour brought a Suit against the Bishop into Chancery, for invading his Office. The matter was now a common Cause; the other Bishops were glad at this step our Bishop had made, and encouraged him to go on resolutely in it, and as­sured him they would stand by him: and they confessed they were but half Bishops till they could recover their au­thority out of the hands of their Chan­cellours. But on the other hand all the Chancellours and Registers of Ireland combined together; they saw this struck at those Places which they had bought, valuing them according to the Profits that they could make by them: and it cannot be denyed but they had rea­son to move, That if their places were regulated, the Money, by which they had purchased that right to squeeze the Countrey, ought to have been restored. The Bishop desired that he might be suffered to plead his own Cause him­self; but that was denyed him, which he took ill: But he drew the Argu­ment that his Council made for him; for it being the first Suit that ever was [Page 92] of that sort, he was more capable of composing his Defence than his Councel could be.

He went upon these Grounds, That one of the most essential parts of a Bi­shop's duty was to govern his Flock, and to inflict the Spiritual Censures on obstinate Offenders: That a Bishop could no more delegate this power to a Lay-man, than he could delegate a pow­er to Baptize or Ordain, since Excom­munication and other Censures were a suspending the Rights of Baptism and Orders; and therefore the judging of these things could only belong to him that had the power to give them: and that the de­legating that power was a thing null of it self. He shewed, That feeding the Flock was inherent and inseparable from a Bi­shop, and that no Delegation he could make, could take that power from him­self; since all the effect it could have, was to make another his Officer and Deputy in his absence. From this he went to shew how it had been ever lookt on as a necessary part of the Bishop's Duty, to Examine and Censure the Scandals of his Clergy and Laity in Ancient and Modern times: That the Roman Em­perours had by many Laws supported the Credit and Authority of these [Page 93] Courts, that since the practices of the Court of Rome had brought in such a variety of Rules, for covering the cor­ruptions which they intended to sup­port; then that which is in it self a plain and simple thing was made very intri­cate: So that the Canon Law was be­come a great study; and upon this ac­count Bishops had taken Civilians and Canonists to be their Assistants in those Courts: but this could be for no other end but only to inform them in points of Law, or to hear and prepare mat­ters for them. For the giving Sentence, as it is done in the Bishops name, so it is really his Office; and is that for which he is accountable both to God and Man: and since the Law made those to be the Bishops Courts, and since the King had by Patent confirmed that Authority, which was lodged in him by his Office of governing those Courts, he thought all Delegations that were absolute and exclusive of the Bi­shop, ought to be declared void. The Reader will perhaps judge better of the force of this Argument, than the Lord Chancellour of Ireland Bolton did, who confirmed the Chancellours right, and gave him an hundred Pound Costs of the Bishop. But when the Bishop ask­ed [Page 94] him, How he came to make so un­just a Decree? he answered, That all that his Father had left him was a Register's place; so he thought he was bound to support those Courts, which he saw would be ruined, if the way he took had not been checkt. This my Author had from the Bishop's own mouth.

But as this matter was a leading Case, so great pains were taken to possess the Primate against the Bishop; but his Letters will best discover the Grounds on which he went, and that noble tem­per of mind, that supported him in so great an undertaking. The one is long but I will not shorten it.

Right Reverend Father, my honourable good Lord,

I Have receiv'd your Grace's Letters con­cerning Mr. Cook, and I do acknow­ledge all that your Grace writes to be true concerning his sufficiency and experience to the execution of the Ecclesiastical Iuris­diction: neither did I forbear to do him right in giving him that Testimony, when before the Chapter I did declare and shew [Page 95] the nullity of his Patent. I have heard of my Lord of attempt, and I do believe, That if this Patent had due form, I could not overthrow it; how un­equal soever it be. But failing in the es­sential parts, besides sundry other defects, I do not think any reasonable creature can adjudge it to be good. I shall more at large certifie your Grace of the whole matter, and the reasons of my Councel herein. I shall desire herein to be tryed by your Grace's own Iudgment, and not by your Chancellors; or (as I think in such a case I ought to be) by the Synod of the Province. I have re­solved to see the end of this matter: and do desire your Grace's favour herein no farther than the equity of the Cause and the good, as far as I can judge, of our Church in a high degree do require. So with my humble Service to your Grace, and respect­ful commendations to Mrs. Usher, I rest

Kilmore, Octob. 28. 1629.
Your Grace's in all duty, Will. Kilmore.
Most reverend Father, my honourable good Lord,

THe report of your Grace's indispo­sition, how sorrowful it was to me, the Lord knows. Albeit the same was somewhat mitigated by other News of your better estate. In that fluctuation of my mind (perhaps like that of your health) the Saying of the Apostle served me for an Anchor, That none of us liveth to himself, neither doth any dye to himself. For whether we live, we live to the Lord; or whether we dye, we dye to the Lord. Whether we live therefore or dye, we are the Lords. Thereupon from the bottom of my Heart commending your estate, and that of the Church here, (which how much it needs you, He knows best) to our common Master, though I had writ­ten large Letters to you, which have lain by me sundry Weeks, fearing in your sick­ness to be troublesome; I thought not to send them, but to attend some other oppor­tunity after your present recovery to send, or perhaps bring them. When I understood by Mr. Dean of his journey, or at least send­ing an express Messenger to you with other [Page 97] Letters; putting me also in mind, That perhaps it would not be unwelcome to you to hear from me, though you forbare to an­swer. I yielded to the example and condi­tion: so much the rather, because I remem­bered my self a Debtor to your Grace by my promise of writing to you more fully touch­ing the Reasons of my difference with Mr. Cooke; and now a suiter in your Court at his instance.

And, First, I beseech your Grace, let it be a matter meerly of merriment, that I skirmish a little with your Court touching the Inhibition and Citation which thence proceeded against me, as you shall perceive by the inclosed Recusation. For the thing it self, as I have written, I do submit it wholly to your Grace's decision. And to enlarge my self a little, not as to a Iudge, but a Father, to whom, besides the bond of your undeserved love, I am bound also by an Oath of God; I will pour out my Heart unto you, even without craving pardon of my boldness. It will be perhaps some little diversion of your thoughts from your own infirmity, to understand that you s [...]ffer not alone, but you in Body, others other­wise; each must bear his Cross, and follow the steps of our high Master. My Lord, since it pleased God to call me to this place in this Church, what my intentions have [Page 98] been to the discharge of my duty, he best knows. But I have met with many im­pediments and discouragements; and chief­ly from them of mine own Profession in Re­ligion. Concerning Mr. Hoile, I ac­quainted your Grace: Sir Edward Bag­shaw, Sir Francis Hamilton, Mr. Wil­liam Flemming, and diverse more have been, and yet are, pulling from the Rights of my Church. But all these have been light in respect of the dealing of some o­thers, professing me kindness, by whom I have been blazed a Papist, an Arminian, a Neuter, a Politician, an Equivocator, a niggardly Housekeeper, an Vsurer: That I bow at the name of Iesus, pray to the East, would pull down the Seat of my Predecessor to set up an Altar, deny­ed burial in the Chancel to one of his Daughters: and to make up all, That I compared your Grace's preaching to one Mr. Whiskins, Mr. Creighton, and Mr. Baxters; and preferred them: That you found your self deceived in me. These things have been reported at Dublin, and some of the best affected of mine own Dio­cess (as hath been told me) induced here­by to bewail with tears the misery of the Church: some of the Clergy also, as it was said, looking about how they might remove themselves out of this Countrey. Of all [Page 99] this I heard but little, till Mr. Price; coming from Dublin before Christmas to be ordered Deacon, having for his memo­ry set down Twelve Articles, among a number of Points more, required satisfa­ction of me concerning them. Which I endeavoured to give both to him, and to them of the Ministry, that met at our Chapter for the examination of Mr Cookes Patent. Omitting all the rest; yet be­cause this Venome hath spread it self so far, I cannot but touch the last, touching the preferring others to your Grace's preaching. To which Mr. Price's answer was, as he told me, I will be quartered if this be true. Thus it was, Mr. Dunster­ville acquainted me with his purpose to preach out of Prov. 20.6. But a faith­ful Man who can find; where he said, the Doctrine he meant to raise was this, That Faith is a rare gift of God. I told him I thought he mistook the mean­ing of the Text, and wished him to choose longer Texts, and not bring his Discour­ses to a Word or two of Scripture; but rather to declare those of the Holy Ghost. He said your Grace did so sometimes. I answered, there might be j [...]st cause, but I thought you did not so ordinarily. As for those Men, Mr. Whiskins, and the rest, I never heard any of them preach [Page 100] to this day. Peradventure, their manner is to take longer Texts; whereupon the comparison is made up, as if I preferred them before you. This slander did not much trouble me. I know your Grace will not think me such a Fool (if I had no fear of God) to prefer before your excel­lent gifts, Men that I never heard. But look as the French Proverb is, He that is disposed to kill his Dog, tells Men he is mad: And whom Men have once wronged, unless the Grace of God be the more, they ever hate. Concerning the wrongs which these people have offered me, I shall take another fit time to inform your Grace. Where they say, Your Grace doth find your self deceived in me, I think it may be the truest word they said yet. For indeed I do think both you and many more are deceived in me, accounting me to have some honesty, discretion, and Grace, more than you will by proof find. But if, as it seems to me, that form hath this mean­ing that they pretend to have undeceived you, I hope they are deceived; yea I hope they shall be deceived, if by such courses as these they think to unsettle me; and the Devil himself also, if he think to dis­may me.

[Page 101]I will go on in the strength of the Lord God, and remember his righteousness, even his alone, as by that reverend and good Father my Lord of Canterbury, when I first came over, I was exhorted, and have obtained help of God to do to this day.

But had I not work enough before, but I must bring Mr. Cooke upon my top? One that for his Experience, Purse, Friends, in a Case already adjudged, wherein he is ingaged, not only for his profit, but re­putation also, will easily no doubt overbear me. How much better to study to be qui­et, and to do mine own business; or, as I think Staupitius was wont to bid Lu­ther, go into my Study and pray. My Lord, all these things came to my mind, and at the first I came with a resolution to take heed to my self, and, if I could, to teach others moderation and forbear­ance by mine own example. But I could not be quiet, nor without pity hear the complaints of those that resorted to me, some of them of mine own Neighbours and Tenants, called into the Court, common­ly by information of Apparitors, holden there without just cause, and not dismis­sed without excessive Fees, as they ex­claimed. Lastly, one Mr. Mayot, a Minister of the Diocess of Ardagh, made [Page 102] a complaint to me, That he was excommu­nicated by Mr. Cooke, notwithstanding, as I heard also by others, the correction of Ministers was excepted out of his Pa­tent. Whereupon I desired to see the Pa­tent, and to have a Copy of it, that I might know how to govern my self. He said Mr. Ask, being then from home, should bring it to me at his return. Him­self went to Dublin to the Term. At the first view I saw it was a formless Chaos of Authority, conferred upon him against all reason and equity. I had not long af­ter, occasion to call the Chapter together at the time of Ordination. I shewed the Original, being brought forth by Mr. Ask, desired to know if that were the Chap­ter Seal, and these their Hands; they acknowledged their Hands and Seal, and said they were less careful in passing it, be­cause they accounted it did rather concern my Predecessor than them. I shewed the false Latin, Non-sense, Injustice of it, Preju­dice to them, Contrariety to it self, and the Kings Grant to me. I shewed there were in one Period above 500 Words, and, which passed the rest, hanging in the air without any principal Verb. I desired them to consider if the Seal hanging to it were the Bishop's Seal; they acknowledged it was not. Therefore with protestation, [Page 103] That I meant no way to call in question the sufficiency of Mr. Cooke or his for­mer Acts, I did judge the Patent to be void, and so declared it; inhibiting Mr. Cooke to do any thing by vertue thereof, and them to assist him therein. This is the true History of this business howso­ever Mr. Cooke disguise it. I suspend him not absent, and indicta causa; it was his Commission, which was present, that I viewed, which, with the Chapter, I censured; which if he can make good, he shall have leave, and time, and place enough.

And now to accomplish my promise, to relate to your Grace my purpose here­in. My Lord I do thus account, that to any work or enterprize, to remove impedi­ments is a great part of the performance. And amongst all the impediments to the work of God amongst us, there is not any one greater, than the abuse of Ecclesi­astical Iurisdiction. This is not only the opinion of the most Godly, Iudicious, and Learned Men that I have known; but the cause of it is plain. The people pierce not into the inward and true Rea­sons of things; they are sensible in the Purse. And that Religion that makes Men that profess i [...], and shews them to be despisers of the World, and so far from encroaching upon others in matter of [Page 104] base gain, as rather to part with their own; they magnifie. This bred the admiration of the Primitive Christians, and after of the Monks. Contrary causes must needs produce contrary effects. Wherefore let us preach never so painfully, and piously: I say more, let us live never so blamelesly our selves, so long as the Officers in our Courts prey upon them, they esteem us no better than Publicans and Worldlings: and so much the more deservedly, because we are called Spiritual Men, and call our selves reformed Christians. And if the honestest and best of our own Protestants be thus scandalized, what may we think of Papists, such as are all, in a manner, that we live among? The time was when I hoped the Church of Ireland was free from this abuse, at least freer than her Sister of England: But I find I am de­ceived; whether it be that distance of place, and being further out of the reach of the Scepter of Iustice, breeds more boldness to offend, or necessarily brings more delay of redress. I have been wont also in Ire­land, to except one Court, (as he doth Plato) but trust me my Lord, I have heard that it is said among great perso­nages here, That my Lord Primate is a good Man; but his Court is as corrupt as others. Some say worse, and which, [Page 105] I confess to your Grace, did not a little terrifie me from visiting till I might see how to do it with Fruit, that of your late Visitation they see no profit, but the taking of Money.

But to come to Mr. Cooke, of all that have exercised Iurisdiction in this Land these late Years, he is the most noted Man, and most cryed out upon. Inso­much as he hath found from the Irish, the nickname of Pouc: Albeit he came off with credit when he was questioned, and justified himself by the Table of Fees, (as by a leaden Rule any Stone may be ap­proved as well as hewed). By that little I met with since I came hither, I am indu­ced to believe, it was not for lack of matter, but there was some other course of his escaping in that Tryal. By this pretended Commission, and that Table of Fees, he hath taken in my Predecessors time, and seeks to take in mine for Ex­hibits at Visitations, and his Charges there above the Bishop's Procurations, for Vni­ons, Sequestrations, Relaxations, Certi­ficates, Licences, Permutations of Pe­nance, Sentences (as our Court calls them) Interlocutory in Causes of Corre­ction. Such Fees as I cannot in my Conscience think to be just. And yet he doth it in my Name, and tells me I can­not [Page 106] call him into question for it. Alas, my Lord! if this be the condition of a Bishop, that he standeth for a Cypher, and only to uphold the Wrongs of other Men, What do I in this place? Am I not bound by my Profession made to God in your presence, and following your Words, To be gentle and merciful for Christs sake to poor and needy people, and such as be destitute of help. Can I be excu­sed another day, with this, that thus it was ere I came to this place, and that it is not good to be over just? Or, sith I am perswaded Mr. Cooke's Patent is un­just and void, am I not bound to make it so? and to regulate, If I may, this mat­ter of Fees, and the rest of the disorders of the Iurisdiction, which his Majesty hath intrusted me withal? Your Grace saith, Truly it is a difficult thing, if not impos­sible, to overthrow a Patent so confirmed; and I know in deliberations it is one of the most important considerations, what we may hope to effect. But how can I tell till I have tryed: To be discouraged ere I begin, is it not to consult with Flesh and Blood? Verily I think so. And therefore must put it to the Trial, and leave the success to God. If I obtain the Cause, the Profit shall be to this poor Nation; if not, I shall shew my consent to those [Page 107] my Reverend Brethren that have endea­voured to redress this enormity before me; I shall have the testimony of mine own Con­science, to have sought to discharge my du­ty to God and his People. Yea, which is the main, the work of my Ministry and service to this Nation, shall receive fur­therance howsoever rather than any hin­derance thereby. And if by the continu­ance of such oppressions any thing fall out otherwise than well, I shall have acquitted my self towards his Majesty, and those that have engaged themselves for me. At last I shall have the better reason and ju­ster cause to resign to his Majesty the ju­risdiction which I am not permitted to manage. And here I beseech your Grace, to consider seriously whether it were not happy for us to be rid of this Charge, which not being proper to our Calling, is not pos­sible to be executed without such Deputies, as subject us to the ill conceit of their un­just or indiscreet carriage, and no way fur­ther our own Work? Or if it shall be thought fit to carry this load still, whether we ought not to procure some way to be discharged of the envy of it, and redress the abuse, with the greatest strictness we can devise? For my part I cannot bethink me of any course fitter for the present, than to keep the Courts my self, and set some [Page 108] good order in them. And to this purpose I have been at Cavan, Belturbet, Gra­nard, and Longford, and do intend to go to the rest, leaving with some of the Ministry there, a few Rules touching those things that are to be redressed, that if my health do not permit me to be always pre­sent, they may know how to proceed in my absence. I find it to be true that Tully saith, Justitia mirifica quaedam res mul­titudini; and certainly to our proper work a great advantage it is to obtain a good opinion of those we are to deal with. But besides this there fall out occasions to speak of God and his presence, of the Re­ligion of a Witness, the danger of an Oath, the purity of a Marriage, the preciousness of a good name, repairing of Churches, and the like. Penance it self may be en­joyned, and Penitents reconciled, with some profit to others besides themselves.

Wherefore, albeit Mr. Cooke were the justest Chancellour in this Kingdome, I would think it fit for me, as things now stand, to sit in these Courts; and the rather sith I cannot be heard in the Pulpits to preach as I may in them: Albeit innocency and Iu­stice is also a real kind of preaching. I have shewed your Grace my intentions in this matter. Now should I require your dire­ction in many things, if I were present [Page 109] with you. But for the present it may please you to understand, that at Granard one Mr. Nugent, a Nephew as I take it to my Lord of Westmeath delivered his Let­ter to Mr. Aske, which he delivered me in open Court, requiring that his Te­nant might not be troubled for Christnings, Marriages, or Funerals, so they pay the Minister his due. This referred to a Letter of my Lord Chancellors to the like purpose, which yet was not delivered till the Court was risen. I answered ge­nerally, That none of my Lord's Tenants or others should be wronged. The like motion was made at Longford, by two or three of the Farralls, and one Mr. Faga­rah, and Mr. Rosse to whom I gave the like answer, and added, That I would be strict in requiring them to bring their Children to be Baptized, and Marriages to be so­lemnized likewise with us, sith they acknow­ledged these to be lawful and true; so as it was but wilfulness if any forbare. Here I desire your Grace to direct me. For to give way that they should not be so much as called in question, seems to fur­ther the Schism they labour to make To lay any pecuniary mulct upon them, as the value of a Licence for Marriage, three Pence or four Pence for a Christning, I know not by what Law it can be done. To [Page 110] Excommunicate them for not appearing or obeying, they being already none of our bo­dy, and a multitude; it is to no profit, nay rather makes the exacerbation worse.

Many things more I have to confer with your Grace about, which I hope to do co­ram; as about the re-edifying of Churches, or employing the Mass-houses, (which now the State inquires of) about Books, Te­staments, and the Common Prayer Book, which being to be reprinted would perhaps be in some things bettered: But especially about Men to use them; and Means to maintain them, now that our English have engrossed the Livings. About the printing the Psalter, which I have caused to be di­ligently surveyed by Mr. James Nangle, who adviseth not to meddle with the Verse, but set forth only the Prose: Which he hath begun to write out fair to the Press. Mr. Murtagh King I have not heard of a long time, I hope he goeth on in the Histo­rical Books of the Old Testament. Mr. Cri­an was with me about a Forthnight after I came to Kilmore; since I heard not of him. Of all these things, if by the will of God, I may make a journey over to you, we shall speak at full.

As I was closing up these, this Morning, there is a complaint brought me from Ar­dagh, That where in a cause Matrimoni­al [Page 111] in the Court at Longford, a Woman had proceeded thus far, as after contesta­tion, the Husband was enjoyned to appear the next Court to receive a Libel; one Shaw-oge, Mr. Ingawry, the Popish Vi­car General of Ardagh, had excommuni­cated her, and she was by one Hubart, and Mr. Calril a Priest upon Sunday last, put out of the Church and denounced excom­municate. Herein, whether it were more fit to proceed against the Vicar and Priest by vertue of the last Letters from the Coun­cil; or complain to them: I shall attend your Graces advice. And now for very shame ceasing to be troublesome, I do re­commend your Grace to the protection of our merciful Father, and rest, with my respe­ctive salutations to Mrs. Usher,

Kilmore, Feb. 15. 1629.
Your Grace's in all duty, Will. Kilmore & Ardaghen.

[Page 112]The other Bishops did not stand by our Bishop in this matter; but were contented to let him fall under Cen­sure, without interposing in it as in a cause of common concern: Even the excellent Primate told him, The tide went so high that he could assist him no more; for he stood by him longer than any other of the Order had done. But the Bishop was not disheartened by this. And as he thanked him for assisting him so long; so he said he was resolved by the help of God, to try if he could stand by himself. But he went home, and resolved to go on in his Courts as he had begun, notwithstanding this Censure. For he thought he was doing that which was incumbent on him, and he had a Spirit so made, that he resol­ved to suffer Martyrdome, rather than fail in any thing that lay on his Con­science. But his Chancellour was ei­ther advised by those that governed the State, to give him no disturbance in that matter; or was overcome by the autho­rity he saw in him, that inspired all peo­ple with reverence for him: For as he never called for the 100 Pound Costs, so he never disturbed him any more, but named a Surrogate, to whom he gave [Page 113] order to be in all things observant of the Bishop, and obedient to him: So it seems, that though it was thought fit to keep up the Authority of the Lay Chancellours over Ireland, and not to suffer this Bishop's practice to pass in­to a Precedent; yet order was given un­der hand to let him go on as he had be­gun; and his Chancellour had so great a value for him, that many Years after this, he told my Author, That he thought there was not such a Man on the face of the earth as Bishop Bedell was; that he was too hard for all the Civilians in Ireland, and that if he had not been born down by meer force, he had overthrown the Consisto­rial Courts, and had recovered the Epis­copal Jurisdiction out of the Chancel­lours hands. But now that he went on undisturbed in his Episcopal Court he made use of it as became him, and not as an Engine to raise his power and do­minion; but considering that all Church power was for Edification, and not for Destruction, he both dispensed that Ju­stice that belonged to his Courts equal­ly and speedily, and cut off many Fees and much expence, which made them be formerly so odious; and also when scan­dalous persons were brought before [Page 114] him to be censured, he considered that Church-Censures ought not to be like the acts of Tyrants, that punish out of revenge, but like the Discipline of Pa­rents, that correct in order to the amend­ment of their Children: So he studied chiefly to beget in all offenders a true sense of their sins. Many of the Irish Priests were brought oft into his Courts for their lewdness; and upon that he took occasion with great mildness, and without scoffing, or insultings to make them sensible of that tyrannical imposi­tion in their Church, in denying their Priests leave to marry, which occasion­ed so much impurity among them; and this had a good effect on some.

This leads me to another part of his Character, that must represent the care he took of the Natives; he observed with much regret that the English had all along neglected the Irish, as a Na­tion not only conquered but undisci­plineable: and that the Clergy had scarce considered them as a part of their Charge, but had left them wholly into the hands of their own Priests, without taking any other care of them, but the making them pay their Tythes. And indeed their Priests were a strange sort of peo­ple, that knew generally nothing but [Page 115] the reading their Offices, which were not so much as understood by many of them: and they taught the people no­thing but the saying their Paters and Aves in Latin. So that the state both of the Clergy and Laity was such, that it could not but raise great compassion in a Man that had so tender a sense of the value of those Souls that Christ had pur­chased with his Blood: therefore he re­solved to set about that Apostolical work of converting the Natives with the zeal and care that so great under­standing required. He knew the gain­ing on some of the more knowing of their Priests was like to be the quickest way; for by their means he hoped to spread the knowledge of the reformed Religion among the Natives; or ra­ther of the Christian Religion, to speak more strictly. For they had no sort of notion of Christianity, but only knew that they were to depend upon their Priests, and were to confess such of their actions, as they call sins, to them; and were to pay them Tythes. The Bishop prevailed on several Priests to change, and he was so well satisfied with the truth of their conversion, that he pro­vided some of them to Ecclesiastical Be­nefices: which was thought a strange [Page 116] thing, and was censured by many, as contrary to the interest of the English Nation. For it was believed that all those Irish Converts were still Papists at Heart, and might be so much the more dangerous, than otherwise, by that dis­guise which they had put on. But he on the other hand considered chiefly the duty of a Christian Bishop: he also thought the true interest of England was to gain the Irish to the knowledge of Religion, and to bring them by the means of that which only turns the heart to love the English Nation: And so he judged the wisdom of that course was apparent, as well as the piety of it. Since such as changed their Religion would become thereby so odious to their own Clergy, that this would provoke them to further degrees of zeal in gaining others to come over after them: And he took great care to work in those whom he trusted with the care of Souls, a full con­viction of the truth of Religion, and a deep sense of the importance of it. And in this he was so happy, That of all the Con­verts that he had raised to Benefices, there was but one only that fell back, when the Rebellion broke out: And he not only apostatized, but both plundered and killed the English among the first. [Page 117] But no wonder if one murderer was among our Bishop's Converts, since there was a traitor among the twelve that fol­lowed our Saviour. There was a Co­vent of Fryers very near him, on whom he took much pains, with very good success: That he might furnish his con­verts with the means of instructing o­thers, he made a short Catechism to be printed in one sheet, being English on the one Page, and Irish on the other; which contained the Elements, and most necessary things of the Christian Religi­on, together with some forms of Prayer, and some of the most instructing and e­difying passages of Scripture: This he sent about all over his Diocess; and it was received with great joy, by many of the Irish, who seemed to be hunger­ing and thirsting after▪ Righteousness, and received this beginning of know­ledge so well, that it gave a good en­couragement to hope well upon further endeavours.

The Bishop did also set himself to learn the Irish Tongue; and though it was too late for a Man of his years to learn to speak it, yet he came to under­stand it to such a degree, as to compose a compleat Grammar of it, (which was the first that ever was made, as I have [Page 118] been told) and to be a Critick in it: he al­so had Common Prayer read in Irish every Sunday in his Cathedral for the benefit of the Converts he had made, and was alwayes present at it himself, and he engaged all his Clergy to set up Schools in their Parishes: For there were so very few bred to read or write, that this obstructed the conversion of the Na­tion very much. The New Testament and the Book of Common Prayer were already put in the Irish Tongue; but he resolved to have the whole Bible, the Old Testament as well as the New, put also into the hands of the Irish; and there­fore he laboured much to find out one that understood the Language so well that he might be imployed in so sacred a work: And by the advice of the Primate, and several other eminent persons, he pitched on one King, that had been con­verted many years before, and was belie­ved to be the elegantest Writer of the Irish Tongue then alive, both for Prose and Poetry. He was then about seventy, but notwithstanding his age and the dis­advantages of his Education, yet the Bi­shop thought him not only capable of this Imployment, but qualified for an higher character; therefore he put him in Orders, and gave him a Benefice in [Page 119] his Diocess, and set him to work, in or­der to the translating the Bible: which he was to do from the English Transla­tion; since there were none of the Na­tion to be found that knew any thing of the Originals. The Bishop set him­self so much to the revising this Work, that alwayes after Dinner or Supper he read over a Chapter; and as he compa­red the Irish Translation with the Eng­lish, so he compared the English with the Hebrew and the Seventy Interpreters, or with Diodati's Italian Translation, which he valued highly; and he cor­rected the Irish where he found the English Translators had failed. He thought the use of the Scriptures was the only way to let the knowledge of Religion in among the Irish, as it had first let the Reformation into the other parts of Europe: And he used to tell a passage of a Sermon that he heard Fulgentio preach at Venice, with which he was much pleased: It was on these Words of Christ, Have ye not read; and so he took occasion to tell the Au­ditory, That if Christ were now to ask this Question, Have ye not read? all the Answer they could make to it, was, No, for they were not suffered to do it. Upon which he taxed with great zeal the re­straint [Page 120] put on the use of the Scriptures, by the See of Rome. This was not unlike what the same person delivered in another Sermon preaching upon Pi­late's Question, What is Truth? he told them that at last after many searches he had found it out, and held out a New Testament, and said, There it was in his Hand, but then he put it in his Pock­et, and said coldly, But the Book is pro­hibited; which was so suited to the Ita­lian genius, that it took mightily with the Auditory. The Bishop had observed that in the Primitive times as soon Nati­ons, how barbarous soever they were, began to receive the Christian Re­ligion, they had the Scriptures tran­slated into their vulgar Tongues: And that all people were exhorted to study them; therefore he not only un­dertook and began this Work, but fol­lowed it with so much industry, that in a very few years he finished the Tran­slation; and resolved to set about the printing of it: for the bargain was made with one that engaged to perform it. And as he had been at the great trouble of examining the Translation, so he resolved to run the venture of the Impression, and took that expence upon himself. It is scarce to be imagined [Page 121] what could have obstructed so great and so good a Work. The Priests of the Church of Rome had reason to op­pose the printing of a Book, that has been always so fatal to them; but it was a deep fetch to possess reformed Divines with a jealousie of this work, and with hard thoughts concerning it: Yet that was done; but by a very well disguised me­thod: For it was said that the Translator was a weak and contemptible Man, and that it would expose such a work, as this was, to the scorn of the Nation, when it was known who was the Au­thor of it: And this was infused both into the Earl of Strafford, and into the Archbishop of Canterbury: And a bold young Man pretended a lapse of the Benefice that the Bishop had given to the Translator, and so obtained a Broad Seal for it; though it was in the Bishop's Gift. This was an abuse too common at that time, for licentious Clerks to pretend either that an Incumbent was dead, or that he had no good right to his Benefice, or that he had forfeited it; and upon that to procure a Grant of it from the King, and then to turn the In­cumbent out of Possession, and to vex him with a Suit till they forced him to compound for his peace. So upon this [Page 122] occasion it was pretended that the Tran­slator had forfeited his Living; and one Baily that had informed against him, came down with a Grant of it under the great Seal, and violently thrust him out of it. The Bishop was much touch­ed with this, and cited Baily to appear before him. He had given him a Vica­rage, and had taken an Oath of him ne­ver to hold another; so he objected to him both his violent and unjust intrusi­on into another man's right, and his Per­jury. Baily to cover himself from the last, procured a Dispensation from the Prerogative Court, notwithstanding his Oath, to hold more Benefices. The Bi­shop lookt on this as one of the worst and most scandalous parts of Popery, to dissolve the most sacred of all Bonds; and it grieved his Soul to see so vile a thing acted in the name of Archbishop Vsher, though it was done by his Sur­rogates: So without any regard to this he served this obstinate Clerk with se­veral Canonical admonitions; but find­ing him still hardned in his wickedness, he deprived him of the Benefice he had given him, and also excommunicat'd him, and gave orders that the Sentence should be published through the whole Deanry: upon which Baily's Clerk appealed to the [Page 123] Prerogative Court, and the Bishop was cited to answer for what he had done. He went and appeared before them, but de­clined their Authority, and would not answer to them. He thought it below the Office and Dignity of a Bishop to give an account of a spiritual Censure, that he had inflicted on one of his Cler­gy, before two Laymen that pretended to be the Primate's Surrogates; and he put his Declinator in 24 Articles, all writ­ten with his own Hand, which will be found at the end of this Narrative: he ex­cepted to the incompetency of the Court,Se at the end, Numb. 3. both because the Primate was not there in person, and because they that sate there had given clear Evidences of their partiality, which he had offered to prove to the Primate himself. He said the appeal from his Sentence lay only to the Pro­vincial Synod, or to the Archbishop's Consistory; and since the ground of Bai­lys Appeal, was the dispensation that they had given him from his Oath, they could not be the competent Judges of that, for they were Parties: And the Appeal from abusive faculties lay only to a Court of Delegates by the express words of the Law: And by many Indications it appeared, that they had prejudged the matter in Baily's favours, and had ex­pressed [Page 124] great resentments against the Bishop; and notwithstanding the digni­ty of his Office, they had made him wait among the croud an hour and an half, and had given directions in the ma­nagement of the Cause as Parties against him; they had also manifestly abu­sed their power in granting Dispensati­ons contrary to the Laws of God: and now they presumed to interpose in the just and legal Jurisdiction that a Bishop exercised over his Clergy both by the Laws of God and by the Kings Authority. Upon these grounds he ex­cepted to their Authority; he was served with several Citations to answer, and appeared upon every one of them: but notwithstanding the highest contempts they put upon him, he shewed no in­decent passion, but kept his ground still. In conclusion he was declared Contumax, and the perjured Intruder was absolved from the Sentence, and confirm­ed in the possession of his ill-acquired Be­nefice. It may be easily imagined, how much these Proceedings were censured by all fair and equitable Men: The con­stancy, the firmness, and the courage that the Bishop expressed being as much com­mended, as the injustice and violence of his Enemies was cryed out upon. The [Page 125] strangest part of this transaction was, that which the Primate acted, who though he loved the Bishop beyond all the rest of the Order, and valued him highly for the zealous discharge of his office, that di­stinguished him so much from others; yet he could not be prevailed on to in­terpose in this matter; nor to stop the injust Prosecution that this good Man had fallen under, for so good a Work. Indeed it went further, for upon the endeavours he used to convert the Irish; and after he had refused to answer in the Archbishop's Court, it appears that he was in some measure alienated from him, which drew from the Bishop the following Answer to a Letter, that he had from him.

Most Reverend Father, my honourable good Lord,

THE Superscription of your Grace's Letters was most welcome unto me, as bringing under your own hand the best evidence of the recovery of your health, for which I did and do give hearty thanks unto God. For the Contents of them, as your Grace conceived, They were not so pleasant. But the Words of a Friend are faithful, saith the Wise Man: Sure they are no less painful than any other. Vnkindness cuts nearer to the Heart than Malice can do. I have some experience by your Grace's said Letters, concerning which I have been at some debate with my self, whether I should answer them with David's demand, What have I now done? or as the wrongs of Parents, with Patience and Si­lence. But Mr. Dean telling me, That this day he is going towards you, I will speak once, come of it what will.

‘You write that the course I took with the Papists, was generally cryed out against, neither do you remember in all [Page 127] your life that any thing was done here by any of us, at which the Professors of the Gospel did take more offence, or by which the Adversaries were more con­firmed in their Superstitions and Idola­try; wherein you could wish that I had advised with my Brethren before I would adventure to pull down that which they have been so long a building. Again; What I did, you know, was done out of a good intention; but you were assured that my project would be so quickly re­futed with the present success and event, that there would be no need my Friends should advise me from building such Castles in the air, &c.’

My Lord, All this is a riddle to me. What course I have taken with the Pa­pists; what I have done at which your Professors of the Gospel did take such offence, or the Adversaries were so con­firmed; what it is that I have adven­tured to do; or what piece so long a build­ing, I have pulled down; what those Pro­jects were, and those Castles in the air so quickly refuted with present success, as the Lords knows, I know not. For truly since I came to this place I have not changed one jot of my purpose or practice, or course with Papists from that which I held in England, or in [Page 128] Trinity Colledge, or found (I thank God) any ill success, but the slanders only of some persons discontented against me for other occasions. Against which I cannot hope to justifie my self, if your Grace will give ear to private informati­ons. But let me know, I will not say, my Accuser, (let him continue masked till God discover him) but my Transgression, and have place of defence; and if mine Adver­sary write a Book against me, I will hope to bear it on my Shoulder, and bind it to me as a Crown.

For my recusation of your Court, and advertisement of what I heard thereof, I see they have stirred not only laughter, but some coals too. Your Chancellour de­sires me to acquit him to you, That he is none of those Officers I meant; I do it ve­ry willingly: For I neither meant him nor any Man else. But though it concerned your Grace to know what I credibly heard to be spoken concerning your Court; nei­ther, as God knows, did I ever think it was fit to take away the Iurisdiction from Chancellours, and put it into the Bishops hands alone; or so much as in a dream con­demn those that think they have reason to do otherwise, nor tax your Grace's Visita­tion: Nor imagine you would account that to pertain to your reproof, and take it as [Page 129] a wrong from me, which out of my duty to God and you, I thought was not to be con­cealed from you. I beseech you pardon me this one errour, Si unquam posthac —For that knave whom (as your Grace writes) they say I did absolve; I took him for one of my Flock, or rather Christs, for whom he shed his blood. And I would have absolved Julian the Apostate under the same form. Some other passages there be in your Grace's Letters, which I, — but I will lay mine Hand upon my Mouth and craving the blessing of your prayers, ever remain,

Your Grace's poor Brother, & humble servant, Will. Kilmore.
Kilmore, March 29. 1630.

[Page 130]The malice of Mr. King's Enemies was not satiated with the spoiling him of his Benefice. For often it falls out, That those who have done acts of high injustice seek some excuse for what they have done, by new injuries, and a vex­atious prosecution of the injured person, designing by the noise, that such repeat­ed accusations might raise, to possess the World with an Opinion of his guilt, which much clamour does often pro­duce: and so to crush the person so en­tirely that he may never again be in a capacity to recover himself, and to ob­tain his right, but be quite sunk by that vast encrease of weight that is laid up­on him. But I will give the Reader a clearer view of this invidious affair from a Letter which the Bishop writ concern­ing it to the Earl of Strafford.

Right honourable, my good Lord.

THat which I have sometimes done willingly, I do now necessarily, to make my address to your Honour by wri­ting. My unfitness for conversation here­tofore hath pleaded for me, and now your Lordship's infirmity allows, and in a sort inforces it. The occasion is, not my love of contention (which I have committed to God) or any other matter of profit, but God's honour, and (as he is witness) yours. I have lately received Letters from my Lord of Canterbury; whereby I per­ceive his Grace is informed that Mr. King, whom I imployed to translate the Bible into Irish, is a Man so ignorant that the Tran­slation cannot be worthy publick use in the Church, and besides, obnoxious, so as the Church can receive no credit from any thing that is his. And his Grace adds, That he is so well acquainted with your Lordship's disposition, that he assures him­self you would not have given away his Living, had you not seen just cause for it. I account my self bound to satisfie his Grace herein, and desire, if I may be so [Page 132] happy, to do it by satisfying you. I do sub­scribe to his Grace's assured perswasion that your Lordship, had you not conceived Mr. King to be such as he writes, would not have given away his Living. But (my Lord) the greatest, wisest, and justest Men do, and must take many things upon the information of others; who them­selves are Men, and may sometimes out of weakness, or some other cause, be deceived. Touching Mr. King's silliness, (which it concerns me the more to clear him of, that I be not accounted silly my self) I beseech your Lordship to take informati­on, not by them which never saw him till yesterday, but by the ancient either Church- or Statesmen of this Kingdom (in whose eyes he hath lived these many Years) as are the Lord Primate, The Bishop of Meath, the Lord Dillon, Sir James Ware, and the like: I doubt not but your Lordship shall un­derstand that there is no such danger that the Translation should be unworthy, because he did it; being a Man of that known suf­ficiency, for the Irish especially, either in Prose or Verse, as few are his matches in the Kingdom. And shortly, not to argue by conjecture and divination, Let the Work it self speak, yea let it be exa­mined rigoroso examine: If it be found ap­proveable, let it not suffer disgrace from [Page 133] the small boast of the Workman, but let him rather (as old Sophocles accused of dotage) be absolved for the sufficiency of the Work. Touching his being obnoxious, it is true that there is a scandalous Infor­mation put in against him in the High Com­mission Court, by his despoiler Mr. Baily (as my Lord of Derry told him in my hear­ing he was) and by an excommunicate despoi­ler, as my self before the Execution of any sentence, declar'd him in the Court to be. And Mr. King being cited to answer, and not appearing, (as by Law he was not bound) was taken pro confesso, deprived of his Ministry, and Living, Fined an hundred Pound, Decreed to be attached, and impri­soned. His Adversary Mr. Baily, before he was sentenced, purchased a new Dis­pensation to hold his Benefice, and was the very next day after (as appears by the date of the Institution) both presented in the King's Title (although the Benefice be of my Collation) and instituted by my Lord Primate's Vicar: Shortly after inducted by an Archdeacon of another Diocess, and a few dayes after, he brought down an At­tachment, and delivered Mr. King to the Pursevant: He was haled by the Head and Feet to Horseback; and brought to Dub­lin, where he hath been kept, and continu­ed under Arrest these four or five Months: [Page 134] and hath not been suffered to purge his sup­posed Contempt, by Oath and Witnesses, that by reason of his sickness he was hindered, whereby he was brought to Death's Door, and could not appear and prosecute his de­fence: And that by the cunning of his Ad­versary he was circumvented, intreating that he might be restored to liberty, and his cause into the former estate. But it hath not availed him: my Reverend Colleagues of the High Commission do some of them pity his Case, others say the Sentence past cannot be reversed, lest the credit of the Court be attached. They bid him simply submit himself, and acknowledge his Sen­tence just. Whereas the Bishops of Rome themselves, after most formal proceedings, do grant restitution in integrum, and ac­knowledge, That, Sententia Romanae Se­dis potest in melius commutari. My Lord, if I understand what is Right Divine or humane, these be wrongs upon wrongs; which if they reached only to Mr. King's per­son, were of less consideration; but when through his side, That great Work, the Translation of God's Book, so necessary for both his Majesty's Kingdoms, is mortally wounded; pardon me (I beseech your Lord­ship) if I be sensible of it. I omit to con­sider what feast our adversaries make of our rewarding him thus for that service; or [Page 135] what this example will avail to the alluring of others to conformity. What should your Lordship have gained if he had dyed (as it was almost a miracle he did not) under Ar­rest, and had been at once deprived of Liv­ing, Liberty and Life. God hath repriev­ed him, and given your Lordship means up­on right information, to remedy with one word all inconveniencies. For conclusion (good my Lord) give me leave a little to apply the Parable of Nathan to King Da­vid to this purpose: If the way-faring man, that is come to us (for such he is, having never yet been settled in one place) have so sharp a Stomach that he must be provided for with Pluralities, sith there are Herds and Flocks plenty; suffer him not, I beseech you, under the colour of the King's name to take the coset Ewe of a poor Man, to satis­fie his ravenous appetite. So I beseech the Heavenly Physician to give your Lordship health of Soul and Body. I rest,

My Lord,
Your Lordship's most humble servant in Christ Jesus, Will. Kilmore.
Decemb. 1. 1638.

[Page 136]By these practices was the printing of the Bible in Irish stopt at that time, but if the Rebellion had not prevented our Bishop, he was resolved to have had it done in his own House, and at his own charge; and as preparatory to that, he made some of Chrysostome's Homi­lies, the three first upon the parable of the rich Man and Lazarus, together with some of Leo's; all which tended chiefly to commend the Scriptures in the highest strains of Eloquence that were possible, to be translated both into Eng­lish and Irish; and reprinting his Cate­chism, he added these to it in both Lan­guages: and these were very well re­ceived, even by the Priests and Friers themselves.

He lived not to finish this great de­sign; yet, notwithstanding the Rebel­lion and confusion that followed in Ireland, the Manuscript of the Tran­slation of the Bible escaped the storm, and falling into good Hands, it is at this time under the Press, and is carried on chiefly by the zeal, and at the charge of that Noble Christian Philosopher Mr. Boyle, who as he reprinted upon his own charge the new Testament, so he very cheerfully went into a Propo­sition [Page 137] for reprinting the Old. But this is only one of many instances, by which he has expressed, as well his great and active zeal for carrying on the true in­terest of Religion, as by his other pub­lick labours he has advanced and im­proved Philosophy.

But to go on with the concerns of our Bishop, as he had great zeal for the purity of the Christian Religion in op­position to the corruptions of the Church of Rome; so he was very mo­derate in all other matters, that were not of such importance. He was a great supporter of Mr. Dury's design of reconciling the Lutherans and the Cal­vinists; and as he directed him by ma­ny learned and prudent Letters, that he wrote to him on that subject, so he allowed him 20l. a year in order to the discharging the expence of that negoti­ation; which he payed punctually to his Correspondent at London. And it appeared by his managing of a business that fell out in Ireland, That if all that were concerned in that matter, had been blest with such an understanding, and such a temper as he had, there had been no reason to have despaired of it. There came a company of Lutherans to Dublin, who were afraid of joyning [Page 138] in Communion with the Church of Ireland, and when they were cited to an­swer for it to the Archbishop's Consisto­ry, they desired some time might be granted them for consulting their Di­vines in Germany: And at last Letters were brought from thence concerning their Exceptions to Communion with that Church; Because the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament was not ex­plained in such a manner, as agreed with their Doctrine. The Archbishop of Dublin sent these to our Bishop, that he might answer them; and upon that he writ so learned and so full an answer to all their Objections, and explained the matter so clearly, that when this was seen by the German Divines, it gave them such entire satisfaction, that upon it they advised their Countreymen to join in Communion with the Church. For such is the moderation of our Church in that matter, that no posi­tive definition of the manner of the Presence being made, Men of diffe­rent sentiments may agree in the same acts of Worship, without being obli­ged to declare their Opinion, or being understood to do any thing contrary to their several Perswasions.

[Page 139]His moderation in this matter was a thing of no danger to him, but he expressed it on other instances, in which it appeared that he was not a­fraid to own it upon more tender oc­casions. The Troubles that broke out in Scotland upon the account of the Book of Common Prayer, which encreased to the height of the swear­ing the Covenant and putting down of Episcopacy, and the turning out of all Clergy Men that did not con­cur with them, are so well known, that I need not inlarge upon them. It is not to be denyed but provocations were given by the heats and indiscretions of some Men; but these were carried so far beyond all the bounds either of Order in the Church, or Peace in the State, that, to give things their proper names, it was a Schismatical rage against the Church, backt with a rebellious fu­ry against the State. When the Bi­shop heard of all these things, he said, that which Nazianzene said at Constan­tinople, when the stir was raised in the second General Council upon his ac­count, If this great tempest is risen for our sakes, take us up, and cast us into the Sea, that so there may be a Calm. And if all others had governed their Dioces­ses, [Page 140] as he did his, one may adven­ture to affirm after Dr. Bernard, That Episcopacy might have been kept still upon its Wheels. Some of those that were driven out of Scotland, by the fury of that time, came over to Ireland: among these there was one Corbet, that came to Dublin, who being a Man of quick Parts, writ a very smart Book, shewing the parallel between the Jesuites and the Scotch Covenanters, which he prin­ted under the Title of Lysimachus Ni­canor. The Spirit that was in this Book, and the sharpness of the stile procured the Author such favour, that a consi­derable Living falling in the Bishop of Killala's Gift, he was recommended to it, and so he went to that Bishop; but was ill received by him. The Bishop had a great affection to his Countrey (for he was a Scotchman born) and though he condemned the courses they had taken, yet he did not love to see them exposed in a strange Nation, and did not like the Man that had done it. The Bishop was a little sharp up­on him; he played on his Name: Corby in Scotch being a Raven, and said it was an ill Bird that defiled its own Nest. And whereas he had said in his Book, That he had hardly escaped with his [Page 141] own life, but had left his Wife behind him to try the humanity of the Scots; he told him, He had left his Wife to a very base office. Several other things he said, which in themselves amounted to nothing, but only expressed an inclina­tion to lessen the faults of the Scots, and to aggravate some provocations that had been given them. Corbet came up full of wrath, and brought with him many Informations against the Bishop, which at any other time would not have been much considered; but then, it be­ing thought necessary to make exam­ples of all that seemed favourable to the Covenanters, it was resolved to turn him out of his Bishoprick, and to give it to Maxwell, that had been Bishop of Rosse in Scotland, and was indeed a Man of eminent parts, and an excellent Preacher; but by his forwardness and aspiring he had been the unhappy in­strument of that which brought on all the disorders in Scotland.

A Pursevant was sent to bring up the Bishop of Killala; and he was accused before the high Commission Court for those things that Corbet objected to him; and every Man being ready to push a Man down that is falling under dis­grace, many designed to merit by ag­gravating [Page 142] his faults. But when it came to our Bishop's turn to give his Sen­tence in the Court, he that was afraid of nothing but sinning against God, did not stick to venture against the Stream: he first read over all that was objected to the Bishop at the Barr, then he fetched his Argument from the quali­fications of a Bishop set down by S. Paul in his Epistles to Timothy and Titus; and assumed that he found nothing in those Articles contrary to those quali­fications; nothing that touched either his Life or Doctrine. He fortified this by shewing in what manner they pro­ceeded against Bishops both in the Greek and Latin Churches, and so con­cluded in the Bishops favour. This put many out of countenance, who had considered nothing in his Sentence but the consequences that were drawn from the Bishop's expressions, from which they gathered the ill disposition of his mind, so that they had gone high in their Censures, without examining the Canons of the Church in such Cases. But though those that gave their Votes after our Bishop, were more moderate than those that had gone before him had been; yet the current run so strong that none durst plainly acquit him, as [Page 143] our Bishop had done: So he was de­prived, fined, and imprisoned, and his Bishoprick was given to Maxwell, who enjoyed it not long. For he was stript naked, wounded, and left among the dead, by the Irish; but he was preser­ved by the Earl of Tomond, who pas­sing that way took care of him; so that he got to Dublin. And then his Talent of Preaching, that had been too long neglected by him, was better im­ployed; so that he preached very often, and very much to the edification of his Hearers, that were then in so great a consternation, that they needed all the comfort that he could minister to them; and all the Spirit that he could infuse in them. He went to the King to Ox­ford, and he said in my Author's hear­ing, That the King had never rightly understood the innate hatred that the Irish bore to all that professed the true Religion, till he had informed him of it. But he was so much affected with an ill piece of News, that he heard con­cerning some misfortune in the King's affairs in England, that he was some hours after found dead in his Study. This short digression, I hope, may be forgiven me; for the person was very extraordinary, if an unmeasured ambi­tion [Page 144] had not much defaced his other great abilities and excellent qualities.

The old degraded Bishop Adair was quickly restored to another Bishoprick, which came to be vacant upon a dismal account, which I would gladly pass o­ver, if I could; for the thing is but too well known. One Adderton Bishop of Waterford, who, as was believed, had by a Symoniacal compact p [...]ocured such favour, that he was recommended to that Bishoprick; and had covered his own unworthiness, as all wicked Men are apt to do, by seeming very zealous in every thing that is acceptable to those who govern, and had been in par­ticular very severe on Bishop Adair; came to be accused and convicted of a crime not to be named, that God pu­nished with fire from Heaven; and suf­fered publickly for it: He expressed so great a repentance, that Dr. Bernard, who preached his funeral Sermon, and had waited on him in his Imprisonment, had a very charitable opinion of the state in which he dyed. Upon this, Adair's Case was so represented to the King, that he was provided with that Bi­shoprick. From which it may appear, That he was not censured so much for any guilt, as to strike a terrour in all [Page 145] that might express the least kindness to the Scotch Covenanters. But our Bi­shop thought the degrading of a Bishop was too sacred a thing to be done meerly upon politick Considerati­ons.

Bishop Bedell was exactly conform­able to the Forms and Rules of the Church; he went constantly to Com­mon Prayer in his Cathedral, and often read it himself, and assisted in it always, with great reverence and affection. He took care to have the Publick Service performed strictly according to the Ru­brick; so that a Curate of another Pa­rish being imployed to read Prayers in the Cathedral, that added somewhat to the Collects; the Bishop observing he did this once or twice, went from his place to the Reader's Pew, and took the book out of his Hand, and in the hearing of the Congregation suspended him for his presumption, and read the rest of the Office himself. He preached constantly twice a Sunday in his Cathedral on the Epistles and Gospels for the Day; and catechised alwayes in the Afternoon be­fore Sermon; and he preached always twice a Year before the Judges, when they made the Circuit. His Voice was low and mournful, but as his matter [Page 146] was excellent, so there was a gravity in his looks and behaviour that struck his Auditors. He observed the Rubrick so nicely, that he would do nothing but according to it; so that in the reading the Psalms and the Anthems he did not observe the common custome of the Mi­nister and the People reading the Verses by turns; for he read all himself, be­cause the other was not enjoyned by the Rubrick. As for the placing of the Communion Table by the East wall, and the bowing to it, he never would depart from the Rule of observing the Conformity prescribed by Law; for he said, That they were as much Noncon­formists who added of their own, as they that came short of what was en­joyned; as he that adds an Inch to a measure disowns it for a Rule, as much as he that cuts an Inch from it: and as he was severe to him that added Words of his own to the Collect, so he thought it was no less censurable to add Rites to those that were prescribed. When he came within the Church, it appeared in the composedness of his behaviour, that he observed the Rule given by the Preacher, of Keeping his Feet when he went into the House of God; but he was not to be wrought on by the greatness of [Page 147] any Man, or by the Authority of any persons example, to go out of his own way; though he could not but know that such things were then much ob­served, and measures were taken of Men by these little distinctions, in which it was thought that the zeal of Conformi­ty discovered it self.

There is so full an account of the tenderness with which he advised all Men, but Churchmen in particular, to treat those that differed from them, in a Sermon that he preached on those Words of Christ, Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly; that I am assured the Rea­der will well bear with the length of it. It was preached soon after some heats that had been in the House of Commons in the Parliament of Ireland, in which there were many Papists; and in it the sense he had of the way of treating all differences in Religion, whether great or small, is so well laid down, that I hope it will be looked on as no ordinary, nor useless piece of Instruction.

[Page 148]IS it not a shame that our two Bodies, the Church and Commonwealth, should exercise mortal hatreds, (or im­mortal rather) and being so near in place should be so far asunder in affecti­on? it will be said by each that other are in fault, and perhaps it may truly be [...]aid, that both are; the one in that they cannot endure with patience the lawful superiority of the worthier Body; the other in that they take no care so to go­vern, that the governed may find it to be for their best behoof to obey: until which time it will never be, but there will be repining and troubles, and brangles be­tween us. This will be done in my Opinion, not by bolstering out and main­taining the errours and unruliness of the lower Officers or Members of our body, but by severely punishing them; and on both sides must be avoided such Men for Magistrates and Ministers, as seek to dash us one against another all they may.

And would to God this were all; but is it not a shame of shames, that Mens emulations and contentions cannot stay [Page 149] themselves in matters of this sort, but the holy profession of Divinity is made fuel to a publick fire; and that when we had well hoped all had been either quenched or raked up, it should afresh be kindled and blown up with bitter and biting Words? God help us! we had need to attend to this Lesson of Christ, Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in Heart; or to that of the Apostle, It be­hoves the servant of God not to contend, but to be meek towards all, instructing with lenity those that be contrary af­fected, waiting if at any time God will give them a better mind to see the truth, 2 Tim. 2.25.

And here give me leave (R. W. and beloved Brethren and Sisters) to speak freely my mind unto you: I know right well that I shall incur the reproof of divers, yet I will never the more for that spare to utter my Conscience; I hope wise Men will assent or shew me better. For my part, I have been long of this mind, that many in their Ser­mons and Writings are to blame for their manner of dealing with the ad­versaries of their Opinions, when they give Reins to their Tongues and Pens, to railing and reproachful Speeches, and think they have done well, when they [Page 150] exceed or equal them in this Trade; wherein to have the better is indeed to be the worse: and alledging that Text for themselves, That a fool is to be an­swered according to his folly;Prov. 26.5. they do not consider that other, where such manner of answer is forbidden, whereby the an­swerer becometh like him: Prov. 26.4.15.1.24.26.

And this is yet more to be blamed, because sometimes all reasons are laid by, and nothing is soundly refuted, but only hot Words are given, yea, and with a misconceiving, or misreporting at least, of ther Opinions, and making every thing worse than it is: which many times ariseth upon ambiguity of Words not used in the like sense by both sides. What then? Do I approve of tolerati­ons and unions with errours and here­sies? truly I wish not to live so long. And yet as our sins are, and our folly too to fall together by the Ears about small matters amongst our selves, there is just cause to fear it: but yet such Points as may be reconciled, saving the truth, I see not what should move us to hold off in them, and why we may not seek to agree in word? as we do in mean­ing: For the rest, their purpose and endeavours shall deserve thanks, who, [Page 151] bringing them to the fewest and nar­rowest terms, shall set down how far we are to joyn with our dissenting Bre­thren, and where for ever to dissent; that so controversies being handled with­out the vain flourish of swelling Words, and (like proportions) our Opinions being set down in the least terms, Men may know what to bend their Wits to, and where against to plant their Argu­ments, not, as many do, roving always at randome; but may alwayes remember to imitate Christ's meekness, and to deal with Arguments rather: let us not envy the Papists and other Hereticks, the glo­ry and preheminence in railing, where­in the more they excel, the more un­like they are to Christ, whose pattern is of meekness, Learn of me, &c.

Yea, Object. but will some Man say, This course will not stay Men from backsliding to any er­rour or heresie, &c. Who can keep off his enemy without shot, &c.

I.Resp. 1. Gods Truth needs not to be gra­ced, nor his Glory sought by my sin.

II.Resp. 2. Again it is so perhaps in an ig­norant Auditor, and at the first; but if inquiring himself, he shall find that they or their Opinions are not so bad as we make them to be, and would have them [Page 152] seem, it will be a hundred to one that in other things too, they will not seem to be so bad as they are; and, unless I much mistake, it is not the storm of Words, but the strength of Reasons, that shall stay a wavering Judgment from errours, &c. when that like a tempest, is overblown, the tide of others examples will carry other men to do as the most do; but these like so many Anchors will stick, and not come again.

Resp. 3.III. Besides, our Calling is to deal with errours, not to disgrace the Man with scolding Words. It is said of Alex­ander, I think, when he overheard one of his Souldiers railing lustily on Da­rius his enemy, he reproved him, and added, Friend (quoth he) I entertain thee to fight against Darius, not to revile him. Truly it may be well thought that those that take this course shall find but small thanks at Christ's, our Captains, hands; and it is not unlike but he would say to them, were he here on earth again, Masters, I would you should refute Popery, and set your selves against Antichrist my enemy, with all the discoloured Sects and Heresies, that fight under his banner against me, and not call him and his Troops all to nought.

[Page 153]And this is my poor Opinion concern­ing our dealing with the Papists them­selves, perchance differing from the pra­ctice of Men of great note in Christ's Family, Mr. Luther and Mr. Calvin, and others; but yet we must live by Rules, not examples; and they were Men, who perhaps by complexion, or other­wise, were given over too much to an­ger, and heat: sure I am, the Rule of the Apostle is plain, even of such as are the slaves of Satan, that we must with lenity instruct them, waiting that when escaping out of his snare, they should re­cover a sound mind to do Gods will, in the place I quoted before.2 Tim. 2.25.

But now when Men agreeing with our selves in the main (yea and in pro­fession likewise enemies to Popery) shall, varying never so little from us in Points of less consequence, be thereupon censured as favourers of Popery, and other errours; when Mole-hills shall be made Mountains, and unbrotherly terms given: alas! methinks this course savours not of meekness, nay it would hurt even a good cause, thus to handle it; for where such violence is, ever there is errour to be suspected; Af­fection and Hate are the greatest ene­mies that can be to soundness of judg­ment, [Page 154] or exactness of comprehension; he that is troubled with passion, is not fitly disposed to judge of truth.

Besides, Is my conceit ever consonant with truth? and if I be subject to er­rour my self, have I forgotten so much the common condition of mankind, or am I so much my own enemy, as to pursue with a terrible Scourge of Whip­cord, or wyer, that which was worthy of some gentler lashes: for indeed he that taketh pet, and conceiveth in­dignation, that another should, I will not say, differ from himself, but err, and be deceived, seems to proclaim war to all mankind, and may well look him­self to find small favour, but rather to endure the Law that he had made, and be bated with his own rod.

To make an end of this point, which I would to God, I had not had an oc­casion to enter into: if this precept of our Lord Jesus Christ be to be heard, these things should not be so; if it were heard, they would not be so; and undoubtedly, if it be not heard, they that are faulty shall bear their judgment, whosoever they be. Mean while they shall deserve great praise of all that love Peace, who shall maintain quietness, even with some injury to themselves: [Page 155] And in a good Cause do still endeavour to shew forth the vertue of Christ, that hath called us, as the Apostle Peter ex­horteth us at large from this example of Christ, in his first Epistle, 21.20, 21, 22, 23. It is the glory of a Man to pass by an offence. Injuries, if by re­garding them a man lay himself open to them,Prov. 19.11. wound and hurt us: if they be contemned, or born off with the Shield of Meekness, they glance off, or rebound unto the party that offereth them.

Finally, he that in matters of contro­versie shall bring meekness to his de­fence, undoubtedly he shall overcome in the manner of handling; and if he bring truth also, he shall prevail at last in the matter.

This is a part of one of his Sermons; of which I have seen but very few; and because they are not sufficient to give a full Character of him, I have not published them: But I will add to this two parcells of another Sermon that is already in print, and was published by Dr. Bernard, the Text is that of the Re­velation 18.4. Come out of her (Ba­bylon) my people: And the design of it is to prove that the See of Rome is the [Page 156] Babylon meant in that Text; but in this he mixes an Apology for some that were in that Communion; and I doubt not but he had his Friend P. Paulo in his thoughts when he spoke it: The pas­sage is remarkable, and therefore I will set it down.

WHerein observe first, (he calls his people to come out of Babylon,) a plain Argument that there are many not only good Moral and Civil honest Men there, but good Christians, not re­deemed only, but in the possession of the Grace of our Lord Jesus Christ; which may be confirmed by these rea­sons.

First, There is amongst these that are under the tyranny of the Romish Ba­bylon, the Sacrament of entrance into the Covenant of Grace; Baptism, by which those that are partakers thereof are made Members of Christ, the Chil­dren of God, and Heirs of Eternal Life: And these that have but this Seal of God's Covenant, (viz. Infants) are no small and contemptible part of God's people, though as yet, they cannot hear [Page 157] this Voice of Christ calling out of Baby­lon; besides this there is a publication of the tenure of the Covenant of Grace to such as are of Years, though not so openly and purely as it might and ought, yet so as the grounds of the Catechisme are preached, sin is shewed, Christ's redemption (or the Story of it) is known,John 3.18.36.5.24. Faith in him is called for, and this Faith is by the Grace of God, wrought in some: For the Word of God and his Calling is not fruitless, but like the rain returneth not in vain; and where true Faith is,John 3. ult. Men are translated from death to life, he that believeth in the Son, hath everlasting life.

Some Men perhaps may object, the Faith which they describe and call by this name of Catholick Faith, is none other but such as the Devils may have.

I answer, Religion is not Logick, He that cannot give a true definition of the Soul, is not for that, without a Soul; so he that defines not Faith truly, yet may have true Faith: Learned Divines are not all of accord touching the definition of it; But if (as by the whole stream of the Scripture it should seem) it be a trust and cleaving unto God; this Faith many there have, the Love of [Page 158] our Lord Iesus Christ is wrought in many there;John 14.21.23. now he that loveth Christ is loved of him, and of the Father also; and because the proof of true love to Christ is the keeping of his Sayings, there, are good Works, and according to the measure of knowledg great conscience of obedience.

Yea, will some Man say, But that which marreth all is the Opinion of me­rit and satisfaction. Indeed that is the School Doctrine, but the Conscience en­lightned to know it self, will easily act that part of the Publican, who smote his Breast, and said, God be merciful to me a sinner. I remember a good advice of one of that side: Let others (saith he) that have committed few sins, and done many good works satisfie for their sins; But whatsoever thou dost, refer it to the Honour of God: so as whatsoever good come from thee, thou resolve to do it to please God, accounting thy works too lit­tle to satisfie for thy sins: For as for thy sins thou must offer Christ's Works, his Pains and Wounds, and his death it self to him, together with that love of his out of which he endured these things for thee. These are available for the satisfaction for thy sins. But thou whatsoever thou dost or sufferest, offer it not for thy sins to [Page 159] God, for but his love and good pleasure, wishing to find the more grace with him, whereby thou mayest do more, greater and more acceptable Works to him; let the love of God then be to thee the cause of well-living, and the hope of well-working. Thus he, and I doubt not but many there be on that side that follow this counsel; herewith I shall relate the Speech of a wise and discreet Gentleman, my neigh­bour in England, who lived and dyed a Recusant; he demanded one time, What was the worst Opinion that we could impute to the Church of Rome? It was said, There was none more than this of our merits: De justifi­ca. lib. 5. cap. 7. And that Cardinal Bellar­mine not only doth uphold them, but saith, we may trust in them, so it be done so­berly; and saith, they deserve Eternal life, not only in respect of God's Promi­ses and Covenant, but also in regard of the Work it self: Whereupon he an­swered, Bellarmine was a learned Man, and could perhaps defend what he wrote by learning; But for his part he trusted to be saved only by the merits of his Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ, and as for good Works he would do all that he could; Et valeant quantum valere possint.

[Page 160]To proceed: In or under the Obedi­ence of Rome there is Persecution, and that is a better mark of Christ's peo­ple, then Bellarmine's Temporal felicity. All that will live godly in Christ Iesus (saith the Apostle) shall suffer persecu­tion; ye shall be hated of all Men for my Names sake, (saith our Saviour) and so are all they on that side that are less superstitious than others, or dare speak of redress of abuses; yea, there is Mar­tyrdome for a free opposing Mens Tra­ditions, Image-worshippers, Purgatory, and the like.

Add, That in obedience to this call of Christ, there do some come daily from thence; and in truth how could our Sa­viour call his people from thence if he had none there? How could the Apo­stles say that Antichrist, from whose cap­tivity they are called, shall sit in the Tem­ple of God, (since that Ierusalem is fi­nally and utterly desolated) unless the same Apostle otherwhere declaring himself, had shewed us his meaning, that the Church is the House of God: and again,1 Tim. 3.15. ye are the Temple of the liv­ing God, and the Temple of God is Holy, which are ye. It will be said that there are on that side many gross errors, many open Idolatries, and Superstiti­ons, [Page 161] so as those which live there must needs be either partakers of them, and like minded, or else very Hypocrites. But many errours and much ignorance, so it be not affected, may stand with true Faith in Christ; and when there is true Contrition for one sin, (that is, because it displeaseth God) there is a ge­neral and implicite repentance for all un­known sins. God's Providence in the gene­ral revolt of the ten Tribes, when Elias thought himself left alone, had reserved seven thousand,1 Kings 19.18. that had not bowed to the Image of Baal: and the like may be conceived here, since especially, the Ido­latry practised under the obedience of Mystical Babylon, is rather in false and will-worship of the true God, and rather commended, as profitable, than enjoyn­ed as absolutely necessary, and the cor­ruptions there maintained are rather in a superfluous addition than retraction in any thing necessary to salvation.

Neither let that hard term of hypocri­sie be used of the infirmity, and some­time, of humble and peaceable carriage of some that oppose not common errors, nor wrestle with the greater part of Men, but do follow the multitude, re­serving a right knowledge to themselves: and sometimes, (by the favour which [Page 162] God gives them to find where they live,) obtain better conditions than o­thers can. We call not Iohn the belov­ed Disciple an hypocrite, because he was known to the High Priest, John 18.15, 16. and could procure Peter to be let to see the arraign­ment of our Saviour: nor call we Peter himself one that for fear denied him; much less Daniel and his companions, that by Suit, obtain'd of Melzar their kee­per that they might feed upon Pulse, and not be defiled with the King of Babel's meat, Dan. 1. v. 16.2. and these knew themselves to be cap­tives and in Babel. But in the new Babel how many thousands do we think there are that think otherwise; that they are in the true Catholick Church of God, the name whereof this harlot hath usur­ped: And although they acknowledge that where they live there are many a­buses, and that the Church hath need of reformation, yet there they were born, and they may not abandon their Mother in her sickness. Those that converse more inwardly with Men of Consci­ence, on that side, do know that these are speeches in secret; which how they will be justified against the commands of Christ, (come out of her, my people) belongs to another place to consider. For the purpose we have now in hand, [Page 163] I dare not but account these the people of God, though they live very danger­ously under the captivity of Babylon, as did Daniel, Mordechai, Hester, Nehemiah, and Ezra, and many Jews more, not­withstanding both Cyrus's Commission, and the Prophets command to depart.

This point may give some light in a Question that is on foot among learned and good Men at this day, Whether the Church of Rome be a true Church or no? where I think surely if the mat­ter be rightly declared, for the terms, there will remain no question. As thus, whether Babylon pretending to be the Church of Rome, yea the Catholick Church, be so or not? or this, Whether the people of Christ that are under that Captivity be a true Church or no? ei­ther of both wayes if declared in these terms, the matter will be soon resol­ved.

Except some Man will perhaps still object, Object. Though there be a people of God, yet they can be no true Church, for they have no Priesthood which is necessary to the Constitution of a Church,Epistola 69. as S. Cyprian describes it, Plebs Sacerdoti adunata, people joyned to their Priest: They have no Priesthood, be­ing by the very form of their Ordi­nation, [Page 164] Sacrificers for the quick and the dead.

Answ.I answer, under correction of bet­ter judgments, they have the Ministry of Reconciliation by the Commission which is given at their Ordination; being the same which our Saviour left in his Church,Joh. 20.23. Whose sins ye remit, they are remitted, whose sins ye retain they are retained.

As for the other power to sacrifice, if it be any otherwise than the celebrating the Commemoration of Christ's Sacrifice once offered upon the Cross, it is no part of the Priesthood or Ministry of the New Testament, but a superfluous addition thereunto, which yet worketh not to the destruction of that which is law­fully conferred otherwise. This Do­ctrine I know not how it can offend any, unless it be in being too Charitable, and that I am sure is a good fault, and serves well for a sure mark of Christ's Sheep, and may have a very good ope­ration to help Christs people out of Babel: By this, Joh. 13.35. saith he, shall Men know that ye are my Disciples, if ye have Charity one to ano­ther. But they call us Hereticks, Miscreants, Doggs, &c. and persecute us with more deadly hatred than Jews and Turks; yea, this is Babylon, and perhaps some of [Page 165] God's People in it that are misinformed of us. Thus did Saul for a while, yet a chosen vessel to bear Christ's Name over the World. But let us maintain our Charity to them, as we are wont to bear with the weakness of our Friends or Children, when in hot Feavers or Phrensies, they miscal us. Let us re­member if they be Christ's people, how little loving soever they be to us, they must be our beloved Brethren, and this of the Persons.

To this I shall add the conclusion of that excellent Sermon in which there is such a mixture both of serious Pi­ety and of an undissembled sincerity, that I hope the Reader will not be dis­pleased with me for laying it in his way.

[Page 166]NOW should I come to the Motives from the Danger of sin, and of partaking in punishment. But the handling of these would require a long time, let me rather make some Ap­plication of that which hath been said already. And First and most properly to those that this Scripture most con­cerns and is directed unto: The People of God holden in the Captivity of the Romane Babylon: But alas they are not here, for this is one part of their Captivity, that they are kept, not only from hearing the voyce of the Ser­vants of Christ, or of S. Iohn the be­loved Disciple, but of himself speaking here from Heaven; and since they are so contented, what remedy may there be for those that are thus bewitched, un­less you (My L. L's. and Brethren) will be contented to become faithful Feoffees in trust, to convey this voyce and Message of Christ unto them: and by my request you shall be pleased to do it, with a great deal of Love. As this President of our Lord himself doth lead you as to Brethren, and, as you [Page 167] hope, faithful People, loth to sin against him, and desirous to please him in all things. Tell them then, that it is ac­knowledged by their own Doctors: That Rome is Babylon, and it is aver­red, That this is the present Papal Monarchy, that out of this they must depart by the Commands of our Lord Iesus Christ's own Voyce, under pain of being accessary to all her sins, and ly­able to all her punishments: wish them to use the Liberty to read the Holy Scripture, and to come out of the blind Obedience of Mens Precepts and Traditi­ons; be pleased to tell them further, that others may have some colour of excuse, that live in such places where they may not discover themselves without danger of the loss of their Goods, Honour or Life; they may do it here, not only with safety, but with Reputation and Profit: intreat them to beware lest they make themselves extreamly Culpable, not only of partaking with the for­mer Idolatries, Extortions, Massacres, Powder Treasons, and King-killings of that bloody City, but the new detest­able Doctrines, Derogatory to the blood of Christ, which moderate Men even of her own Subjects detest: But which she, for fear it should discontent her own [Page 168] Creatures, and devoted Darlings will not disavow: O if they would fear the plagues of Babylon, and that of all o­thers the fearfulest,2 Thes. 2.11. Blindness of Mind, and strong delusions to believe Lyes, that they may be damned that believed not the Truth, but had pleasure in unrighteous­ness. But you hope better things of them, accompanying Salvation; and this Message of our Lord Jesus Christ, if you will be pleased to deliver, ac­companying it with those General and common goods of Charity and Meek­ness, Integrity, good Example, and the special furtherance, which your Cal­lings and Places in State, Church or Family can give it, doubtless to Christs people, it will not be uneffectual.

Blessed be God that hath long ago stirred up the Spirits of our Princes,Ez [...] 1.1. like Cyrus to give liberty to God's Peo­ple to go out of Babylon, and to give large Patents,C. 6.3. & 7.12. with Darius, and Ar­taxerxes, for the building of the Tem­ple, and establishing the Service of God.

And blessed be God, and his Ma­jesty that hath sent us another Nehemi­ah, to build up the Walls of Jerusalem,Neh. 2.18. and to procure that the Portion of the Levites should be given them. Give [Page 169] me leave (Right Honourable) to put you in mind,C. 10.37. & 13.10. That this also belongeth to your Care, to cooperate with Christ in bringing his People out of the Ro­mish Captivity. And if to help away a poor Captive out of Turky hath been Honourable to some Publick Ministers: What shall it be to help to the enlarging of so many thou­sand Souls out of the bondage of Mens Traditions, and gaining to his Maje­sty so many entire Subjects. Your wis­dom (my Lord) is such, as it needeth not to be advised; and your Zeal as it needeth not to to be stired up: yet pardon me one Word, for the purpose of helping Christ's People out of Ba­bylon.

They are called by himself often in Scripture, His Sheep; and verily, as in many other, so in this they are like to Sheep; which being cooped up in a nar­row Pent, though they find some pres­sure, and the Passage be set open, are not forward to come out; unless they be put on, but strain Courtesie, which should begin; yet when they are once out with a joyful frisk they exult in their Freedome, yea, and when a few of the foremost lead, the rest follow; I shall not need to make Application: Do [Page 170] according to your wisdom in your place, and Christ whose Work it is shall be with you, and further your endea­vours.

The like I say unto you the rest of my Lords, Fathers and Brethren, help your Friends, Followers, and Tenants out of Babylon, what you may in your places; you have the Examples of Abra­ham, Ioshua, Cornelius, praised in Scri­pture for propagating the Knowledge and Fear of God in their Families and Commands, with the report of God's accepting it, and rewarding it, and this to the use of others.

But shall you not carry away some­thing for your selves also; yes verily, take to your selves this Voyce of our Sa­viour, Come out of Babylon; you will say we have done it already, God be thanked we are good Christians, good Protestants, some of us Preachers and that call upon others to come out of Ba­bylon: But if S. Paul prayed the con­verted Corinthians to be reconciled to God;2 Cor. 5.2. And S. Iohn writing to Believers, sets down the Record of God touching his Son,1 John 5.13. That they might believe in the Name of the Son of God; Why may not I exhort in Christ's Name and Words, even those that are come out of Baby­lon, [Page 171] to come out of her, Qui monet ut f [...]ias, &c. He that perswades another to that which he doth already, in per­swading incourageth him, and puts him on in his performance; but if there be any yet unresolved, and halting or hanging between two, (as the people did in Elias time) that present their bodies at such meetings as this is,1 Kings 18.21. when their hearts are perhaps at Rome, or no where; If any are in some points rightly infor­med and cleared, and in others doubt­ful, to such Christ speaks, Come out of her, my people, press on by Prayer, Con­ference, Reading, (if Christ's Voyce be to be heard) If Rome be Babylon, Come out of her.

And let it be spoken with as little offence as it is delight: we that seem to be the forwardest in Reformation, are not yet so come out of Babylon, as that we have not many shameful badges of her Captivity, witness her Impropria­tions, being indeed plain Church-robberies, devised to maintain her Colonies of idle and irregular Regulars; idle to the Church and State, zealous and pragmatical to support and defend her power, pomp, and pride, by whom they subsisted: witness her Dispensations, or dissipations rather, of all Canonical Orders; bear­ing [Page 172] down all with her Non obstante, her Symoniacal and Sacrilegious Ve­nality of holy things, her manifold Ex­tortions in the exercise of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction, which we have not whol­ly banished: Let each of us therefore account it as spoken to himself, (Come out of her my people.)

In this Journey let us not trouble and cast stumbling blocks before God's peo­ple, that are ready to come out; or hin­der one another with Dissentions in matters either inexplicable, or unprofi­table: Let it have some pardon, if some be even so forward in flying from Babylon, as they fear to go back, to take their own goods for haste: and let it not be blamed or uncharitably censured, if some come in the Rear, and would leave none of Christ's people behind them:Et qui tar­diùs ambu­lant, non sunt relin­quendi. S. Aug. in Epistola 1. Joh. Tract. 5. No man reacheth his hand to a­nother whom he would lift out of a Ditch, but he stoops to him. Our ends immediate are not the same, but yet they meet in one final intention; The one hates Babylon, and the other loves and pities Christ's people: The one be­lieves the Angel that cast the Milstone into the Sea; in the end of this Chap­ter, with that Word (so shall Babylon rise no more.) The other fears the threat­ning [Page 173] of our Saviour against such as scan­dalize any of the little ones believing in him, that it is better for such a one to have a Milstone hanged upon his neck, and be cast into the Sea himself.

Finally, let us all beseech our Lord Ie­sus Christ to give us Wisdom and oppor­tunity to further his work, and to give success unto the same himself, to hasten the judgment of Babylon, to bring his people out of this bondage, that we with them and all his Saints in the Church Triumphant, Matt. 18.6. may thereupon sing a joyful Hallelujah, as is expressed in the next Chapter.

Salvation, and Honour, and Glory, and Power, be unto the LORD our GOD, Amen. Hallelujah.

[Page 174]He preached very often in his Epis­copal habit, but not alwayes, and used it seldome in the Afternoon; nor did he love the pomp of a Quire, nor Instru­mental Musick; which he thought fil­led the ear with too much pleasure, and carried away the mind from the serious attention to the matter, which is indeed the singing with grace in the Heart, and the inward melody with which God is chiefly pleased. And when another Bishop justified these things, be­cause they served much to raise the af­fections; he answered, That in order to the raising the affections, those things that tended to edification ought only to be used: And thought it would be hard otherwise to make stops; for upon the same pretence an infinity of Rites might be brought in. And the sense he had of the excesses of superstition, from what he had observed during his long stay in Italy, made him judge it necessary to watch carefully against the beginnings of that disease, which is like a green Sickness in Religion. He never used the Com­mon Prayer in his Family; for he thought it was intended to be the so­lemn Worship of Christians in their Publick Assemblies, and that it was not [Page 175] so proper for private Families. He was so exact an observer of Ecclesiastical Rules, that he would perform no part of his Function out of his own Diocess, with­out obtaining the Ordinaries leave for it; so that being in Dublin, when his Wife's Daughter was to be married to Mr. Clogy, (that is much more the Au­thor of this Book than I am) and they both desired to be blest by him, he would not do it till he first took out a Licence for it in the Archbishop of Dublin's Consistory.

So far I have prosecuted the Relati­on of his most exemplary discharge of his Episcopal Function; reserving what is more personal and particular to the end where I shall give his Character. I now come to the conclusion of his life, which was indeed suitable to all that had gone before. But here I must open one of the bloodiest Scenes, that the Sun ever shone upon, and represent a Nation all covered with Blood, that was in full peace, under no fears nor apprehensi­ons, enjoying great plenty, and under an easie yoke, under no oppression in Civil matters, nor persecution upon the account of Religion: For the Bishops and Priests of the Roman Communion enjoyed not only an impunity, but [Page 176] were almost as publick in the use of their Religion, as others were in that which was established by Law; so that they wanted nothing but Empire, and a pow­er to destroy all that differed from them. And yet on a sudden this happy Land was turned to be a Field of Blood. Their Bishops resolved in one particular to fulfil the Obligation of the Oath they took at their Consecration of persecu­ting all Hereticks to the utmost of their power; and their Priests, that had their breeding in Spain, had brought over from thence the true Spirit of their Religion, which is ever breathing cru­elty, together with a tincture of the Spanish temper, that had appeared in the conquest of the West-Indies, and so they thought a Massacre was the surest way to work, and intended that the Natives of Ireland; should vie with the Spaniards for what they had done in America.

The Conjuncture seemed favourable; for the whole Isle of Britain was so im­broiled, that they reckoned they should be able to master Ireland, before any For­ces could be sent over to check the pro­gress of their butchery. The Earl of Straf­ford had left Ireland some considerable time before this. The Parliament of [Page 177] England was rising very high against the King; and though the King was then gone to Scotland, it was rather for a present quieting of things that he gave all up to them, than that he gain­ed them to his Service. So they laid hold of this conjuncture, to infuse it in­to the people, That this was the pro­per time for them to recover their an­cient Liberty, and shake off the English Yoke, and to possess themselves of those Estates that had belonged to their An­cestors: And to such as had some rests of Duty to the King it was given out, That what they were about was war­ranted by his Authority, and for his service. A Seal was cut from another Charter, and put to a forged Commissi­on, giving warrant to what they were going about. And because the King was then in Scotland, they made use of a Scotch Seal. They also pretended that the Parliaments of both Kingdoms be­ing either in rebellion against the King, or very near it, That the English of Ireland would be generally in the in­terest of the English Parliament; so that it was said, That they could not serve the King better than by making them­selves Masters in Ireland, and then decla­ring for the King against his other rebel­lious Subjects.

[Page 178]These things took universally with the whole Nation; and the Conspiracy was cemented by many Oaths and Sa­craments, and in conclusion all things were found to be so ripe that the day was set in which they should every where break out; and the Castle of Dublin being then as well stored with a great Magazine, which the Earl of Strafford had laid up for the Army, that he intended to have carried in­to Scotland, had not the pacification prevented it, as it was weakly kept by a few careless Warders; who might have been easily surprized: it was re­solved that they should seize on it, which would have furnished them with Arms and Ammunition, and have put the Metropolis, and very probably the whole Island in their hands. But, though this was so well laid, that the execution could not have mist, in all humane appearance; and though it was kept so secret, that there was not the least suspicion of any design on foot, till the Night before, and then one that was among the chief of the managers of it, out of kindness to an Irishman, that was become a Prote­stant, communicated the Project to him: The other went and discovered it [Page 179] to the Lords Justices; and by this means not only the Castle of Dublin was preserved, but in effect Ireland was saved. For in Dublin there was both a shelter for such as were stript and turn­ed out of all they had, to fly to, and a place of rendezvous, where they that escaped before the storm had reached to them, met to consult about their pre­servation. But though Dublin was thus secured, the rest of the English and Scotch in Ireland, particularly in Vlster, fell into the hands of those merciless Men, who reckoned it no small piece of mercy, when they stript people naked, and let them go with their lives. But the vast numbers that were butchered by them, which one of their own Wri­ters in a Discourse that he printed some years after, in order to the animating them to go on, boasts to have exceed­ed two hundred thousand, and the bar­barous cruelties they used in murthering them, are things of so dreadful a na­ture, that I cannot easily go on with so dismal a Narrative, but must leave it to the Historians. I shall say no more of it than what concerns our Bishop: It may be easily imagined how much he was struck with that fearful storm, that was breaking on every hand of him, [Page 180] though it did not yet break in upon himself. There seemed to be a secret guard set about his House: for though there was nothing but Fire, Blood and Desolation round about him; yet the Irish were so restrained, as by some hidden power, that they did him no harm for many Weeks: His House was in no condition to make any resistance, so that it was not any apprehension of the opposition that might be made them, that bound them up. Great numbers of his Neighbours had also fled to him for shelter: He received all that came, and shared every thing he had so with them, that all things were common a­mong them; and now that they had nothing to expect from Men, he invi­ted them all to turn with him to God, and to prepare for that death, which they had reason to look for every day; so that they spent their time in Prayers and Fasting, which last was now like to be imposed on them by necessity. The Rebels expressed their esteem for him in such a manner that he had reason to ascribe it wholly to that overruling pow­er, that stills the raging of the Seas, and the tumult of the people: they seemed to be overcome with his ex­emplary conversation among them, [Page 181] and with the tenderness and charity that he had upon all occasions expressed for them, and they often said, He should be the last Englishman that should be put out of Ireland. He was the only Englishman in the whole County of Ca­van that was suffered to live in his own House without disturbance; not only his House, and all the out-Buildings, but the Church and Church-Yard were full of people; and many that a few dayes before lived in great ease and much plenty, were now glad of a heap of Straw or Hay to lye upon, and of some boiled Wheat to support Nature: and were every day expecting when those Swords, that had according to the Prophetick Phrase, drunk up so much Blood, should likewise be satiated with theirs. They did now eat the Bread of Sorrow, and mingled their Cups with their Tears. The Bishop continued to encourage them to trust in God, and in order to that he preached to them the first Lords Day after this terrible calami­ty had brought them about him, on the Third Psalm, which was penned by David when there was a general in­surrection of the people against him un­der his unnatural Son Absolom; and he applyed it all to their condition. He had [Page 182] a doleful Assembly before him, an Au­ditory all melting in Tears: It re­quires a Soul of an equal elevation to his, to imagine how he raised up their Spirits, when he spake to these Words, But thou, O Lord, art a Shield for me, my glory, and the lifter up of my Head. I laid me down and slept: I awaked, for the Lord sustained me. I will not be afraid of ten thousands of the people, that have set themselves against me, round about. And to the conclusion of the Psalm, Salvation belongeth unto the Lord: thy blessing is upon thy people. The next Lords day, hearing of the Scoffings, as well as the Cruelty, of the Irish, he preached on these Words in Micah, Re­joyce not against me, O mine enemy: when I fall, I shall arise; when I sit in darkness, the Lord shall be a light unto me. I will bear the indignation of the Lord, because I have sinned against him, untill he plead my cause, and execute judgment for me: he will bring me forth to the light, and I shall behold his righteousness. Then she that is mine enemy shall see it, and shame shall cover her which said un­to me, Where is the Lord thy God. By these means, and through the bles­sing of God upon them, they en­couraged themselves in God, and were [Page 183] prepared for the worst that their ene­mies could do to them.

The Irish themselves were at a stand; The miscarriage of the design on Dub­lin Castle was a sad disappointment: they were unarmed, they had no Trea­sure, no Fleet, nor foreign support; and though there were some good Officers among them, yet they found the Soul­diers to be as cowardly as the English Inhabitants felt them to be cruel: For as those two Characters are observed generally to meet in the same per­son; so it was very visible upon this oc­casion, since a very small Body of good Men, could have gone over the whole Kingdom, and have reduced it in few­er Months than it cost Years. Their chief hope was, the only thing in which they were not disappointed, That the Disputes between the King and the Parliament of England, would make Supplies come over so slow, that they might thereby gain much time; and in conclusion they might hope for a more favourable conjuncture. Those of the County of Cavan seemed to see their er­rour, and apprehend their danger: so they came to the Bishop, as the fittest Man to interpose for them; he was willing to oblige those on the one hand, [Page 184] at whose mercy he was, and on the other hand to bring them to such a sub­mission, as might at least procure some breathing time to the poor English, and to those few Houses that stood out, but were falling within doors under an Enemy, that was more irresistible than the Irish: For they were much strait­ned, their Provisions failing them. The Petition, that they signed and sent up to the Lords Justices and the Council, was too well penned to come from those that set their hands to it. It was drawn by the Bishop, who put their matter in his own Words; therefore I shall insert it here, though it gives the best colours to their Rebellion of any of all their Papers that I ever saw.

To the Right Honourable the Lords Justices and Council, The humble Remonstrance of the Gen­try and Commonalty of the County of Cavan, of their Grievances com­mon with other parts of this Kingdom of Ireland.

WHereas we, his Majesties loyal Sub­jects of his Highness Kingdom of Ireland, have of long time groaned under many grievous pressures, occasioned by the rigorous Government of such placed over us, as respected more the advancement of their own private Fortunes, than the Honour of His Majesty, or the welfare of us his Subjects; whereof we in hum­ble manner declared our selves to His Highness by our Agents sent from the Parliament, the representative body of this Kingdom: Notwithstanding which, we find our selves of late threatned with far greater and more grievous Vexations, either with captivity of our Consciences, [Page 186] our losing of our lawful Liberties, or ut­ter expulsion from our Native Seats, with­out any just Ground given on our parts, to alter his Majesties goodness so long conti­nued unto us; of all which we find great cause of fears in the proceeding of our Neighbour Nations, and do see it already attempted upon by certain Petitioners for the like course to be taken in this Kingdom, for the effecting thereof, in a compulsory way, so as Rumors have caused fears of Inva­sion from other parts, to the dissolving the Bond of mutual agreement, which hitherto hath been held inviolable between the seve­ral Subjects of this Kingdom; and where­by all other his Majesties Dominions have been linkt in one. For the preventing therefore of such evils growing upon us in this Kingdom; we have, for the preser­vation of his Majesties Honour, and our own Liberties, thought fit to take into our Hands, for his Highnesses use and Service, such Forts, and other places of Strength as coming into the possession of others might prove disadvantagious, and tend to the utter undoing the Kingdom. And we do hereby declare, That herein we har­bour not the least thought of disloyalty to­wards his Majesty, or purpose any hurt to any of his Highnesses Subjects in their Possession, Goods or Liberty: only we de­sire [Page 187] that your Lordships will be pleased to make remonstrance to his Majesty, for us, of all our Grievances, and just Fears, that they may be removed, and such a course setled by the advice of the Parliament of Ireland, whereby the Liberty of our Con­sciences may be secured unto us, and we eased of other Burthens in Civil Govern­ment. As for the mischiefs and inconve­niences that have already happened through the disorder of the common sort of people, against the English Inhabitants, or any other; we with the Noblemen, and Gen­tlemen, and such others of the several Counties of this Kingdom, are most wil­ling and ready to use our and their best en­deavours in causing restitution and satis­faction to be made as in part we have alrea­dy done.

An answer hereunto is most humbly desi­red, with such present expedition as may by your Lordships be thought most convenient for avoiding the inconvenience of the bar­barousness and uncivility of the Commonal­ty, who have committed many outrages with­out any order, consenting, or privity of ours. All which we leave to your Lordships most grave Wisdom.

And we shall humbly pray, &c.

[Page 188]But this came to nothing: while these things were in agitation, the ti­tular Bishop of Kilmore came to Cavan; his name was Swiney, he was like his name, for he often wallowed in his own Vomit. He had a Brother, whom the Bishop had converted, and had enter­tained him in his House, till he found out a way of subsistence for him. He pretended that he came only to pro­tect the Bishop, so he desired to be ad­mitted to lodge in his House, and as­sured him that he would preserve him. But the Bishop hearing of this, writ the following Letter in Latin to him; which will be found at the end of this Book, and is indeed a stile fit for one of the most eloquent of the Roman Authors.See at the end Numb. 4. Here I shall give a Translation of it in English.

Reverend Brother,

I Am sensible of your civility in offer­ing to protect me by your presence in the midst of this tumult; and upon the like occasion I would not be wanting to do the like charitable office to you: but there are many things that hinder me from ma­king [Page 189] use of the favour you now offer me. My House is strait, and there is a great number of miserable people of all Ranks, Ages, and of both Sexes, that have fled hi­ther as to a Sanctuary; besides that some of them are sick, among whom my own Son is one. But that which is beyond all the rest, is the difference of our way of worship: I do not say of our Religi­on, for I have ever thought, and have published it in my Writings, that we have one common Christian Religion. Vnder our present miseries we comfort our selves with the reading of the Holy Scriptures, with daily Prayers, which we offer up to God in our vulgar Tongue, and with the singing of Psalms; and since we find so little truth among Men, we rely on the truth of God, and on his assistance. These things would offend your company, if not your self; nor could others be hin­dered, who would pretend that they came to see you, if you were among us; and un­der that colour those murtherers would break in upon us, who after they have robbed us of all that belongs to us, would in conclusion think they did God good ser­vice by our slaughter. For my own part, I am resolved to trust to the Divine Protection. To a Christian, and a Bi­shop, that is now almost seventy, no [Page 190] death for the cause of Christ can be bit­ter: on the contrary, nothing is more de­sireable. And though I ask nothing for my self alone, yet if you will require the people under an Anathema, not to do any other acts of violence to those whom they have so oft beaten, spoiled and stript, it will be both acceptable to God, honourable to your self, and happy to the people, if they obey you: But if not, consider that God will remember all that is now done. To whom, Reverend Brother, I do heartily commend you.

Yours in Christ, Will. Kilmore.
November 2. 1641.

Endorsed thus, To my Reverend and Loving Brother, D. Swiney.

[Page 191]This Letter commends it self so much, that I need say nothing but wish my Reader to see where he can find such a­nother, writ on such an occasion, with so much Spirit, as well as Piety and Discretion: It was the last he ever writ, and was indeed a conclusion well be­coming such a Pen. It had at that time some effect, for the Bishop gave him no further disturbance till about five Weeks after this, so that from the 23. of Octo­ber, which was the dismal day in which the Rebellion broke out, till the 18. of December following, he, together with all that were within his Walls, enjoyed such quiet, that if it was not in all Points a miracle, it was not far from one; and it seemed to be an accom­plishment of those Words, A thousand shall fall on thy side, and ten thousand at thy right-Hand; but it shall not come nigh thee; there shall no evil befal thee; for he shall give his Angels charge over thee. But to the former Letter I shall add the last Paper of Spiritual advice and direction that ever the Bishop writ; which he did at the desire of one Mrs Dillan, that was a zealous and devout Protestant, but had been fatally deluded in her widowhood by Mr. Dil­lan [Page 192] Son to the Earl of Roscommon, ta­king him to be a Protestant, and had married him, but enjoyed her self very little after that: for though he used no violence to her, or her Children by her former Husband, in the point of Religi­on; yet he bred up his Children by her in his own Superstition, and he was now engaged in the Rebellion. So that she had at this time a vast addition to her former sorrows upon her; and there­fore desired that the Bishop, whose Neighbour and constant Hearer she had been, would send her such Instru­ctions in this sad calamity, as might both direct and support her. Upon which he writ the following Pa­per.

YOU desire, as I am informed (dear Sister in Christ Jesus) that I would send you some short Memorial, to put you in mind how to carry your self in this sorrowful time. I will do it willingly; the more, be­cause with one and the same labour, I shall both satisfie you, and recol­lect my own thoughts also, to the [Page 193] like performance of mine own duty, and bethinking my self how I might best accomplish it, there came to my mind that short Rule of our Life, which the Apostle mentions in his Epistle to Titus, and whereof you have been a diligent hearer in the School of Grace, where he reduceth the whole practice of Christianity un­to three Heads, of living Soberly, just­ly, and Godly; This last directing our carriage towards God, the midle most towards our Neighbour, and the foremost towards our Selves Now since this is a direction for our whole Life, it seems to me that we have no more to do at any time, but to conn this Lesson more perfectly, with some particular application of such parts of it, as are most suitable to the present occasions. And as to Sobriety first, (under which the Vertues of Humility, Modesty, Tem­perance, Chastity, and Contented­ness are contained) since this is a time, wherein, as the Prophet saith, The Lord of Hosts calleth to weeping and mourning, and pulling off the Hair, and girding with Sack-cloth, you shall, by my advice, conform your self to those, that by the Hand of [Page 194] God suffer such things. Let your ap­parel and Dress be mournful, as I doubt not but that your Mind is; your Dyet sparing and course, rather than full and liberal; frame your self to the indifferency, whereof the Apostle speaketh, In whatsoever state you shall be, therewith to be content; to be full, and to be hungry; to abound and to want. Remember now that which is the Lot of others, you know not how soon it may be your own. Learn to despise, and defie, the vain and falsly called wealth of this World, whereof you now see, we have so ca­sual and uncertain a possession.

This for Sobriety, the first part of the Lesson pertaining to your self.

Now for Iustice, which respects others (and containeth the Vertues of Honour to Superiors, discreet and equal government of Inferiors, peace­ableness to all, Meekness, Mercy, just dealing in matters of getting and spending, Gratitude, Liberality, just Speech and desires) God's Judgments being in the Earth, the Inhabitants of the World should learn Righteous­ness, as the Prophet speaketh: Call [Page 195] to mind therefore and bethink you, if in any of these you have failed, and turn your Feet to God's Testimo­nies; certainly these times are such, wherein you may be afflicted, and say with the Psalmist, Horrour hath taken hold of me, and Rivers of Tears run down mine Eyes, because they keep not thy Laws. Rebelling against Su­periors, Misleading, not only by Ex­ample, but by Compulsion, Inferiors, laying their Hand to them, that were at peace with them, unjustly spoiling and unthankfully requiting, those that had shewed them kindness, no Faith nor Truth in their Promises; Judge by the way, of the School that teach­eth Christ thus; are these his doings? as for those that suffer, I am well as­sured, I shall not need to inform you, or stir you up to mercy and compassi­on. That which is done in this kind, is done to Christ himself, and shall be put upon account in your reckoning, and rewarded accordingly at his glori­ous appearance.

The last and principal part of our Lesson remains, which teacheth how to behave our selves Godly, or religi­ously; (to this belong, First, the [Page 196] Duties of Gods inward Worship, as Fear, Love, and Faith in God; then outward, as Invocation, the holy use of his Word and Sacraments, Name and Sabbaths). The Apostle makes it the whole End and Work for which we were set in this World, to seek the Lord; yet in publick affliction, we are specially invited thereto, as it is written of Iehoshaphat, when a great multitude came to invade him, He set his Face to seek the Lord, and cal­led the people to a solemn fast: So the Church professeth in the Prophet Isaiah, In the way of thy Iudgments Lord we have waited for thee, the de­sire of our Soul is to thy Name, and to the remembrance of thee. With my Soul have I desired thee in the Night, yea with my Spirit within me will I seek thee early. In this publick Calamity therefore it is our duty, to turn to him that smiteth us: and to humble our selves under his mighty Hand, to conceive a reverend and Religious fear towards him, that only, by turning away his countenance, can thus trou­ble us, against that of Man, which can do no more but kill the Bo­dy.

[Page 197] Again, to renew our love to our heavenly Father, that now offereth himself to us, as to Children, and to give a proof of that Love that we bear to our Saviour, in the keeping of his Sayings, hating in comparison of him, and competition with him, Father, Mother, Children, Goods, and Life it self; which is the condi­tion, and proof of his Disciples; and above all to receive, and to re-inforce our Faith and Affiance, which is now brought unto the tryal of the fiery Furnace, and of the Lions Den; O that it might be found to our honour, praise, and glory, at the appearing of Jesus Christ. In the mean space, even now, let us be partakers of Christ's Sufferings, and hear him from Hea­ven encouraging us, Be thou faithful unto Death, and I will give thee a Crown of Life.

Touching Prayer, we have this gracious invitation, Call upon me in the day of trouble, and I will hear thee; the example of all Gods Saints, and of our Saviour in his agony; to this belong the humble confession of our Sins, with earnest request of Par­don; the complaint of our Misery, and danger, with request of suc­cour [Page 198] and protection; we have besides the intercession of our Advocate, with the Father, the cry of the innocent Blood, that hath been cruelly shed, and the Lords own interesting himself in the cause, so as we may say with the Psalmist, Arise, O God: plead thine own cause, remember how the foolish Man, (yea, the Man of Sin) reproach­eth thee daily. Forget not the voice of thine Enemies; the tumult of those that rise against thee, encreaseth continually. That Psalm, and many others, as the 6, 13, 35, 43, 71, 74, 79, 80, 88, 92, 94, 102, 115, 123, 130, 140, 142. do give Precedents of Prayers in such times as these; and the Prayer of Daniel, and Ezra 9. of Asa and Ie­hoshaphat, 2 Chron. 14. and 26.12. The Stories of David's flight before Absolom, and Iehoshaphat's behaviour when the Enemies came against him, of Hezekiah's, in Sennacherib's Invasion, Isa. 37. and the whole book of Esther, are fit Scriptures now to be read, that through the patience and comfort of them we might have hope.

Now because we know not how soon we may be called to sanctifie God's name, by making profession thereof, you may perhaps desire to know what [Page 199] to say in that day. You may openly profess your not doubting of any Ar­ticle of the Catholick Faith, shortly laid down in the Creed, or more largely laid down in the Holy Scri­ptures, but that you consent not to certain Opinions, which are no points of Faith, which have been brought into common belief, without warrant of Scriptures, or pure Antiquity, as Namely,

  • That it is of necessity to Salva­tion to be under the Pope.
  • That the Scriptures ought not to be read of the common peo­ple.
  • That the Doctrine of Holy Scri­pture is not sufficient to Salva­tion.
  • That the Service of God ought to be in a Language not understood of the people.
  • That the Communion should not be adminstred to them in both kinds.
  • That the Bread in the Lord's Sup­per, is transubstantiated into his Body.
  • That he is there sacrificed for the quick and the dead.
  • [Page 200] That there is any Purgatory be­sides Christ's Blood.
  • That our good Words can merit Heaven.
  • That the Saints hear our Prayers, and know our Hearts.
  • That Images are to be wor­shipped.
  • That the Pope is Infallible, and can command Angels.
  • That we ought to pray to the Dead, and for the Dead.

In all these notwithstanding, you may profess your teachableness, if by sound Reasons out of God's Word, you shall be convinced of the truth of them: And because we know not how far it will please God to call us to make resistance against sin, whether unto Blood it self, or no; it shall be Wisdom for us to prepare our selves to the last care of a godly life, which is to dye Godly. This the Apostle Paul calleth, Sleeping in Iesus, im­plying thereby our Faith in him, our being found in his Work, and our committing our Souls into his Hands with peace; such a sweet and Heavenly Sleep was that of S. Ste­phen, whose last Words for himself [Page 201] were, Lord Iesus receive my Spirit, and for his Tormentors, Lord lay not this sin to their charge; wherewith I will end this Writing, and wish to end my life, when the will of God shall be, to whose gracious protecti­on (dear Sister) I do heartily com­mit you.

November 23. 1641.

These Advices shew in what temper that holy Man was in this his extremi­ty. They had a very good effect on the Lady; for as by reading them over very often, she got to be able to say them all without Book, so she did that which was much more, she lodged them in her heart, as well as in her memory. While this good Man was now every day wait­ing f [...]r his Crown, the Rebells sent to him, desiring him to dismiss the company that was about him; but he refused to obey their cruel order, and he resolved to live and dye with them; and would much more willingly have offered him­self to have dyed for them, than have accepted of any favour for himself, [Page 202] from which they should be shut out. And when they sent him word, That though they loved and honoured him beyond all the English that ever came into Ire­land, because he had never done wrong to any, but good to many, yet they had received orders from the Council of State at Kilkenny, that had assumed the government of the Rebells, that if he would not put away the people, that had gathered about him, they should take him from them; he said no more, but in the Words of David and S. Paul, Here I am, the Lord do unto me as seems good to him, the will of the Lord be done: So on the eighteenth of December they came and seized on him, and on all that belonged to him, and carried him, and his two Sons, and Mr. Clogy prisoners to the Castle of Lochwater, the only place of strength in the whole County. It was a little Tower in the midst of a Lake, about a Musquet shot from any Shoar: And though there had b [...]n a little Island about it anciently, yet the Water had so gained on it, that there was not a foot of Ground above Water, but only the Tower it self. They suf­fered the Prisoners to carry nothing with them; for the Titular Bishop took pos­session of all that belonged to the Bi­shop, [Page 203] and said Mass the next Lords day in the Church. They set the Bishop on Horseback, and made the other Pri­soners go on foot by him: And thus he was lodged in this Castle, that was a most miserable dwelling. The Castle had been in the hands of one Mr. Cul­lum, who, as he had the keeping of the Fort trusted to him, so he had a good allowance for a Magazine to be laid up in it, for the defence of the Country: But he had not a pound of Powder, nor one fixt Musquet in it, and he fell under the just punishment of the neglect of his trust, for he was taken the first day of the Rebellion, and was himself made a prisoner here. All but the Bishop were at first clapt into Irons, for the Irish that were perpetually drunk, were afraid lest they should seise both on them and on the Castle. Yet it pleased God so far to abate their fury, that they took off their Irons, and gave them no disturbance in the Worship of God, which was now all the comfort that was left them. The House was extreamly open to the wea­ther, and ruinous: and as the place was bare and exposed, so that Winter was very severe; which was a great addi­tion to the misery of those that the Re­bels had stript naked, leaving to many [Page 204] not so much as a Garment to cover their nakedness. But it pleased God to bring another Prisoner to the same Dungeon, that was of great use to them, one Richard Castledine, who had come over a poor Carpenter to Ireland with no­thing but his Tools on his back, and was first imployed by one Sir Richard Wal­dron in the carpentry work of a Castle, that he was building in the Parish of Cavan: But Sir Richard wasting his Estate before he had finished his House, and afterwards leaving Ireland, God had so blest the industry of this Castledine, during Thirty years labour, that he bought this Estate, and having only Daughters, he married one of them, out of gratitude, to Sir Richard's young­est Son, to whom he intended to have given the Estate that was his Fathers: He was a Man of great vertue, and a­bounded in good Works, as well as in exemplary Piety: he was so good a Husband that the Irish believed he was very rich; so they preserved him, hoping to draw a great deal of Mo­ney from him: He being brought to this miserable Prison, got some Tools and old Boards, and fitted them up as well as was possible, to keep out the Weather. The Keepers of the Prison [Page 205] brought their Prisoners abundance of Provision, but left them to dress it for themselves; which they that knew lit­tle what belonged to Cookery were glad to do in such a manner as might preserve their lives; and were all of them much supported in their Spirits. They did not suffer as evil doers, and they were not ashamed of the Cross of Christ; but rejoyced in God in the midst of all their afflictions; and the old Bishop took joyfully the spoiling of his Goods, and the restraint of his per­son, comforting himself in this, That these light afflictions would quickly work for him a more exceeding and eternal weight of Glory. The day af­ter his imprisonment, being the Lord's day, he preached to his little flock on the Epistle for the day, which set be­fore them the pattern of the humility and sufferings of Christ; and on Christ­mas day he preached on Gal. 4.4, 5. and administred the Sacrament to the small Congregation about him; their Keepers having been so charitable as to furnish them with Bread and Wine. And on the 26th. of December Mr. Wil­liam Bedell, the Bishop's eldest Son, preached on S. Stephen's last Words, which afforded proper matter for their [Page 206] meditation, who were every day in ex­pectation when they should be put to give such a testimony of their Faith, as that first Martyr had done: And on the second of Ianuary, which was the last Sunday of their imprisonment, Mr. Clo­gy preached on S. Luke 2.32, 33, 34. During all their religious exercises, their keepers never gave them any distur­bance; and indeed they carried so gen­tly towards them, that their natures seemed to be so much changed, that it lookt like a second stopping the mouths of Lions. They often told the Bishop, that they had no personal quarrel to him, and no other cause to be so severe to him, but because he was an English­man.

But while he was in this dismal Pri­son, some of the Scots of that County, that had retired to two Houses, that were strong enough to resist any thing but Cannon, and were commanded by Sir Iames Craig, Sir Francis Hamilton, and Sir Arthur Forker, now Lord Gre­nard, finding themselves like to suffer more by hunger, than by the Siege that was laid to them, made so resolute a Sally upon the Ir [...]sh, that they killed se­veral, took some Prisoners, and disper­sed the rest, so that many Months pas­sed [Page 207] before they offered to besiege them any more. Among their Prisoners four were Men of considerable interest; so they treated an exchange of them for the Bishop, with his two Sons and Mr. Clogy; which was concluded, and the Prisoners were delivered on both sides on the 7th. of Ianuary: but though the Irish promised to suffer the Bishop with the other three to go safe to Dub­lin, yet they would not let them go out of the Country, but intended to make further advantage by having them still among them; and so they were suffered to go to the House of an Irish Minister, Denis O Shereden, to whom some re­spect was shewed, by reason of his ex­traction, though he had forsaken their Religion, and had married an English Woman: he continued firm in his Re­ligion, and relieved many in their extre­mity. Here the Bishop spent the few remaining dayes of his Pilgrimage, ha­ving his latter end so full in view, that he seemed dead to the World and every thing in it, and to be hasting for the coming of the Day of God. During the last Sabbaths of his life, though there were three Ministers present, he read all the Prayers and Lessons himself, and likewise preached on all those days. [Page 208] On the 9th. of Ianuary he preached on the whole 44th. Psalm, being the first of the Psalms appointed for that day, and very suitable to the miseries the English were then in, who were killed all day long, as Sheep appointed for Meat. Next Sabbath, which was the 16th. he preached on the 79. Psalm, the first Psalm for the day, which runs much on the like Argument, when the Temple was defiled, and Ierusalem was laid on heaps, and the dead Bodies of God's ser­vants were given to be meat to the Fouls of Heaven, and their Flesh to the Beasts of the Earth, and their blood vvas shed like Water, and there vvas none to bury them. Their condition being so like one another, it vvas very proper to put up that Prayer, O re­member not against us, former iniquities: Let thy tender mercies speedily prevent us, for we are brought very low. Toge­ther with the other. Let the sighing of the Prisoner come before thee, according to the greatness of thy power, preserve thou those that are appointed to dye. On the 23d. he preached on the last ten Verses of the 71. Psalm, observing the great fitness that was in them to express his present condition, especially in these Words, O God thou hast taught me from [Page 209] my youth, and hitherto have I declared thy wonderous works: now also when I am old, and gray headed, forsake me not. And on the 30th. which was the last Lord's day in which he had strength enough to preach, he preached on the 144. Psalm, the first appointed for that day, and when he came to the Words in the seventh Verse, which are also re­peated in the eleventh Verse, Send thine hand from above, rid me and deliver me out of great Waters, from the hand of strange Children, whose mouth speaketh vanity, and whose right-hand is a right hand of falshood. He repeated them again and again, with so much zeal and affection, that it appeared how much he was hasting to the day of God, and that his Heart was crying out, Come Lord Iesus come quickly, how long, how long? and he dwelt so long upon them, with so many sighs, that all the little assembly a­bout him melted into Tears, and lookt on this as a presage of his approaching dis­solution. And it proved too true, for the day after, he sickned; which on the second day after appeared to be an Ague, and on the fourth day he apprehending his speedy change, called for his Sons, and his Sons Wives, and spake to them [Page 210] at several times, as near in these Words as their memories could serve them to write them down soon after.

‘I am going the way of all flesh, I am now ready to be offered up, and the time of my departure is at hand: knowing therefore that shortly I must put off this Tabernacle, even as our Lord Jesus Christ hath shewed me, I know also that if this my earthly House of this Tabernacle were dis­solved, I have a building of God, an House not made with Hands, eternal in the Heavens, a fair Mansion in the New Ierusalem, which cometh down out of Heaven from my God. There­fore to me to live is Christ, and to dye is gain; which encreaseth my de­sire, even now to depart, and to be with Christ, which is far better, than to continue here in all the transitory, vain, and false pleasures of this world, of which I have seen an end. Hear­ken therefore unto the last Words of your dying Father; I am no more in this World, but ye are in the World; I ascend to my Father and your Fa­ther, to my God and your God, through the all-sufficient merits of Jesus Christ [Page 211] my Redeemer; who ever lives to make intercession for me, who is a propitiation for all my sins, and wash­ed me from them all in his own Blood who is worthy to receive Glory and Honour, and Power, who hath cre­ated all things, and for whose pleasure they are and were created.’

‘My witness is in Heaven, and my record on high, That I have endea­voured to glorifie God on Earth, and in the Ministry of the Gospel of his dear Son, which was committed to my trust; I have finished the Work, which he gave me to do, as a faith­ful Embassadour of Christ, and Stew­ard of the mysteries of God. I have preached Righteousness in the great Congregation: lo I have not refrained my Lips, O Lord, thou knowest. I have not hid thy righteousness within my heart, I have declared thy faithful­ness, and thy Salvation; I have not concealed thy loving kindness, and thy truth from the great Congrega­tion of mankind. He is near that ju­stifieth me, That I have not conceal­ed the Words of the holy one; but the Words that he gave to me, I have given to you, and ye have received them. I had a desire and resolution [Page 212] to walk before God (in every station of my pilgrimage, from my youth up to this day) in truth and with an up­right Heart, and to do that which was upright in his Eyes, to the utmost of my power; and what things were gain to me formerly, these things I count now loss for Christ; yea doubt­less, and I account all things but loss for the excellency of the knowledge of Jesus Christ my Lord; for whom I have suffered the loss of all things, and I account them but Dung, that I may win Christ, and be found in him, not having my own righteousness, which is of the Law, but that which is through the Faith of Christ, the righteousness which is of God by Faith; that I may know him, and the power of his Resurrection, and the fellowship of his sufferings, being made conformable unto his Death, I press therefore towards the mark, for the price of the high Calling of God in Jesus Christ.’

‘Let nothing separate you from the love of Christ, neither tribulation nor distress, nor persecution, nor famine, nor nakedness, nor peril, nor Sword; though (as ye hear and see) for his sake we are killed all the day long, [Page 213] we are counted as Sheep for the slaugh­ter: Yet in all these things we are more than conquerers, through him that loved us: For I am perswaded, That neither Death, nor Life, nor Angels, nor Principalities, nor Pow­ers, nor things present, nor things to come, nor heighth, nor depth, nor any Creature shall be able to sepa­rate me from the love of God in Christ Jesu my Lord. Therefore love not the World, nor the things of the World; but prepare daily and hourly for death, (that now besieges us on every side) and be faithful unto death; that we may meet together joyfully on the right-Hand of Christ at the last day, and follow the Lamb whereso­ever he goeth, with all those that are cloathed with white Robes, in sign of innocency, and Palms in their Hands in sign of Victory; which came out of great tribulation, and have washed their Robes, and made them white in the Blood of the Lamb. They shall hunger no more, nor thirst, nei­ther shall the Sun light on them, or any heat; for the Lamb, that is in the midst of the Throne, shall feed them, and shall lead them unto living Fountains of Waters, and shall wipe [Page 214] away all Tears from their Eyes.’

‘Chuse rather with Moses to suffer affliction with the people of God, than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season; which will be bitterness in the latter end. Look therefore for sufferings, and to be daily made par­takers of the sufferings of Christ, to fill up that which is behind of the af­fliction of Christ in your Flesh, for his Bodies sake, which is the Church. What can you look for, but one woe after another, while the Man of sin is thus suffered to rage, and to make ha­vock of God's people at his pleasure, while Men are divided about trifles, that ought to have been more vigilant over us, and careful of those, whose Blood is precious in God's sight, though now shed every where like Water. If ye suffer for righteousness, happy are ye; be not afraid of their terrour, nei­ther be ye troubled; and be in no­thing terrified by your adversaries; which is to them an evident token of perdition, but to you of salvation, and that of God. For to you is given in the behalf of Christ, not only to believe on him, but also to suffer for his sake. Rejoice therefore in as much as ye are partakers of Christ's sufferings, that [Page 215] when his Glory shall be revealed, ye may be glad also with exceeding joy. And if ye be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye; the Spirit of glory, and of Christ resteth on you. on their part he is evil spoken of, but on your part he is glorified.’

‘God will surely visit you in due time, and return your captivity as the Rivers of the South, and bring you back again into your possession in this Land: though now for a season (if need be) ye are in heaviness through manifold temptations; yet ye shall reap in joy, though now ye sow in Tears: all our losses shall be recompen­ced with abundant advantages, for my God will supply all your need, ac­cording to his riches in glory by Je­sus Christ, who is able to do exceed­ing abundantly for us, above all that we are able to ask or think.’

After that he blessed his Children, and those that stood about him, in an audible Voice, in these Words. ‘God of his infinite mercy bless you all, and present you holy, and unblameable, and unreproveable in his sight, that we may meet together at the right-Hand of our blessed Saviour Jesus [Page 216] Christ, with joy unspeakable and full of glory, Amen.’ To which he added these Words, ‘I have fought a good fight, I have finished the course of my Ministry and life together. Though grievous Wolves have entered in a­mong us, not sparing the Flock; yet I trust the great Shepherd of his Flock will save and deliver them out of all places, where they have been scatter­ed in this cloudy and dark day; that they shall be no more a prey to the Heathen, neither shall the Beasts of the Land devour them; but they shall dwell safely, and none shall make them afraid. O Lord, I have waited for thy Salvation.’ And after a little in­terval, he said, ‘I have kept the Faith once given to the Saints; for the which cause I have also suffered these things; but I am not ashamed, for I know whom I have believed, and I am per­swaded that he is able to keep that which I have committed to him a­gainst that day.’ After this time he spoke little; for as his sickness encreased, his Speech failed, and he slumbered out most of the time, only between hands it appeared that he was cheerfully waiting for his change; which at last came about Midnight on the 7th. of Fe­bruary, [Page 217] that he fell asleep in the Lord, and entred into his rest, and obtained his Crown, which in some sort was a Crown of Martyrdom; for no doubt the sad weight of sorrow, that lay upon his Mind, and his ill usage in his Impri­sonment, had much hastened his death: And he suffered more in his mind by what he had lived to hear and see these last fifteen Weeks of his Life, than he could have done, if he had fallen by the Sword, among the first of those that felt the rage of the Irish. His Friends went about his Burying; and since that could not be obtained, but by the new intruding Bishop's leave, Mr. Clogy and Mr. Shereden went to ask it, and Mr. Dillon was prevailed with by his Wife, to go and second their desire. They found the Bishop lying in his own Vomit, and saw a sad change in that House, which was before a House of Prayer, and of Good Works; but was now a Den of Thieves, and a Nest of uncleanness. The Bishop, when he was awakened out of his Drunkenness, excepted a little to it, and said, The Church-Yard was holy Ground, and was no more to be defiled with Here­tick's Bodies; yet he consented to it at last. So on the 9th. of February he was [Page 218] buried according to the direction himself had given, next his Wife's Coffin. The Irish did him unusual honours at his Bu­rial, for the chief of the Rebells ga­thered their Forces together, and with them accompanyed his Body from Mr. Shereden's House to the Church­yard of Kilmore, in great solemnity, and they desired Mr. Clogy to bury him according to the Office prescribed by the Church; but though the Gentlemen were so civil as to offer it, yet it was not thought adviseable to provoke the Rab­ble so much, as perhaps that might have done; so it was past over. But the Irish discharged a Volley of Shot at his In­terment, and cryed out in Latin, Re­quiescat in pace ultimus Anglorum, May the last of the English rest in peace: for they had often said, That as they estee­med him the best of the English Bishops, so he should be the last that should be left among them.

Thus lived and dyed this excellent Bishop; in whom so many of the great­est Characters of a Primitive and Apo­stolical Bishop did shew themselves so eminently, that it seemed fit that he should still speak to the World, though dead, both for convincing the unjust enemies of that venerable Order, and [Page 219] for the instruction of those that succeed him in it; since great Patterns give the easiest notions of eminent Vertues, and teach in a way that has much more au­thority with it than all speculative Dis­courses can possibly have. And as the Lives of the Primitive Christians were a speaking Apology for their Religion, as well as a direction to those that grew up; so it is to be hoped that the solemn though silent language of so bright an Example will have the desired effect both wayes: And then my Author will have a noble reward for his Labours. To this I shall add a little of his Character.

He was a tall and graceful person; there was something in his looks and carriage that discovered what was with­in, and created a veneration for him. He had an unaffected Gravity in his De­portment, and decent Simplicity in his Dress and Apparel. He had a long and broad Beard; for my Author ne­ver saw a Razor pass upon his Face. His grey Hairs were a Crown to him, both for Beauty and Honour. His Strength continued firm to the last; so that the Week before his last sickness, he walked about as vigorously and nimbly as any of the Company, and leapt over a broad Ditch; so that his Sons were [Page 220] amazed at it, and could scarce follow him. His Eyes continued so good, that he never used Spectacles, nor did he suffer any decay in any of his natural Powers, only by a fall in his Childhood he had contracted a deafness in his left Ear. He had great Strength and Health of Body, except that a few years before his death, he had some severe Fits of the Stone, that his sedentary course of life seemed to have brought on him, which he bore with wonderful patience. The best Remedy that he found for it was to dig in his Garden till he had very much heated himself, by which he found a mi­tigation of his Pain. He took much pleasure in a Garden, and having brought over some curious Instruments out of Italy, for Racemation, Engraft­ing, and Inoculating, he was a great Master in the use of them.

His Judgment and Memory, as they were very extraordinary, so they re­mained with him to the last. He al­wayes preached without Notes, but often writ down his Meditations after he had preached them. He did not af­fect to shew any other learning in his Sermons, but what was proper for opening his Text, and clearing the dif­ficulties in it; which he did by com­paring [Page 221] the Originals with the most an­cient Versions. His Stile was clear and full, but plain and simple; for he ab­horred all affectations of pompous Rhe­torick in Sermons, as contrary to the simplicity of Christ. His Sermons did all drive at the great design of infusing in the Hearts of his Hearers right ap­prehensions and warm thoughts of the great things of the Christian Religion; which he did with so much the more authority, because it appeared that he was much moved himself with those things that he delivered to others. He was always at work in his Study, when the affairs of his Function did not lead him out of it. In which his chief im­ployment was the study of the Text of the Scripture. He read the He­brew and the Septuagint so much, that they were as familiar to him as the English Translation. He read every Morning the Psalms appointed by the Common Prayer for the day in Hebrew; or if his Son, or any other that was skilled in the Hebrew, was present, he read one Verse out of the Hebrew, turning it into Latin, and the other read the next, and so by turns till they went through them. He had gathered a vast heap of critical Expositions of [Page 222] Scripture. All this, with his other Manuscripts, of which there was a great Trunk full, fell into the Hands of the Irish. He had writ very learned Paraphrases and Sermons on all those parts of Scripture that were prescribed to be read in the second Service, but all these are lost. His great Hebrew Ma­nuscript was happily rescued out of the hands of those devourers of all sacred Things, and is to this day preserved in the Library of Emmanuel Colledge: for an Irishman, whom he had converted, went among his Country Men and brought out that and a few other Books to him.

Every day after Dinner and Supper, there was a Chapter of the Bible read at his Table, whosoever were present, Pro­testants or Papists, and Bibles were laid down before every one of the Company, and before himself either the Hebrew or Greek, and in his last years the Irish Translation was laid, and he usually explained the difficulties that occur­red. He writ many Books of Contro­versie; which was chiefly occasioned by the engagements that lay on him, to labour much in the conversion of persons of the Roman Communion; and the knowledge he had of that [Page 223] Church, and their way of Worship, by what he had seen and observed while he was at Venice, raised in him a great zeal against their corruptions. He not only look'd on that Church as Idolatrous, but as the Antichristian Babylon; con­cerning which S. Iohn saw all those Vi­sions in the Revelation: And of this the Sermon, out of which I have made some extracts, gives Evidence. He writ a large Treatise in answer to those two Questions, in which the Missionaries of that Communion triumph so much, Where was our Religion before Luther, and what became of our Ancestors that dyed in Popery? Archbishop Vsher prest him to have printed it, and he had resolved to do it, but that, with all his other Works, was swallowed up in the Re­bellion. He kept a great correspondence, not only with the Divines of England, but with many others over Europe; for he writ both Latin and Italian very elegantly. He was very free in his con­versation, but talked seldome of indif­ferent matters, he expressed a great mo­desty of Spirit, and a moderation of temper in every thing he spoke, and his Discourse still turned to somewhat that made his company useful and in­structing. He spoke his own thoughts [Page 224] very plainly, and as he bore well with the freedom of others, so he took all the discreet liberty that became a Man of his Age and station, and did not stick to tell even the Learned and Worthy Primate Vsher, such things as he thought were blame-worthy in him, and with the same sincerity he shewed him some critical mistakes that he met with in some of his Works. They were very few, and not of any great importance; but they did not agree with the Pri­mates exactness in other things, and so he laid them before him; which the other took from him with that kindness and humility that was natural to him. His Habit was decent and grave; he wore no Silk, but plain Stuffs; the fur­niture of his House was not pom­pous nor superfluous, but necessary for common use, and proper. His Table was well covered, according to the plenty that was in the Country, but there was no luxury in it. Great resort was made to him, and he observed a true hospitality in House-keeping. Many poor Irish families about him were maintained out of his Kitchin: And in the Christmass time, he had the Poor always eating with him at his own Table; and he brought himself to en­dure [Page 225] both the sight of their Rags, and their rudeness: He was not for­ward to speak, and he expressed him­self in very few Words in publick com­panies. At publick Tables he usually sat silent. Once at the Earl of Straf­ford's Table, one observed, That while they were all talking, he said nothing. So the Primate answered, Broach him, and you will find good liquor in him; Upon which that person proposed a question in Divinity to him, and in answering it the Bishop shewed both his own sufficiency so well, and pusled the other so much, that all at Table, ex­cept the Bishop himself, fell a laugh­ing at the other. The greatness of his mind, and the undauntedness of his Spirit on all occasions has appeared very evidently in many of the passages of his life; but though that height of mind is often accompanied with a great mixture of Pride, nothing of that ap­peared in the Bishop. He carried him­self towards all people with such a gaining humility, that he got into their Hearts: He lived with his Clergy as if they had been his Brethren: When he went his Visitations, he would not ac­cept of the Invitations that were made him by the great Men of the Country, [Page 226] but would needs eat with his Brethren in such poor Inns, and of such course fare, as the places afforded. A person of Quality, that had prepared an entertain­ment for him during his Visitation, took his refusing it so ill, that whereas the Bishop promised to come and see him after Dinner; as soon as he came near his Gate, which was standing open, it was presently shut, on design to affront him, and he was kept half an hour knocking at it: the affront was visible, and when some would have had him go away, he would not do it, but said, They will hear e're long. At last the Master came out, and received him with many shews of civility, but he made a very short visit, and though the rudeness he met with prevailed not on him, either to resent it, or to go away upon it, yet it appeared that he under­stood it well enough. He avoided all affectations of state or greatness in his carriage: He went about always on foot, when he was at Dublin, one Ser­vant only attending on him, except on publick occasions, that obliged him to ride in Procession among his Bre­thren. He never kept a Coach: for his strength continued so entire that he was alwayes able to ride on Horseback: [Page 227] He avoided the affectations of humility as well as of Pride; the former flowing often from the greater pride of the two, and amidst all those extraordinary Ta­lents, with which God had blest him, it never appeared that he overvalued himself, nor despised others; that he assumed to himself a Dictatorship, or was impatient of contradiction. He took an ingenious device to put him in mind both of his Obligations to purity and humility: It was a flaming Cru­cible with this Motto in Hebrew, Take from me all my Tin. The Word in He­brew that signifies Tin, was Bedil. This imported that he thought that every thing in himself was but base alloy, and therefore he prayed that God would cleanse him from it. His great humi­lity made the secreter parts of his good­ness, as to his private walking with God, less known, except as they ap­peared in that best and surest indicati­on of it, which his life and conversati­on gave; yet if the Rebells had not destroyed all his Papers, there would have been found among them great discoveries of this; for he kept a daily Journal for many years; but of what sort it was, how full, and how parti­cular, is only known to God; since no [Page 228] Man ever saw it, unless some of the Rebells found it. Though it is not probable that they would have taken the pains to examine his Papers, it being more likely that they destroyed them all in a heap. He never thought of changing his See, or of rising up to a more advantagious Bishoprick, but considered himself as under a tye to his See, that could not be easily dissolved. So that when the translating him to a Bishoprick in England, was proposed to him, he refused it, and said he should be as troublesome a Bishop in England, as he had been in Ireland.

It appeared he had a true and gene­rous notion of Religion, and that he did not look upon it so much as a System of Opinions, or a set of Forms, as a Divine Discipline that reforms the Heart and Life; and therefore when some Men were valued upon their zeal for some lesser matters, he had those Words of S. Augustine's often in his Mouth, It is not Leaves but Fruit that I seek. This was the true prin­ciple of his great zeal against Popery: It was not the peevishness of a party, the sourness of a speculative Man, nor the concern of an interested person, that wrought on him: But he consi­dered [Page 229] the corruptions of that Church, as an effectual course for enervating the true design of Christianity; and this he not only gathered from Speculation, but from what he saw and knew during his long abode in Italy. His Devoti­on in his Closet was only known to him, who commanded him to pray in secret. In his Family he prayed al­wayes thrice a day, in a set Form, though he did not read it: This he did in the Morning, and before Dinner, and after Supper: And he never turn­ed over this duty, or the short De­votions before and after Meat, on his Chaplain, but was always his own Chaplain. He lookt upon the Obliga­tion of observing the Sabbath as moral and perpetual, and considered it as so great an Engine for carrying on the true ends of Religion, that as he would never go into the liberties that many practised on that day; so he was exem­plary in his own exact observation of it; Preaching alwayes twice, and Cate­chising once; and besides that, he used to go over the Sermons again in his Fa­mily, and sing Psalms, and concluded all with Prayer.

[Page 230]As for his Domestick concerns, he married one of the Family of the L' Estranges, that had been before married to the Recorder of S. Edmondsbury: she proved to be in all respects a very fit Wife for him; she was exemplary for her life, humble and modest in her Ha­bit and behaviour, and was singular in many excellent qualities, particularly in a very extraordinary reverence that she payed him: She bore him four Chil­dren, three Sons and a Daughter, but one of the Sons and the Daughter dyed young, so none survived but William and Ambrose. The just reputation his Wife was in for her Piety and Ver­tue, made him choose that for the Text of her Funeral Sermon, A good name is better than Oyntment. She dyed of a Lethargy three years before the Rebel­lion broke out; and he himself preached her Funeral Sermon, with such a mix­ture both of tenderness and moderati­on, that it touched the whole Congre­gation so much, that there were very few dry Eyes in the Church, all the while. He did not like the burying in the Church; For, as he observed there was much both of Superstition and Pride in it, so he believed it was a great annoy­ance to the Living, when there was so [Page 231] much of the steam of dead Bodies rising about them; he was likewise much of­fended at the rudeness which the crow­ding the dead Bodies in a small parcel of Ground, occasioned; for the Bodies already laid there, and not yet quite rotten, were often raised and mangled; so that he made a Canon in his Synod against burying in Churches, and as he often wisht that Burying-Places were removed out of all Towns, so he did chuse the most remote and least fre­quented place of the Church-Yard of Kilmore for his Wife, and by his Will he ordered that He should be laid next her with this bare Inscription, ‘Depositum Gulielmi quondam Episcopi Kilmorensis.’ Depositum cannot bear an English Tran­slation, it signifying somewhat given to another in Trust, so he considered his Burial as a trust left in the Earth till the time that it shall be called on to give up its dead.

The modesty of that Inscription adds to his Merit, which those who knew him well, believe exceeds even all that this his zealous and worthy Friend does through my hands convey to the World, [Page 232] for his memory; which will outlive the Marble or the Brass, and will make him ever to be reckoned one of the speaking and lasting Glories, not only of the Episcopal Order, but of the Age in which he lived; and of the two Nations, England and Ireland, be­tween whom he was so equally di­vided, that it is hard to tell which of them has the greatest share in him. Nor must his Honour stop here, he was a living Apology, both for the Reformed Religion, and the Chri­stian Doctrine: And both he that col­lected these Memorials of him, and he that copies them out, and pub­lishes them, will think their Labours very happily imployed, if the read­ing them produces any of those good effects that are intended by them.

As for his two Sons, he was sa­tisfied to provide for them in so mo­dest a way, as shewed that he nei­ther aspired to high things on their behalf, nor did he consider the Reve­nue of the Church as a property of his own, out of which he might raise a great Estate for them. He provi­ded his eldest Son with a Benefice of Eighty Pound a Year, in which [Page 233] he laboured with that fidelity that be­came the Son of such a Father; and his second Son, not being a Man of Letters, had a little Estate of 60l. a year given him by the Bishop; which was the only Purchace that I hear he made; and I am informed, that he gave no­thing to his eldest Son but that Bene­fice, which he so well deserved. So little advantage did he give to the ene­mies of the Church; either to those of the Church of Rome, against the mar­riage of the Clergy, or to the dividers among our selves, against the Revenues of the Church: The one sort objecting that a married state made the Clergy co­vetous, in order to the raising their Fami­lies, and the others pretending that the Revenues of the Church being converted by Clergymen into Temporal Estates for their Children, it was no Sacriledge to in­vade that which was generally no less abused by Churchmen, than it could be by Laymen; since these Revenues are trusted to the Clergy as Depositaries, and not given to them as Proprietors.

May the great Shepherd and Bishop of Souls, so inspire all that are the Over­seers of that Flock, which he purcha­sed with his own Blood, that in imi­tation of all those glorious patterns that [Page 234] are in Church-History, and of this in the last Age, that is inferior to very few that any former Age produced, they may watch over the Flock of Christ, and so feed and govern them, that the Mouths of all Adversaries may be stopt, that this Apostolical Order recovering its Primitive spirit and vigour; it may be received and obeyed with that same submission and esteem, that was payed to it in former times: and that all diffe­rences about lesser matters being laid down, Peace and Truth may again flourish, and the true ends of Religion and Church-Government may be ad­vanced, and that instead of biting, de­vouring and consuming one another, as we do, we may all build up one ano­ther in our most holy Faith.

Some Papers related to in the former History.

Guilielmus Providentiâ Divinâ, Kilmorensis Episcopus, dile­cto in Christo, A. B. Fratri & Synpresbytero salutem.

AD Vicariam perpetuam Ecclesiae Pa­rochialis de C. nostrae Kilmoren­sis Dioecesios jam legitimè vacantem,See p. 77. & ad nostram▪ collationem pleno jure spec­tantem, praestito per te prius juramen­to de agnoscenda & defendenda Regiae Majestatis suprema potestate in omnibus causis tam Ecclesiasticis quam Civilibus, intra ditiones suas, deque Anglicano ordine, habitu & Lingua pro Viribus in dictam Parochiam introducendis, juxt a for­mam Statutorum hujus Regni; necnon de perpetua & personali Residentia tua in Vicaria praedicta, quodque nullum aliud [Page 236] Beneficium Ecclesiasticum una cum [...]a retinebis: deque Canonica obedientia no­bis ac Successoribus nostris Episcopis Kil­morens. praestanda, te admittimus, in­stituimus, & canonicè investimus: Cu­ramque Animarum Parochionarum, ibi­dem commorantium, tibi committimus, per Praesentes. Obtestantes in Domino, & pro obedientia qua summo Pastori teneris injungentes: ut ejus Gregem quem suo sanguine acquisivit, tibi commissum, diligenter pascas, & in Fide Catholica instituas, officia divina Lingua à populo intellecta, peragas; exemplar ante omnia teipsum praebeas fidelibus in bonis operibus, ut erubescant Adversarii, nihil habentes quod in te reprehendant. Mandantes in­super dilecto Fratri, Thomae Archidiaco­no Kilmorensi, ut te in realem & actua­lem possessionem dictae Vicariae de C. indu­cat, cum effectu, in quorum omnium fidem & Testimonium Sigillum nostrum Episco­pale Praesentibus apposuimus.

Datum sep­timo die Maii, anno Salutis, 1640.
Guiliel. Kilmorensis.

Decreta primae Synodi Kilmorensis. In nomine Domini Dei & Salva­toris nostri Jesu Christi.

REgnante in perpetuum,See p. 79. ac gubernan­te Ecclesiam suam, eodem Domino nostro Iesu Christo, annoque imperii, serenissimi Principis ac domini Caroli, Dei gratia, magnae Britanniae & Hiber­niae Regis, decimo quarto, cum ad Eccle­siam Cathedralem Kilmorensem, monitu Guilielmi Episcopi convenisset Capitulum totius Dioecesios, ad Synodum Dioecesia­nam celebrandam, post fusas ad Deum Preces pro publica Pace, Regisque, & Familiae Regiae incolumitate, & peracta sacra Synaxi, verba fecit Episcopus de ejusmodi Synodorum Antiquitate, neces­sitate & Authoritate, & cum venisset in consultationem, quibus rationibus, & fidei sinceritas, & morum sanctitas, & decor Domus Dei, & Ministrorum libertas con­servari posset, nihil conducibilius visum est, quam ut ea quae à Patribus bene ac pru­denter [Page 238] Antiquitus instituta sunt, quasi postliminii jure revocarentur, atque tra­ctatu inter nos habito, ad extremum, in haec capitula unanimiter consensum est.

I. Synodum Dioecesanam sive Capitulum quotannis tertia & quarta feria secundae hebdomadae Mensis Septembris in Ecclesia Kilmorensi tenendam, eum diem huic con­ventui statum, & solennem fore sine allo mandato; si res poscat in caeteris ordina­tionum temporibus Presbyterium con­trahi, Episcopi mandatum expectan­dum.

II. In Episcopi absentia aut morbo, Vi­carius ejus si Presbyter fuerit, presidebit, alioqui Archidiaconus qui de jure Vicarius est Episcopi.

III. Vicarius Episcopi in posterum nul­lus constituatur aut confirmetur qui laicus est, nec quisquam prorsus nisi durante dun­taxat beneplacito.

IV. Vt Archidiaconus de triennio in triennium Dioecesin personaliter visi­tet, singularum Ecclesiarum, Aediumque mansionalium sarta tecta tueatur, libros & ornamenta in indiculo descriptos habe­at, [Page 239] defectus omnes supplendos curet; Epis­copalis procurationis dimidium habeat, ea conditione ut Episcopus illo Anno non vi­sitet.

V. Vt secundum pristinam & anti­quam hujus Dioecesios Kilmorensis consti­tutionem in tribus ejus regionibus, tres Decani sint, ab ipsis Ministris ejusdem Decanatus eligendi, qui vitam & mores cleri jugi circumspectione custodiant, & ad Episcopum referant, ejusque manda­ta accipiant, & quoties opus erit per apparitorem Decanatus ad Compresbyteros suos transmittant.

VI. In quovis Decanatu, in oppido ejus principali, conventus, sive Capitu­lum sit Ministrorum quolibet saltem Mense, ubi lectis plene publicis precibus, concionentur per vices sine longis precibus & prooemiis.

VII. Advocationes Ecclesiarum non­dum vacantium quae ad collationem Epis­copi spectant, nemini conferantur aut confirmentur.

VIII. Possessiones Ecclesiae non alie­nentur aut locentur contra Regni jura, nempe terrarum Mensalium nulla sit lo­catio, [Page 240] nisi quoad Episcopus in Sede aut vita supersit, caeterarum in plures annos, quam leges sinunt, aut prioribus lo­cationibus, triennio minus nondum ex­pletis.

IX. Vt Corpora defunctorum dein­ceps in Ecclesiis non humentur, sed nec intra quintum pedem à pariete extror­sum.

X. Vt mulieres in Sacrario non se­deant, sed infra Cancellos, & quidem à viris.

XI. Vt Sacrarium in consistorium non convertatur, aut sacra Mensa Notariis aut Scribis sit pro pluteo.

XII. Ne in funeribus mulieres luctum aut ullulatum facient.

XIII. Vt Ossa defunctorum in Coeme­teriis non coacerventur, sed tradantur sepulturae.

XIV. Vt matricula sit, in quam re­ferantur nomina eorum qui ad sacros or­dines admissi sunt, aut instituti, aut ad­missi ad Beneficia, sive ad curam Anima­rum coaptati; clericorum item Parochiali­um [Page 241] & Ludimagistrorum, neque deinceps ad literas testimoniales in visitationibus ex­hibendas adigatur.

XV. Ne quis Minister Oblationes ad Funera, Baptismum, Eucharistiam, Nup­tias, post puerperium; aut portionem Cano­nicam cuiquam locet.

XVI. Ne quis ejusmodi oblata acer­be exigat, praesertim à pauperibus.

XVII. Vt fas sit Ministro à sacra Coe­na repellere eos qui se ingerant ad Syna­xin, neque nomina sua pridie Parocho signi­ficarunt.

XVIII. Vt pueri saltem à septimo aetatis Anno, donec confirmentur per ma­nuum impositionem, stent inter Catechu­menos, factoque Catalogo, singulis domini­cis certus eorum numerus sistatur in Ec­clesia examinandus.

XIX. Si quis Minister quenquam ex fratribus suis alibi accusaverit prius­quam Episcopo denunciet, ab ejus consor­tio caeteri omnes abstinebunt.

XX. Clerici comam ne nutriant, & habitu Clericali prout Synodo Dubli­niensi [Page 242] institutum est, incedant.

XXI. O Economi Parochiarum provi­deant ne in Ecclesia tempore cultus divi­ni pueruli discursent, utque canes arcean­tur, constitutis Ostiariis, vel mulcta im­posita, si quis semel atque iterum admonitus canem secum in Ecclesiam introduxerit.

Vt nulla Excommunicationis sententia feratur ab uno solo Ministro, sed ab Epi­scopo, assistentibus quotquot in Capitulo fuerint praesentes.

Haec Decreta Synodalia, quoniam ex usu hujus Dioecesios futura credimus, & ipsi observabimus, & quantum in nobis est ab aliis observanda curabi­mus, adeoque Manûs suae quisque subscriptione corroboremus.

Septemb. 19. 1638.

Recusatio 24. Articulorum Epi­scopi Kilmorensis.

COram vobis venerabilibus Viris Georgio Riv. Legum Doctore, & Guilielmo Hilton Artium Magistro, Reve­rendissimi in Christo Patris Iacobi pro­videntia divina Armachani Archiepisco­pi, totius Hiberniae Primatis, nec non Iudicis, Praesidis, sive Commissarii Curiae Regiae Praerogativae pro causis Ecclesiasti­cis, & ad facultates in & per totum reg­num Hiberniae, Regia authoritate legi­time constituti, substitutis sive surrogatis, ut vulgo creditur, Ego Guilielmus Kil­morensis Episcopus cum debita vobis re­verentia propono, Quod licet ante hoc exceptionem quandam declinatoriam ju­risdictionis vestrae in quadam praetensa causa duplicis querelae mota à Guilielmo Bayly clerico Dioecesios Kilmorensis justis de causis interposuerim, ac nominatim propter incompetentiam fori, per absenti­am Reverendissimi Praesidis, & suspicio­nem [Page 244] animi vestri in me iniqui, quas eti­am coram eodem reverendissimo Praeside, aliisve aequis arbitris probandas in me recepi, ac licet etiam pro parte mea, ve­nerabilem virum Edwardum Parry sa­crae Theologiae Professorem elegerim ac no­minaverim: Vos tamen dictae recusationi meae non modo deferre recusastis, sed novis insuper & pluribus indiciis animum vestrum mihi infensum prodidistis; ea propter ego Episcopus antedictus animo non prorogandi, sed expressius & particu­larius contra jurisdictionem & personas vestras excipiendo, dico & allego.

I. Inprimis quod praetensa querela dicti Guilielmi Bayly oritur ex senten­tia quadam in causa correctionis ex offi­cio meo Episcopali, & jussa illustrissimi Proregis, in qua si modum excesserim, legitima appellatio erat ad Synodum Pro­vinciae, vel Consistorium Archiepisco­pale.

II. Quod dictus Bayly à Sententia praedicta judicialiter & viva voce appella­vit, unde servato ordine jurisdictionum ex decreto nuperi Synodi Dublinensis cau­sae cognitio, omisso intermedio Archiepi­scopali Consistorio, devolvi non potest ad hanc Curiam.

[Page 245] III. Quod firmamentum defensionis dicti Bayly nititur facultate quadam ab hac Curia concessa; cum vero nemo sit idoneus judex in propria causa, satis inverecunde vos hic inquiritis.

IV. Quod regiae Majestati cognitio abu­sivarum facultatum in ipsa lege reservatur expressis verbis, ut hoc forum vestrum, à quo ejusmodi facultates emanant, huic rei incompetens sit.

V. Quod sub nomine Reverendissimi Primatis Armachani delitescentes tenorem Commissionis vestrae non inseritis citatio­nibus vestris, ut nesciatur nedum quod, aut quatenus vobis commissum sit, sed an om­nino ab ipso surrogati.

VI. Quod jurisdictione vestra non fundata, illud satis scitur, homines vere Laicos in Episcopos ex executione Episco­palis officii nullam habere potestatene.

VII. Quod litem vestram facitis, dum in citatione vestra, narratis à me gesta in praejudicum jurisdictionis Curiae Regiae praerogativae, & ad facultates cedere, ejus­que contemptum, ex quo constat (fatente actore) hanc causam ad commodum [Page 246] & honorem vestrum spectare.

VIII. Quod ut quoquo modo proces­sum vestrum defendatis, fingitis causam esse duplicis querelae, cum nulla sit hic mutua petitio aut reconventio aut querela, nisi simplex tantum.

IX. Quod nimium favorem & pro­pensitatem ad partem dicti Guilielmi Bay­ly ostendatis, cum probum virum & di­sertum appellatis causa nondum dis­cussa; cum accusatorem Episcopi sui, Ca­nones Ecclesiastici, nec laudandum, nec facile audiendum, & nisi causam probave­rit, infamem haberi volunt.

X. Quod causa nondum audita in ea pronunciastis, dum dictum Bayly, Vicari­um de Dyne appellatis, qua tamen Vicaria se à me spoliatum conqueri­tur.

XI. Quod vetus mihi litigium est vo­biscum super institutionibus (quas haec Curia usurpavit,) ex quo in admissione Ni­colai Prenard ad Vicariam de Kildrom­ferton, protestationem interposui, quam tu Guilielme Hilton indignè tulisti, ea­que non obstante, & illum, & multos ali­os instituisti, reclamantibus Episcopis, [Page 247] quo nomine ergo, iniqui estis, non mihi tantum, sed aeque omnibus.

XII. Quod cum nuper de prima Cita­tione vestra conquestus essem apud illustris­simum Praesidem in qua Majestas laesa vi­debatur, vos ea de causa, haud dissimu­lanter iratos habui.

XIII. Quod comparentem ex ea Ci­tatione, ad Tribunal vestrum, expectare & per sesquihoram inambulare, tanquam ex infima plebecula coegistis.

XIV. Quod cum proximo die juridico à vobis dimissus essem sub hac formula, quod me non moraremini, quod nihil ha­buistis mihi objiciendum, t [...] tamen Gui­lielme Hilton post paulo dixisti futurum ut denuo citarer, ex quo consiliorum com­municationem cum dicto Guilielmo Bayly prodidisti.

XV. Quod cum secunda Citatio minus succederet, perperam facta, sub nomine Episcopi Lismorensis, tu idem Guilielme Hilton actorem admonuisti, ut de integro inciperet.

XVI. Quod cum tertio citatus Recu­sationem quandam jurisdictionis vestrae, [Page 248] opposuiss [...]m propter incompetentiam & suspicionem, quarum causas paratus eram coram arbitris ostendere, vos jam non admisistis ut oportuit, sed in proximum diem juridicum super ea deliberastis.

XVII. Quod quarto citatum ad audi­endum voluntatem vestram super recusa­tione praedicta cum cerneretis ad Tribunal vestrum appropinquantem, surrexistis il­lico, & quanquam nec Auditorio egressi eratis, nec Praeco populum missum fecisset, nec hora effluxerat, renuistis me Epi­scopum antedictum comparentem audire, ut haberetis aliquem colorem me contumacem pronunciandi.

XVIII. Quod cum proximo die juri­dico comparuissem, & contumaciam mihi falso impositam purgassem, & iterata praedicta Recusatione & arbitrum probati­onis pro parte mea reverendum Virum Ed­wardum Parry sacrae Theologiae Professo­rem nominassem, vos haec admittere recu­sastis, sed me ad libellum accipiendum & Procuratorem constituendum adigere volu­istis.

XIX. Quod in Acta Curiae referri cu­rastis, me non comparuisse, & in iisdem narratis tamen, me praesentem admonitum [Page 249] fuisse de comparendo de die in diem usque ad finem litis, in altero imperite, in alte­ro inepte, in utroque (salva reverentia vobis debita) injuste.

XX. Quod Sigillum officii curiae▪ Re­giae Praerogativae, & ad facultates, dis­pensationibus circa Pluralitatem Benefi­ciorum & Residentiam temerarie profusis, & interdum legi divinae repugnantibus ap­ponitis.

XXI. Quod Episcoporum jurisdictio­nem & ordinariam & excitatam à supre­mo Magistratu impedire, ipsos ad Tribu­nal vestrum protrahere, vexare & vili­pendere non veremini.

XXII. Quod eorum jura Episcopalia in institutionibus notorie usurpastis.

XXIII. Quod rescripta conceditis, in quibus multa, quoad sensum inepta, quoad verba incongrua continentur, quibus ideo de jure nulla fides adhibenda sit; cu­jusmodi sunt quae sub sigillo vestro in hac causa emanarunt.

XXIV. Quod nuper in hac eadem cau­sa, sigillum vestrum literis, in quibus Regia Majestas laesa fuerit, apponebatur minus [Page 250] discrete, ne quid gravius dicam, judex tamen indiscretus quoad recusationem iniquo ae­quiparatur.—Has ob causas, quas omnes aut earum plurimas ego Episcopus antedictus coram aequis arbitris verificare paratus sum (adeoque reverendum virum Edwar­dum Parry, S. Theologiae Doctorem, ex parte mea nomino) vestrum Tribunal, ab­sente reverendo Praeside, vestrasque per­sonas, tanquam mihi merito in hac causa suspectas, declino & recuso ad quemcunque juris effectum.

Dublin. anno Domini 1638.

Reverendo in Christo Fratri Eu­genio Guilielmus Ecclesiae Kil­morensis Minister S. P.

BEnigne tu quidem (reverende Fra­ter) qui tua praesentia te mihi offers in hoc tumultu praesidio fore. Nec ego in re simili impar tibi in hoc charitatis officio deprehenderer. Sed quo minus hoc tuo be­neficio utar in praesentia, multis impedior. In primis loci angustiis, tum calamitosorum omnis ordinis, sexus, aetatis, numero; qui huc tanquam ad Asylum co [...]fugiunt. Ac­cedit quorundam & inter hos Filii mei invaletudo. Quod caput est, non Religi­onis inter nos (unica nempe ea est & com­munis Christiana, quod ego semper & [...]ensi & scriptis professus sum) sed cul­tus disparitas: nos nempe in ejusmodi miseriis, lectione sacrarum Scripturarum, precibus assiduis Lingu [...] Vernacula ad Deum fusis, nos ipsos solamur; & quan­do in humanis tam parum Fidei est, Fidem & Opem Divinam imploram [...]s. Ea res si non te, at comites tuos offenderet, nec prohiberi possent, qui te hic commo­rantem visitare se velle dicerent: Quo praetextu circumcelliones isti irrumperent, [Page 252] qui cum caetera omnia nostra deripuerunt, ad extremum, se nece nostra cultum Deo gratum exhibituros opinantur. Mihi igitur certum est in divino praesidio acqui­escere, Christiano homini & quidem Epi­scopo jam pene Septuagenario, Christi causa, nulla mors acerba esse potest, nulla non op­petenda. Interea si quid tibi visum fue­rit interdicere apud populum sub Anat [...]e­mate; ne deinceps, concussis, spoliatis, to­ties exutis vim adferant, (mihi nempe so­li nihil posc [...]) rem facies Deo gratam, tibi honorificam, populo isti (si tibi obtem­peraverit) salutarem; sin minus, at spe­rate Deum memorem. Cui te, reverende Frater, ex animo commendo.

Tuus in Christo, G. Kilmorensis.
Nov. 11. 1641.

An Advertisement concerning a Chara­cter given by Sir Henry Wotton of F. Paul the Author of the History of the Council of Trent.

SInce there was so particular a men­tion made of Father Paul in the for­mer Life, I thought it would not be unacceptable to the Reader to see a Cha­racter that was given of him by Sir Hen­ry Wotton, in a Letter that he writ from Venice to the Famous and Learned Dr. Collings, the Kings Professor of Di­vinity in Cambridge, which is not prin­ted in his Remains: And therefore I hoped it would be received with the en­tertainment that is due to every thing that comes from such a Hand, and is writ on such a Subject. And we may better depend on Characters that are gi­ven in private Letters to Friends, than in more studied Elogies, where the heat either of friendship or Eloquence is apt to carry a Man too far; but Letters that pass among Friends, are colder and more careless things, and therefore they ought to be the less suspected.

SIR,

THough my Feet cannot perform that Counsel which I remember from some Translation in Siracides, Teras limen sensati viri; yet I should at least have often visited you with my poor Lines: But on the other side, while I durst not trust mine own conceit in the power of my present infirmity, and therefore have sel­dome written to any; I find my self in the mean time overcharged with divers Let­ters from you of singular kindness, and one of them accompanied with a dainty peaceful piece: which truly I had not seen before, so as besides the weight of the Sub­ject, it was welcome, even for the Grace of newness. Yet let me tell you, I could not but somewhat wonder to find our Spi­ritual Seneca (you know whom I mean) among these Reconcilers, having read a former Treatise of his (if my memory fail me not) of a contrary complexion. Howsoever, let him now have his due praise with the rest, for shewing his Chri­stian Wisdom and Charity. But I fear, as it was antiently said of a Roman General, That Bellum sese alit, so it will prove, though in somewhat a different sense, likewise as true of this Church-warfare, [Page 255] That the very pleasure of con­tending will foment Contention till the end of all flesh. But let me leave that Sacred Business to our well-meaning Fathers.

And now, Sir, having a fit Messenger, and being not long after the time when love-tokens use to pass between Friends, let me be bold to send you for a New-Years-Gift, a certain Memorial not alto­gether unworthy of some entertainment under your Roof, namely a true Picture of Padre Paulo the Servite, which was first taken by a Painter, whom I sent un­to him from my House, then neighbouring this Monastery. I have newly added there­unto a Title of mine own conception,Concil. Tri­dent. evi­sc [...]rator. and had sent the Frame withal if it were por­table, which is but of plain Deal coloured black like the Habit of his Order. You have a luminous Parlor, which I have good cause to remember, not only by delicate Fare, and Freedome (the Prince of Dishes) but above all your own learned Discourse; for to dine with you is to dine with many good Authors. In that Room, I beseech you to allow it a favourable place for my sake.

And that you may have somewhat to tell of him more than a bare Image, if any shall ask, as in the Table of Cebes; I am desirous to characterize a little unto [Page 256] you such part of his Nature, Customes and Abilities, as I had occasion to know by sight or enquiry. He was one of the hum­blest things that could be seen within the bounds of Humanity; the very Pattern of that Precept, Quanto doctior, tanto submissior; and enough alone to demon­strate that Knowledge well digested non inflat; excellent in Positive, excellent in Scholastical and Polemical Divinity; a rare Mathematician, even in the most abstruse parts thereof, as in Algebra and the Theoricks; and yet withal so expert in the History of Plants, as if he had never perused any book but Nature: Last­ly, A great Canonist, which was the Title of his ordinary Service with the State: And certainly in the time of the Popes Interdict, they had their principal Light from him. When he was either reading or writing alone, his manner was to sit fen­ced with a Castle of Paper about his Chair, and over Head; for he was of our Lord of S. Alban's Opinion, That all Air is praedatory, and especially hurtful, when the Spirits are most imployed. You will find a Scar in his Face, that was from a Roman Assassinate that would have killed him, as he was turned to the Wall near his Covent; and if there were not a greater Providence about us, it [Page 257] might often have been easily done, especi­ally upon such a weakly and wearish Body. He was of a quiet and settled temper, which made him prompt in his counsels, and answers, and the same in Consulta­tions which Themistocles was in Action, as will appear unto you in a Passage be­tween him and the Prince of Conde; The said Prince in a voluntary journey toward Rome came to Venice, where to give some vent to his own humours, he would often devest himself of his great­ness, and after other less laudable curio­sities, not long before his departure, a de­sire took him to visit the famous obscure Servite, to whose Cloyster coming twice he was the first time denied to be within; at the second it was intimated, That by reason of his daily admission to their deli­beratives in the place he could not receive the visit of so illustrious a personage, with­out leave from the Senate, which he would seek to procure. This set a great edge on the Prince, when he saw he should confer with one participant of more than Monkish Speculations: So after leave got­ten, he came the third time, and there be­sides other voluntary discourse (which it were a tyranny over you to repeat) he assailed with a question, enough to have troubled any Man but himself, and him [Page 258] too, if a precedent accident had not eased him. The question was this: He desi­red to be told by him before his going away, who was the true unmasked Author of the late Tridentine History. You must know, that but newly advertisement was come from Rome, That the Archbishop of Spalato being there arrived from Eng­land, in an interview between him and the Cardinal Ludovisio, Nephew to Grego­ry XV. the said Cardinal after a com­plemental welcoming of him into the Lap of the Church, told him by order from the Pope, That his Holiness would expect from him some Recantation in Print, as an antidote against certain Books and Pam­phlets, which he had published whilst he stood in revolt, namely his first Manife­sto: Item, Two Sermons preached at the Italian Church in London. Again, a lit­tle Treatise intituled, Scogli. And lastly, His great Volumes about Church Regiment and Controversies: These were all named; for as touching the Tridentine History, his Holiness, saith the Cardi­nal, will not press you to any disavowment thereof, though you have an Epistle before the Original Edition, because we know well enough that Fryer Paulo is the Fa­ther of that Brat. Vpon this last Piece of the aforesaid Advertisement the good [Page 259] Father came fairly off; for on a sudden, laying all together, that to disavow the Work was an untruth, to assume it a dan­ger, and to say nothing, an Incivility; he took a middle Evasion, telling the Prince, That he understood he was going to Rome, where he might learn at ease who was the Author of that Work, as they were freshly intelligenced from thence. Thus without any mercy of your time, I have been led along from one thing to another, while I have taken pleasure to remember that Man whom God appointed and furnished for a proper Instrument to anatomize that Pack of reverend Cheaters. Among whom, I speak of the greater part, Exceptis se­nioribus, Religion was shuffled like a Pair of Cards, and the Dice so many Years were set upon us.

And so wishing you very heartily many good years, I will let you breath, till you have opened these inclosed.

ERRATA.

PAg. 79. Margent, for 1. read 2. p. 105. l. 29. after Correction del.. p. 115. l. 13. for Vnderstanding r. an undertaking. p. 122. l. 16. after Oath r. not, l. ult. for Baily's Clerk r. Baily. p. 129. l. 18. for 1630 r. 1638. p. 132. l. 18. be­fore as r. such. p. 142. l. 12. for those Articles r. these Articles. p. 150. l. 15. for ther r. their. p. 206. l. 10. after carried r. themselves, l. 25. for Forker r. Forbes.

THE COPIES OF CERTAI …

THE COPIES OF CERTAIN LETTERS Which have passed between SPAIN & ENGLAND In matter of RELIGION, CONCERNING The general Motives to the ROMAN OBEDIENCE, BETWEEN Mr. Iames Waddesworth, a late Pen­sioner of the holy Inquisition in Sevil, and W. Bedell, a Mini­ster of the Gospel of Jesus Christ in Suffolk.

LONDON, Printed in the Year MDCLXXXV.

To the most HIGH & EXCELLENT PRINCE, Prince CHARLES.

I Should labour much in my excuse, even to my own Judg­ment, of the highest boldness, in daring to present these Pa­pers to your Highness, if there were not some relieving Circumstan­ces, that give me hope, it shall not be disagreeable to your higher Good­ness. There is nothing can see the light, which hath the name of Spain in it, which seems not now proper­ly yours, ever since it pleased you to honour that Country with your presence. And those very Motives to the Roman obedience, which had been represented unto you there, in case you had given way to the pro­pounding them, are in these Letters [Page] charitably and calmly examined; Be­tween a couple of Friends, bred in the same Colledge (that of the foun­dation of Sir Walter Mildway of bles­sed Memory, whom with Honour and Thankfulness I name) chosen his Scholars at the same Election, lodged in the same Chamber, after Ministers in the same Diocess. And that they might be matchable abroad as well as at home, Attendants in the same rank as Chaplains, on two ho­nourable Ambassadours of the Ma­jesty of the King your Father in Fo­reign parts; the one in Italy, the other in Spain. Where, one of them having changed his Profession, and received a Pension out of the Holy Inquisition House, and drawn his Wife and Children thither, was late­ly often in the Eyes of your High­ness: Very joyful I suppose to see you there, not more I am sure, than the other was solicitous to miss you here. These passages between us I have hitherto forborn to divulge, out of the hope of further answer from Mr. Waddesworth, according to his Pro­mise; though since the receipt of my last (being silent to my self) he ex­cused him in sundry his Letters to others [Page] by his lack of Health. Nor should I have changed my resolution, but that I understand that presently after your Highnesses departure from Spain, he departed this Life. Which News, though it grieve me as it ought in re­spect of the loss of my Friend, yet it somewhat contenteth me, not to have been lacking in my endeavour, to the undeceiving a well-meaning man tou­ching the state of our differences in Re­ligion; nor as I hope to have scandali­zed him in the manner of handling them. And conceiving these Copies may be of some publick use, the more being lif­ted up above their own meanness by so high Patronage, I have adventured to prefix your Highnesses name before them. Humbly beseeching the same, that if these Reasons be too weak to bear up the presumption of this Dedication, it may be charged upon the strong desire some way to express the unspeakable joy for your Highnesses happy return into England, of one amongst many thou­sands,

Of your Highnesses most humble and devoted Servants, W. Bedell.

THE CONTENTS.

1. A Letter of Mr. Waddesworth, containing his Motives to the Roman Obedience. Dated at Sevil in Spain, April 1. 1615. printed as all the rest out of his own Hand-writing.
p. 265.
2. Another Letter from him requi­ring answer to the former, from Madrid in Spain, April 14. 1619.
p. 282.
3. The Answer to the last Letter, Da­ted Aug. 5. 1619.
p. 284.
4. A Letter from Mr. Waddesworth upon the receipt of the former. From Madrid, dated Octob. 28. 1619. receiv­ed May 23. 1620.
p. 291.
5. The Answer to the last Letter, June 15. 1620.
p. 294.
6. A Letter from Mr. Waddesworth, from Madrid, June 8. 1620.
p. 298
7. A Letter of Mr. Dr. Halls sent to Mr. Waddesworth, and returned into England with his Marginal Notes.
p. 300.
[Page] 8. A Letter returning it inclosed to Mr. Dr. Hall,
p. 304.
9. A Letter sent to Mr. Waddesworth, together with the Examination of his Mo­tives, Octob. 22. 1620.
p. 307.
10. The Examination of the Motives in the first Letter,
p. 308.

The Heads of the Motives redu­ced unto twelve Chapters, an­swering unto the like Figures in the Margent of the first of Mr. Waddesworth's Letters.

OF the Preamble. The titles Ca­tholick, Papist, Traytor, Idolater. The uniformity of Faith in Protestant Religion.
p. 311.
Chap. I.
Of the contrariety of Sects pretended to be amongst Reformers. Their differences, how matters of Faith. Of each preten­ding Scripture, and the Holy Ghost,
p. 319.
Chap. II.
Of the want of a humane, external, infallible Iudge and Interpreter. The Objections answered. First, That Scri­ptures are oft matter of Controversie. Se­condly, That they are the Law and Rule. Thirdly, That Princes are no Iudges. Fourthly, Nor a whole Council of Refor­mers. The Pope's being the Iudge and Interpreter overthrown by Reasons; And by his palpable miss-in [...]erpreting the Scriptures in his Decretals. The stile of his Court. His Breves about the Oath [Page] of Allegeance,
Chap. III.
p. 328.
Of the state of the Church of England, and whether it may be reconciled with Rome. Whether the Pope be Antichrist, PAULO V. VICE-DEO, OUR LORD GOD THE POPE: The Relation de moderandis titulis, with the issue of it.
Chap. IV.
p. 358.
Of the safeness to joyn to the Roman being confessed a true Church by her Op­posites. Mr. P. Wotton's perversion, printed at Venice. The Badge of Christs Sheep.
Chap. V.
p. 372.
Of fraud and corruption in alledging Councils, Fathers and Doctors. The falsifi­cations imputed to Morney, Bishop Jewel, Mr. Fox, Tyndals Testament: Parsons four Falshoods in seven Lines. A tast of the Forgeries of the Papacy. In the antient Popes Epistles, Constantines Do­nation, Gratian; The Schoolmen and Breviaries by the complaint of the Vene­tian Divines. The Fathers not untoucht. Nor the Hebrew Text.
Chap. VI.
p. 384.
Of the Armies of evident Witnesses for the Romanists. Whence it seems so to the unexpert Souldier. The Censure of the Centurists touching the Doctrine of the Antients. Danaeus of S. Augustines opinion touching Purgatory. An instance or two of Imposture in wresting Ter­tullian, [Page] Cyprian, Augustine,
Chap. VII.
p. 409.
Of the Invisibility of the Church said to be an Evasion of Protestants. The Promises made to the Church, and her glorious Titles, how they are verified out of S. Augustine; falsly applyed to the whole Visible Church, or Representative, or the Pope,
p. 422.
Chap. VIII.
Of lack of Vniformity in matters of Faith in all Ages and Places. What mat­ters of Faith the Church holds uniformly; and so the Protestants. Of Wickliff and Hus, &c. whether they were Martyrs,
p. 426.
Chap. IX.
Of the original of Reformation in Lu­ther, Calvin, Scotland, England. Whe­ther King Henry the Eighth were a good Head of the Church. Of the Reformers in France and Holland. The original, growth and supporting of the Popes Mo­narchy considered,
p. 429.
Chap. X.
Of lack of Succession, Bishops, true Ordinations, Orders, Priesthood. The fabulous Ordination at the Nags-Head ex­amined. The Statute 8 Elizabeth. Bon­ners slighting the first Parliament, and Dr. Bancrofts answer to Mr. Alabla­ster. The Form of Priesthood enquired of.
p. 453.
Chap. XI.
[Page]Of the Conclusion. Master Waddes­worth's Agonies and Protestation. The Protestation and Resolution of the Au­thor and conceipt of Mr. Waddesworth, and his accompt,
Chap. XII.
p. 481.

THE COPIES OF Certain LETTERS Which have passed between SPAIN and ENGLAND In matter of RELIGION.

Salutem in Crucifixo. To the Worshipful, my good Friend Mr. William Bedell, &c.

Mr. Bedell,

MY very loving Friend: After the old plain fashion, I salute you heartily, without any new fine complements or affected Phrases. And by my inquiry, understanding of this Bearer, that after your being at Venice, you had [Page 266] passed to Constantinople, and were returned to S. Edmundsbury, in safety, and with health, I was exceeding glad thereof; for I wish you well as to my self: and he telling me further, that to morrow, God willing, he was to depart from hence to imbark for England, and offering me to deliver my Letters, if I would write unto you, I could not omit by these hasty scribled lines to sig­nifie unto you the continuance of my sin­cere love, never to be blotted out of my breast (if you kill it not with unkindness, like Mr. Ioseph Hall) neither by distance of place, nor success of time, nor difference of Religion. For (contrary to the slanders raised against all, because of the offences committed by some) we are not taught by our Catholick Religion, either to diminish our natural obligation to our native Coun­try, or to alter our moral affection to our former friends.

And although for my change becoming Catholick, I did expect of some Revilers to be termed rather than proved an Apostata, yet I never looked for such terms from Mr. Hall, whom I esteemed either my Friend, or a modester Man; whose flanting Epistle I have not answered, because I would not foil my Hands with a poetical Railer, more full with froth of Words than sub­stance of Matter, and of whom according to his beginning, I could not expect any sound Arguments but vain Flourishes, and so much, I pray, let him know from me, if you please.

[Page 267]Unto your self, my good Friend, who do understand better than Mr. Hall, what the Doctors in Schools do account Apostasie, and how it is more and worse than Heresie, I do refer both him and my self, whether I might not more probably call him Here­tick, than he term me at the first dash Apostata: But I would abstain from such biting Satyrs. And if he, or any other, will needs fasten upon me such bitter terms, let them first prove that, In all points of Faith I have fallen totally from Christian Re­ligion, as did Iulian the Apostata: For so is Apostasie described and differenced from Heresie. Apostasia est error, hominis baptiza­ti, contrarius Fidei Catholiae ex toto: and Hae­resis est error pertinax, hominis baptizati, con­trarius Fidei Catholicae ex parte. So that he should have shewed, first, my errors in mat­ters of Faith; not any error in other Que­stions, but in decreed matters of Faith (as Protestants use to say) necessary to Salvation. Secondly, That such errors were maintained with obstinate pertinacy; and pertinacy is, where such errors are defended against the consent and determination of the Catholick Church; and also knowing that the whole Church teacheth the contrary to such opinions, yet will persist in them: And yet further, if there be any doubt, he must manifest unto me which is the Catholick Church. Third­ly, to make it full Apostasie, he should have convinced me to have swarved and back­slidden (as you know the Greek Word sig­nifies) like Iulian renouncing his Baptism, [Page 268] and forsaken totally all Christian Religion: a horrible imputation, though false, nor so easily proved as declaimed: But I thank God daily that I am become Catholick, as all our Ancestors were till of late years, and as the most of Christendome still be at this present day, with whom I had rather be miscalled a Papist, a Traytor, an Apostata, or Idolater, or what he will, than to remain a Protestant with him still. For in Protestant Religion I could never find Uniformity of a settled Faith, and so no quietness of Con­science, especially for three or four years before my coming away, although by read­ing, studying, praying, and conferring, I did most carefully and diligently labour to find it among them.

II But your contrariety of Sects and Opi­nions of Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, [...]rotestants, Puritans, Cartwrightists, and Brownists, some of them damning each other; many of them avouching their Positions to be matters of Faith (for if they made them but School Questions of Opinion only, they should not so much have disquieted me) and all these being so contrary, yet every one pretending Scriptures, and arrogating III the Holy Ghost in his favour. And above all (which did most of all trouble me) about the deciding of these and all other Controversies which might arise, I could not find among all these Sects any certain humane external Iudge, so infallibly to interpret Scri­ptures, and by them and by the assistance of the Holy Ghost so undoubtedly to define que­stions [Page 269] of Faith, that I could assure my self and my Soul, This Iudge is infallible; and to him thou oughtest in Conscience to obey and yield thy understanding in all his determinations of Faith, for he cannot erre in those Points. And note that I speak now of an external, hu­mane, infallible Iudge. For I know the Holy Ghost is the Divine internal and principal Iudge; and the Scriptures be the Law or Rule, by which that humane external Judge must proceed. But the Holy Scriptures being often the Matter of Controversie, and some­time questioned which be Scriptures, and which be not, they alone of themselves can­not be Judges: And for the Holy Ghost likewise every one pretending him to be his Patron, how should I certainly know by whom he speaketh, or not? For to Men we must go to learn, and not to Angels, nor to God himself immediately. The Head of your Church was the Queen (an excellent no­table Prince) but a Woman, not to speak, much less to be Iudge in the Church; and since a learned King, like King Henry the Eighth, who was the first temporal Prince that ever made himself Ex Regio jure Head of the Church in Spiritual matters, a new strange Doctrine, and therefore justly condemned by Calvin for monstrous. But suppose he were such a Head, yet you all confess that he may erre in matters of Faith. And so you acknow­ledge may your Archbishops and Bishops, and your whole Clergy in their Convocation-House, even making Articles and Decrees: yea, though a Council of all your Lutherans, Cal­vinists, [Page 270] Protestants, &c. of Germany, France, England, &c. were all joyned together, and should agree all (which they never will do) to compound and determine the differences among themselves, yet by the ordinary Do­ctrine of most Protestants they might in such a Council err, and it were possible in their Decrees to be deceived. But if they may err, how should I know and be sure when and wherein they did, or did not err? for though on the one side, Aposse ad esse non valet semper consequentia, yet aliquan [...]o valet, and on the other side, frustra dicitur potentia, quae nunquam ducitur in actum. So that if neither in general nor in particular, in pub­lick nor private, in Head nor Members, joyntly nor severally, you have no visible, external, humane, infallible Iudge, who cannot err, and to whom I might have recourse for decision of doubts in matters of Faith, I pray let Mr. Hall tell me, Where should I have fixed my foot? for God is my Wit­ness, my Soul was like Noah's Dove, a long time hovering and desirous to discover Land, but seeing nothing but moveable and troublesome deceivable Water, I could find no quiet center for my Conscience, nor any firm Foundation for my Faith in Protestant Religion. Wherefore hearing a sound of Harmony and Consent, That the Catholick Church could not err, and that only in the Catholick Church, as in Noah's Ark, was in­fallibility, and possibility of salvation; I was so occasioned, and I think had important reason, like Noah's Dove, to seek out, and to enter [Page 271] into this Ark of Noah. Hereupon I was IV occasioned to doubt, Whether the Church of England were the true Church, or not? For by consent of all, the true Church cannot err; but the Church of England, Head and Members, King, Clergy, and People, as be­fore is said, yea a whole Council of Prote­stants by their own grant may err, ergo, no true Church. If no true Church, no sal­vation in it; therefore come out of it: but that I was loth to do▪ Rather I laboured mightily to defend it, both against the Pu­ritans, and against the Catholicks: But the best Arguments I could use against the Pu­ritans from the Authority of the Church, and of the ancient Doctors interpreting Scriptures against them, when they could not answer them, they would reject them for Popish, and flye to their own arrogant spirit, by which forsooth they must control others. This I found on the one side most absurd, and to breed an Anarchy of confusion: and yet when I came to answer the Catholick Argu­ments on the other side against Protestants, urging the like Authority and Vniformity of the Church, I perceived the most Protestants did frame evasions, in effect like those of the Puritans, inclining to their private Spirit, and other uncertainties.

Next therefore I applyed my self to fol­low their Opinion, who would make the Church of England and the Church of Rome still to be all one in essental Points, and the differences to be accidential; confessing the Church of Rome to be a true Church, though [Page 272] sick, or corrupted, and the Protestants to be derived from it and reformed: and to this end I laboured much to reconcile most of our particular controversies: But in truth, I found such contrarieties, not only between Catholicks and Protestants, but even among Protestants themselves, that I could never settle my self fully in this Opinion of some reconciliation, which I know many great Scholars in England did favour. For consi­dering so many opposite great Points, for which they did excommunicate and put to death each other, and making the Pope to be Antichrist, proper or improper, it could ne­ver sink into my Brain how these two could be descendent or Members sound nor un­sound V participant each of other. Rather I concluded, that seeing many of the best learned Protestants did grant The Church of Rome to be a true Church, though peradven­ture faulty in some things: And contrarily, not only the Catholicks, but also the Puri­tans, Anabaptists, Brownists, &c. did all de­ny the Church of England to be a true Church: therefore it would be more safe and se­cure to become a Roman Catholick, who have a true Church by consent of both parties, than to remain a Protestant, who do alone plead their own cause, having all the other against them: For the testimony of our selves, and our contraries also, is much more sufficient, and more certain than to justifie VI our selves alone. Yet I resisted and stood out still: and betook my self again to read over and examine the chiefest Controver­sies, [Page 273] especially those about the Church, which is cardo negotii (and herein because the Bearer stayes now a day or two longer, I will inlarge my self more than I purposed) and so I would needs peruse the Original quotations and Texts of the Councils, Fathers, and Doctors, in the Authors themselves, which were alledged on both parts, to see if they were truly cited, and according to the meaning of the Authors: a labour of much labour, and of travel sometime to find the Books, wherein I found much fraud committed by the Protestants; and VII that the Catholicks had far greater and bet­ter armies of evident Witnesses on their sides, much more than the Protestants; in so much that the Centurists are fain often to censure and reject the plain testimonies of those Ancients, as if their new censure were suffi­cient to disauthorize the others ancient sen­tences. And so I remember Danaeus in Com­mentariis super D. Augustin. Enchirid. ad Lau­rentium. Where S. Augustin plainly avouch­eth Purgatory: He rejects S. Augustines Opini­on, saying, hic est naevus Augustini: But I had rather follow S. Augustine's Opinion, than his Censure; for who are they to control the Fathers?

There are indeed some few places in Au­thors, which prima facie seem to favour Protestants, as many Hereticks alledge some Texts of Scriptures, whose sound of Words seem to make for their Opinions: But being well examined and interpreted, according to the Analogy of faith, and according to [Page 274] many other places of the same Authors, where they do more fully explain their Opi­nions; so they appear to be wrested, and from the purpose.

In fine, I found my self evidently convin­ced, both by many Authorities, and by ma­ny Arguments, which now I do not remem­ber all, nor can here repeat those which I do remember: But only some few Ar­guments I will relate unto you which pre­vailed most with me, besides those afore­mentioned.

VIII First, therefore I could never approve the Protestants evasion by Invisibility of their Church: For though sometime it may be di­minished and obscured, yet the Catholick Church must ever be visible, set on a Hill, and not as Light hid under a Bushel; for how should it enlighten and teach her Children, if invisible, or how should Strangers, and Pagans, and others, be converted unto her? or where should any find the Sacraments, if invisible?

IX Also the true Church in all places and all Ages, ever holds one Vniformity and Con­cord in all matters of Faith, though not in all matters of Ceremony or Government: But the Protestants Church hath not in all Ages, nor in all places such uniform concord, no not in one Age, as is manifest to all the World, and as Father Parsons proved against Fox's Martyrs, Wickliffe, Husse, and the rest: Ergo the Protestants Church, not the true Church.

[Page 275]Again, by that saying, Haereses ad originem X revocasse est refutasse; and so considering Lu­ther's first rancor against the Dominicans, his disobedience and contempt of his former Su­periours, his vow-breaking, and violent courses, even causing rebellion against the Emperour, whom he reviles, and other Prin­ces most shamefully; surely such arrogant disobedience, Schism, and Rebellions, had no warrant nor vocation of God to plant his Church, but of the Devil to begin a Schism and a Sect. So likewise for Calvin, to say nothing of all that D. Bolsecus brings against him; I do urge only what Mr. Hook­er, Dr. Bancroft, and Saravia do prove aganst him, for his unquietness and ambition, re­volving the Commonwealth, and so unjust­ly expelling and depriving the Bishop of Ge­neva, and other temporal Lords of their due obedience, and ancient inheritance. More­over, I refer you to the stirs, broils, sediti­on, and murthers which Knox and the Gene­va-Gospellers caused in Scotland against their lawful Governours, against their Queen, and against our King, even in his Mothers Bel­ly. Nor will I insist upon the passions which first moved King Henry violently to divorce himself from his lawful Wife, to fall out with the Pope his Friend, to marry the Lady Anne Bullen, and soon after to behead her; to disinherit Queen Mary; and inable Queen Elizabeth, and presently to disinherit Queen Elizabeth, and to re­store Queen Mary; to hang up Catholicks for Traytors, and to burn Protestants for [Page 276] Hereticks, to destroy Monasteries, and to pill Churches: Were these fit beginnings for the Gospel of Christ? I pray was this Man a good Head of Gods Church? for my part, I beseech our Lord bless me from be­ing a Member of such a Head, or such a Church. I come to France and Holland, where you know by the Hugonots and Geuses all Calvinists, what Civil Wars they have raised, how much Blood they have shed, what Rebellion, Rapine, and Desolations they have occasioned principally for their new Religion, founded in Blood like Draco's Laws: But I would gladly know whether you can approve such bloody broils for Re­ligion, or no? I know Protestants de fa­cto, do justifie the Civil Wars of France and Holland for good against their Kings; but I could never understand of them quo jure: If the Hollanders be Rebels (as they are) why did we support them? if they be no Rebels because they fight for the pretended liber­ty of their ancient Priviledges, and for their new Religion; we see it is an easie matter to pretend Liberties, and also why may not others as well revolt for their old Religion? Or I beseech you, why is that accounted Treason against the State in Catho­licks, which is called Reason of State in Pro­testants? I reduce this Argument to few Words, That Church which is founded and be­gun in Malice, Disobedience, Passion, Blood and Rebellion, cannot be the true Church: but it is evident to the World, That the Protestant Churches in Germany, France, Holland, Ge­neva, [Page 277] &c. were so founded, and in Geneva and Holland are still continued in Rebellion: ergo, They are not true Churches.

Furthermore, where is not Succession both XI of true Pastors and of true Doctrine, there is no true Church: But among Protestants is no succession of true Pastors, (for I omit here to treat of Doctrine) ergo, no true Church. I prove the minor: where is no consecration nor ordination of Bishops and Priests, according to the due Form and right inten­tion required necessarily by the Church and ancient Councils, there is no succession of true Pastors: But among Protestants the said due Form and right intention are not observed, ergo, no succession of true Pastors. The said due Form and right intention are not observed among Protestants in France, Holland, nor Germany, where they have no Bishops, and where Laymen do in­termeddle in the making of their Ministers. And for England, whereas the Councils re­quire the Ordines minores of Subdeacon and the rest, to go before Priesthood; your Mini­sters are made per saltum without ever being Subdeacons. And whereas the Councils re­quire three Bishops to assist at the consecra­tion of a Bishop, it is certain that at the Nags-Head in Cheapside, where consecrati­on of your first Bishops was attempted, but not effected, (whereabout I remember the controversie you had with one) there was but one Bishop, and I am sure there was such a matter: And although I know and [Page 278] have seen the Records themselves, that af­terward there was a consecration of Dr. Par­ker at Lambeth, and three Bishops named, viz. Miles Coverdal of Exceter, one Hodges­kin Suffragan of Bedford, and another whose name I have forgotten, yet it is very doubtful that Coverdal being made Bishop of Exceter in King Edward's time (when all Councils and Church-Canons were little observed) he was never himself Ca­nonically consecrated; and so if he were no Canonical Bishop, he could not make another Canonical: And the third unna­med, as I remember (but am not sure) was only a Bishop elect, and not consecra­ted, and so was not sufficient. But here­of I am sure, that they did consecrate Par­ker by vertue of a Breve from the Queen, as Head of the Church, Who indeed being no true Head, and a Woman, I cannot see how they could make a true Consecra­tion grounded on her Authority. Further­more, making your Ministers, you keep not the right intention; for neither do the Orderer nor the Ordered give nor receive the Orders as a Sacrament; nor with any intention of Sacrificing. Also they want the Matter and Form with which accord­ing to the Councils and Canons of the Church holy Orders should be given; namely for the Matter, Priesthood is gi­ven by the delivery of the Patena with Bread, and of the Chalice with Wine: Deacon­ship by the delivery of the Book of the Go­spels; [Page 279] and Subdeaconship by the delivery of the Patena alone, and of the Chalice empty. And in the substantial form of Priesthood you do fail most of all, which Form consists in these Words, Accipe po­testatem offerendi Sacrificium in Ecclesia pro Vivis & Mortuis, which are neither said nor done by you, and therefore well may you be called Ministers, as also Laymen are, but you are no Priests. Wherefore I conclude, wanting Subdeaconship, wanting undoubted Canonical Bishops, wanting right intention, wanting Matter and due Form, and deriving even that you seem to have from a Woman the Head of your Church, there­fore you have no true Pastors, and conse­quently no true Church. And so to con­clude,XII and not to weary my self and you too much, being resolved in my under­standing, by these and many other Argu­ments, That the Church of England was not the true Church, but that the Church of Rome was and is the only true Church, be­cause it alone is Ancient, Catholick, and Apostolick, having Succession, Vnity, and Visibility, in all Ages, and Places; yet what Agonies I passed with my Will, here I will over-pass. Only I cannot preter­mit to tell you, That at last having also mastered and subdued my will to relent unto my understanding, by means of Pray­er, and by God Almighty's Grace prin­cipally, I came to break through many tentations and impediments, and from a [Page 280] troubled unquiet Heart, to a fixed and peaceable tranquillity of Mind, for which I do most humbly thank our sweet Lord and Saviour Iesus, before whom with all reverence I do avouch and swear unto you, as I shall answer it in the dreadful Day of Judgment, when all Hearts shall be dis­covered, That I forsook Protestant Religion for very fear of Damnation; and became a Catholick with good hope of Salvation; and that in this hope I do continue and in­crease daily: And that I would not for all the World become a Protestant again. And for this which here I have written unto you in great hast, I know there be many Replyes and Rejoynders wherewith I could never be satisfied; nor do I desire any further Disputation about them, but rather to spend the rest of my life in De­votion; yet in part to give you, my dear good Friend, some account of my sel [...], having now so good an occasion, and fit a Messenger, and by you if you please to render a reason of my Faith to Mr. Hall, who in his said printed Epistle, in one place desires to know the Motives thereof, I have thus plainly made relation of some Points among many. Whereunto if Mr. Hall will make any Reply, I do desire it may be di­rectly, and fully to the Points, and in friend­ly Terms, upon which condition I do par­don what is past: and of you I know I need not require any such circumstances. And so most seriously intreating and pray­ing [Page 281] to our gracious Lord to direct and keep us all and ever in his holy Truth, I com­mend you unto his heavenly Grace, and my self unto your friendly love.

Your very affectionate, and true loving Friend, James Waddesworth.
Sevil in Spain, April 1. 1615.

✚To the Worshipful his respected Friend, Mr. William Bedell, at his House in S. Edmundsbury, or at Ho­ringer, be there delivered in Suffolk.

Kind Mr. Bedel,

MIne old acquaintance and Friend, ha­ving heard of your health and world­ly well-fare, by this Bearer Mr. Austen your Neighbour, and by him having opportunity to salute you with these few Lines, I could not omit; though some few years since I wrote you by one who since told me cer­tainly he delivered my Letters, and that you promised answer, and so you are in my debt, which I do not claim nor urge so much, as I do that in truth and before our Lord I speak it, you do owe me love in all mutual amity, for the hearty affectionate love which I have and ever did bear unto you with all sincerity. For though I love not your Religion (wherein I could never find solid Truth, nor firm hope of Salvation, as dow I do being a Catholick, and our Lord is my Witness, who shall be my Judge) yet indeed I do love your person, and your in­genuous, honest, good, moral condition, [Page 283] which ever I observed in you: nor do I desire to have altercations with Mr. Ioseph Hall (especially if he should proceed as Sa­tyrically as he hath begun with me) nor with any other Man, and much less would I have any debate with your self, whom I do esteem and affect as before I have written: nor would I spend the rest of my life (which I take to be short, for my Lungs are decay­ing) in any Questions, but rather in Devo­tion, wherein I do much more desire to be hot and fervorous, than in Disputations, be­seeching our Lord to forgive my coldness, yea my neglect therein, and to pardon and free me from all sin, and to guide and keep you in all happiness, even as I wish for my own Soul, through the Redemption of our sweet Saviour, and by the intercession of his holy Mother, and all Saints, Amen.

Written in hast from Madrid, April 14. 1619.
Your assured true Friend, James Waddesworth.
Received, Iune 4. 1619.

To the Worshipful my very good Friend, Mr. James Waddesworth at Madrid, deliver this.
Salutem in Christo Jesu.

THe late receipt of your Letters (good Ma­ster Waddesworth) did diversly affect me with joy and shame; and I know not with whether most. I was glad to hear of you, and your prosperous state, much more to receive a kind Letter from you: Ashamed therein to be called upon for debt; who have ever endeavoured to live by that Rule of the Apostle, Owe no­thing to any Man. Yet not so much for that which you most urge the debt of love, sith by that Text it appears, that it can never be so discharged, as there should not be more behind to pay. And your self who challenge this of me, do owe me as much or well more. For let me tell you, I have the advantage of you herein by my Profession, for where your love is to me as to a Man, or to an honest Man, nor can by your present perswasion go any further, I can [Page 285] and do love you as my dear Brother, and fellow Member in the mystical body of our Lord Iesus Christ. And from this ground (to his knowledge I do appeal) I do heartily pray for you, and bear with you, and as the Apostle enjoyns, Rom. 15.7. receive you with a true brotherly affection. I am not therefore ashamed of this debt, but do rejoyce as much in the ow­ing of it, as in the payment. But my shame grows from the being behind with you in the office of writing. Wherein yet hear my honest and true excuse. Neither will I go about to set off one debt with another. For you may re­member, how at our parting you promised to write to me touching the state of Religion there, which if we shall make out a perfect reckoning, I account to be a good debt still. But this I say, when your Letters of the first of April, 1615. came to my Hands, I pur­posed to return answer by the same Bearer, who as he told me, was to return about the Midsummer following. But I had a sudden and extraordinary journey which came between, and kept me from home till after the Commence­ment, so as that opportunity was lost. Besides, upon the reading of your Letters, I perceived your intention was to have them imparted to Dr. Hall, expecting in a sort some reply from him. To him therefore did I send them. Af­ter some Months I received this answer, which though I had once purposed to conceal, as not willing to be the mean of any exasperation between you, yet now hoping of your wisdom and patience, I send you inclosed, that it may be some evidence of my true excuse. Vpon the receipt of it, I [Page 286] began to frame an answer to the Points of your Letter, according to your desire, full and in friendly terms. I had well-nigh finished it, when I was presented to this Benefice, and thereby entered into a world of distractions. These, together with the labour of writing it over, and uncertainty of safe conveying my Let­ters to you, did make me procrastinate my pay­ment, till now to my shame you should need to demand it. And that I may by the more sha­ming my self obtain a more easie penance from you; I confess to you, I was sometime half in mind, (having especially differred it so long) to suppress it altogether. First out of mine own natural disposition, who have ever abhorred contention: and whereas in matters of Religion there ought to be the fairest Wars, I could ne­ver yet meet with any of that side of so pati­ent a mind, but by opposition he would be un­setled. For your self, though I knew your for­mer moderate temper, and (as I remember I wrote to Dr. Hall) believed you in that which you protest, that out of Conscience you were such as you profess; yet methought I perceiv­ed by your quick manner to him, and some passages in the conclusion of your Letter, you were rather desirous to enjoy the quiet possessi­on of your own opinion, than come to any fur­ther disputation whose is the right. And in truth the time of that tryal had been proper, before your departure: nor you had too far in­gaged your self, and were to justifie by your constancy, the wisdom of your change. Besides; since the summ of the errour of that side, as I have ever conceived it, is believing rather [Page 287] too much, than failing in any point necessary to salvation, that notable place of the Apostle, Rom. 14.1. came to my mind, especially after that I had once occasion to preach of it, where he forbids controversies of disputati­ons with those that are infirm in Faith. Who art thou (saith he) that judgest another Man's Servant? he standeth or fal­leth to his own Master. Why should I grieve you, and perhaps make my Friend mine Enemy (as Saint Paul the Galatians) by saying the truth. The World is full enough of contentious Writings, which as by your Letter appears you had seen ere ye resolved. If those had not satisfied you, what could I hope to add to them? These things moved me; but as you say, they did not yet satisfie me. For all Men are interested in the defence of truth, how much more he that is called to be a Preacher of it? All Christians are admo­nished by S. Jude, To fight for the Faith once given to the Saints; how much more those that are leaders in this warfare: How could I say I loved our Lord Iesus Christ, if his honour being questioned I should be silent? How could I approve to mine own Soul, that I loved you, if I suffered you to enjoy your own error, suppose not damnable? Besides that, you and perhaps others also might be confirmed in it, perhaps interpreting my silence for a con­fession that your Motives were unanswerable. But therein I was not only resolved my self to the contrary, but thought it so easie to re­solve any indifferent mind, as methought it was [Page 288] more shame not to have done it at the first, than praise to do it at the last. As for the success of my endeavour, I was to leave it to God. Many and secret are the wayes of his Providence, which serveth it self sometimes even of errours, to the safer conduct of us to our fi­nal happiness. Some I had known, and heard of more, who being at first carried away with the shews of Unity, Order, Succession, In­fallibility, when they found them empty of Truth, and the Cloaks of Pride, Ambition, Covetousness, joyned with an Obstinacy to defend all Corruptions how palpable soever, by finding the difference of these Hulls from their Fathers Table, had with the Prodigal-Son returned home again. To conclude, I ac­counted my self still in debt, and was I con­fess to you unwilling to dye in it; and some­times vowed to God, in the midst of my trou­bles, if I might once see an end of them, to endeavour to discharge it. And now having by his mercy not only attained that, but a new occasion presented me presently thereupon, by your calling for satisfaction to pay it, and means offered me to send it safely: I take this moti­on to proceed from God, and do humbly desire his Majesty to turn it to good. It remains therefore, good Mr. Waddesworth, that I do intreat your pardon of that slackness that is past, and gentleness to take it as I shall be able to pay it. My employments both ordinary and extraordinary are many: The bulk of it is too great to convey in one Letter, consisting of sundry Sheets of Paper; and at this present [Page 289] there lies an extraordinary task upon me, so as I cannot presently write it out. I do there­fore no more now but acknowledge the debt, and promise speedy payment. Vnless I shall add this also, that I do undertake to pay in­terest for the forbearance; and according as I shall understand by Mr. Austen shall be fittest and safest, to send it in parts, or all at once. To the conclusion of your last Letter, wherein you profess your desire to spend the rest of your life rather in the heat of Devotion, than of Disputation, desiring pardon of coldness that way, and of all other your sins, and that it would please God to guide and keep me in all happiness as your self, through the redemption of our sweet Saviour, and by the intercession of his ho­ly mother and all Saints. I do most thank­fully and willingly subscribe Amen: Returning unto you from my heart your own best wishes. Neither is it my purpose to call into question the solidity of truth, or firmness of the hope of Salvation, which you find in your present way. This only I say. Even for us also hath Christ dyed, and for our Redemption ha [...]h he shed his Blood. Sinners indeed we are, but of his Flock, and among his p [...]or Sheep are we numbered. Et pro nobis Christus mortu­us est, & pro nostra Re­demptione Sanguinem suum fudit. Peccatores quidem, sed de ipsius grege sumus, & inter ejus oviculas nume­ramur: This is my Tenet. And if the Doctrine of the Holy Bible do con­tain solid truth, and believing in the name of the Son of God do give firm hope of salva­tion, according to Gods own Record, 1 John [Page 290] 5.10, 11, 12. we are perswaded we have both. I will add this more; We know that we are translated from Death to Life, because we love our Brethren. With this Oyle in our Lamps, which we desire may be alwayes in store in our Vessels also our hearts, we attend the coming of the Bridegroom; and say cheerfully, even so come, Lord Jesus. Etiam veni Domine Jesu. To whose graci­ous protection I do most heartily commit you, and do rest

Your assured Friend, and loving Brother, W. Bedell.
Horningesherth, August 5. 1619.

✚To the Worshipful Mr. William Bedell at Horningesherth near S. Edmundsbury in Suffolk, these.
Salutem in Crucifixo.

Worthy Sir,

I Was exceeding glad to perceive by your kind, modest, and discreet Letters of the fifth of August last, that you are still permanent in your own good nature, and constant in your love to me: not like Mr. Ioseph Hall, neither bitterly reviling, nor flourishing impertinently. Unto whom I pray you return his scoffing railing Letter, with these few marginal Notes. I pray God forgive him, and make him a more humbler and meeker Man. And I for my part do freely pardon all his foul terms against me. And though in gratitude and justice I am bound, and so do love and respect you more than him, for your greater cour­tesie to me, and for your better value in [Page 292] your self; yet even him I can and do and am bound to love not only as an Enemy, or a Creature of God, or as I do you for an honest, moral, good, discreet Man, but even further and beyond that which you seem to understand that we cannot by our Doctrine proceed in love: viz. As Men having Souls, for whom our Saviour hath dyed; and so as possible members though indeed not actual branches of his mystical Body: Yea for such as may come to be ingrafted and bear Fruit in him, when we may be wi­thered, cut off, or fallen away. As for your serious Apology and excuse for not answering my first Letters all this while, I do easily ad­mit it, and assure my self that all the circum­stances, impediments, and occasions were such, as you affirm: nor did I expect, nor urge, in my first nor second Letters, any an­swer about Controversies in Religion (for I ever said we could say nothing of substance which before had not been said) but only gave you by Mr. Hall's occasion some few reasons of my Faith, wherein still I protest I had rather be devout than be troubled to dispute, not for fear or doubt, but because I am so fully resolved in my self, and do think it a very superfluous labour, toties & melius ab aliis actum agere. So that I desired rather answer of courtesie than of Controversie, which now by Mr. Astons means I received, and do much esteem it, and heartily thank you for it. Nevertheless, when your Re­ply unto my plain and few reasons come, I will for your sake both read them over, and [Page 293] according to my little health, less leisure, and my poor ability (which is least of all) return you some such short Rejoynder as it shall please almighty God to enable me, being glad to perceive by your last that you do subscribe to our intercession by our blessed Lady, and other holy Saints; which also I hope and wish you would fully extend to our invocati­on of Saints as Intercessors, not as Redeemers, for that were Blasphemy indeed and Idolatry; from which our sweet Saviour deliver us, and ever keep you, my good dear Friend, as I de­sire.

Madrid, in haste, Octob. 26. 1619.
Iames Waddesworth.

To the Worshipful my very good Friend, Mr. James Waddes­worth, at Madrid, deliver this.
Salutem in Christo Jesu.

YOur Letters of the 26 of October, (be­loved Master Waddesworth) were long upon the way, and came not to my hands till the 23 of May. In them I received your courteous acceptation of my excuse for my former silence, and censure of Dr. Hall's Letter with the profes­sion of your love to me and him, further than I accounted you could by your Doctrine proceed, viz. as redeemed by Christ, and possible Mem­bers of his mystical Body. Truly Sir, I will not change Words with you hereabouts, but I account still to be an honest Man, restraineth from that, to be redeemed by our Saviour, since that is as large as humane Nature, this is given to fewer, of whom a Man may say as our Lord doth of one in the Gospel, that they are not far from the Kingdom of God. Howsoever, I have still my intention that we out of our Profession may love you better than you can us: since it is more to be an ac­tual, than a possible member of Christ; and [Page 295] the Communion of Saints is a straiter Bond, than Redemption by Christ, and possi­bility of being ingrafted and bearing Fruit in his mystical Body. And I would to Christ that of all other Controversies this were the vehementest between us, which should love each other most. Wherein although I would strive and do my best to have the better, yet see how equally I would contend. For both I would acknowledge freely, my self far short of that which I may by my Profession do in this kind, and perswade my self better of your secret affection to us, than you may by your Profession express. I will not easily believe that you can find in your Heart to count that Man a Dogg, and out of the Church, and in state of damnation, that stedfastly believeth in our Lord Jesus Christ, and by him in the Blessed Trinity; that confesseth all the Do­ctrine of Holy Scriptures, the summ whereof is in the Creed; that lastly, with a charitable affection embraceth all that hold this Faith, through­out the World, yea even those that hate and per­secute him to the death. Wherein I forbear for the present to enlarge, because I speak more of it in my answer to your first Letters; which Mr. Aston gives me hope that himself ere long will consign in­to your hands. Now by his direction, I send you only advice of the receipt of your last, with hearty thanks for them, desirous not to run further in arrearages with you in this office of writing. This one thing I add, that where you write You are glad I do subscribe to your intercession by the Saints, wishing me fully to extend it to invocation of Saints as Intercessors, though not as Redeemers; I should be very glad if [Page 296] I could as well content you in all other Points as that one: coming thus prepared in all controver­sies with you, and all Men, to yield whatso­ever I may, saving the truth. But as I con­ceive it, there is great odds between these two. To desire God to grant us this or that good thing by the intercession of the Saints; and, To use invocation of themselves. The one supposeth only that the Saints in glory generally knowing the warfare of those on Earth, are careful for them, and omit not this act of never­failing charity to pray for them. These pray­ers it hopes, and desires of God may be helpful to us, by the only merit of our Lord Iesus Christ; in the same sort as those of the Saints wheresoever on Earth; as 2 Cor. 1.10.11. Ephes. 6.1. Phi­lem. v.22. The other, that the Saints departed know our wants, and states in particular, and hear our Prayers, and by consequent know our Hearts: which is flatly contrary to the Scriptures, 2 Chron. 6.30. Esay 63.16. To omit now that you do not only desire them to pray for you, but ask at their hands Grace and Glory, trust in them, vow to them, swear by them, offer and receive the Sacrifice of the New Testa­ment to their honour and glory, and desire it may be accepted by their Patronage. Where­fore as I am glad, to perceive that you do reverse those blasphemies indeed, Salva me, Salvatrix; Redime me, Redemptrix; and will not sub­scribe to those Words of Bellarmine, non erit absurdum si sancti viri Redemptores nostri aliquo modo, id est secundum aliquid, non simpliciter, & largo modo, non in rigore verborum esse dicantur: And again, cur in­eptè [Page 297] dicantur Sancti viri aliquo modo passio­nibus suis delicta nostra posse redimere? so I hope and wish you would do the like for calling upon them, and presenting their Merits unto God; and as ye may more safely and sweetly speak unto our Jesus, who is our Advocate with the Father, entered into the Holy of Holies, to appear before God for us. To his gracious protection I commit you, and do rest

Your assured Friend, and loving Brother, W. Bedell.
Horningshearth, Iune 15. 1620.

✚To the Worshipful his much respected Friend, Mr. William Bedell, at Horningshearth by S. Edmunds­bury in Suffolk, these.

My very good Friend,

MR. Bedell, my last unto you was by a Gentleman who went from hence a­bout six Months since; but I have under­stood he fell sick at Paris, by the way, and so was first hindred there in his Journey, and afterwards again at Brussels fell to a relapse, which detained him so long, that although now very lately I hear he is recovered and gone forward into England, yet in so long delays and so often sicknesses, I know not whether he have lost or forgotten my for­mer Letters: Wherefore out of this consi­deration, and by the opportunity of this Bringer, and by the true hearty affection which I bear you, being desirous to signifie unto you the continuance of my sincere love, I could not pretermit this so good an occasion, though hereby I have nothing else to say nor intreat, but if we have Wars, yet our dissen­tion may be rather in the matter and cases, [Page 299] than betwixt our persons, as discreet Lawyers use to plead vehemently each for his Clients Iustice, and yet remain betwixt themselves without breach of amity, and abstaining from opprobrious injury; wherein I have great confidence that you will proceed both more moderately in all the circumstance, and to better purpose in the substance than Mr. Io­seph Hall, unto whose Letter directed to you, and by you sent unto me, I wrote certain Marginal Notes only, and so returned the same by the above named Gentleman, where­of also (if it return to your Hands) I would intreat you to send me a Copy both of his Text and my Gloss, for then being in haste I remained with neither. Our Lord keep you, and guide us all to his truth, and to Heaven.

Iames Waddesworth.
Madrid Iune 8. 1620.

The Letter of Mr. Dr. Hall, men­tioned in the former with Mr. Wad­desworth's Marginal Notes.

Good Master Bedell,

WHat a sorry crabb hath Mr. Wad­desworth at last sent us from Se­vil? I pity the I pray see within how short a compass he proves himself a Poetical Railer by his Epithets, not only against me, but re­viling a whole Nation, and the Religion of the best part of all Christendom. impotent malice of the Man; sure that hot Regi­on, and I pray see within how short a compass he proves himself a Poetical Railer by his Epithets, not only against me, but re­viling a whole Nation, and the Religion of the best part of all Christendom. sulphurous Reli­gion are guilty of this his choler. For ought I see he is not only turned Papist but Spaniard too. Ibi vivi­tur ambitiosa paupertate: The great Man would not foil his Fingers (for that is his Word) with such an Adversary as my self; he should have found this conflict his foiling indeed; but he scorns the match; and what wonder, if he that hath all this while This mock if it were true, yet would I rejoyce in it, not only to [...]it on his Stairs, but to make clean his shooes. sat on Father Creswel's Stairs, scorn the unworthiness of him whom an English University scor­ned not to set in the Chair of Divinity? But whence is this my contempt? I see but two Vices [Page 301] to clear my self of; Poetry and I termed him a poetical Railer, not accusing nor ho­nouring him for a Poet; but taxing him for railing poeti­cally, using the word as some­times it is in the worst sense, when it is abused: neither condemning Poetry, nor ap­p [...]oving him for a Poet, but a poetical Railer: As he doth himself by that Epistle, and by this bitter Letter. Railing; of the latter you shall acquit me if you will but read that my poor Epistle which he sleights thus: Let your Eyes judge whether ever any thing could be written more mildly, more modest­ly, more lovingly. Of the former I must acquit my self; Cujus unum est sed mag­num vitium Poesis: What were I the worse if I were still a lover of those studies? If he could have had leisure to tend upon any thing besides that Fathers Pacquets, he might have seen most of the renowned and holy Fathers of the Church eminent in that Profession for which I am scorned; amongst many others Tertullian, Lactantius, Nazianzen, Prudentius, Fulgentius, Apollinarius, Nonnus, Hilarius, Prosper, and now in the upshot I willingly pardon all his poetical railing and false Epi­thetes, for that one true word acknowledging S. Bernard to be devout. devout Bernard, and why should their honour be my disgrace? But the truth is, these were the recreati­ons of my Minority; nunc oblita mihi. And if Poetry were of the deadly sins of their Casuists, I could smart for it in my [...]: is this a fit scandal to rake up from so far? What my proficiency hath been in serious studies, if the Univer­sity and Church hath pleased to testifie: What need I stand at the mercy of Pardon for S. Ber­nards sake. a fugi­tive. But if any of A brave Man at arms, &c. his Masters should un­dertake [Page 302] me in the cause of God, he should find I had studied Prose. As for these vain flourishes of mine, if he had not taken a ve­ny in them, and found it smart, he had not strook again so Pardon for S. Ber­nards sake. churlishly? Was it my Let­ter that is accused of Poetry? there is nei­ther Number nor Rhyme, I would there were not. nor fiction in it: Would the great Schoolman have had me to have packt up a Letter of Syllogisms? which of the Fathers (whose high steps I have desired to tread in) have given that example? what were to be expected of a Monitory Epistle which intended only the oc­casion if he had pleased of a future Dis­course? We Islanders Satis pro imperio. list not learn to write Letters from beyond the Pyrenees. How­soever, I am not sorry that his scorn hath cast him upon an Adversary more able to convince him; I am allowed only a looker on; therefore I will neither ward nor strike; his hands are too full of you: my only wish is, That you could beat him sound again; whereof I fear there is little hope. There was never Adversary that gave more advan­tage: He might have served in these Cole­worts nearer home. I profess I do heartily This ap­pears by your rail­ing on him, as he that justified himself from swearing, by loud swearing, By God he did not swear. pity him; and so if it please you let him know from me. What Apostasie (which is the only hard word I can be charged with) [Page 303] I This were to prove one absurdity by a greater, and to undertake that some one Text of Scripture is false or for­ged, because all the whole Bible is so: Or having called one a Jew or Bastard, &c. to make him amends by telling him all his kindred were such. But that Book and Chapter is indeed pitiful­ly professed: And by it and by insinua­ting here an offence of too much charity, may be easily perceived the substance of your proficiency in Divinity. impute to the Roman Church, I have pro­fessed to the World in the first Chapter of my Roma irrecon­ciliabilis: if I offend not in too much chari­ty, there is no fear: say what you will for me, I have done, and will only pray for him that an­swers me with con­tempt: farewell, and commend me to Mr. Sotheby, and your other loving and Reverend Society; and know me ever,

Your truly loving Friend and fellow Labourer, Jos. Hall.
Waltam. Ian. 10. 1615.

Good Mr. Bedell, this Letter hath lain thus long by me for want of carriage. I now hear you are setled at Horningsherth, where­of I wish you much joy. I am appointed to attend the Ambassadour into France, whither I pray you follow me with your Prayers.

May 15.

To my Reverend and worthy Friend, Mr. Dr. Hall, at Wal­tam, deliver this.
Salutem in Christo.

Good Mr. Dr.

THis Letter of yours, since my receipt of it, hath been a Traveller, further than you or I; which being some Months since re­turned into England, I return to you, that it may relate what entertainment it hath found in Foreign parts. It is now a Year and more that I received a Letter from Mr. Wad­desworth, challenging an old debt of me, an answer to his Letters, which occasioned this of yours. I wrote back, and among other things enclosed this your Letter, which he hath censured as you see. His answer by rea­son of the sickness of the Gentleman that brought it, first at Paris, and after at Brussels, came [Page 305] not to me till the latter end of May, and now lately another I received from him, wherein he desires a Copy both of your Text and his Gloss, as he calls it, as having reserved none for hast. I have not yet sent him my Answer to his Motives which hath long lain by me for lack of leisure to copy it out, and means safely to convey it, being well towards a quire of Paper. My ancient fault, tedious­ness. But the Gentleman that brought me his former Letter, hath undertaken ere long to con­sign it into his Hands. Therein I endeavour to use him with the best respect I can devise, only oppugning the Papacy and Court of Rome. Now, Sir, that which I would entreat of you, is this: You know the Precept of the Apostle touching them that are fallen, lend me your Hand to set him in joynt again. And be plea­sed not only not to reflect upon the weakness of his Gloss, but not so much as upon the strength of his Stomach: Though that be also weakness, as S. Augustine well calls it, The weakness of a stout Heart. 1 Cor. 4.13. infirmitas animositatis. Write a Let­ter to him in the Character [...]. Which shall either go with mine, or be sent shortly after. Who can tell what God may work? Surely, at least we shall heap Coals of Fire upon his Head. Although if all be true that I hear, it is not to be despaired but he may be delivered out of the snare of errour, the rather, because he hath not that reward or contentment which he expected. He lives [Page 306] now at Madrid with the Persian Ambassa­dour Sir Robert Sherley, and hath good main­tenance from him, being as his Steward, or Agent. The kind usage of his ancient Friends, may perhaps bring him in love with his Coun­try again, &c. This for that business. Now, &c.

October 2. 1620.

To the Worshipful my very good Friend, Mr. James Waddesworth at Madrid, deliver this.
Salutem in Christo Jesu.

Sir,

I Received by Mr. Fiston your Letters of the eighth of June, and as I hope ere this time you understand, the former which I mention in them: To which I wrote in answer, and deli­vered the same to Mr. Aston the fifteenth of the same Month. Doctor Hall's Letter with your Marginal Notes which in your last you require, I send you herein enclosed. Though if I may perswade or intreat you both, neither should the Text nor Gloss make you multiply any more words thereabout. Vpon the receipt of your Letter I spake with Mr. Aston, who told me, That he held his resolution for Spain, whereupon I resolved also to send by him mine [Page 308] answer to your first: as thinking it better to do it more safely, though a little later, than sooner, with less safety. And here, Sir, at length you have it. Wherein as to my modera­tion for the manner, I hope you shall perceive that setting aside our difference in Opinion, I am the same to you that I was when we were either Scholars together in Emmanuel Col­ledge, or Ministers in Suffolk. For the sub­stance, I do endeavour still to write to the purpose, omitting nothing material in your Let­ters. If sometimes I seem overlong, and per­haps to digress somewhat from the principal Point more than was necessary, I hope you will pardon it, sith you required a full Answer, and the delay it self had need to bring you some interest for the forbearance. And be­cause you mention the vehemency of discreet Lawyers (although methinks we are rather the Clients themselves, that contend, since our Faith is our own and our best Freehold) let me entreat of you this ingenuity (which I pro­test in the sight of God I bring my self.) Let us not make head against evident Reason, for our own credit, or fashion, and factions sake, as Lawyers sometimes are wont. Nei­ther let us think we lose the Victory, when Truth overcomes. We shall have part of it rather, and the better part, since er­rour, the common enemy to us both, is to us more dangerous. For Truth is secure and im­pregnable; we, if our Errour be not conquer­ed, must remain Servants to corruption. It is the first Praise, saith S. Augustine, to [Page 309] hold the true Opinion, the next to forsake the false. And surely that is no hard mastery to do, when both are set before us, if we will not be either retchless or obstinate. From both which our Lord of his mercy evermore help us, and bring us to his everlasting Kingdom. Amen.

Your very loving Brother, W. Bedell.
Horningshearth, Octob. 22. 1620.

THE COPIES OF Certain Letters, &c. Salutem in Christo Iesu.

CHAP. I. Of the Preamble. The Titles Catholick, Papist, Traytor, Idolater.

SIR,

I Do first return you hearty thanks, for the truth and constancy of your love, and those best effects of it, your wishing me as well as to your self, and rejoycing in my safe return out of Italy. For indeed further I was not: though reported to have been both at Constanti­nople [Page 312] and Ierusalem, by reason of the near­ness of my name to one Mr. William Bi­dulph, the Minister of our Merchants at Aleppo, who visited both those places.

I thank you also, that your ancient love towards me, hath (to use that Word of the Apostle) now flourished again, in that af­ter so many Years you have found oppor­tunity to accomplish your promise of wri­ting to me: though not as ye undertook of the state of Religion there yet, which I confess I no less desired, the Motives of the forsaking that you had professed here. Whereof since it hath pleased you, as ye write, now to give me an account, and by me to Mr. Dr. Hall, with some expectation al­so as it appears of reply from one of us, I will use the liberty which you give me, and as directly as I can for the matter, and in Christian terms for the manner, shew you mine opinion of them, wherein I shall endeavour to observe that Precept of the Apostle; [...], whether it be to be interpreted, loving sincerely, or seeking truth lovingly. Neither soothing untruth for the dearness of your person, nor breaking charity for diversity of Opinion. With this entrance, my loving Friend, and if you refuse not that old Catholick name, my dear Brother, I come to your Letter. Where­in, though I might well let pass that part which concerns your quarrel with Mr. Dr. Hall, with aetatem habet; yet thus much out of the common presumption of charity, which thinks not evil, give me leave to say [Page 313] for him, I am verily perswaded he never meant to charge you with Apostasie in so horrible a sense as you count, viz. A total falling from Christian Religion, like that of Julian, an obstinate pertinacy in denying the Principles of the Faith necessary to salvation, or a renouncing your Baptism. The term Aposta­sie, as you know, doth not always sound so hainously. A Monk forsaking his Order, or a Clerk his Habit, is in the Decretals stiled an Apostata. Granatensis saith not un­truly, That every deadly sin is a kind of Apostasie. The Apostle S. Paul speaking of Antichrists time, saith, There must come an Apostasie before Christs second coming: and how this shall be he shews elsewhere. Men shall give heed to spirits of Error, and Doctrines of Devils, and such as speak falshood in hypo­crisie. Whereby it seems that Antichrist himself shall not professedly renounce Christ and his Baptism. His Kingdom is a mystery of iniquity; a revolt therefore, not from the outward profession, but inward sincerity and power of the Gospel. This kind of Apostasie might be that which Mr. Hall was sorry to find in you, whom he thought fallen from the Truth, though not in the Principles of Christian Doctrine, yet in sundry Conclusions which the refor­med Churches truly out of them maintain. He remembred our common education in the same Colledge, our common Oath against Popery, our common Calling to the same sacred Function of the Ministery; he could not imagine upon what reasons [Page 314] you should reverse these beginnings. And certainly, how weighty and sufficient soe­ver they be, we are not taught by our Catholick Religion to revenge our selves, and render reproach for reproach with per­sonal terms; much less to debase and avile the excellent Gifts of God, as is Poesie, the honour of David and Solomon, by the Testimony of the Holy Ghost himself. These courses are forbidden us when we are railed upon, and calumniated; how much more when as S. Peter speaks, We are beaten for our faults; as it falls out in your case, if these Motives of yours be weak and insufficient; which we shall anon consider.

You say, you are become Catholick. Were you not then so before? The Creed where­into you were baptized, is it not the Ca­tholick Faith? The conclusion certes of Athanasius's Creed, which is but a decla­ration thereof,This is the Catholick Faith. saith, Haec est Fides Catho­lica. Or is not he a Catholick that holds the Catholick Faith? That which was once answered, touching the present Church of England, to one in a Stationers Shop in Venice, that would needs know what was the difference betwixt us and the Ca­tholicks. It was told him none: for we accounted our selves good Catholicks. When he unwilling to be put off in his answer, for lack of due form in his Question, pressed to know what was the difference betwixt us and them there. He was answer­ed, This; That we believed the Catho­lick [Page 315] Faith contained in the Creed, but did not believe the Thirteenth Article which the Pope had put to it. When he knew not of any such Article; the Ex­travagance of Pope Boniface was brought, where he defines it to be altogether of neces­sity to salva [...]on, to every humane creature to be under the Bishop of Rome. This thir­teenth Article, of the thirteenth Apostle, good Mr. Waddesworth, it seems you have learned; and so are become, as some now speak and write Catholick Roman. That is in true interpretation Vniversal-particular; which because they cannot be equalled, the one restraining and cutting off from the other, take heed that by strait­ning your Faith to Rome, you have not altered it, and by becoming Roman, left off to be Catholick.

Thus, if you say, our Ancestors were all till of late Years. Excuse me, Sir, whether you call our Ancestors the first Christian Inhabitants of this Isle, or the ancient Christians of the Primitive Church; nei­ther those, nor these were Roman Catho­licks; Namely, the Fathers of the Afri­can Council, and amongst these S. Augustine: And therefore by Pope Boniface his Sen­tence, be undoubtedly damned, for ta­king upon them, by the Devil's instinct (if we believe another Bonifac. 2. Epist. ad Eulalium. Pope Boniface) to wax proud against the Church of Rome. Such Catholicks, if ye mean the most of Christendome be at this Day; beware of [Page 316] putting your self upon that Issue. Believe me, either you must frame a new Cos­mography, yea, a new World, or else you are gone if it come to most Voices in Christendom. Touching the Names of Papist, Traytor, Idolater. The first is no mis-calling you, as comprizing the very Character that differenceth you from all other Catholicks. Neither by our Rhe­mists advice should you be ashamed of it, sith to be a Papist, by their Interpretati­on is nothing else, Annotat. in Acts 11.26. but to be a Christian Man, a Child of the Church, and subject to Christs Vicar. The wise State of Venice have a little different notion of their Papalines, ex­cluding from sundry their consultations under that name, such of the Nobility as are obliged to the Pope by Ecclesiastical promotions. True it is that they apply it also to Papalines in faction, such as are su­perstitiously devoted to the maintaining of all the Popes usurped Authority; in which sense I hope you are no Papist.

A Traytor, I am assured, Mr. Dr. Hall will never call you, unless he know that you have drunk so deep of the Cup of error, as to believe the Pope may de­pose your Prince; that you are not bound to obey him being so deposed; that in that case it is lawful, yea, meritorious to kill him; that they are Martyrs that are executed for plotting to blow him up with Gunpowder, though undeposed; hoping it would be no less agreeable to his Holi­ness, [Page 317] than (that which he desired) to have kept him from coming to the Crown at first. If you be thus perfectly a Papist, not only we here in England, but I believe his Catholick Majesty, under whose obe­dience now ye live, whensoever he should be that Prince, would account you a Tray­tor, and punish you accordingly. I hope you are far from these furies.

For Idolatry, if to give divine honour to Creatures, deserve that name, consi­der how you can defend or excuse those Prayers to the Blessed Virgin, Tu nos ab Hoste protege, & horâ Mortis suscipe. And to the Cross, Auge piis justitiam, reisque do­na veniam: I omit to speak of the Popes Omnipotency. I hope also you keep your self from this Idolatry.

In Protestant Religion, you say, you could never find Vniformity of a settled Faith. How so? when you had that same De ve­land. Virg. c. 1. One only immoveable and unreformable Rule of Faith, as Tertullian calls it, every Lords Day recited in your hearing, if not by your Mouth: I mean the Creed, of which Irenaeus Lib. 1. c. 3. saith, that he which is able to say much of the Faith, exceeds it not, nor he that less, diminisheth; which Epist ad Dardanum. S. Augustine calls the Rule common to great and small; which might well enough have settled and quitted your Conscience, whi­lest you laboured to find the truth in all doubtful Questions. Whereto how carefully and diligently you used the means of rea­ding, studying, and praying for Three or [Page 318] Four Years, God and your Conscience best know. For conferring, I cannot yield you any testimony, notwithstanding our fa­miliarity, and that we were not many Miles asunder, and you were also privy, that I had to do in these Controversies, with some of that side, and saw some sample of the Work. I come now to your Motives.

CHAP. II. Of the contrariety of Sects pretended to be amongst Reformers.

IN the front whereof is the common ex­ception, to our contrariety of Sects and opi­nions, &c. First, what are all these to the Church of England, which followeth none but Christ? Then, if it be a fault of the Reformed Churches, that there is strife and division amongst them, as who will justifie it; yet let it find pardon, if not for Corinth's sake,1 Cor. 3 3. Socrat. l. 4. c. 27. and the Primitive Chur­ches what time Themistius was fain to ex­cuse it with an Oration to Valens the Em­perour, yet even for Romes: Where also you cannot but know, that in very many and most important Points, Divines hold one thing, and Canonists another; The French, and lately also the Venetian Divines, resist to his Face, him, that others say no Man may be so hardy as to ask, Domine, cur ita facis? though he should draw with him innumerable Souls to Hell. Your Spanish Pre­lates and Divines would never acknow­ledge in the Council of Trent (the Mysteries whereof are come out at last) That Epis­copal Authority was derived from him, nor consent to that circumventing Clause, Propo­nentibus [Page 320] Legatis, &c. And were strong that Residence is, de Iure Divino; howsoever they were over-ruled by the Italian Faction: Whether they have yet changed their minds, you can better tell than I. The old Facti­on of the Thomists and Scotists is yet a foot, as I perceive by Rada his Controversies. In the beginning whereof the Censor of the Book hath this Sentence. Qua propter audiendi nullatenus sunt, qui has Theologicas contentiones è medio omnino explodendas arbi­trantur. There is another lately risen be­tween the Dominicans and the Iesuites; both in as great matters, and pursued with as great vehemency, as those of the Refor­med Churches, excepting only a few fiery Spirits of Saxony. But in the Church of England, as Reformation was not brought in by any one Man, but by the joynt con­sent of the whole, so it is yet continued. Lu­therans, Zuinglians, Calvinists, are not known among us, save by hearsay. Whereof it is some sign, That your self do not know them well, as it seems, when you distinguish them from Protestants. A name first given to the Princes and free Cities of Germany, that sought Reformation in the Dyet at Spire, Anno 1529. and from them passed to us and other Countreys where it was effected. Who are then Protestants, if the Lutherans and Zuinglians be not? For of both these there were in that Dyet; the Helvetians and parts adjoyning of Germany, having been re­formed at home, first by the preaching of Zuinglius; the Saxons, and the remnant of [Page 321] Luther. Who much about one time, and without any correspondence, began to op­pose the Popes Indulgences, and differed not for ought that ever I could yet under­stand, save in the manner of Christs Pre­sence in the Eucharist. Yea, in that also taught uniformly, That the Body and Blood of our Saviour are present; not to the Elements, but to the Receiver, in the use, and without Transubstantiation. As for those whom you call Calvinists; and the rest Puritans, Cartwrightists, and Brownists, tell me in good sooth, Mr. Waddesworth ▪ how do they differ from the Reformed Chur­ches in Helvetia, or the Church of England, save in the matter of Government only? See then all this contrariety of Sects meetly well reconciled. For Puritans, Cartwrightists, and Brownists, are in substance of Doctrine all one with Calvinists, and these with Zuing­lians, who were of the first Protestants, and differ little or nothing from those whom ye call Lutherans. Whereof this may be a sen­sible proof, that commonly their Adversa­ries, and your self after, call them by the same name, The Protestant Churches in Ger­many, France, Holland, and Geneva. And Pope Leo the Tenth in his Condemnatory Bull; and likewise Charles the Fifth in his Imperial Edict, do reflect wholly upon Luther and his Followers, without any men­tion of the other at all. To conclude this matter; as it is undoubtedly a sign of a good mind to dislike contention, and diver­sities of Opinions, and it may have par­don [Page 322] to apprehend sometime more than there is indeed; like to the melancholick old Man in the Comedy, whose suspicion makes him to multiply on this manner. Qui mihi intro­misisti in aedes quingentos coquos, so to muster up empty names, without any real difference, as Puritans, Cartwrightists, Brownists; to make differences in a few Opinions about Govern­ment or Sacraments, Sects and Contrarieties, hath not the character of ingenuous and sin­cere dealing, which from you Mr. Waddesworth I did and do expect.

But some of these damn each other, avouch­ing their Positions to be matters of Faith, not School Questions of Opinion only. Here indeed there is fault on all sides in this Age, that we cannot be content with the bounds which the ancient Church hath set, but e­very private Opinion must be straightways an Article of Faith. Every decision of a Pope, every Decree of a Council. And then as Men are easily enamoured of their own conceits, and as Gerson wisely applies that of the Poet, Qui amant, sibi somnia fin­gunt; as if the very marrow of Religion consisted in those Points, those that think otherwise are Hereticks, and in state of Damnation. The Roman Faction goes further, to Fire and Faggot, and all exqui­site Torments, as if those things that make against the Papacy, were more severely to be punished than the Blasphemies of the Jews, or Mahometism it self. I do not excuse the Reformers of this bitterness, wherein after your departure out of England, [Page 323] my nameless Adversary that undertook Mr. Alablasters quarrel, giving me over in three of his demands, ran riot in the first, about this point of opposition among our selves, and raked together all the vehement speeches of Luther, and some of his Followers, against those whom they call the Sacramentaries. Why, who will undertake to defend Luthers Speeches, or all that falls from contentious Pens? But even out of those Testimonies, which himself brings for the worst that he could on the contrary part; it appears this eagerness is not mutual. And in truth, both we in England, and the Helvetians, and French, do maintain a brotherly affection towards them of Saxony, how spitefully soever some of them write of us. And even of those whom he calls Lutherans, as I perceived while I was at Norimberg, the moderater sort are alike affected towards us. But as touching the avouching our Opinions to be matters of Faith (which Exception is com­mon to you with him) that which I should have answered him, if I had found in him any thing but spite and scorn, I will say now to you, Verily in some sort even the least conclusions in Divinity are matters of Faith. For both Faith hath to do with them, and they are fetched by Discourse, from the first Principles holden by Faith, whence our whole Religion is called by S. Iude The Faith once delivered to the Saints. And the least error in them, by consequence overthrows the same Principles whence they are dedu­ced. That makes some, to move attention [Page 324] in their Readers to say, The questions are not about small matters, but of the principal Articles of Religion, even about the Foundation. As Cu­raeus whom he cites, saith, the question is of two Articles of Faith. First, of that which teacheth that in Christ two natures are united. Secondly, of the Article, He ascended into Heaven. Why, do not both sides agree to these? Yes. But one side fetches Arguments against ubiquitie from these places, and thereupon saith, the question is about these Articles; perhaps al­so chargeth the other to deny them. He cites Pappus Writing thus, Agitur inter nos de Omnipotentia Dei, &c. The controversie betwixt us, is about the Omnipotency of God. The perso­nal Vnion of the two natures in Christ. The com­munication of Properties. The glorious body of our Saviour, &c. Lo again, every place of Ar­gument or defence is made the matter of Controversie. Out of these and such like Confessions on either side, my nameless Ad­versary will needs inforce, with great pomp and triumph; What think ye? That such sanctified Men (this is his scoffing Language) go not together by the Ears for Moon-shine in the Water. Again, That all those Myrmidonian Fights and bloody Encounters be not de lanâ Capri­nâ aut de umbrâ Asini.— Why, who said they were? I will set down here my Words, that you may judge of the Conscience of this Man, and have withal the substance of my Answer to this Objection. And what if some outragious Spirits on each side, transported with passion in their oppositions, have used most bitter and unbeseeming speeches to their Adversa­ries, [Page 325] and sometimes have shewed each other small humanity; are you so simple as not to discern be­tween the choler of some few opinionate Men, and the consequence of their Opinions? Have you for­gotten S. Hierome and Ruffinus deadly fo-hood, which was rung over the World? or Epiphanius and Chrysostomes, or Victors and the Greek Bishops? which proceeded so far about a trifle, that he excommunicated them; which is little less I think than to condemn to the Pit of Hell. And yet if I should put it to your judgment, I am per­swaded you would grant they held all truth necessa­ry to salvation. For you must remember Pope Bo­niface had not yet coyned the new Article of the Faith, that I mentioned before. What shall I speak of S. Paul and Barnabas, which grew to such bitterness, and that about a very little question of conveniency, that though they were sent out together by the Holy Ghost, they brake off company. These be humane passions, which wisdom would we should pity, when they grow to such extremities, upon so small cause; rather than from their outrage to ga­ther there is just cause to encrease. Do we not see that even natural Brethren do sometimes defie one another, and use each other with less respect than strangers? Now from hence would you conclude they be not Brethren; and hearten them on, and say to the one, that sith his half Brother is not so near to him, as he with whom he is thus at odds, he must fall out worse with him. You should well so deserve the hate of God, for a make-bate between brethren. These were all my Words set down in answer to his objecting our own contentions, and condemning each other, to prove that there­fore we could not hold continuity with the [Page 326] ancient Church of England, from which we dissented much more. I held as you may perceive, that neither amongst our selves, nor from our predecessors we disagree in any truth necessary to salvation. He makes me to say, our dissentions are about Moon-shine, and de umbrâ asini, & de lanâ caprinâ, and trifles, and matters of no consequence. To return to you, good Mr. Waddesworth, let Men avouch as confidently as they will touching their own Positions, Est de Fide. Nihil certius apud Ca­tholicos, and of their contraries cry out, They are Hereticks, renew ancient Heresies, race the Foundation, deny the Articles of the Creed, Gods Omnipotency, &c. all because themselves by Discourse, can (as they think) fasten such things upon them: A sober Christian must not give heed to all that is said in this kind. These things must be examined with right judgment, and ever with much charity and patience, remembring that our selves know in part, and prophesie in part. In a Word, this should not have so much disquieted you.

Nor yet that which you add, That every one pretends Scripture. Best of all, saith S. Chry­sostome, Hom 23. in Act. For if we should say we believe humane reasons, thou mightest with good reason be troubled, but when as we receive the Scriptures, and they be simple and true, it will be an easie thing for thee to judge, &c. And to what purpose indeed serves the faculty of Reason perfected and polished with learning? wherefore the su­pernatural light of Faith? wherefore the gift of God in us Ministers conferred by the im­position of Hands? but to try which side [Page 327] handles the Word of God deceitfully, which sincerely. But here again, Each side arrogates the Holy Ghost in his favour. What then? If we our selves have the anointing, we shall be able as we are bidden to try the Spirits, 1 Joh. 2.20, 27. & 4.1. whe­ther they be of God or no? For we will not believe them, because they say they have the Spirit, or cannot be deceived, but because their Do­ctrine is consonant to the Principles of Hea­venly Truth, which by the Writings inspired by himself, the Holy Ghost hath graven in our Hearts. Which Writings are well ac­knowledged by you, to be the Law and Rule according whereunto, in judgment of Religion we must proceed.

CHAP. III. Of the want of an Humane, External, In­fallible Iudge and Interpreter.

AS to that you say, did above all trouble you, the want of a certain, humane exter­nal, infallible Iudge to interpret Scripture, and define Questions of Faith without error. What if you found not an external humane Judge, if you had an internal divine one? And hav­ing an infallible Rule by which your humane Judge should proceed, why should you trust another Mans applying it, rather than your own, in a matter concerning your own sal­vation? But if God have left us no such ex­ternal Judge, if Antiquity knew none, if Religion need none, it was no just motive to leave us, that you could find none, a­mongst all those Sects which you menti­on, and how much less if you have not a whit amended your self where you are; which we shall consider by and by.

I say then first, That to make this your motive of any moment, it must be shew­ed, that God hath appointed such a Judge in his Church. Let that appear out of some passage of Holy Scripture. For your conceit or desire that such a Judge there should be, to whom you might in Con­science [Page 329] obey, and yield your self, because he could not err, doth not prove it. You would know the truth, only by the Authori­ty, and sole pronouncing of the Judges Mouth. A short and easie way, which to most Men is plausible, because it spares the pains of Study and Discourse. To such espe­cially, as either out of weakness dare not trust their own Judgment, or account it shall have the merit of humility, to be led by their Teachers, But what now if God will have you call no Man your Father upon Earth? If he will send you to his Word? and after you have received the Faith by the Churches Testimony out of the easie and plain places thereof, bid you Search the Scriptures, to find the Truth in the remnant, and pick it out by your own industry.Luke 16. The rich Man being in Hell-Torments (in whose Words I doubt not but our Saviour doth impersonate and represent the conceits of many Men living in this World) presumes that if one were sent from the Dead, his Kinsmen would hearken to him, but he is remitted to Moses and the Prophets. The Iews as I perceived by Speech with some of them at Venice, make it one of their Mo­tives, that our Lord Jesus is not the Christ. He should not, say they, have come in such a fashion, to leave his own Nation in doubt and suspence; and scandalize so many thousands; but so as all Men might know him to be what he was. Miserable Men! that will give Laws to God. Of which fault be you a­ware also (good Mr. Waddesworth) and be [Page 330] content to take, not to prescribe the means by which you will be brought unto the knowledge of the Truth: To use what he hath given, not to conjecture and divine what he must give.

But God fails not his Church in such means as be necessary. Let us therefore consider the necessity of this Judge. Where I be­seech you consider (for I am sure you can­not but know it) that all things necessary to salvation are evidently set down in Holy Scripture? This both the Scriptures them­selves do teach, and the Fathers avouch, namely S. Augustine and S. Chrysostome, and others. I forbear to set down their Words, or further to confirm this Lemma, which I proved at large against another Adversary, and shall at all times make good if it be questioned. Besides these Points, there are a great many other though not of such ne­cessity, yet evidently laid down also in the same Scriptures, by occasion of them. Ma­ny by just Discourse may be cleared from these, and the former. If any thing yet re­main in suspence, and unknown, yea or if you will, erred in, so it be not wilfully and obstinately, yet shall it be ever without peril of damnation to him that receiveth what the Holy Ghost hath plainly deliver­ed. What necessity then of your imagina­ry Judge? Yes: for Unity is a goodly thing, not only in matters necessary, but uni­versally in all. Controversies must not be endless. But how comes it to pass then that your Judge whosoever he be, doth not [Page 331] all this while decide the Question touching the conception of the Blessed Virgin, that is between the Dominicans and Franciscans, nor that between the Dominicans and Iesuites touching Grace and Free-will, and all other the Points that are controverted in the Schools; to spare contention and time (a precious Commodity among wise Men) and give this honour to Divinity alone, that in it all doubts should be reduced to cer­tainties? Or if it seem no wisdom to be hasty in deciding such Questions; wherein Witty and Learned Men are ingaged, lest in stead of changing their Opinions, they should fall to challenge not only the infalli­bility, but which were more dangerous the Authority of their Judge: If it be thought better to leave scope to Opinions, oppositi­on it self profitably serving to the boulting out of the Truth. If Unity in all things be as it seems despaired of, by this your Gellius himself; why are we not content with Vnity in things necessary to Salvation, Cic. 1. de Legibus. ex­presly set down in Holy Scripture: And an­ciently thought to suffice, reserving Infallibili­ty as an honour proper to God speaking there? Why should it not be thought to suffice, that every Man having imbraced that necessary Truth, which is the Rule of our Faith, thereby try the Spirits whether they be of God or no. If he meet with any that hath not that Doctrine, receive him not to House, nor salute him. If consenting to that, but otherwise infirm or erring, yet charitably bear with him. This for eve­ry [Page 332] private Man. As for the publick order, and peace of the Church, God hath given Pastors and Teachers, that we should not be carried about with every wind of Do­ctrine, and amongst them appointed Bishops,Ephes. 4. to command that Men teach no other or foreign Doctrine, which was the end of Timothy his leaving at Ephesus, 1 Tim. 1.3. Then,Acts 15.6. the Apostles themselves by their ex­ample, have commended to the Church the wholesome use of Synods, to determine of such controversies as cannot by the former means be composed; but still by the Ho­ly Scriptures, the Law or Rule, as you say well, by which all these Iudges must proceed. Which if they do not, then may they be de­ceived themselves, and deceive others as ex­perience hath shewed, yet never be able to extinguish the truth.

To come to Antiquity. There is not any one thing belonging to Christian Religion, if we consider well, of more importance, than how the purity of the whole may be maintained. The Ancients that write of the rest of Christian Doctrine, is it not a miracle, had they known any such infallible Judge, in whose Oracle the security of all, with the perpetual tranquillity of the Church is con­tained, they should say nothing of him? There was never any Age wherein there have not been Heresies, and Sects: to which of them was it ever objected that they had no infallible Judge? How soon would they have sought to amend that defect, if it had been a currant Doctrine in those times, that [Page 333] the true Church cannot be without such an Officer? The Fathers that dealt with them, why did they not lay aside all disputing, and appeal them only to this Barr? Unless perhaps that were the lett which Cardinal Bellarmine tells the Venetians, Risposta ad una lettera, &c. hindred S. Paul from appealing to S. Peter, Lest they should have made their Adversaries to laugh at them for their labour. Well: howsoever the Car­dinal hath found out a merry reason for S. Paul's appealing to Caesars Judgment, not Peter's, lest he should expose himself to the laughter of Pagans: what shall we say when the Fathers write professedly to instruct Catholick Men,Tertull. de Praescript. &c. of the forepleadings and advantages to be used against Hereticks, even without descending to tryal by Scri­ptures?Vincent. Lyrinens. or of some certain general and ordinary way to discern the Truth of the Catholick Faith from the prophane novelties of Heresies? Had they known of this infallible Judge, should we not have heard of him in this so proper a place, and as it were in a cause belonging to his own Court. Nay doth not the wri­ting it self of such Books shew, that this matter was wholly unknown to Antiquity? For had the Church been in possession of so easie and sure a course to discover and discard heresies, they should not have need­ded to task themselves to find out any other. But the truth is, infallibility is, and ever hath been accounted proper to Christs judgment. And as hath been said, all neces­sary Truth to Salvation he hath delivered us in his Word. That Word, himself tells [Page 334] us, shall judge at the last day. Yea, in all true decisions of Faith, that word even now judgeth. Christ judgeth, the Apostle sits Iudge. Christ speaks in the Apostle. Thus Antiquity.

Neither are they moved a whit with that Objection: That the Scriptures are often the matter of Controversies. For in that case the remedy was easie which S. Augustine shews to have recourse to the plain places, Lib. de uni­tate Ec­cles. c. 5. & 19. and mani­fest such as should need no interpreter: for such there be, by which the other may be cleared. The same may be said, if some­times it be questioned, Which be Scriptures, which not. I think it was never heard of, in the Church, that there was an external in­fallible Judge, who could determine that question. Arguments may be brought from the consent or dissent with other Scriptures, from the attestation of Antiquity, and in­herent signs of Divine Authority, or hu­mane infirmity: but if the Auditor or Ad­versary yield not to these, such parts of ne­cessity must needs be laid aside. If all Scri­pture be denied (which is as it were excep­tio in judicem ante litis contestationem) Faith hath no place, only reason remains. To which I think it will scarce seem reason­able, if you should say, Though all Men are lyers, yet this Iudge is infallible; and to him thou oughtest in conscience to obey and yield thy under­standing in all his Determinations, for he cannot err. No not if all Men in the World should say it. Unless you first set down there is a God, and stablish the authority of the Books [Page 335] of Holy Scripture, as his voice, and thence shew if you can, the warrant of this priviledge.

Where you affirm, The Scriptures to be the Law and the Rule, but alone of themselves cannot be Iudges; If you mean, without be­ing produced, applied, and heard; you say truth. Yet Nicodemus spake not amiss; when he demanded,Joh. 1.51. Doth our Law judge any Man, unless it hear him first? he meant the same which S. Paul, when he said of the High Priest, thou sittest to judge me according to the Law: and so do we when we say the same. Neither do we send you to Angels, or God himself immediately, but speaking by his Spirit in the Scriptures, and (as I have right now said) alledged, and by discourse applyed to the matters in question. As for Princes, since it pleased you to make an excursion to them, if we should make them infallible Judges, or give them Authority to decree in Religion as they list, as Gardi­ner did to King Henry the Eight, it might well be condemned for monstrous, as it was by Calvin. As for the purpose, Licere Regi interdicere populo usum calicis in Coena. Qua­re? Potestas n. summa est penes Regem, quoth Gardiner. This was to make the King as absolute a Tyrant in the Church, as the Pope claimed to be. But, that Princes which obey the truth, have commandment from God, to command good things, and forbid evil, not only in matters pertaining to humane society, but also the Religion of God, This is no new strange Doctrine,Instit. l. 4. c. 20. but Calvins, and ours, [Page 336] and S. Augustines, August. contr. Cres­con. l. 3. c. 51. in so many words. And this is all the Headship of the Church we give to Kings. Whereof a Queen is as well capable as a King, since it is an act of Authority, not Ecclesiastical Ministe­ry; proceeding from eminency of power, not of knowledge, or holiness. Wherein not only a learned King, as ours is; but a good old Woman (as Queen Elizabeth, besides her Princely dignity was) may excel, as your selves confess, your infallible Judge himself. But in power he saith, he is above all: which not to examine for the present, in this Power Princes are above all their Sub­jects I trow; and S. Augustine saith plainly, to command and forbid, even in the Religion of God, still according to Gods Word, which is the touchstone of Good and Evil. Nei­ther was King Henry the Eight, the first Prince that exercised this power, witness David and Solomon, and the rest of the Kings of Iudah before Christ. And since that Kings were Christians, The affairs of the Church have depended upon them, Prooemiol. 5. and the greatest Synods have been by their Decree, as Socrates expresly saith. Nor did King Henry claim any new thing in this Land, but restored to the Crown the ancient right thereof, which sundry his Predecessors had exercised, as our Historians and Lawyers with one con­sent affirm.

The rest of your induction of Archbishops, Bishops, and whole Clergy in their Convocation-House, and a Council of all Lutherans, Calvi­nists, Protestants, &c. is but a needless pomp [Page 337] of words, striving to win by a form of dis­course, that which gladly shall be yielded at the first demand. They might all err, if they were as many as the Sand on the Sea Shoar, if they did not rightly apply the Rule of Holy Scriptures, by which as you ac­knowledge the external Iudge, which you seek, must proceed. As to your demand therefore, how you should be sure when, and wherein they did, and did not err; where you should have fixed your foot? to forbear to skir­mish with your confirmation (That though, à posse ad esse non valet semper consequentia, yet ali­quando valet: &, frustra dicitur potentia quae nunquam ducitur in actum.) To the former whereof I might tell you, that without que­stion, nunquam valet: And to the second, that I can very well allow, that errandi po­tentia, among Protestants be ever frustra. This I say freely, That if you come with this resolution to learn nothing by dis­course, or evidence of Scripture, but only by the meer pronouncing of a humane ex­ternal Judge's Mouth, to whom you would yield your understanding in all his determi­nations: If, as the Jesuites teach their Scho­lars, you will wholly deny your own judgment, Regula 1. & 13. and resolve, that if this Iudge shall say, that is black, which appears to your Eyes white, you will say it is black too; you have posed all the Protestants; they cannot tell how to teach you infallibly. Withal I must tell you thus much, that this preparation of mind in a Scholar, as you are, in a Minister, yea in a Christian, that had but learned his Creed, [Page 338] much more that had from a Child known the Holy Scriptures, that are able to make us wise to salvation, 1 Tim. 3.15. through the Faith that is in Christ Iesus, were too great weakness, and, to use the Apostles Phrase,1 Cor. 14.20. childishness of un­derstanding.

But at length you heard a sound of Harmony and Consent, that in the Catholick Church, as in Noah's Ark, was infallibility, and possibility of salvation; which occasioned you to seek out, and to enter into this Ark of Noah. The sound of Consent and Infallibility is most pleasing and harmonious, and undoubtedly ever and on­ly to be found in the Catholick Church, to wit, in the Rule of Faith, and in the Holy Scriptures, and such necessary Doctrine as perfectly concordeth with the same. But as in Song many discords do pass in smaller Notes, without offence of the Ears, so should they in smaller matters of Opinion in the Church, without the offence of judicious and charitable minds. Which yet I speak not to justifie them; nay, I am verily of the mind, That this is the thing that hath marred the Church Musick in both kinds, that too much liberty is taken in descant to depart from the Ground, and as one saith, notae nimium denigrantur. The fault of the Italians: though they think themselves the only Songsters in the World. But to re­turn to you, tell me, I beseech you (good Mr. Waddesworth) was this the Harmony that transported you. The Pope himself saith, I cannot err, and to me thou oughtest to have recourse for decision of doubts in matters of Faith. [Page 339] And whereas this is not only denyed by Protestants, but hath been ever by the French, and anciently I am sure by the Spanish, lately by some Italian Divines also, unless he use due means to find the truth; yea, whereas it is the issue of all the Controver­sies of this age; in this snare you fastened your Foot, This was the Center that settled your Con­science, this the solid and firm foundation of your Faith. What? and did it not move you, that some limit this infallibility of the Pope thus, If he enter Canonically, if he proceed ad­visedly, and maturely, using that diligence that is fit to find out the Truth; that is (as you said before) proceeding by the Rule, the Scri­ptures? Albeit to the Fathers of the African Council it seemed incredible (as they write in their Synodal Epistle to P. Coelestine stand­ing for Appeals to himself) that God can inspire the right in tryal to one, denying it to many Bishops in a Council. Tell us then, who made you secure of these things? or did you in truth, never so much as make questi­on of them, but hearing this harmonious sound, The Pope is the Infallible Iudge, you trusted the new Masters of that side, Gre­gory de Valentia, and Bellarmine, Analysi Fidei Ca­thol. par. 8. that whether the Pope in defining do use diligence or no, if he do define, he shall define infallibly. Alas Sir! if this were the rest you found for the soale of your Foot, instead of moveable Water, you fell up­on mire and puddle; Or rather like to ano­ther Dove mentioned in Scripture, columba seducta non habens Cor, Oseae 2.11. by the most chaffy shrap that ever was set before the Eyes of winged [Page 340] Fowl, were brought to the door-fal. Ex­cuse my grief, mixed I confess with some indignation, but more love to you, though I thus write. Many things there be in Popery inconvenient, and to my conceit weakly and ungroundedly affirmed, to say no more; but this is so absurd and palpable a flattery, as to omit to speak of you, for my part I cannot be perswaded that Paulus the Fifth believes it himself. For consider, I pray, what need­ed anciently the Christian Emperours, and sometimes at the request of the Bishops of Rome themselves, to have gathered together so many Bishops from so divers parts of the World to celebrate Councils, if it had been known and believed then, that one Mans Sentence might have cleared all controver­sies, and put all Heresies to silence? How durst sundry holy, and learned Men have re­jected his decisions, whether right or wrong is not now the question, unchristianly out of doubt on their parts, if he had been then holden the infallible Oracle of our Religion? As when Polycrates, with the Bishops of Asia, and Irenaeus also yielded not to Victor, ex­communicating the Eastern Churches about the celebration of Easter, when S. Cyprian, with the first Council of Carthage of eighty six Bishops had Decreed, That such as were baptized by Hereticks, should be rebaptized, and certified Stephanus of this Decree, and he opposed it, and would have nothing in­novated, would Cyprian after that have re­sisted and confuted Stephanus his Letter, had he known him for infallible? And how doth [Page 341] he confute him?Epistola ad Pompeium. as erring, writing imperti­nently, contrary to himself. Yea, let it be ob­served, that he doth not only not account Stephanus infallible, but not so much as a Judge over any Bishop. See the Vote of Cyprian, and note those Words. Neque enim quisquam nostrum Episcopum se esse Episcoporum constituit, aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi neces­sitatem collegas suos adigit, quando habeat omnis Episcopus pro licentia libertatis & potestatis suae, arbitrium proprium, tanquam judicari ab alio non possit cum nec ipse possit alterum judicare. Sed ex­spectemus universi judicium Domini nostri Iesu Christi, qui unus & solus habet potestatem & prae­ponendi in Ecclesiae suae gubernatione, & de actu nostro judicandi. A passage worthy to be no­ted also, for the clearing of the indepen­dence of Episcopal Authority from the Pope, which I now let pass. Neither was S. Cyprian herein alone: Firmilianus, and the Eastern Bishops, resisted Stephanus no less, as appears by his Epistle, which in the Ro­man Edition of Manutius, set forth by the command of Pius the Fourth, with the sur­vey of four Cardinals, whereof one is now a Saint, with exquisite diligence; is wholly left out. And Pamelius saith he thinks pur­posely, for himself is of the mind that it had been better it had never come forth. But to return to our purpose. The Fathers of the Council of Africk, and S. Augustine amongst them, resist three Popes succeeding each other, Zosimus, Boniface, and Coelestinus, about appeals to Rome; shall we think they would ever have done it, if they had known [Page 342] or imagined them to be the supream and infallible Judges in the Church? I let pass the Schism between the Greek and the Latin Church, which had not happened, if this Doctrine had been anciently received. Nay, it is very plain in Story, that the Bishop of Rome's lifting up himself to be universal Bishop chiefly caused it. To conclude, nei­ther Liberius, nor Honorius, to omit many other Bishops of Rome, had ever been taxed of heresie, if this had anciently been cur­rant, that the Pope is infallible. I will not stand now to examine the shameful defence that Bellarmine makes for the latter of these, bearing down Fathers, Councils, Stories, Popes themselves, as all falsified or deceived herein. Wherein because he is learnedly refuted by Dr. Raynolds, I insist not upon it. This I press, That all those Writers and Councils, and amongst them Pope Leo the Second ac­cursing Honorius, did not then hold, that which by Pighius and the Iesuites is underta­ken, that the Pope is infallible. Even the Council of Basil, deposing Eugenius (for ob­stinately resisting this Truth of the Catho­lick Faith, That the Council is above the Pope) as an Heretick, doth shew the sense of Chri­stendom even in these latter times, how corrupt soever, both in Rule and Pra­ctice.

And because you make this infallible Judge to be also an infallible Interpreter of Ho­ly Scripture, how happens it that Damasus Bishop of Rome consults with Hierome about the meaning of sundry Texts of Scripture, [Page 343] when it seems himself might have taken his Pen, and set him down quickly, that which should have taught both him and the whole Church, not only without danger but even possibility of error? Sure we are little be­holding to the diligence of our Ancestors, that have not more carefully registred the Co­mentaries (or because they have had for sun­dry Ages small time to write just Commen­taries) the Expositions which in their Ser­mons, or otherwise the Bishops of Rome have made of Holy Scripture. A work which if this Doctrine were true, were more worth than all the Fathers; and would justifie that blasphemy of the Canon Law, where by a shameful corruption of S. Augustine, C. in Cano­nicis, dist. 19. the De­cretals of Popes are inrolled amongst the Canonical Scriptures. I am already too long in so plain a matter: Yet one proof more which is of all most sensible. Being admonished by this your conceit of an infallible Interpreter, I chanced to turn over the Popes Decretals, and observed the interpretation of Scriptures. What shall I say? I find them so lewd, and clean beside the purpose, yea oftentimes so childish and ridiculous, both in giving the sense, and in the application, that I protest to you in the presence of God, nothing doth more loath me of Popery, than the handling of Holy Scripture by your infallible Interpre­ter alone. Consider a few of the particu­lars, and especially such as concern the Popes own Authority. To justifie his exacting an Oath of Fealty of an Archbishop,Signifi [...]asti de electio­ne. Joh. 21▪15. to whom he grants the Pall, is brought our Lord Iesus [Page 344] Christ, who committing the care of his Sheep to Peter, did put too a condition, saying, Si diligis me, pasce oves meas. Christ said, If thou lo­vest me, feed my Sheep▪ Why may not the Pope say, If you will swear me fealty, you shall have the Pall. But first he corrupts the Text: Christ said not, If thou lovest me: Then, Christ puts not Peters love as a con­dition of Feeding, but feeding as a proof and effect of his love. And if the feeding of Christs sheep were sought, love to him and them might suffice to be professed, or if he would needs have more than Christ re­quired, to be sworn. What is this to the Oath of Fealty? Straight after to the Ob­jection, that all Oaths are prohibited by Christ, nor any such thing can be found appointed by the Apostles after the Lord, or in the Councils, he urges the Words following in the Text, Swear not at all;Matt. 5.34. quod amplius est, à malo est, that is, saith he, Evil compels us by Christs per­mission to exact more. Is it not evil to go from the Popes obedience? to condemn Bishops without his privity? to translate Bishops by the Kings com­mandment? See the place, and tell me of your Interpreters Infallibility. Treating of the Translation of Bishops, or such as are ele­cted unto other Sees, he saith: That since the spiritual Band is stronger than the carnal, Inte [...] cor­por. De translat. Episcopi, Matth. 19.26. it cannot be doubted but Almighty God hath reserved the dissolution of the spiritual Marriage that is betwixt a Bishop and his Church, to his own judgment alone; charging that whom God hath joyned, man sever not. For it is not by humane but r [...]ther divine power that spiritual marriage [Page 345] is dissolved, when as by translation or cession by the authority of the Bishop of Rome (whom it is plain to be the Vicar of Iesus Christ) a Bi­shop is removed from his Church. An admi­rable interpretation of the Text, Quos Deus conjunxit! by which the Pope not only chal­lengeth that which is proper to Gods judg­ment only, as he saith, viz. to dissolve the Bond of spiritual Wedlock; but because that is the stronger, of carnal it seems al­so; when it shall please him.

The anointing of a Prince since Christs coming is translated from the Head to the Shoulder, De sacra unctione. Esay 9.6 1 Sam. 9.24. by which Principality is fitly designed, according to that which is read, Factus est prin­cipatus super humerum ejus; for signifying al­so whereof, Samuel caused the shoulder to be set before Saul. Who should ever have under­stood these Texts, if your infallible Inter­preter had not declared them? But this is nothing yet to the exposition of those Texts, which the Pope interprets in his answer to the Emperour of Constantinople, Solicitae. De majori­tate. 1 Pet. 2.13. as Subditi estote omni humanae Creaturae propter Deum, &c. He tells him that S. Peter wrote that to his own Subjects, to provoke them to the merit of humili­ty. For if he had meant thereby to lay the yoke of subjection upon Priests, it would follow that every Servant were to rule over them, since it is said, Omni humanae creaturae. After, It is not barely set down, Regi praecellenti, but there is put between, perhaps not without cause, tanquam: And that which follows, ad vindi­ctam malefactorum, laudem verò bonorum, is not to be understood that the King or Emperor v. 1 [...]. [Page 346] hath received the power of the Sword upon good and evil Men, save only those who using the sword are committed to his jurisdiction according to that which the Truth saith, They which take the Sword shall perish with the Sword.Matth. 26.52. For no Man ought or can judge anothers Servant, since the Servant according to the Apostle standeth or falleth to his own Lord. For the love of God consider this Interpretation, and compare it with S. Chrysostome upon Rom. 13. Nay do but read the Text attentively, and judge of the infallibility of your interpreter. Straight after he tells the Emperor, That he might have understood the prerogative of Priesthood out of that which was said, not of every Man but of God, not to the King but to the Priest, not to one descending of the Royal Stock, but of the Priestly Linage of the Priests, to wit, which were in Anathot. Jer. 1.10. Behold I have set thee over Nations and Kingdoms, to pull up, and destroy, to build and to plant. See the Prerogative of the Priesthood out of Ieremies calling to be a Prophet. O if he had been high Priest! This had been a Text for the nonce. Exod. 22.28.But he goes on. It is said in Gods Law also, Thou shalt not rail on the Gods, nor curse the Prince of thy peo­ple. Gen. 1.16. Di­is non detrahes, & Principem populi tui non ma­ledices. Which setting Priests before Kings, calls them Gods, and the other, Princes. Compare this exposition with David's and Paul's, Psal. 82. and Acts 23.5. and ye shall see how the Interpreter hath hit the mark. Again, you ought to have known, quod fecit Deus duo magna luminaria, &c. See the Exposition, and the difference between the Pope and Kings, both in the Text and Gloss. Now [Page 347] although the Gloss-Writer were no excel­lent Calculator, yet out of Clavius the ac­count may be cleared: who tells us the Sun exceeds the Moon 6539. times and a Fifth.Joh. 21.16. I let pass the collection out of Pasce oves meas, that he belongs not to Christs Fold, that doth not acknowledge Peter and his Succes­sors his Masters and Pastors:Matth. 16.19. out of Quod­cunque ligaveris, that nothing is excepted. Indeed the Pope excepts nothing, but loos­eth Vows, Contracts, Oaths, the Bond of Allegiance and Fealty between Subjects and their Princes: The Commandment of Christ, Drink ye all of this, &c. But our Lord ex­pounds himself, Iohn 20. Whose sins ye remit, they are remitted, &c.

Ex ore sedentis in Throno procedebat gladius bis acutus. 3 Ex ore. De his quae f [...]unt, Tit. 11. This is, saith the Pope, the Sword of Solomon, which cuts on both sides, giving eve­ry Man his own. We then who albeit unworthy hold the place of the true Solomon, by the fa­vour of God, do wisely exercise this Sword, when such causes as in our audience are lawfully can­vassed, we do with Iustice determine. This in­terpretation first corrupts the Text, for it hath not, out of the Mouth of him that sate on the Throne, but that sate on the Horse; next, it perverts it, for it is not the Sword of Iu­stice but of Christs Word, which is more pier­cing than any two-Edged Sword that issueth out of his Mouth. Heb 4▪ 12.4 Per vene­rabi [...]em. Qui [...]ilii sint legiti­mi. Deut. 17.8. As for that of Iustice, he never assumed it, but renounced it rather, when he said. Man, who made me a divider to you? Luke 12.14. ¶ To prove that in other Regions besides the patrimony of the Church, the [Page 348] Pope doth casually exercise temporal Iurisdiction, it is said in Deuteronomy, Si difficile sit & ambi­guum, &c. And because Deuteronomy is by interpretation the second Law, Surely by the force of the Word it is proved, that what is there decreed should be observed in the New Testament. For the place which the Lord did chuse is known to [...]e the Apostolick See. For when as Peter fleeing went out of the City, the Lord minding to call him back to the place he had chosen, being as­ked of him, Lord whither goest thou? answered, I go to Rome to be crucified again, The Priests of the Tribe of Levi are the Popes coadjutors. The high Priest or Iudge, he to whom the Lord said in Peter, Quodcunque ligaveris, &c. His Vicar who is a Priest for ever after the Order of Melchisedeck, appointed by God the Iudge of quick and dead. He that con­temns the Popes Sentence is to be excommunicated, for that is the meaning of being commanded to be put to death. Doth not this well follow out of the word Deuteronomy? And Rome is the place that Christ did choose, because he went, he said, to be crucified there. Only there is a scru­ple of the High Priest, for as much as he that is High Priest after Melchisedeck's Or­der, [...], hath a Priest­hood that passes not into another, Heb. 7. He adds there, that Paul that he might de­clare the fulness of power, writing to the Corinthians saith:1 Cor. [...].3. Know ye not that ye shall judge the Angels? how much more the things of the World? Is this then the Popes plenitude of Power, to judge secular things? or was Co­rinth the Apostolick See, and so many Popes [Page 349] there even of the meanest of the Church? What shall we say to that Exposition of the famous Text,Matth. 16.18. Cap. funda­menta de Elect. in 6. Tu es Petrus, & super hanc pe­tram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam: The Lord (he saith) taking Peter into the fellowship of the undivided Vnity, would have him to be called that, which he was himself, that the building of the eternal Temple might by the marvelous gift of God consist in Peter's firmness. What is this undi­vided Unity? Not of the Trinity, I trow, or natures in Christ. What then? his Of­fice? of which he said a little before out of the Apostle, that no Man can lay any other foun­dation but Iesus Christ. Yes: that from Peter as a certain head he should as it were pour abroad his gifts into his whole body. That the Church might stand upon Peter's firmness. This Foundation S. Paul knew not, when he bla­med I am of Cephas. Peters infirmity can­not bear up the weight of such a building, much less (which we must remember the Romanists understand by this Iargon) the Popes his Successors.

Such another interpretation is that of Pope Boniface, Joh. 10.16, Extra u­num Te­stam. that makes Vnum Ovile & unus Pa­stor, the Church and the Pope. But it is plain our Saviour alludes to the Prophecies, Ezek 34.23. and 37.24. where the Lord calls that one Pastor his servant David. What blasphemy is this, thus to usurp Christs Roy­alties? What Father, what Council, what Catholick man ever interpreted this Text on this manner? By which the Pope while he seeks the name of the Shepherd, shuts him­self out of Christs [...]old?

[Page 350] Cant. 4.9. C. quoniam. De immu­nitate.Yea the same Pope calls the Church his Spouse also, and so other Popes since. S. Iohn the Baptist tells them, that he that hath the Bride is the Bridegroom. S. Paul prepared her to one Husband Christ. If she be the Popes Spouse with her will, she is a Harlot: if against her will, he is a Ravisher, and our Lord Je­sus Christ will deliver her out of his lewd imbracements, crying out of the violence which she suffers, as it is to he hoped shortly.

That in the Churches power are two Swords, the spiritual and temporal, we are taught by the Words of the Gospel, saith the same Boniface. For when the Apostles said, Behold, there be two swords here (to wit in the Church) when the Apostles spake thus, the Lord answered not that it was too much, Luk. 22.38 but enough. Certainly, he that denies the temporal Sword to be in Peter's power, doth ill observe the Speech which our Lord utters, Put up thy Sword into thy sheath. No doubt an infallible Interpretation; by which it should appear that both the Swords that were in our Saviours company, hung by S. Peter's side, or else that some other had the spiritual, leaving none to S. Peter, but that which he might not use. The Exposition is S Bernards, you will say. But in an Epistle paraenetical to the Pope himself; S. Bernard might have leave to use allusions, and after his manner to be li­beral of all that the See of Rome challenged, that he might have the more Authority to reform the abuses of it. As to grant Peter the temporal Sword, but so, as he must not use it Quid tu gladium denuo usurpare tentes, quem semel jussus es ponere in vaginam? [Page 351] and he shews how these two Swords be the Churches. The one to be drawn out for the Church, the other also by the Church. This by the Priests, that by the Souldiers hand, but at the beck of the Priest, and bidding of the Em­peror. But the Pope in a Decretal Epistle, pretending to teach the World, in a Point as he pronounces, necessary to Salvation, with such an Interpretation as this; argues little reverence to the Word of God, and a very mean Opinion of the Judgments and Con­sciences of Christen Men, if they could not discern this to be a Strangers Voice, not Christs. Besides that, he changes S. Bernards Words, and clean perverts his meaning. For exerendus, he puts in exercendus. For ille Sa­cerdotis, is militis manu, sed sanè ad nutum Sa­cerdotis & jussum Imperatoris. Pope Boniface thinking jussum too absolute in the Emperor, makes him to be the executioner, and joyns him with the Souldier, on this manner. Ille Sacerdotum, is manu Regum & Militum sed ad nutum & patientiam Sacerdotis. S. Bernard makes the executive power to be in the Soul­dier, the directive in the Priest, the com­manding in the Emperor. Pope Boniface makes the Kings and Souldiers to have only the executive, the directive and permissive to be in the Priest. Yea sword, he saith, must be under Sword. For where the A­postle saith, There is no power but of God, quae autem sunt, Rom. 13.1. à Deo ordinati sunt; more fully in the original Text, the powers that are, are ordained, that is, appointed of God: The Interpreter here dreams of order and subordina­tion, [Page 352] and cites a saying of Dionysius, that the lowest things are reduced to the highest by the middlemost; a conceit that makes nothing to the purpose of the Apostle in that place.

He proceeds and tells us, that of the Church and Power Ecclesiastical, is verified the Prophecy of Jeremy.Jer. 1.10. Behold I have set thee this day over Kings and Kingdoms, &c. Tell me, good Mr. Waddesworth, what is to pervert the Scriptures, if this be not, to apply to the power Ecclesiastical, that which is spo­ken of the Word and Calling Prophetical? Yet more, The Earthly Power, if it swerve out of the way shall be judged of the power Spiri­tual, but if the Spiritual, that is lesser; of that which is superior to it. But if the highest, it may be judged of God only, not of Man, the Apostle witnessing the Spiritual Man judgeth all things, 1 Cor. 2.15. but himself is judged of none. We are come at length, as it were to the Fountains of Nilus, to the Original of the Infallibility of your Iudge; and if he have here rightly interpreted S. Paul, we learn that no earthly power, no Magistrate is a spiritual Man, unless he be one of the Popes spiritual­ty. For these be S. Paul's spiritual Men, that judge all things. Yet this must receive limi­tation. For no Man may judge the Pope, the Supreme Spiritual Man, for of him it seems S. Paul meant it, his authority he saith is not humane, but divine, by the di­vine Mouth given to Peter, and his Succes­sors, when the Lord said to him, Quodcun­que ligaveris.

For conclusion, Whosoever resists this power [Page 353] thus ordered of God, Rom. 12.2. resists the Ordinance of God, unless as Manichaeus, he feign two begin­nings: which (saith he) we judge to be false and heretical, sith by Moses record, not in the beginnings, Gen. 1.1. but in the beginning God created Heaven and Earth. Who would not acknowledge the divine Authority and Infallibility of your Interpreter, both in confirming his purpose, and convincing he­resies from so high a beginning, as this first sentence of Holy Writ? What rests now, but after so many testimonies he inferr, Fur­thermore, to be under the Bishop of Rome we de­clare, say, define, and pronounce that to every hu­mane creature it is altogether of necessity of salva­tion. Thus saith your infallible Judge and Interpreter of Scripture, the center of your Conscience, and foundation of your Faith, not as a private Doctor, but as Pope, in his own Law, intending to inform and bind the Church, and that in matters with him of the greatest importance that may be, touch­ing his own Authority, and, as he pretends, absolutely necessary to Salvation, to all the Sons of Adam.

I might heap up many more, but these may suffice for a sample. You may (and so do by your self, I beseech you) observe these kind of Interpretations in other Points also, and in other the Decretals and Breves of Popes; which, as I hear, are lately come forth in great Volumes. You shall find many Mysteries in your Faith,Rom. 8.8. that perhaps you know not of, as Syricius Epist. 4. & Inno­cent. Ep. 2. That you cannot please God because you are married: for so is that [Page 354] place of the Apostle interpreted, qui in car­ne vivunt, Deo placere non possunt. That not only the Wine in the Chalice, but the Water also is transubstantiated first into Wine, then into Christs blood. That it was Joh. 19.34. C. Inter cunctas. not watry moisture, but the true element of Water which issued out of Christs side. You shall find Rom. 10.10. confession of sins to the Priest, proved by the Text, Corde cre­ditur ad justitiam, ore autem fit confessio ad salutem. Matt. 13.8. That the good Ground, that received the Seed in the Gospel, is the Religion of the Friers Minors. Jam. 1.27. That this is that pure and immacu­late Religion with God and the Father, which de­scending from the Father of Lights, delivered, ex­emplariter & verbaliter, by the Son, to his A­postles, and then inspired by the Holy Ghost, in­to S. Francis and his Followers, contains in it self the Testimony of the Trinity. This is that which as S. Paul witnesseth, no Man must be trouble­some unto, which Christ hath confirmed with the prints of his Passion. The Text is, Gal. 6.17 de caetero nemo mihi molestus sit, ego n. stigmata Do­mini Iesu in corpore meo porto. It is marvel, if S. Paul were not of the Order of S. Francis. That when Christ said, Matth. 28.20. Lo I am with you, &c. Clem. 3. de Reliq. Tract. in Ioh. 50. Ecce ego vobiscum sum omnibus dicbus, he meant it of remaining and be­ing with them even by his bodily presence. S. Au­gustine upon the same Text denies this, and saith, that according to the presence of his Body he is ascended into Heaven, and is not here. That C. Marti­nus de cog­nat. spirit. 4. Mat. 19.5. the Father of the Child Christned, and his God­fathers Wife may not marry, because, accord­ing to the Lords Word, the Husband and the Wife, are made one flesh by marriage. That C. non de­bet de con­sang. 6 Cor. 7.4. the number of Four, doth well agree to the degrees [Page 355] prohibited in corporal marriage, of which the Apostle saith, The Man hath not the power of his own body, but the Woman; nor the Wo­man power of her body but the Man, because there are four humours in the body, which consist of the four Elements. For Con­clusion, you shall find it by a commodious interpretation concluded, contrary to many Texts of Scripture, out of Scripture it self, that Cum ex. De haereticis 5. Heb. 12.20 Exo. 19.13 Ecclus. 3.22. Rom. 12.3. no simple and unlearned Man presume to reach to the subtlety of the Scripture, because, well it was enacted in the law of God, that the Beast which should touch the Mountain, should be stoned. For it is written, Seek not things higher than thy self. For which cause the Apostle saith, Be not more wise than it behoveth, but be wise to sobriety.

One thing more also you shall find, that now adays this spiritual Man and sole infallible Interpreter of Scripture, seldom interprets Scri­pture, or uses it in his Decretals and Breves, Nay the stile of his Court hath no manner of smack or savor of it. A long compass of a Sentence, intricate to understand, yea, even to remember to the end, full of swelling Words of Vanity, with I know not how ma­ny ampliations and alternatives, after the fa­shion of Lawyers in Civil Courts, not of sober Divines, much less of the Spirit of God in his Word. Some Man would perhaps think this proceeds from an affectation of greatness, and the desire of retaining Authority, which seems to be embased by alledging reason, or Scripture, and interpreting Texts. For my part, I account it comes as much from neces­sity. [Page 356] For it is notorious, That neither the Popes themselves, nor those of the Court, the Secretaries and Dataries, which pen their Bulls and Breves, have any use or exercise in Holy Scripture, or soundness in the know­ledge of Divinity, or skill in the Original Tongues, wherein Gods Word is written; all which are necessary to an able Interpreter. And therefore it is a wise reservedness in them, not to intermeddle with that wherein they might easily fault; especially in a learned Age, and wherein so many watchful Eyes are continually upon them. And to this very poverty and cautelousness I do impute it, That the present Pope in his Breves about the Oath of Allegiance, useth not a Word of Scripture: But tells his Fa­ction, that they cannot without most evident and grievous injury of Gods honour take the Oath, the tenour whereof he sets down Word for Word; and that done adds, Quae cum ita sint, &c. Which things (saith he) since they be so, it must needs be clear unto you out of the Words themselves, that such an Oath cannot be taken with the safety of the Catholick Faith, and of your Souls, sith it containeth many things which are apparently contrary to Faith and salva­tion. He instances in no one thing, brings neither Scripture nor Reason, but a Quae cum ita sint, without any premisses. Which loose and undergrounded Proceeding, when as it is, occasioned the Arch-Priest here, and many other of that side, to think these Let­ters forged, or gotten by surreption; he sends another of the same tenor, with this further [Page 357] Reason. Haec autem est mora pura, integraque voluntas nostra. This is now to be more than an Interpreter, even to be a Lord over the Faith of his Followers, to make his Will a Reason. What would you have him do? to alledge a better he could not, a weak and unsufficient one he was ashamed, he thought it best to resolve the matter into his sole Au­thority. Whereby he hath proved himself a fallible both Iudge and Interpreter, yea a false witness against God and the Truth; com­manding by the Apostle Christian Men to be subject, and to give every Man their dues, fear to whom fear, honour to whom honour; and much more (if there be any difference) Allegiance to whom Allegiance.

CHAP. IV. Of the state of the Church of England, and whether it may be reconciled with Rome.

BUt of your Interpreters Infallibility e­nough. Your next doubt, Whether the Church of England were of the true Church or no, was resolved with a Paralogism, partly by rea­son of equiv [...]tion, and diverse acception of the terms, The Church, and to err, partly by composition and division in the connexion of these by those Verbs [can or may.] Let us examine the several parts of your Syl­logisme.

The Proposition. The true Church cannot [...]rr, is confirmed by the consent of all. Ex­cuse me, Sir, if I withhold my consent, with­out some Declaration and Limitation. I say first, it must be declared whether you mean the Catholick Church, or a true part of the Ca­tholick Church. For there is not the like rea­son of these to error. Against the Catho­lick Church,Matth. 16. Rev. 2.5. Hell Gates shall not prevail; against particular, when Christ doth remove the Candlestick out of his place, they do. Witness the Churches of Africk, sometimes most Catholick. And thus it seems you must take this term, since your doubt was, Whether [Page 359] the Church of England be of the true Church or no. Besides, I must desire to know, what manner of Errors you mean; whether even the least, or only deadly, and such as bar from salvation, which the Apostle calls [...], heresies of perdition, 2 Pet. 2.1. Take now your own choice; for if you speak of every errour, the Proposition is false, even of the Catholick Church, much more of any particular Church. Yea, I add further, not only of the Catholick Church by denomination from the greatest part, or by representation, as the Pastors or Prelates there­of met in a Council, which is still the mixt Church, but even that which is Christs true body, whereof he is the Saviour, and which shall be with him for ever. As for deadly and dam­nable errors, this true and properly called Church, both in the whole and every part of the mixt Church, is yet priviledged from them finally:1 Pet. 1.5. Mat. 24.24. For it is kept by the power of God to salvation, it is not possible the Elect should thus be seduced. Truth it is, That by such errors particular visible Assemblies, universally and obstinately defending them, become falsly called Churches, from which we are to separate our selves. Example in the Synagogue, and in Churches of the Arians.

Now let us see your Assumption. But the Church of England, Head, and Members, King, Clergy, and People, yea, a whole Council of Protestants may err by your own grant. I an­swer, The Church of England, that is the Elect in the Church of England, which on­ly [Page 360] are truly called the Church, can never deadly err. This no Protestant will grant ye. The mixt Church of England, Head, Members, King, Clergy, and the residue of the people, and a whole Council of Pro­testants, may err damnably, and therefore much more fall into lesser errors. This they grant. And if they shall so err obsti­nately, they shall deservedly lose the name of a tr [...]e Church. But they deny they do thus err; yea they deny that they err de facto, at all.

What follows in Conclusion? Ergo, No true Church. This shortness in suppressing the Verb, would make a Man think you meant to cover the fault of your Discourse. And indeed you might by that means easily beguile another, but I cannot be perswaded you would willingly beguile your self. Sure you were beguiled, if you meant it thus. Ergo, it is no true Church. See your Argu­ment in the like: A faithful Witness cannot lye; But Socrates or Aristides may lye by his own grant. Ergo, no faithful Witness. He that stands upright cannot fall: But you Mr. Waddesworth by your own grant may fall: Ergo, stand not upright. Perhaps your meaning was, Ergo, it may become no [...]rue Church, to wit, when it shall so err dam­nably. But then it follows not, There is now no salvation in it, and therefore come out of it now. When you shew that, I shall account [...]ou have done wisely to go out of it. Shew [...]at in any one Point, and take me with [...]ou▪ In the mean while, for my part, I [Page 361] shall sooner trust that Chapman that shall say to me, Lo here is a perfect Yard, I will measure as truly as I can, and when I have done, take the Yard and measure it your self; than him that shall say, here is thus much, ye shall not need to measure it, but take it on my Word: Yea though one of his Apprentices should stand by and say, he could not deceive me though he would; as Benedictus à Benedictis tells the present Pope, Volens nolens errare non pot [...]s.

Where you relate, your endeavour to defend the Church of England, and tell of the Puri­tans rejecting those Arguments you could use from the Authority of the Church, and of the ancient [...]octors interpreting Scriptures against them, flying to their own arrogant Spirit: I can­not excuse them for the former, nor sub­scribe to your accusation in the latter. Per­haps you have met with some more fanatical Brownists or Anabaptists, whom here you call Puritans. But these that are commonly so called, which differ from the Church of England about Church Government and Ce­remonies only, give indeed too little to the Authority of Men, how holy, learned, or ancient soever. Which is their fault, and their great fault, especially in matters of this nature; yet they fly not to their own Spirit as you charge them.

That which you add, That you perceived the most Protestants did frame the like evasions when you came to answer the Arguments against them on the other side; When you shall shew this in particulars, I shall believe it. In the mean [Page 362] while, I believe you thought so; for com­monly mediocrities are aggravated with the hatred, and slandered with the names of both extreams. But in the question between the Popish faction and us, you might easily have discerned why the Argument from bare Authority, is not of such validity. For Ce­remonies and matters of order may be order­ed by wise Men, and are not the worse, but the better if they be ancient, yea if they be common to us with Rome, which Pu­ritans will by no means allow. In Doctrine, if holy Men, yea if an Angel from Heaven shall innovate any thing, we are not to ad­mit it. Now the Controversies between the Romanists and us, are most about Do­ctrine, and they exceed as much in extolling the authority of the Ancients in their pri­vate Opinions and incommodious and strain­ed speeches, as the Puritans in depressing them. We hold the mean, and give as much to the Authority and Testimonies of the Fathers, as may stand with the truth of Holy Scriptures, and as themselves defer to the writing of others, or require to be given to their own.

Next you tell, of your following their O­pinion who would make the Church of England, and the Church of Rome still to be all one in Essential Points, and the differences to be acciden­tal. Confessing the Church of Rome to be a true Church, though sick, or corrupted, and the Protestants to be derived from it, and reformed. This Opinion is not only as you write, fa­voured of many great Scholars in England, but [Page 363] is the common Opinion of all the best Di­vines of the reformed Churches that are or have been in the World, as I shewed in part of another Work, which as I remem­ber you had a sight of. Wherein yet I fear you mistake the term, accidental, which doth not import that our differences are but slight and of small consideration, but that all those Opinions and Abuses which we reform and cut off, are not of the Faith, but superfluous and foreign, yea hurtful and noisome to it, as the Weeds are to the Corn, which over­grow and choak it. And to follow this similitude, the state of the Church under the Roman obedience, and that part which is re­formed, is like a Field overgrown all with Weeds, Thistles, Tares, Cockle: Some part whereof is weeded and cleansed, some part remains as it was before; which makes such a difference to the view, as if it were not the same corn. But being better consi­dered, it will be found all the difference is, from the Weeds, which remain there, and here are taken away. Yet neither here per­fectly, nor all where alike, but according to the industry of our Weeders, or convenien­cie of the Work, with care of the safety of the good Corn. By this Parable, you may see what is to be hoped of your labour to re­concile most of our particular Controversies. For although I doubt not but in some it may be performed, where the difference is rather verbal than real; and in the manner of teach­ing, rather than in the substance of Doctrine. And if moderate Men had the matter in [Page 364] handling, the flame of contention in a great many more might be trodden down and slaked, suppose the sparks not all extinct; yet in some other, it is as possible to make the Weed and Corn Friends, as your and our Opinions; where there is none other remedy but that of our Saviour, Every Plant that my heavenly Father hath not planted, shall be rooted out. Neither doth this impossibility arise more out of the nature of the things, than the affection of the persons. For the Pope and the Court of Rome, which are those that domineer on that side, do no less out of the fear of their own ruine, deadly detest all reformation, than the Reformed, out of their present view and former feeling, the tyranny of the Papacy, which they see doth Excommunicate, and put to cruel Death all that are of this way. And which is a prodigious thing, where they tolerate the blasphemous and professed enemies of Christ, even with allowance of the publick exercise of their Religion, there do they burn Men professing Christs Religion, according to the ancient and common Rule thereof, with that uprightness of Conscience, that if they had as many Lives as there be Articles thereof, they would give them all rather than renounce any of them.

As for the Protestants making the Pope Anti­christ, I know it is a point, that inrageth much at Rome. But if the Apostle S. Paul, if S. Iohn in the Revelation, describe Anti­christ so, as they that do but look upon the Pope well, must be forced to say as the peo­ple [Page 365] did of the blind Man in the Gospel, some, this is he; others, he is very like him; if him­self and his flatterers do, and speak such things, as if all others should hold their peace, do in a sort proclaim, I am he; what can the Protestants do with the matter? I will take the liberty here to relate to you, what I saw while I was in Venice, the rather be­cause it is not impertinent to our present pur­pose. And though perhaps y [...]u may have heard somewhat of it, yet the particulars are I suppose unknown in those parts. And yet it doth more import they were known there than otherwhere, being occasioned by a subject of the Crown, though of a name and Family whereto it is not much be­holding.

In the Year 1608. F. Thomas Maria Cara­fa, of the Order of the Friers Preachers, Reader of Philosophy in Naples, printed a thousand Theses to be disputed thrice; once at Rome, in the Church of S. Mary super Mi­nervam, twice in S. Dominicks at Naples. Of these, five hundred were in Logick, Natural Philosophy, Metaphysick, and Mathematicks; five hundred more in Divinity, amongst which that was one. Solus Petrus & successo­res in totam Ecclesiam illimitatam jurisdictionem habent. These were all included in the form of a Tower, and dedicated with an Epistle to the present Pope Paulus the Fifth, to whose Arms alluding, he saith, Idem Draco bi­ceps qui utrumque polum amplexus imperio ad Ec­clesiae pomoerium tanquam ad amoenissimos Hesperi­dum hortos pervigil excubat, nullius Herculis vim [Page 366] metuens, turris etiam mea sit custos. On the top of this Tower, was this Representation curiously and largely cut. An Altar, with two Columns, and their Ornaments, ac­cording to the Rules of Architecture. In the midst for the Altar-piece was the Popes Picture, very lively portrayed to the Breast. Over his Head was the Word, Vultu porten­debat imperium. Above on the top of the Front, in [...]hree compartiments his Arms thus. On the one side the spread Eagle a­lone, the Word, Ipse mihi fert tela pater. On the other a Dragon, and by it, Meliora ser­vo. In the midst both together in one Scut­cheon with the cross Keys and triple Crown in the Crest. On either side of these Co­lumns were depending Crowns and Scepters, whereof six were on the right-Hand after the Christian fashion. The Imperial above, other underneath, and lowest the Corno of the Duke of Venice, so they call a certain Cap the Prince useth to wear being of Gold Em­broidery, and somewhat resembling a Horn. There were also Turkish Turbans, and Di­adems of divers fashions, as many on the left side. By these on either side of the Columns, were two of the four parts of the World. Europe and Africk, on the one, Asia and America on the other, in the Habit of Ladies, sitting upon their proper Beasts couchant, each offering unto him that was above the Altar of their Com­modities, Corn, Fruits, Incense, &c. On the base of the Column on the Christian and European side, was the Word, Et erunt [Page 367] Reges nutritii tui. On the other, Vultu in ter­ram demisso pulverem pedum tuorum lingent, Esai. 49. Agreeable whereto there was made fly­ing over their Heads two Angels, on each side one with these Sentences in their Hands. That over Europe and Africk: Gens & Regnum quod non s [...]rvierit illi, in Gladio & in Fame, & in peste visitabo super gentem illam, ait Dominus, Hier. 27. That over Asia and America: Et dedit ei Dominus potestatem & regnum, & om­nes populi ipsi servient: potestas ejus potestas aeter­na quae non auferetur, & Regnum ejus quod non corrumpetur, Dan. 7. Now just underneath the Picture of the Pope, on the foreside of the Altar, was this Inscription, PAVLO V. VICE-DEO CHRISTIANAE RE­IP. MONARCHAE INVICTISSIMO ET PONTIFICIAE OMNIPOTENTIAE. CONSERVATORI ACERRIMO. The Copies of these Theses were sent as Novels from Rome, and did the more amuse Men at Venice, because of the Controversie that State had with the Pope a little before, and their seeing their Dukes Corno hanged up among his Trophies, under all other Princes Crowns. But most of all, the new Title, Vice-Deo, and the addition of Omnipotency gave matter of wonder. The next day it was noised about the City, that this was the Picture of Anti­christ; for that the Inscription PAV5L50O V5. V5I1C100E-D500EO, contained exactly in the nume­ral Letters the number of the Beast in the Revelation 666. What anger and shame this was to the Popish Faction, I leave it to you to esteem. But whom could they blame, [Page 368] but themselves, who had suffered so pre­sumptuous and shameless a flattery to come forth, with publick approbation, annexing also so blasphemous an Inscription, as una­wares to them by the providence of God, should so plainly characterize Antichrist? But to heal up this matter again, not long after we had fresh news went about, That Antichrist was born in Babylon, had done many miracles, was coming toward Christendome with an Army. We had an Epistle stampt at Ve­nice, pretended to be written at Rome, An. 1592 by the Rever. D. Valentinus Granarensis, touching the birth of Antichrist his stock, pro­geny, Country, Habitation, Power, Marvels, Life, and Death, out of the Holy Scriptures, and Fathers, printed Cum Privilegio. And as for the Title Vice-Deus, as if they would have it in despite of all Men: One Benedictus à Be­nedictis a Subject of the Venetian State, set­ting out a Book against Doctor Whitak [...]rs Position, de Antichristo, at Bologna (for at Venice it was not suffered to be printed) revives it with advantage. He dedicates it thus, Paulo Quinto Pontifici Vniversalis Eccle­siae Oecumenico, summo totius Orbis Episcopo atque Monarchae & supremo Vice-Deo. These Titles he heaps upon the Pope again, and again, and that you may judge of his Wit by one place in the conclusion, exhorting Dr. Whi­taker to repentance; he tells him, That by his example, his King, and with the same King James the First, many Englishmen con­vertentur ad Dominum Deum, & ipsius loco ad Vice-Deum confugient. And p. 135. he saith [Page 369] of Grègory the Great. Totum mundum quasi Monarcha ac Vice-Deus optimè & irreprehensibili­ter rexit, &c. He might have learned of him, that his other Title Oecumenicus Pontifex, is the very name of Antichrist, the name of blas­phemy, by which he doubts not to presage, that Antichrist was near, and an Army of Priests ready to attend him. In this, if ever in any thing, it seems your Judge was infallible.

It will be said here, it is not in the Popes power what his followers will say of him, he stiles himself the Servant of Gods Servants. If the Canonists will call him, Apologia pro Gar­neto, c. 5. Our Lord God the Pope, first, it may be denyed. Secondly, it may be laid to the over-sight of the Writers or Prin­ters. Thirdly, if it be shewed to be left standing still in the Gloss of the Canon Law, by them that were appointed to over-see and correct it, what mar­vel if one word escaped them, through negligence, or weariness, or much business? And yet if they thought the sense of the word not so usual indeed in the ordinary talk of Christians, but not differing from the custom of Scripture was to be allowed to an ancient Writer, the matter deserves not such out­crys. But the Pope, such is his modesty, never u­surped this Title full of arrogancy, never heard it with patient ears. To this, let it first be conside­red, that the Censors of such things as come to the Press, are not to be imagined such Babes, as not to know what will please or displease his Holiness. Especially in writings dedicated to himself, a man may be sure they will allow nothing the second time, and after some ex­ception and scandal taken at it, but what shall be justified. How much more in the Popes [Page 370] own Town of Bologna, and when his Chap­lain could not be allowed to print it at home. But to let all these go; we may have a more sensible proof how the Pope tastes these Ti­tles. That which he rewards he approves: Benedictus was shortly after made for his pains Bishop of Caorli. How worthily he deserved it you shall judge by his book; which at my request vouchsafe to read over, and if there be any merit, you shall sure get great meed of patience in so doing. That you may not doubt of the Popes judgment concerning these Titles, you shall further know, that the matter being come to the knowledge of the Protestants in France, and England, made them talk and write of it broadly, namely, the Lord of Plessis, in his Mysterium iniquitatis, and the Bishop of Chichester in his Tortura Torti. This gave occasion to the Cardinal Gieurè, to relate in the Officio Santo at Rome of the scan­dal taken hereat, and to make a motion, De moderandis titulis. It was on foot sundry months. At last the Pope revoking it to himself, bla­med those that had spoken against these Ti­tles, and said, they were no whit greater than the authority of S. Peter's Successor did bear. To re­turn thither whence I have a little digressed. In the question whether the Pope be the Anti­christ or no, for my part, I despair of all re­conciliation. For neither doth there appear any inclination at all in the Pope to reform any thing in Doctrine or Government, nay, he encroacheth daily more and more upon all degrees even among his own subjects, and re­solves to carry all before him at the breast, [Page 371] with his Monarchy and infallibility. On the other side, the Reformers partly emboldned with success, partly enforced by necessity, chiefly tyed with band of conscience, and perswasion of truth, are not like to retract what they have affirmed in this behalf, and whatsoever their differences be in other things, in this point they have a marvellous unity amongst them. Those in France having been molested for calling the Pope Antichrist, have been occasioned (as I have heard) some few years since to take it into their Confession, thereby to justifie themselves according to the Edicts of Pacifica­tion giving them liberty to profess their Religion. In England as you know it is no part of the Doctrine of our Church, yet a commonly re­ceived opinion. Howbeit this is so far from hindering, that the reformed Churches and those which heretofore were, or at this pre­sent are under the Popes obedience be one Church, that is, all members of the Catho­lick; that the Protestants without this can­not make good the other. For Antichrist must sit in the Temple of God, and that is in the Church, as Chrysostome and Theophylact interpret it, and Gods people could not be com­manded to go out of Babel, if he had none there.

CHAP. V. Of the safeness to joyn to the Roman, be­ing confessed a true Church by her op­posites.

BUt you concluded hence, that seeing ma­ny of the best learned Protestants did grant the Church of Rome to be a true Church, though faulty in some things; and contrarily not only the Romanists, but Puritans, Anabaptists, and Brownists deny the Church of England to be so, therefore it would be more safe and secure to be­come a Roman Catholick, &c. This Discourse hath a pretty shew at the first blush, and perhaps was used to you since your coming into Spain, as it was to some there before. At my coming to Venice I fell upon certain Letters and Reports, set forth as it was told me by F. Possevine, and not unlike by his mindfulness, to take all occasions to advance the credit of his Society. Amongst them there is one said to be a true Relation of the manner how M. Pickering Wotton was conver­ted to the Catholick Roman Faith, indited as it is said, and subscribed by himself before his death. In which by a certain Father of the Company of Jesus an Englishman by Nati­on, the like Discourse was used, as it is said, [Page 373] to him: That he should consider well, that he and other Protestants did not deny that the Catho­licks might be saved in their Faith, whereas all the Catholicks that either lived at the present, or ever were, hold it as a most certain Article of Faith, That the Protestants and other Hereticks cannot be saved out of the Catholick Church; there­fore if he should become a Catholick, he should enter into that way which was safe, by the consent of both parts. This consideration he saith mov'd him not much then. But after praying to God, as he was also advised by that Father, to direct him into the right way if he were out of it, suddenly he saw a certain Light very clearly before his Eyes in form of a Cross. Whereupon incontinently there was offered unto him such a heap of Reasons and Arguments by which was shewed that the Catholick Faith is the only way of Salvation, and that of the Prote­stants on the contrary most absurd and abomi­nable, that most evidently he was convinced, with­out any the least doubt. And these reasons which then offered themselves to him, were for the most part such as he did not remember that he had ever heard them in all his life. Thereupon with unspeak­able joy he called back the Father, told him what had happened, prayed him to hear his confession, and he examining him upon all the Heads of the Catholick Religion, which he most firmly and en­tirely believed, heard his confession, &c. But this Narration deserves little credit. First creating Mr. Wotton for the greater glory of their triumph a Baron; unless the Fathers in Spain, or Possevine in Italy have a faculty to create Barons. Next it is a very impro­bable thing that Mr. Wotton dying of a Calen­ture [Page 374] should have so good a memory, as to in­dite so exact and artificial a Narration, with such formality, and enforcements in fit pla­ces, as any Reader of understanding must needs perceive, came out of a diligent Forge, and needed more hammering and fileing than so. But that of all other is most Legend-like, that howsoever this motive of yours is used, yet it is not made the effectual inducement, but a heap of reasons in the twinkling of an Eye, and causing him not only to believe in the gross, but to be able to give account of all the Heads of the Catholick Religion (that is all the points of controversie at this day, between the Romanists and the reformed Churches) in a fit of an Ague, in the twink­ling of an eye? Excuse me: This is beyond the blind Beggar that recovered his sight at S. Al­bans, that could tell the names of all colours as soon as he saw them. What then? Was not Mr. Wotton reconciled? and saw he not a light in form of a cross? Yes: And this your motive was used to him also, and perhaps moved him more than all the heap of Rea­sons besides. But shall I tell you here what I have heard from the mouth of one that was himself then in Spain, that both could know the truth of this matter, and had no reason to tell me a lye, sith what he said, came freely from himself, without fear, or hope, or almost enquiry? The Gentleman being sick, and weak in his Brain, the Fa­ther that Possevine tells of, brought under his Gown a Picture, and upon a sudden presen­ted it before him: This might be the light [Page 375] in form of a Cross (perhaps a very Image of Christ crucified) which together with the lightness of his fancy, occasioned that your Motive, though it self also very light, might carry him: as a little weight is able to sway much, where the Beam it self is false. If this be true (as I take the living God to record, I feign nothing, but do relate what hath been told me) as on the one side I doubt not, but God in his mercy did interpret of the Gentlemans Religion, according to his right judgment and perswasion in his health, and not according to the erroneous apprehen­sions of his fancy in his sickness (which even in his best health was ever very strong in his sleep) as some that have conversed with him have told me: So on the other side, they shall bear their judgment whatsoever they were, that would with so cruel a craftiness take advantage of his infirmity, and make his story after a stale to draw on others. As for the heap of Arguments to convince the Prote­stants Faith to be absurd (that must be by the way the Articles of the Creed) Possevine's Catholick Hyperboles are well enough known in Venice, and he hath been there told to his Head,Auverti­mento al P. Ant. Possevino, p. 7. & 14. That if in things past, whereof he might have been informed, he proves a most lying Historian, it might more easily fall out, that he should prove a most false and ridiculous Prophet in things to come.

And in truth he hath proved so hitherto Wherefore, I reckon these garnishments of Mr. Wotton's perversion, to be like the rest of his News touching the Conquest of Mos­covia [Page 376] by Demetrius that Impostor, whom he bo [...]teth in a manner to have been the Scho­ler of his Society. Where he tells the World that the Army cryed out often: God and the Prayers of our Fathers (the Jesuites) have sub­dued the Hearts of our enemies, and inclined them under our noble Prince Demetrius. That De­metrius turning to the Priests of the company of Iesus, was heard to say [Lo that which you foretold me, O Fathers, in the time of that sorrowful flig [...] of ours, is now come to pass, to wit, that as the Lord God had afflicted me much, so on the con­trary he would much comfort me, and that there­fore I should not doubt of a full victory.] These Words Possevine stamps in his former Relation in Capital Letters. But when this bold en­terprise was overthrown, and this suborned fugitive slain, and shamefully dragged up and down the Streets of Mosco, then lo the re­ports were, That a light was seen over his body in the night time, &c. Let them that walk in darkness follow such Lights as these be▪ We are no children of the Night, nor of darkness. Leaving therefore those unheard of Argu­ments, which Possevine hath not only cun­ningly drawn a veil over, that we may not see them, but exempted by priviledge of a miracle that we may not try them, this which he hath shewed us, let us bring it a little to the clear day-light.

And even at the first view it is apparent, that this Argument is meerly foreign; not drawn from any thing, à parte rei, as what the true Church is, what it teacheth, or such [...]ke, but from opinion and testimony. What [Page 377] Men say of that of Rome, and of the refor­med Churches, &c. Now Opinions are no certain grounds of Truth, no not in natural and civil matters, much less in Religion. So this Argument at the most is but Topical and probable. Let us see the parts of it. And first that ground: The testimony of our selves and of our contraries is much more sufficient and certain than to justifie our selves alone. Surely neither the one nor the other is sufficient, or certain. It is true, that if other proof fail, and we will follow conjectures, he is in probabi­lity an honester Man, that others beside him­self say well of, than he that alone testifieth of himself. And yet according to truth, this latter may be a right honest Man, and dwell, as we say, by ill neighbours, or where he is not known, or requires not the testimony of other Men: Whereas the other being indeed a knave, is either cunning to conceal it, or hath suborned other like himself to say for him, or dwels by honest Men that judge and say the best. And in this very kind, our Saviour attributes so little to testimony, Luk. 6.26. as he pronoun­ces a woe to them that all Men speak well of. So in our case it is more probable, I grant, if there were no other Argument to clear it, but Opinion, and most Voices, that you have the true Church, and are in the way of salvation, than we, because we give you a better testimony than you do us. But it is possible we are both deceived in our Opi­nions, each of other; we through too much charity, and you and others through ig­norance or malice. Herein undoubtedly we [Page 378] have the advantage of you and the rest, and do take that course which is more safe and sure to avoid sin, that if we do fail of the truth, yet we be deceived with the error of Love, which, as the Apostle saith, hopeth all things, and is not puffed up. We avoid at the least that gulph of rash judgment, which, me thinks, if the case be not too too clear, we should all fear,Matt 7.6. Rom. 2.1. With what judgment you judge, you shall be judged. Thou that judgest another, con­demnest thy self

But that you may a little better consider the weakness of this discourse, if the testi­mony of our selves and our contraries were sufficient and certain to make truth, and ever more safe and secure to follow that side which hath that testimony, it had been better to have become a Jewish Pro [...]elyte, in the Apo­stles times than a Christian: For the Christi­ans acknowledged the Jews to be the people of God, heirs of the promises, and of Christ, and stiled them Brethren, notwithstanding their zeal to the Ceremonies, and Traditions of their Fathers, excused their ignorance, bare with them, laboured to give them content in all things. Whereas they to the contrary called those that professed Christ, Hereticks and Sectaries, accursed them, drew them out of their Synagogues, scourged them, cast them in Prison, compelled them to blas­pheme: As you do now Protestants to ab­jure, though in other cruelties I confess you go far beyond them. By like reason a Pa­gan in S. Augustine's time, should rather have made himself a Christian among the Donatists, [Page 379] than with the Catholicks. For the Catho­licks granted the Donatists Baptism to be true, accounted them Brethren. The Donatists to the contrary renounced their Brother-hood and Baptism both, re-baptized such as fell to their side, used these forms to their Friends, Save thy Soul, Aug. Epist. 48. & in Psal. 39. De Baptism [...] l. 2. c. 7. become a Christian: like to those used by your Reconcilers at this day.

Lastly consider, if this ground of the te­stimony of our contraries for our part, and their lack of ours, for theirs, be sure; you have justified the cause of the Protestants in the main Question, Which is the better Religion. For whatsoever a Protestant holds, as of Faith, you cannot deny to be good and Catholick, nor any Christian Man else. For he binds him to his Creed, to the Holy Scriptures, and goes no further: And in these he hath your testimony for him. But he denies many things which you believe, and accounts them foreign, yea repugnant to Faith, as the Popes infallibility, Transubstantia­tion, Purgatory, worshipping of Images, invocation of Saints. In all these you speak only for your selves, in some of these you have not us only, but all other Christians your op­posites, to say nothing of the Jews and Turks, whom I might as well chock you withal, as you do the Protestants with Ana­baptists. So by this reason our Profession is more safe and secure, and questionless is more Catholick than yours. Neither have we in this discourse the Argument only as you see very appliable and favourable to us, but (which I would entreat you by the way to [Page 380] observe) the conclusion it self often granted by moderate and sober Men of your own side,Abu [...]ensis, B [...]llarmine, Faber, Erasmus, Cassander, R [...]fmei [...]er, A [...]eas Syl [...]ius. viz. That our course is in sundry things more safe than yours. As in making no I­mage of God. In trusting only in the me­rits of Christ. In worshipping none but the Trinity. In directing our Prayers to our Lord Jesus Christ alone. In allowing Mi­nisters to marry. In diverse other Points al­so many of your side say the same with the Protestants, and defend us from the imputa­tions which others of you lay upon us, as is shewed in the Catholick Apology, by the reve­rend Bishop of Chester.

This to the proposition. Let us come to the Assumption, where you mince too much the Protestants Opinion touching the Church of Rome, when you make them say, It is peradventure faulty in some things: Nay with­out peradventure, they say, It is corrupt in Doctrine, superstitious and Idolatrous in Re­ligion, tyrannical in government, defiled in manners, from the crown of the Head to the soal of the Foot no soundness in it, as the Prophet saith of another like it; yet the vital parts not perished,Isai 1.6. D Ray [...]olds Thes. 5. ready to dye, yet not dead. A true Church though neither the Catholick Church, nor yet a sound member of the same. That also is false in the assumption, that the Puritans deny the Church of England to be a true Church. Unless the Puritans and Brownists be with you all one, which you have made diverse Sects above, and then are you to blame as to multiply names (where­of I have told you) before, so now again to consound them.

[Page 381]What is now the Conclusion? It would be more safe and secure to become a Roman Catholick. But the Proposition will not infer thus much simply, but only in this respect. For To­pical arguments (as you know) hold only caeteris paribus. We must then inquire if there be no other intrinsical arguments by which it may be discerned, whether cause be the better, whether pretence to the Church and Truth, more just, more evident. Whe­ther it may be warranted to return to Babel, because God hath some people there, when as he commands those that are there to come out of it. How safe it may be willingly to joyn with that part of the Church, which is more corrupt in Doctrine and Manners, when we may continue with that which is reformed. These points were to have been scanned, ere you concluded and executed as you did.

And such Arguments there want not. Christ our Lord hath given us amongst others, two infallible Notes to know his Church.Joh. 10.27. c 13.35. My Sheep, saith he, hear my Voice: And again, By this shall all Men know that you are my Disciples, if you love one another. What shall we stand upon conjectural Arguments from that which men say? We are partial to our selves, malignant to our opposites. Let Christ be heard who be his, who not. And for the hearing of his Voice, O that it might be the issue! But I see you decline it, There­fore I leave it also for the present. That other is that which now I stand upon: the Badge of Christs Sheep. Not a likelihood, [Page 382] but a certain token, whereby every Man may know them. By this, saith he, shall all Men know that ye are my Disciples, if ye have cha­rity one towards another. Thanks be to God: This mark of our Saviour is in us, which you with our Schismaticks, and other ene­mies want. As Solomon found the true Mo­ther by her natural affection, that chose ra­ther to yield to her adversaries plea, claim­ing her Child, than endure it should be cut in pieces; so may it soon be found at this day, whether is the right Mother. Ours that saith, give her the living Child, and kill him not; or yours, that if she may not have it, is content it be killed, rather than want of her will. Alas, saith ours, even of those that leave her, these be my Children, I have born them to Christ in Baptism, I have nourished them as I could with mine own Breasts his Te­staments. I would have brought them up to Mans estate, as their free Birth and Parentage deserves. Whether it be their lightness or discon­tent, or her enticing words and gay shews they leave me, they have found a better Mother. Let them live yet, though in bondage. I shall have patience; I permit the care of them to their Fa­ther; I beseech him to keep them that they do none evil; if they make their peace with him, I am sa­tisfied, they have not hurt me at all. Nay but, saith yours, I sit alone as Queen and Mistress of Christs Family;Rev. 18.7.he that hath not me for his Mother, cannot have God for his Father. Mine therefore are these, either born or adopted: And if they will not be mine, they shall be none. So without expecting Christs Sentence, she cuts [Page 383] in pieces with the Temporal Sword, hangs, burns, draws those that she perceives inclined to leave her, or have left her already. So she kills with the Spiritual Sword, those that subject not to her, yea thousands of Souls that not only have no means so to do, but many which never so much as have heard whether there be a Pope of Rome or no. Let our Solomon be Judge between them: Yea, judge you (Mr. Waddesworth) more seriously and maturely, not by guesses, but by the ve­ry mark of Christ, which wanting your selves, you have unawares discovered in us, judge I say without passion, and partiality, according to Christs Word; which is his Flock, which is his Church.

CHAP. VI. Of Fraud and Corruption in alledging Councils, Fathers and Doctors.

YOur next Motive was, That in examining the Questions, especially about the Church, where you laboured to peruse the Original Quo­tations and Texts of the Councils, Fathers and Doctors, you found, as you say, much fraud com­mitted by the Protestants. This imputation of Fraud is very usual and common to both sides; and verily I believe some on both sides are faulty. For whether out of humane in­firmity, mistaking the meaning of Authors, or slips of memory, trust of other Mens Quotations, who tye not themselves to the Words, but give the sense they conceive; how easily may testimonies be alledged clean besides the Authors minds? He that hath strongly conceited any thing, findeth it in all that ever he readeth, or falleth upon. Too much heat in contention, and desire of Vi­ctory, blindeth the Judgment, and maketh a Man heedlesly lay hold upon any thing, that he thinks may serve his turn. As we see sometimes in the Writings of the Fathers, which had to deal with ancient Hereticks, alledging the Scriptures themselves besides the purpose. Sometimes hast and desire [Page 385] of contracting makes one cut off some words, and explain and press those that make for him; and perhaps leave out something ma­terial: Presently the other side cries out clip­ping, forgery, falsification, and what not? But although all this may be called fraud in respect of the Reader, who is by this means deceived in his Evidence, and therefore if he be not aware may pronounce amiss, yet is it nothing to that kind, when with an evil Conscience and of set purpose Falshood is set forth, and Truth out-faced. Wherein I cannot tell what you have found. I could have desired, and do yet if your leisure may serve, you would shew the particulars. I do profess here to you, that I have seen and even felt with my Fingers such dealing in the Romish Faction, as I cannot resolve whether I should account them more shameful Slanderers, and false Accusers of others, of fraudulent hand­ling; or bold and shameless in the pra­ctising of it themselves. When the Lord of Plessis his book of the Sacrament came out, how was it calumniated in this kind, with fal­sification? Du Puy in a publick Chartel of­fered, that of 306 passages in the Preface, he would shew as clear as the Sun at noon day, 283 were falsified, corrupted, and mangled, and the rest of no importance. The Bishop of Eureux, after Cardinal, un­dertook to shew in the Book it self five hundred enormous falsities by tale, and with­out hyperbole. The matter was brought to a tryal before the King of France, and nine places examined of this number. And, [Page 386] as was before-hand promised the Popes Nun­cio, the business should be so carried that the advantage should remain on the part of the Church of Rome, and the Pope receive con­tentment, and in these very Words, The lye should rest with the Hereticks. Morney was born down. The Kings Letters to the Duke of Espernon of this Victory, were blown over France, sent to Rome, printed with a Discourse thereabout, set forth at Antwerp, and translated into English, with some alteration and Turkesing by F. Parsons. Wherein he saith, A French Jesuit, Fronto Ducaeus, discovered in it at last a thousand falshoods for his part. He accused Bishop Iewel, and Mr. Fox, of the like crime; he saith that in two only leaves of his Book, a certain learned Scholar did discover thir­ty wilful and voluntary corruptions and falsifi­cations that cannot be excused, and him­self besides these thirty, noted so many other plain falshoods and manifest wilful lies, as might well double the former number. And by Arithmetick he multi­plies this Number with the Number of the Leaves, the number he saith will rise to thirty thousand, by which Iohn Fox his Book will as much exceed Iohn Sleidans Story in number of lyes (in which were found on­ly eleven thousand) as it doth in bulk and bigness. This manner of writing of these Men, brings to my mind that which Sir Thomas More writes of Tyndals New Te­stament, wherein he saith,Dialog. l. 3. c. 8. Were founden and noted wrong and falsely translated above a [Page 387] thousand Texts by tale. The Language is like, and the cause is the same. Men were loth these Books should be read. The substance of them was such as could not be controlled; The next remedy was to forestal the Readers minds with a pre­judice of falsification, that so they might not regard them, but cast them out of their Hands of their own accord. The Vulgar sort would be brought out of conceit at the first hearing, with vehement accu­sation. Even wise Men would suppose, though there should not be any thing near so many wilful faults, yet surely there must needs be a very great number, and that could not happen but with a very bad meaning; this admitted, who would vouch­safe them the reading? And in truth among those that favour the reformed part, I have met with some that out of this buz of falsification in the Lord of Plessis Book, cared not for reading it; whereby may be thought in what account it should be with all those who esteem all F. Parsons Libels to be Oracles. But shortly: Sith neither the Cardinal Perone, nor F. Parsons have had the means, or will, to decypher those hundreds and thousands of falsifica­tions in Sleidan, Bishop Iewel, Mr. Fox, or Plessis, in these so many years, as have run since they wrote; and as for the last, he hath set forth the Book again, with all the Authorities at large in the Mar­gent, in the Authors own Words, and hath answered all those that bayed at it, [Page 388] till they are silent: what remains but that we count this multiplying of F. Parsons, may be joyned with Aequivocation, to make up the art of Falshood; wherein he and his Faction may justly claim to be the wor­thiest Professors in the World. But with­out any multiplication or other Arithmetick, in the fifth page of that Relation of his in the seven first Lines are four notorious, I will not say, lyes, or falsifications, but fal­shoods by tale. The First: That the tryal being begun upon the first place, that was found false. The French Discourse printed at Antwerp, Cum privilegio, and approbation of the Visitor of Books, saith: And as to the said first Article, nothing was judged thereabout by the said Commissioners, nor pronounced by my said Lord the Chancellor, and the King said that it should be remitted to another time to deliberate thereabout. The Second: He (that is Plessis) would have passed to the second, but the Bishop refused so to do, except the Mi­nisters and Protestants there present would first subscribe and testifie that this first place was falsified. He said in the page before, that Plessis appeared at last with some four or five Ministers on his side. There were no Mi­nisters appeared with him on his side. No Protestants, no creature did subscribe, or was required so to do. The third: Which at length they did, viz. subscribe, this place was falsified. An utter untruth. Whereof there is not a Word in the said printed Narrati­on. The fourth: As well in this as in all the rest. There was no subscription, as I said, [Page 389] at all. The Commissioners were all of the Roman profession, saving Casaubon; and he no Minister. They never pronounced, much less subscribed that any of those pla­ces examined were falsified. Of the first place of Scotus they pronounced nothing. Of the second, of Durand, That the opposition of Du­rand was alledged for the resolution. And this they would have remitted also as the former to another time, save that the Bishop insisted, saying, it was in vain to dispute if they would not judge; Addressing his Speech divers times to the King, to the intent he should signifie his pleasure to the Commissioners; and then his Majesty drawing near to them, they gave their Opinions upon that Ar­ticle as before. This was that which F. Par­sons stumbled at when he wrote, The Mini­sters and Protestants there present subscribed and testified, that it was falsified, and so all the rest. For being overjoyed with this News which he did not well understand (to think the charitablest of him) he thought the Commissioners had been part at least Pro­testants, and Ministers: And had subscribed, whereas they pronounced their Sentence vi­vâ voce, by the Mouth of the Chancellor, never using the term falsification; yea in some of the rest they acquitted the Lord of Plessis, as in the passage of P. Crinitus, though they said Crinitus was deceived. In that of Bernard, that it had been good to distinguish the two passages of S. Bernard out of the same Book with an & caetera. Not to stand now upon that, that in the rest of [Page 390] the places he hath a reasonable and just defence with indifferent Men, for the omissions he was charged with in Chryso­stome, Hierome, Bernard, and Theodoret: And in that of Cyril, the King himself said aloud, tha both sides had reason. But F. Parsons not having, as it appears, received perfect in­formation of the particularities of this af­fair, was so hasty to write according to the partial intelligence he received at Rome, that he faults himself in the same kind, that he imputes to another. And if he should meet with some severe Adversary, that would multiply his falshoods by his leaves and lines, as he dealeth with Mr. Fox, and then extend by proportion his Pam­phlet to the bigness of Mr. Fox his Book of Martyrs, he would find, that he provides very ill for himself that is too rigorous and censorious to other Men.

But I leave him, and come to the fi­delity of the Popish Faction, whereof I shall desire you to take a taste in one of the questions which you name about the Church, even that which is indeed cardo negotii, as you say, the controversie of the Popes authority. For the establishing whereof: First, the Epistles of the ancient Bishops of Rome, for the space of about three hundred years after Christ are counterfeited. The Barbarous not Latine but lead of the stile, and the like­ness of them all one to another, the deep silence of Antiquity concerning them; the Scriptures alledged after Hierom's translation, do convince them of Falshood, and by [Page 391] whose practice and procurement we cannot doubt, if we ask but as Cassius was wont, cui bono? For at every bout the Authority of the Pope, and priviledges of the Ro­man See are extolled and magnified.

Next, the Donation of Constantine is a sense­less forgery;Dist. 96. c. Constan­tinus. and so blazed by some of the learnedest of the Roman Church. Read it advisedly, either in Gratian, or in the Decrees of Sylvester, with the Confession, and Legend of Constantines baptism, and say out of your own judgment if ever any thing can be more fraudulent, more sottish. And because I have mentioned Gratian, his whole compilation is full of falsification, and corruption of Antiquity: take an example or two in the matter we have in hand. The Milevitane, Concil. Mi­lev. c. 72. and after the African Councils under pain of excom­munication prohibit Appeals beyond the Seas. Which Canons were made purposely to meet with the usurpations of the Bishops of Rome, Concil. A­fric. c. 12. of which I have spoken some­what before.c. [...]. qu. 9.6. Now in the citing this Ca­non, Gratian adds this goodly explication; nisi forte Romanam sedem appellaverint; thus excepting that abuse which these Coun­cils directly sought to prohibite. Again, S. Augustine to inform a Christian man what Scriptures he should hold for Canonical,De Doctri­na. Chr. l. 2. bids him follow the Authority of the greater part of the Catholick Church, amongst which are those, quae Apostolicas sedes habere, & Epi­stolas accipere meruerunt, which had the honour to have the Apostles sit in them, and to receive [Page 392] Epistles from them. Gratian fits it thus, in­ter quas (Scripturas) sanc illae sunt quas A­postoli [...] sedes habere, & ab ea alii meruerunt accipere Epistolas: And accordingly, the title of that Canon is; Inter Canonicas, The Decretal Epistles are numbred amongst the Canonical Scriptures. True it is, that in the end of the next Canon, Gratian adds a good limitation, and worth the remem­bring, that this must be understood of such Decrees, in which there is nothing found contrary to the Decrees of the Fathers forego­ing, nor the Precepts of the Gospel. Belike even in Gratian's time it was not holden impossible, That in the Sanctions and De­cretals of Popes, something might be de­creed contrary to the Gospel, which may be added to your Judges Infallibility, which hath been touched before.

But these be old tricks of the Cham­pions of the Papacy. At this day perhaps it is better: Yes, and that shall ye un­understand by the Words of the Children of the Church of Rome themselves, the Veneti­ans. But first ye are to know, that among cer­tain Propositions set forth in defence of that State, there was one, the fourth in num­ber of eight, That the Authority promised by our Saviour Christ to S. Peter under the me­taphor of the Keyes is meerly Spiritual. For confirmation whereof after other proof was said, That the Authority of the highest Bishop is over Sin and over Souls only; ac­cording to the words of that Prayer of the Church about S. Peter — qui B. Petro animas [Page 393] ligandi atque solvendi Pontificium tradidisti. Cardinal Bellarmine undertook to answer these Propositions, and coming to this place he saith; That peradventure Gods pro­vidence to take away such deceipts, whereby the Author of these Propositions would deceive the simple, with the words of the holy Church misunderstood, inspired into the Reformers of the Breviary that they should take out of that Prayer the word (animas) as anciently it was not there, nor ought to be; because that Pray­er was formed out of the words of the Gospel, Quodcunque ligaveris, & quodcunque solveris. Now mark the Rejoinder that is made to him by Iohannes Marsilius, who num­bering up his errors in the defence of eve­ry Proposition, roundly tells him? Erra XIV. perche dice, &c. He errs in the four­teenth place, for that he saith, That those which have taken out of the Breviary the word (animas) were inspired by the Holy Ghost. I know not whether the Holy Ghost be the Author of Discord. This I know well, that one of his Gifts and of his Fruits is Peace. Those which made that Prayer had this intenti­on, to explain the Words Quodcunque liga­veris, with the Word (animas) by that Text which explaineth them, quorum remiseritis peccata; sins being in the Soul and not in the body, left any should believe that the Pope were Dominus in temporalibus & spiritualibus, of Goods, of Bodies, and of Souls, and that he might loose and bind every thing, as it seems the L. Cardinal believeth. And they ex­plained them with the Word animas, by [Page 394] which explication a remedy is put unto all those discords which may arise be­tween the Pope and Princes de meo & tuo. Wheras those which have lately taken it away out of the Breviary, have anew stirred up occasion of discords and contentions. Besides that it is a thing known of all Men, that in the Books of the Councils, of the Canons, of other Doctors, in a word, even in the very Brevia­ries and Missals there have been and are ta­ken away those things which are in favour of Princes of the Laity, to see if at length there might be established the opinion de illimitata Potestate Pontificis in temporalibus. So as he that compares together the Books printed in the year 30. in 50. and those at this day, as well of the Councils as others, evidently perceives the vintage, that marvail it is, that we post vindemiam, have found some few Clusters for the defence of our gracious Prince. This is a means if it go on further, to make all wri­tings to lose their credit, and to ruine the Church of God. Be it spoken by the occasion that the Lord Cardinal hath given me thereof, and for charities sake, and for the desire that these writings be no more touched; which be also said with all humility and reverence.

He errs in the fifteenth place, for that he saith that in the ancient Breviaries there was not the word animas. And I have seen Bre­viaries written with pen above 200 years ago, and printed above an hundred; in them is the word animas, and if it were not, yet ought it to be put in, to take away the occasions of discords.

[Page 395]Thus he there; As for the Prayer cor­rected, or corrupted rather; if you look the old Breviaries, yea even that set forth by Pius the Fifth, printed by Plantine, with the Priviledge of the Pope, and his Catholick Majesty,Ex decret. 8. Concil. Trid. Anno 77. upon the nine and twentieth of Iune, ye shall find it to run thus. Deus qui B. Petro Apostolo tuo collatis clavibus regni Coelestis animas li­gandi atque solvendi Pontificium tradidisti, con­cede ut intercessionis ejus auxilio peccatorum no­strorum nexibus liberemur. Per Dominum—. Now in the late correction, Animas is left out, and we understand the Rea­son.

In the end of the same Book there is an Advertisement to the Reader, the be­ginning whereof I will not stick to set down verbatim; it is this. Because in this Defence I have often said, that Authors are made to recant, and that out of their Books many things are taken away sincerely said in fa­vour of the power of Temporal Princes, to establish by these means the Opinion, De su­prema authoritate Papae in temporalibus: I have thought good to advise the Reader, that the quotations by me brought, are taken, ad verbum, out of those Books which are incor­rupt, and contain the opinion of the Authors sincerely. And that the more ancient the Copies be, and further from these our times, so much the better they be. And in particular I desire that he be advertised, that the Cap. Novit de judiciis, printed in Rome the year ▪ 1575. by Joseph de Angelis, with licence of Supe­riours, [Page 396] is the text which was followed by the Author of the eight Positions, and by me; which contains sincerely the opinion of Navar­rus, and of the Parisians. Which in the Books printed since, is changed in such manner as it is no more the same, but is become the con­trary, to wit that of Cajetane, &c.

Tell me, good Mr. Waddesworth, in the sight of God, what is fraud, if this be not. And thus not only the Authors of this Age any way inclining to reformati­on, as Erasmus, Rhenanus, Cassander, Ferus; but, Vives, Faber, Cajetane, Pol. Virgil, Guic­ciardine, Petrarch, Dante, yea Authors of six or seven hundred years old, are set to School to learn the Roman Language, and agree with the Trent Faith. For it is not the Authority and Monarchy of the Pope alone that is sought, though that be Summa summarum, whereunto all comes at last, but no voyce must be heard dissen­ting from that which he teaches. There­fore it is, that Bertramus Presbyter is ap­pointed by your Spanish Index printed at Madrid, to be wholly abolished. The former had catechized him to say instead of visibiliter, invisibiliter, with many other pretty explications, as where he saith, the Elements in the Lords Supper, Secundum creaturarum substantiam, quod prius fuerant, ante consecrationem hoc & post consistant, the explication is, secundum externas species Sa­cramenti. But the surest way was to take him clean away: And so indeed in the Bibliotheca Patrum he is, and that purposely, [Page 397] as Marguerinus de la Bigne confesseth in his Preface.

The Ancient Fathers are perhaps free. For the Council of Trent appointed, that in the writings of the ancient Catholicks nothing should be changed, save whereby the fraud of Hereticks, a manifest error is crept in. But who shall be the Judge of that? the In­quisitors and Censors themselves. For my part, I cannot say that I have spent many hours in the tryal of this point, nor have I had ancient Copies thereto requisite. But I will intreat you to consider with me one example, or rather two or three in one Father, and in the matter that I named, whereby you may guess at the rest. In S. Cyprian's Works imprinted at Rome, by P. Manutius, sent for to Venice by Pius the Fourth, to set forth the Fathers, as himself saith, most perfectly cleansed from all spots, the Epistle of Firmilianus Bishop of Caesarea, be­ginning, Accepimus per Rogatianum, is whol­ly left out; and Pamelius thinks purpose­ly, and adds, perhaps it had been more wis­dom it had been never set out at all. S Cyprian was not of that mind, who translated it into Latin, as the stile it self witnesses, and Pamelius also is enforced to confess. The matter is, it too quick and vehement against Stephanus Bishop of Rome. He saith he is mo­ved with just indignation, at the manifest folly of Stephanus, that boasting so much of the place of his Bishoprick, and that he hath the suc­cession of Peter, upon whom the foundations of the Church were set, brings in many other [Page 398] Rocks, &c. He saith he hath stirred up con­tentions and discords throughout the Churches of the whole World. Bids him not deceive himself, he hath made himself a Schismatick, by separa­ting himself from the Communion of the Ecclesi­astical Vnity, for while he thinks he can sepa­rate all from his Communion, he hath separated himself only from all. He taxes him for calling S. Cyprian a false Christ, a false Apostle, and a deceitful workman, which being privy to him­self that these were his own due, preventingly he objected to another! No marvel if this gear could not pass the Press at Rome.

In S. Cyprians Epistle, De Vnitate Ecclesiae, these Words, & Primatus Petro datur, &c. and after, Vnam Cathedram constituit: and again, Et Cathedra una, are foisted into the Text in that Roman edition. In that of Pamelius also besides these, another clause is added, forsooth, out of Gratian, and a Copy of the Cambron Abby [Qui Cathe­dram Petri super quam fundata est Ecclesia de­serit.] These patches being all left out, the sense is nevertheless compleat and per­fect: And for the last, which speaks most for the Popes Chair, the Supervisors them­selves of the Canon Law, by the com­mandment of Gregory the Thirteenth, ac­knowledge, that in eight Copies of Cy­prian entire, in the Vaticane Library this Sentence is not found: But besides these there is one wherein his opuscula alone are contained, and another at S. Saviours in Bologna, in which it is found. But what ac­count [Page 399] they make of it appears by this, that supplying the whole sentence in ano­ther place of Gratian, they leave it out. Wherein as their Conscience is to be commended, and Manutius his modesty, or theirs who surveyed that Edition, that would not follow one Copy against eight; so is Pamelius's boldness to be corrected, that out of one, and that not fully agree­ing with Gratian, neither shames not (as himself sayes, veriti non sumus) to farce in this reading into the Text, against all the rest Printed and Manuscript, which he used above twenty in number, as he sets them down in a Catalogue in the beginning of his Edition. It is now little more than two hundred years ago, that Frier Thomas of Walden wrote against Witcleff. He in the second Book of his first Tome, the first Article, and second Chapter, cites this very place of Cyprian, and cites it to for­tifie Witcleff's assertion of his own mind. For having recited Witcleff's Words, he con­cludes them thus; Haec ibi, and then pro­ceeds: Addamus & nos quod Cyprianus dicit, omnes Apostolos pares fuisse & potestate & ho­nore. Addamus quod Hieronymus dicit, super omnes Apostolos ex aequo fortitudo solidatur Ec­clesiae, &c. Yet neither in that Chapter, nor in that whole discourse doth he once mention these Words, now conveyed in­to Cyprian, nor any where else that I can find in all his Work, though he cite this Tractate often under the name of Liber con­tra Haereticos & Schismaticos. How fit had [Page 400] it been to answer the objection out of Cyprian by Cyprian, if he had not found that Gratian after his manner had been too bold or negligent in this passage. The same Author in his third Tome De Sacra­mentalibus, Doct. 10. cites a long place out of this same Treatise beginning at those words. An esse sibi cum Christo videtur qui adversum Sacerdotem Christi facit, &c. Again, Cap. 81. two places; one immediately before the Sentences charged with those former words, another after. The one beginning, Loquitur Dominus ad Petrum, Ego tibi dico quia [...]tu es Petrus, &c. The other, Vnitatem tenere fir­miter & vendicare debemus, &c. Certainly un­less Waldensis meant by faint-pleading to be­tray the cause he undertook, he would ne­ver have omitted so pregnant passages as these be, for Peters Primacy, and the Popes Chair, had they been extant in Cyprian's Work when he wrote. But we cannot doubt of his good affection to the See of Rome, either for his orders sake, or his dedicating that Work to Pope Martine the Fifth, or his approbation of the two first Tomes, which he saith, he caused to be seen and examined, per sollennes viros, and testifies of to be com­mended of all, encouraging him to write the Third. It remains therefore that Cyprian hath received this garnishment since Walden's time. And here with this occasion of his silence about those things which are thrust into Cy­prian, I will, though besides my purpose, use his Testimony about a certain sentence of the Author of the imperfect work upon Mat­thew, [Page 401] ascribed to Saint Chrysostome, which the Romish faction will needs race out. It is in the eleventh Homily, about the mid­dle. The words are these, Si enim vasa san­ctificata ad privatos usus transferre peccatum est & periculum, sicut docet Balthasar qui bibens in calicibus sacris, de regno depositus est & de vita. Si ergo haec vasa ad privatos usus trans­ferre sic periculum est [in quibus non est verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis ejus conti­netur] quanto magis vasa corporis nostri, quae sibi Deus ad habitaculum praeparavit, non debe­mus locum dare Diabolo agendi in iis quae vult. In this sentence the words that I have en­closed from the rest are inserted,De Sacram. Euch. l. 2. c. 32. saith Bel­larmine, by some Scholar of Berengarius, for they are not in all Copies. No marvel. That is more marvel that they are in any, since the Canonizing of Transubstantiation. But in Walden's time, and before, the words were thus read; for in his third Tome, Cap. 30. they are thus cited, save that by the error of the print ministerium is put for mysterium, and he adds there, Hanc tanti viri sententiam cum magistrum suum Witcleff vident librò de ser­mone Domini in monte Cap. 37. assumere tan­quam sacram, qualiter praedones Lollardi audent, &c. But saith Bellarmine, These words make not to the matter in hand, for the Author of the Homily spake of the holy vessels of Solomons Temple, which Balthasar prophaned; and in those vessels, neither was the Lords true body, nor yet the mystery thereof. Well, if they be not to the purpose, if they speak of the vessels of Solomons Temple, let them stand in the [Page 402] Text still. What need ye purge them out of the newer editions at Antwerp, and Paris? Belike Father Iohn Matthews saw further into this matter than Bellarmine, for he casts out this sentence with the dregs of the Arians, although there be no Arianism in it that I can perceive. The truth is, the Author speaks of the Vessels used in the Lords Sup­per in his own time. For those words, sicut docet Balthasar, &c. are brought in by the way, for a confirmation from a like exam­ple, the sense hanging in the mean while, which is resumed again when he goes on, Si ergo haec vasa, as any indifferent Reader may perceive. Yea, take away these words, and the sinews of the sentence are cut, for the force of the argument lies in the compari­son of the prophaning of the holy Vessels, and of our bodies; That is a sin, yet Christs body is not contained in them, but the mystery thereof: but God himself dwells in these.

These examples, to omit some other, do make me think, that howsoever the corrupt­ing of the texts of the Fathers, is not now perhaps so usual, as of other Writers, and good reason why, they know that many look narrowly to their fingers, neither is there any place almost, that is of special pith, that hath not been observed and ur­ged in the handling of the controversies of this age, by some or other; yet where there is any colour of differing Copies, or any advantage to be taken that way, it is not slipped. And who knows not, that [Page 403] sometimes the change of a Letter, yea, of a Point or Accent, makes the whole sen­tence of another meaning?De verbis Domini, Serm. 15. c. 11. As for exam­ple, that of Saint Augustine, Qui fecit te fine te, non justificat te [...]ine te. Read it interroga­tively, and it is as strong for Soto and the Do­minicans, as if it be read assertively, for Catha­rine and the Jesuits.

And in very deed when I consider the ea­gerness of these men, to win their purpo­ses, and their fearful boldness with the ho­ly Word of God, I know not how a man should look for conscience or respect at their hands in the writings of men. For to omit that the Trent-Fathers have canonized the Vulgar Latin Edition, which so many times departeth from the original inspired by the holy Ghost, adding, detracting, changing, often to a diverse, sometimes to a contrary sense. To let pass also how Six­tus V. and Clemens VIII. do tyrannize over and delude the Faith of their followers, about that Edition, binding them unto two diverse Copies, and sometimes flat contradictory; and so, as the form of each must be inviolably obser­ved, without the least particle of the Text ad­ded, changed or detracted. The former, dero­gating all Faith and authority from whatsoever Bibles hand-written, or printed, of the Vulgar e­dition, which did not agree with that which he set forth ad verbum & ad literam. The lat­ter, telling, that when the same Pope endeavour­ed to set it out, he perceived not a few things to have crept into the holy Bible, through the fault of the Pres [...], and that it needed a second care; where­upon [Page 404] upon he decreed to bring the whole work again to the Anvile, had he not been prevented by death; so derogating all Faith from the former. Whereas the truth is, Sixtus did not only en­deavour to set out his Bible, but prefixed his Bull before it ad perpetuam rei memoriam, and sent one of the Copies to the State of Ve­nice (as I heard at my being there) howso­ever since it was cunningly recovered again, set it to sale publickly, and saith in his Bull, that he corrected the faults of the Press with his own hand, and (which most of all convinceth Pope Clement's Preface of falshood) the difference of these Editions is not in fault of the prints, but in that the one fol­lows the old erroneous reading, the latter the reading of other Manuscripts according with the Hebrew, Chaldee, Greek, or the Latin edition of the Catholick Kings Bible, ob­served by the industry of the Divines of Lo­vaine. But to forbear to urge this contradi­ction in the very foundation of belief, which some man peradventure would press so far, as to inferr, that the Romanists have no faith (for he that believes contradicto­ries, believes nothing.) What shall we say of that impiety, to corrupt the original Text according to the vulgar Latin? See an example hereof in the first promise of the Gospel, Gen. 3. where the Serpent is threat­ned, that the seed of the Woman shall crush his head. The vulgar Edition leaving here the Hebrew, the Seventy, and Saint Hierome himself, as appears by his questions upon Gene­sis, translates Ipsa, She shall bruise thy head. So [Page 405] it stands now in the authentical Scripture of the Church of Rome, and herein Sixtus and Clemens are of accord. The Divines of Lovaine observe, that two Manuscript Copies have Ipse. That the Hebrew, Chaldee, and Greek, have it so likewise. Why then did not either Sixtus or Clemens, or they them­selves having Copies for it, correct it, and make it so in the authentical Text? I will tell you by colour of this corruption, the Devil envying Christs glory, like an ob­stinate enemy rather yielding himself to any than his true Conqueror, hath given this ho­nour to the Virgin Mary. To her it is at­tributed in that work which I think to be the most ungodly and blasphemous that ever saw the Sun, The Ladies Psalter, wherein that which is spoken of God by the Spirit of God is writhed to her. In the 51. Psalm, Quid gloriaris in malitia, ô maligne Serpens, &e. Why boastest thou in malice, ô thou malignant Serpent and infernal Dragon? Submit thy head to the Woman, by whose valour thou shalt be drowned in the deep. Crush him, ô Lady, with the foot of thy valour, arise and scatter his malice, &c. And in the 52. speaking to the same Serpent. Noli extolli, &c. Be not lifted up for the fall of the Woman, for a Woman shall crush thy head, &c So that in that Anthem; Haec est mulier virtutis quae con­trivit caput Serpentis. Yea which I write with gief and shame, to her doth good Bernard apply it, Hom. 2. Super Missus est, and which is more strange, expounds it, not of her bearing our Saviour, but Ipsa [Page 406] proculdubio, &c. She doubtless crushed that poisonfull head, which brought to naught all manner of suggestion of that wicked one, both of temptation of the flesh, and of pride of mind. To her doth the learned and devout Chan­cellor of Paris apply it.Serm. de Nativitate Mar. Vir­gini [...]. Has pestes univer­sas dicimus membra Serpentis antiqui, cujus ca­put ipsa virgo contrivit. And what marvel in those times, when the plain Text of the Scripture ran so in the feminine gen­der, of a woman, and few or none had any skill of the Greek or Hebrew? Who should that SHEE be, but she that is blessed among women? Now although that thanks be to God, it is known that this is a corrupt place, out of the Fountains, yea out of the Ri­vers also, the testimonies of the Fathers, refer­ring this to Christ, as Irenaeus, Iustine, Cyprian, Clemens Alexandrinus, Hierome, yea Pope Leo himself, yet because no error of the Church of Rome may be acknowledged, how pal­pable soever; they have cast how to sha­dow this corruption, and set some colour upon it, that howsoever this reading cannot be true, yet it may be made like to truth. Lo in the Interlinear-Bible set forth by the authority of King Philip the father of his Majesty that now Reigns with you, the Hebrew Text is reformed according to the Latine,See D. Reinolds Conf. with Hart. c. 6. § 2. IPSA. There was some opportu­nity hereunto, by reason that the Letters of the Text without pricks would bear both readings. For [...] may be read [...] hu, or [...] hiu. And this self-same word for the Letters the base of reading, is so [Page 407] pointed in this Chapter, verse 19. and applyed to Eve She is the mother of all living. And so elsewhere, as Gen. 28.1. and 21. Hereun­to perhaps was added, that the pricks are a late invention of the Rabbines, as many think, and no part of the Hebrew Text. And that not only Leo Castro, and such as accuse the present Hebrew Copies as fa [...]sified, but those that defend them also, do many of them confess. Hereupon it was resolved, as it seems, to point this place [...] hiu. For it was not by mistaking, but purpose­ly done, Franciscus Lucas in his Annotati­ons upon the place doth assure us; and saith it was Guido Fabricius his deed. And indeed other things there be in that work, which savour not of the learning and in­tegrity of Arias Montanus, as for example, the Etymologie of Missa from the word [...] But as Boldness is not always as pro­vident, as Ignorance or Malice is bold, these Correctors marked not, that the gender of the Verb, and the affix of the Noun following, are both Masculine. So although the Orthographie would be framed to con­sent, yet the Syntax doth crie out against this Sacriledge. And yet our Rhemists, as I am informed, in their lately set-forth Bi­ble, with a long note upon this place, defend the applying of this Text to the blessed Vir­gin, and the old reading Ipsa. What should a man say? Necessity makes men despe­rate, and as the Apostle saith,2 Tim. 3.13. Evil men and deceivers shall wax worse and worse, deceiving and being deceived.

[Page 408]These be frauds indeed, in the strictest sense, wilfully corrupting the Texts of good Authors, wilfully maintaining them so cor­rupted; not abstaining from the holy Scri­ptures themselves. For as to that other kind, depraving the sense, retaining the words; it were endless to cite examples. Bellarmine alone, as I believe, passeth any two Protestants that ever set pen to paper, perhaps all of them put together.

CHAP. VII. Of the Armies of evident Witnesses for the Romanists.

WHere you add, That you found the Catho­licks had far greater and better Armies of evident Witnesses than the Protestants, it might per­haps seem so to you, as your mind was prepa­red, when you had met with such cunning Mu­ster-Masters as the Romanists are: Who some­times bring into the Field to make their num­ber seem more, after the old stratagem of War, a sort of Pages and Lackies, unwor­thy to hold any rank in the Host of God, un­der the names of the Fathers. Sometimes to confirm their part, give out a Voice confi­dently, that all the Forces which they see aloof in the Field are on their side, whereas when it comes to the Battle they shall find that they will turn their Arms against them. Sometimes they change the Quarrel it self; in which case how easie is it to bring Armies, as you say, into the Field, to fight against No-body and evident Witnesses, to prove that which no Man denies? For the purpose, that the Bishop of Rome hath had a primacy of Honour and Authority; when as the que­stion is about a Monarchy, and infallible Judgment, an uncontrolable Jurisdiction. [Page 410] Herein if you please, see how Bellarmine alledges the Fathers, Greek and Latine, in the 15. and 16. Chapters of his First Book, de Summo Pontifice. So for proof of the veri­ty of Christs Body and Blood in the Lords Supper, he spends a whole Book only in ci­ting the Testimonies of the Fathers. To what purpose? When the question is not of the truth of the Presence, but of the manner; whether it be to the Teeth and Belly, or Soul and Faith of the Receiver. Sometimes they will bear down the unexpert Souldier their Reader, that he sees the Fa­thers fight for them; as Pighius and Bellarmine come in often with their Vides in the end and application of a Testimony. Whereby it comes to pass that the Scholar if he be of a plyable disposition, or loth to be counted dim-sighted, yields himself to his Teacher, and sees in the Fathers that which they never dreamed of. But surely, Sir, had you gi­ven that honour to the Holy Scriptures, which of the Jews was given to them, and our Lord Jesus Christ allows it in them; and then employed as much travel in the search­ing and looking into them, as you profess to have done in the perusing the Councils and Fa­thers, perhaps God had opened your Eyes, as those of Elisha his Servant, to have seen, that there are more on our side than against us, Horses indeed and Chariots of Fire, able to put to flight and scatter never so great Ar­mies of humane Authorities and Opinions. But this place of the Scriptures hath no place amongst all your Motives.

[Page 411]As touching that which you say of the Centurists often censuring and rejecting the plain Testimonies of the Antients. It is true, that in the title De Doctrina, they note apart, The singular and incommodious Opinions, the Stub­ble and Errors of the Doctors. Wherein to tell you my fancy, If they commit any fault, it is, That they are too rigid and strict, referring into this Catalogue, every improper and ex­cessive Speech, which being severed from the rest of the discourse, may often seem absurd: As it may also seem strange that our Saviour should teach a Man to hate his Father and Mother, or pull out his Eyes, or give him his Cloak that hath bereaved him of his Coat. Whereas these and the like have in the place where they stand, admirable force and grace, being taken with an equal and commodious Interpretation. But it is as clear as the Noon day, that sundry such errors and singular Opi­nions there be in the Fathers, as cannot be justified. They speak not alwayes to your own Minds, not only prima facie, and in sound of Words, but being never so well exami­ned and salved. Witness Sixtus Senensis in the fifth and sixth Books of his Bibliotheca. Witness Pamelius Medina (though blamed for confessing so much by Bellarmine); yea witness Bellarmine himself. Wherefore if the bare Authority of the Fathers must bind us, undergo the same Law ye give; if, as your Belgick Index confesseth, you bear in them with many errors, extenuate them, excuse them, by devising some shift, often deny them, and give them a commodious sense, when they are opposed in [Page 412] Disputations, give the liberty ye take. Or if (as we think) these be base courses and unbeseeming the ingenuity of true Christi­an minds, acknowledge this honour as pro­per to the Scriptures, to be without contro­versie received, examine by the true Touch­stone of Divine Authority all humane Wri­tings, how holy soever their Authors have been. Try all things, as the Apostle com­mands, hold fast that which is good.

Your instance in Danaeus his Commentaries, super D. Aug. Enchiridon ad Laurentium, was not all the best chosen. For neither doth S. Augustine in that Book treating professed­ly of Purgatory, avouch it plainly, or yet obscurely. Nor doth Danaeus reject his Opi­nion with those Words, Hic est naevus Augu­stini, or the like. The Heads of S. Augu­stines ▪ Discourse are these. I. That whereas some thought that such as are baptized and hold the Faith of Christ, though they live and dye never so wickedly, shall be saved, and punished with a long but not eternal fire, he thinks them to be deceived, out of a certain humane pity; for this Opinion is flatly contrary to other Scri­ptures. II. He interprets the place of S. Paul, touching the trying of every Mans Work by fire, of the fire of tribulation, through which as well he that builds Gold and Silver, that is, minds the things of God, as he that builds Hay and Stubble, that is, too much minds the things of this life, must pass. III. He saith, that it is not incredible, that some such thing is done after this life also; and whether it be so or not, may be enquired of. IV. But whe­ther [Page 413] it be found or no, that some faithful peo­ple, according as they have more or less, loved these perishing things, are later or sooner saved; yet not such as of whom it is said, that they shall not possess the Kingdom of God, unless repenting as they ought, they obtain forgiveness; as for the purpose, be fruitful in Almes; which yet will not serve to purchase a licence to com­mit sin. V. That the daily and lighter sins, without which we are never in this life, are blot­ted out by the Lords Prayer. And so the greater also, if a Man leave them, and forgive others his Enemies; which is a worthy kind of alms: But the best of all is a sinners amending of his life. Lo how plainly S. Augustine avoucheth Purgatory, of which he doubts whether any such thing can be found or no: Expounds that Scripture that seems most strong for it, all otherwise, and so as it cannot agree there­unto. If it be found, is sure it will not serve for greater sins. And for lesser de­fects, yea the greatest, shews another a surer Remedy, which in truth makes Purgatory superfluous. In this Doctrine, Danaeus is so far from controuling S.Augustine, that he applauds him; and saith, That declaring his own Opinion of Purgatory, he pronounceth plainly, that the whole defining of this matter is uncertain, doubtful, and rash; which since that Augustine wrote being now an old Man, certainly it cannot be doubted but that he did altogether reject Purgatory: Yea and he shews this fire it self to be unprofitable. Thus Danaeus there. But the censure that was in your mind, I believe, is that upon another pas­sage [Page 414] of S. Augustine in the same Book, where he treats, whether the Souls of the Dead are ea­sed by the Piety of their Friends that are living. And thus he determines it. That when the Sacrifices either of the Altar, or of whatsoever Alms are offered for all such as are deceased after Baptism, for such as are very good folk, they are Thanksgivings; for such as are not very evil, they are Propitiations: For those that are very evil, though they be no helps to the Dead, yet they are Consolations, such as they be, to the Living. And to such as they are profitable unto, it is either that they may have full remission, or that their very damnation may be more tolerable. Upon this Chapter thus saith Danaeus. Hoc totum caput continet [...] Augustini, and after he adds, Itaque hic foenum & stipulam aedificat vir pius & magnus. But you, ye say, had rather follow S. Augustine's Opinion than his Censure. Perhaps as one saith, rather erre with Plato than hold the truth with others. If that be your resolution, what should we use any more Words? Believe then if you please, that the Commemoration of Christs Sacrifice in the Lords Supper, or the Oblations of the faithful, are to be made for all that decease af­ter Baptism, in the attempting of whatsoever sin they dye, yea suppose in final impeni­tence of any deadly crime. That such as be damned may thereby have their damnation made more tolerable. Believe that without any impropriety of Speech, the same form of Words may be a thanksgiving for one, and an appeasing of Gods wrath for another. Believe also (if you can beieve what you [Page 415] will) that S. Tecla delivered the Soul of Falconilla out of Hell, and S. Gregory the Soul of Trajan, and that as may seem saying Mass for him, sith he was forbidden thence­forth to offer any Host for any wicked Man. Believe that Macarius continually praying for the Dead, and very desirous to know whe­ther his Prayers did them any good, had an­swer by miracle from the Scull of a dead Man an Idolater, that by chance was tum­bled in the way. O Macarius when thou offe­rest Prayers for the Dead, we feel some ease for the time. Believe that on Easter even all the damned Spirits in Hell keep Holy day, and are free from their torments. S. Augustine, such is his modesty, will give you leave to believe this, as well as Purgatory, if you please, as he is not unwilling to give as large scope to other Mens Opinions as may be, so they re­verse not the plain and certain grounds of Holy Scripture. In all these you may if you please follow Authors also; as S. Damascene, Paladius, Prudentius, Sigebert, and others. But give the same liberty to others that ye take. Compel no Man to follow your Opi­nion, if he had rather follow Danaeus's Rea­sons. For my self, I would sooner with S. Augustine himself, whose words touching S. Cyprian, Danaeus here borrowed, confess this to be, naevum candidissimi pectoris coopertum ubere Charitatis, than be bound to justifie his conceit touching the commemoration of the Dead in the Lords Supper. And as he saith of S. Cyprian, so would I add▪ Ego hu­jus libri Authoritate non teneor, quia literas Au­gustini [Page 416] non ut Canonicas habeo, sed eas ex Canoni­cis considero; & quod in iis divinarum Scriptura­rum authoritati congruit cum laude ejus, accipio, quod non congruit cum pace ejus, respuo. Which Words I do the rather set down, that they may be Luthers justification also against F. Par­sons, Relat. p. 21. who thinks he hath laid sore to his charge when he cites very solemnly his Epistle ad Equitem Germ. Anno Domini 1521. where he saith, He was tyed by the authority of no Fa­ther, though never so holy, if he were not appro­ved by the judgment of Holy Scripture. Surely this is not to deny and contemn, as he calls it, or as you to controll the Fathers, to ac­count them subject to humane infirmities, which themselves acknowledge. But the contrary is to boast against the Truth, to seek to forejudge it with their mistakings, which needs not so much as require their Testi­monies.

I will forbear to multiply words about that, whether the testimonies of Antiquity which favour the Protestants be many or few: whe­ther they do indeed so, or onely seem, prima fa­cie; whether they be wrested, or to the purpose; whether all this may not by juster reason be affirmed of the passages cited by the Roma­nists out of Antiquity, setting aside matters of ceremony, and government (which your self confess by and by may be divers, without impeaching unity in Faith) and opinions, e­ver to be subjected to the trial of Scriptures, by their own free consent and desire. Judge by an instance or two, that this matter may not be a meer skirmish of generalities. Ter­tullian [Page 417] in his latter times, whether as Saint Hierome writes through the envy and re­proach of the Roman Clergy, or out of the too much admiring chastity and fasting, be­came a Montanist, and wrote a Book de Pu­dicitia, blaming the reconciling of Adulterers and Fornicators. In the very entrance almost thereof, he hath these words. Audio etiam edictum esse propositum, & quidem peremptorium. Pontifex scil. Maximus Episcopus Episcoporum dicit, Ego & moechiae & fornicationis delicta poenitentia functis dimitto. Pamelius in his note upon this place, writes thus, Bene ha­bet, & annotatu dignum quod etiam jam in hae­rest constitutus, & adversus Ecclesiam scribens, Pontificem Romanum Episcopum Episcoporum nun­cupet; & infra Cap. 13. bonum Pastorem, & be­nedictum Papam, & Cap. 21. Apostolicum. Thus Pamelius; and presently lanches forth into the Priviledges of the See of Rome, and brings a number of testimonies for that for­gery of Constantines donation. The like note he hath in the life of Tertullian, where he makes the Pope thus set forth the former Edict to have been Zephyrinus's; quem, saith he, Pontificem Maximum etiam jam haereticus Episcopum Episcoporum appellat. Baronius also makes no small account of this place, and saith, The title of the Pope is here to be noted. And indeed, prima facie (as you say) they have reason. But he that shall well examine the whole web of Tertullians discourse, shall find that he speaks by a most bitter and scorn­ful Ironie, as Elias doth of Baal, when he saith, he is a God. The word scilicet might [Page 418] have taught them thus much. Yea, the ti­tle Pontifex Maximus, which in those days, and almost two ages after, was a Pagan term, never attributed to a Christian Bishop, first laid down by Gratian the Emperour, as Baronius also notes, in the year of our Lord 383. because it savoured of Heathen­ish superstition, though it had been, as a title of Royalty used by the former Chri­stian Emperours, till that time. This title, I say, might have made them perceive Tertullians meaning; unless the immoderate desire of exalting the Papacy did so blind their eyes, that seeing, they saw, and yet per­ceived not. In the same character, though with more mildness and moderation, is the same title for the other part of it, used by Saint Cyprian, in his Vote in the Council of Carthage. Neque n. quisquam nostrum se esse Episcopum Episcoporum constituit, aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem Collegas suos adigit. Bellarmine saith, he speaks here of those Bishops that were in the Council of Carthage; and that the Bishop of Rome is not included in that sentence, who is indeed Bishop of Bishops. What! and doth he tyrannously inforce his Colleagues to obedience also? For it is plain that Cyprian joyns these together, the one as the presumptuous title, the other as the injurious act answering thereto, which he calls plain tyranny. And as plain it is out of Firmilianus's Epistle, which I vouched before, that Stephanus Bishop of Rome heard ill for his arrogancy and presuming upon the place of his Bishoprick, Peters Chair, to sever [Page 419] himself from so many Churches, and break the bond of peace, now with the Church­es of the East in Asia, now of the South in Africk. And he was in as ill conceit with Cyprian for his breaking good order, and com­municating with Basilides and Martialis just­ly deprived in Spain; as Saint Cyprian was with him, when he stiled him, a false Christ, and a false Apostle. But that holy Martyr was of a more patient and calm spirit, than to be moved with such reproaches; nay, he took occasion, as it should seem, thereby to write of patience. From this mildness it was, that he so closely taxed the presumption of him, that made himself Bishop of Bishops, and by terror (which what it was, Firmilia­nus's Epistle shews, threatning Excommuni­cation) would compel his Colleagues to his own opinion. None of us, saith he, doth thus. As the Apostle, we preach not our selves; we commend not our selves; We are not as many, that adulterate the Word of God, &c. Bellar­mine takes the first kindly. No marvel, saith he, for this is the Bishop of Rome's due. But they go together, he must be content to take both, or leave both.

Such another place there is in Saint Au­gustine Epist. 86. the words are, Petrus etiam inquit Apostolorum Caput, coeli janitor, & Ecclesiae fundamentum. Where in the Margent, the Divines of Lovaine, the overseers of Plan­tines edition, set this note, Petrus Ecclesiae fundamentum. Why might they not? The words ye will say of the Text. But these words of the text be not Saint Augustines, [Page 420] whose opinion is well enough known, That it is Christ confessed by Peter, that is the founda­tion of the Church; but they are the words of an undiscreet railer U [...]bici cujusdum. of the City of Rome, a­gainst whom Saint Augustine in all that Epi­stle most vehemently inveighs. This arro­gant Author endeavours so to defend the Ro­man custome of fasting on the Saturday, as he reproaches all other Churches that used o­therwise. And that we may see with what Spirit he was led, he brings the same text that is brought in Pope Siricius, and Innocen­tius's Epistles, against the marriage of Clergy­men, Qui in carne sunt Deo placere non possunt, and many other Scriptures wrested, and far from the purpose; at last comes the autho­rity of Peter, and his tradition very Pope-like alledged, Peter, he saith, the head of the A­postles, porter of heaven, and foundation of the Church, having overcome Simon the Sorcerer, who was a figure of the Devil, not to be overcome but by fasting, thus taught the Romans, whose faith is famous in the whole world. I remit you to Saint Augustine's answer to this tradition. This I note, that where your Censors do rase out of the Margents of former editions, such notes as do express the very opinions of the Anci­ents, and in their own words, here they can allow and authorize such marginal notes, as are directly contrary to their meaning. Yea, which are earnestly oppugned by them; when they seem to make for the authority of the Pope. Good sir, examine well this dealing, and judge if this be not wresting the Fathers, and applying them clean from their purpose.

[Page 421]In fine, you found your self, you say, evidently convinced. Perswaded, I believe, rather than convinced. Else if the force and evidence of the Arguments, and not the pliableness of your mind were the cause of your yielding, methinks they should work like effect in o­thers, no less seriously seeking for truth, and setting all worldly respects aside, earnestly minding their own salvation, than your self. Which I well know they do not, neither those which hitherto have been examined, nor those which yet remain to be consider­ed in the rereward.

CHAP. VIII. Of the Invisibility of the Church, said to be an evasion of Protestants.

THE first whereof is, the dislike of the Pro­testants evasion, as you call it, by the invi­sibility of their Church. Give me leave here to tell you plainly, ye seem to me not to un­derstand the Protestants doctrine in this point. Else ye would have spared all that, The Catholick Church must ever be visible, as a City set on a hill, otherwise how should she teach her children, convert Pagans, dispense Sacraments? All this is yielded with both hands. The Con­gregations of which the Catholick Church doth consist are visible. But the promise made to this Church, of victory against the gates of Hell, the titles, of the house of God, the base and pil­lar of Truth, (an allusion, as I take it, to the bases and pillars that held up the veil or curtains in the Tabernacle) the body of Christ, his Dove, his undefiled, are not verified of this Church in the whole visible bulk of it, but in those that are called according to Gods purpose, given to Christ, and kept by him to be raised up to life at the last day. This doctrine is Saint Augustine's in many pla­ces, which it would be too tedious to set down at large. In his third book, De doctrina Christiana, among the rules of Tychonius, there [Page 423] is one which he corrects a little for the terms, De Domini corpore bipartito; which he saith, ought not to have been called so, for in truth that is not the Lords body, which shall not be with him for ever, but he should have said of the Lords true body and mixt, or true and feigned, or some such thing. Because not only for ever, but even now, hypocrites are not to be said to be with him, though they seem to be in his Church. Consider those resemblances taken out of the holy Scripture, wherein that godly Father is frequent, of chaff and wheat in the Lords floor, of good and bad fishes in the net, of spots and light in the Moon. Of the Church carnal and spiritual, of the wicked multitudes of the Church, yet not to be account­ed in the Church. Of the Lilly and the Thorns; those that are marked which mourn for the sins of Gods people, and the rest which perish, which yet bear his Sacraments. Consider the last Chapter of the book, De Vnitate Ecclesiae, and that large Treatise which he hath of that matter, Epist. 48. The place is long, which deserves to be read, for the objection of the Universality of Arianisme (like to that of Papisme in these last ages) which Saint Augustine answers in the fifth book, De Bap­tismo contra Donatistas cap. 27. That number of the just, who are called according to Gods pur­pose, of whom it is said, The Lord knoweth who are his, is the inclosed garden, the sealed foun­tain, the well of living waters, the orchard with Apples, &c. The like he hath. l. 5. c. 3. & 23. he concludes, that because such are built upon the Rock, as hear the Word of God and do it, and the [Page 424] rest upon the sand: now the Church is built upon the Rock, all therefore that hear the Word of God and do it not, are out of question without the Church. In the seventh book, cap. 51. Quibus omnibus consideratis. — Read and mark the whole Chapter. Out of these and many more like places, which I forbear to mention, it appears, that albeit the true Catholick Church is such as cannot be hid, yet considering that it con­sists of two sorts of people, the one, which is the greater part, who do not indeed pro­perly belong to it: the other, the fewer, truely and properly so called, to whom all the glorious things spoken of the Church do a­gree. The face therefore of the mixt Church may be over-run with scandals,De Unitate Eccl. c. 24. Evarrat. in Psal. 103. Conc. 1. as in all times almost. The greatest number may sometime be Idolaters, as in the Kingdom of Israel un­der Achab. The principallest in authority may be false teachers, as the Priests and Prophets in Ieremies time: the sons of pesti­lence may sit in Moses Chair, as they did in Christs time. Yet still the Church is the ground and pillar of Truth in the Elect: Ipsa est praedestinata columna & firmamentum veritatis. The Sheep hear not Seducers, Iohn 10.8. to wit, finally, and in any damnable point. Thus was it before Christ, thus since, thus in the Church of England, before, yea, and since it was reformed. Thus in that of Rome it self at this day. There is a distinction of Thomas, of those that be in the Church, which rightly interpreted agrees fully herewith. There are some, De Ecclesia numero tantúm. Some, numero & merito. The former are such as [Page 425] have only fidem informem, the latter formatam. Now though the persons of such, as be in the Church be visible, yet the Faith and Charity of men we see not, and to argue from the priviledges of the Church, numero & merito, to the Church, numero tantum, is a perpetual, but a palpable paralogisme of the Romish faction: which is grosser yet, when they argue to the Church representative; and grossest of all, when one man is made the Church, and he (as themselves grant may fall out) a Devil incarnate.

CHAP. IX. Of lack of Vniformity in matters of Faith, in all Ages and Places.

ANd this self same Paralogism you were beguiled with, in the next Point of Vniformity and Concord in matters of Faith. The true Church, ye say, ever holds such Vniformity. It is utterly false in the Visible and mixt Church, both before Christ and since. It is false in the Church of Rome it self; whose new­coined Faith, patched to the Creed, by Pius the Fourth, came in piece-meal out of pri­vate Opinions and corrupt usages, nor ever was in any Age uniformly holden, or taught as matter of Faith, even in it, as it is at this day. So by your own Discourse it should be no true Church. And taking matters of Faith, so largely as it seems you do in opposi­tion to such things as be Ceremonies or of Go­vernment; it is untrue also of the Church of the Elect, or properly so called. For though the Faith in the Principles thereof be ever the same, yet many Conclusions of Faith have sometimes lyen unsearched out, and like some parts of the World unknown, till by the industry of Gods Servants, occasioned also by the importunity and opposition of Hereticks, they were discovered. Sundry [Page 427] common errors also there have been, which in succeeding Ages have been cleared and reformed: as, the Chiliasts: That Angels have Bodies: That Children after they be bapti­zed are to be communicated: That Hereticks are to be rebaptized.

To the Assumption. First, The Prote­stants challenge not to themselves any Church as their own; which I must advertise you of here, because formerly also you do use this Phrase. The Church is Christs, both the visible and invisible. Next, taking mat­ters of Faith for foundations or Articles of Faith necessary to Salvation, the Church of Christ hath in all Ages had Uniform concord with the Protestants at this day in such matters, as appeareth by the Common Rule of Faith the Creed; and so hath also the Church under the Popes tyranny. As to the Trent Additi­ons they are foreign to the Faith, as neither Principles nor Conclusions thereof: Nei­ther can your selves shew uniform consent and concord in them (and namely, in the 11. of them) in any one Age, especially as matters of Salvation, as now they are cano­nized. How much less can ye shew it in all other conclusions of Faith; whereabout there have been among you, as are now among us, and ever will be differences of Opini­ons, without any prejudice for all that unto the unity of the Faith of the Church, and title to the name of it. As for Wicliff, Hus, and the rest, if they have any of them born record to the Truth, and resisted any inno­vation of corrupt Teachers in their times, [Page 428] even to Blood, they are justly to be termed Martyrs, yea albeit they saw not all corrup­tions, but in some were themselves carried away with the stream of error. Else, if because they erred in some things, they be no Martyrs, or because we dissent from them in some things, we are not of the same Church, both you and we must quit all claim to S. Cyprian, Iustin Martyr, and many more whom we count our Antients, and Predecessors, and bereave them also of the honour of Martyrdom, which so long they have enjoyed: You see, I hope, by this time the weakness of your Argument.

CHAP. X. Of the Original of Reformation in Lu­ther, Calvin; Scotland, Eng­land, &c.

IN your next Motive taken from the Ori­ginal of Reformation, before I come to answer your Argument shortly coucht in form, I must endeavour to reform your judg­ment in sundry points of Story, wherein partly you are mis-led and abused by Parsons and others of that Spirit, partly you have mistaken some particulars, and out of a false imagination framed a like discourse. First for Luther, it was not his rancor against the Dominicans that stirred him up against the Pope, but the shameful merchandize of In­dulgences, set to sale in Germany, to the ad­vantage of Magdalen, sister to Pope Leo the Tenth. Believe herein if not Sleidan yet Guicciardine l. 13. And of all that mention those affairs, it is acknowledged, that at the first, and for a good time he shewed all obe­dience, and reverence to the Pope. The new History of the Council of Trent, written by an Italian a Subject and part of the Church of Rome, as should appear by the Epistle Dedicatory of the Reverend and learn­ed Archbishop of Spalato, prefixed to his Ma­jesty, [Page 430] speaketh thus of the matter.Pag. 6. Questo diede occasione, &c. This gave occasion to Martin, to pass from Indulgences to the Autho­rity of the Pope, which being by others pro­claimed for the highest in the Church, by him was made subject to a General Council lawfully cele­brated. Whereof he said that there was need in that instant, and urgent necessity. And as the heat of disputation continued, by how much the more the Popes power was by others exalted, so much the more was it by him abased, yet so as Martin contained himself within the terms of speaking modestly of the person of Leo, and saving sometimes his judgment. Pag. 7. Again, after his departure from the presence of Cardinal Ca­jetan at Augusta, he saith, He wrote a Letter to the Cardinal, confessing that he had been too vehement, and excusing himself by the importunity of the Pardoners, and of those that had written against him, promising to use more modesty in time to come, to satisfie the Pope, and not to speak any more of Indulgences, provided that his Adversa­ries would do the like. This was Luthers man­ner at the first, till the Bull of Pope Leo came out, dated the ninth of November, 1518. Wherein he declared the validity of Indulgences, and that he as Peters Successor and Christs Vicar had power to grant them for the quick and dead; that this is the Doctrine of the Church of Rome, the Mother and Mistris of all Christians, and ought to be received of all that would be in the Communion of the Church. From this time forward Luther began to change his stile,Pag. 8. And (saith he) as before he had for the most part reserved the Person and Iudgment of the [Page 431] Pope, so after this Bull he resolved to refuse it, and thereupon put forth an Appeal to the Council, &c. You see then how submissively Lu­ther at first carried himself. But extream tyranny overcomes often a well prepared pa­tience.

Touching his causing Rebellion also against the Emperour, ye are mis-informed: His advice was asked about the Association of the Pro­testants at Smalcald, he said plainly,Sleidan, l. 8 He could not see how it could be lawful, further than for their own defence. Ioh. Bodin, in his se­cond Book de Repub. cap. 5. hath these Words. We read also that the Protestant Princes of Al­main before they took Arms against the Emperor, demanded of Martin Luther if it were Lawful. He answered freely that it was not lawful, what­soever tyranny, or impiety were pretended. He was not believed; so the end thereof was mise­rable, and drew after it the ruine of great and illustrious Houses of Germany. As for the war in Germany it began not till after Lu­thers death, neither was it a rebellion of the Protestants; the truth is, they stood for their Lives. The Emperor with the help of the Popes both Mony and Arms, inten­ded to root them out; and although at the first the Emperour did not avow his raising Arms against them to be for Religion, yet the Pope in his Jubilee published upon this occasion, did not lett to declare to the World, that himself and Caesar had concluded a League to reduce the Hereticks by force of Arms to the obedience of the Church, and therefore all should pray for the good success of the War.

[Page 432]That Luther ever reviled the Emperour, I did never till now hear or read, and therefore would desire to know what Authors you have for it. Touching other Princes, name­ly King Henry the Eighth; I will not defend him, who condemned himself thereof. It is true that he was a Man of a bold and high Stomach, and specially fitted thereby through the Providence of God, to work upon the heavy and dull disposition of the Almains, and in so general a Lethargy, as the World then was in, he carried himself (as fell out sometimes) very boisterously. But Arrogan­cy, Schism, Rebellion, were as far from him, as the intention it self to plant a Church.

As to his Vow-breaking lastly, if that Vow were foolishly made and sinfully kept, it was justly broken: Perhaps also charitably, if he would by his own example reform such, as lived in Whoredome, and other Unclean­ness, and induce them to use the Remedy that God hath appointed for the avoiding of them, to wit, honourable Marriage. All this matter touching Luther, unless I be de­ceived, you have taken from Mr. Harding; that at least touching his rancor against the Dominicans, for it is his very Phrase. But Mr. Harding both in this, and many things else discovereth his passion, and lack of true information in this affair. When with one Breath he affirmeth, that, first, it was a Par­don of a Croisade against the Turks which was preached: Whereas it was an Indulgence to those that should put their helping hands for the building of S. Peters Church at Rome, as the [Page 433] Articles of this Pardon printed in English, one of the Copies whereof I have my self, do shew. Secondly, next he saith, the preaching hereof was granted to Friar John Tetzet. It was Friar Iohn Thecel, or Tecel. Thirdly, he saith, The Elector of Mentz Al­bert, granted this to Thecel and the Domi­nicans, whereby Luther was bereft of the gain be expected. The truth is, it was Aremboldus a Bishop living at the Court of Rome, whom (having before been a Merchant of Genoa) Magdalen the Popes Sister put in trust with this Merchandise, that appointed the Do­minicans to be the Retailers of these Par­dons. The Archbishop of Mentz had no­thing to do with it, otherwise than to al­low and suffer it, which occasioned Luther to write to him, as to the Bishop of Branden­burgh, and to Leo himself, to repress the impudence of the Pardoners. And Luther [...]aith further in one place, that the Archbi­shop undertook to give countenance to this business, with that condition, that the half of the prey should go to the Pope, and him­self might have the other half to pay for his Pall. By these Errors heaped together it may appear what credit it is like Mr. Har­dings Tale be worthy of, touching the rem­nant, that of rancor and malice against the Do­minicans, and because he was bereaved of that sweet Morsel, which in hope he had almost swal­lowed down, Luther made this stir. A hard thing methinks it is, for any that lived at that day to set down what was in Luthers Heart, what were his hopes, his desires, ran­cor, [Page 434] and spleen; much more for Mr. Har­ding, most of all for you and me. When the actions of Men have an appearance of good, Charity would hope the best, Piety would reserve the judgment of the intention to God.

Let us come to Calvin, touching whom I marvel not much that you say nothing of all that which Bolseck brings against him, who being by his means chased out of Geneva, discovereth as I remember in the very en­trance, that he was requested by some of his good Masters to write against him. I once saw the book while I lived in Cambridge; it hath no shew of probability that Calvin would go about to work a miracle to confirm his Do­ctrine, who teacheth that Miracles are no sure and sufficient proof of Doctrine. I mar­vel rather that even in reading Dr. Ban [...]roft, Mr. Hooker, and Saravia, all Opposites to Calvin in the question of Church-Discipline, and therefore not all the fittest to testifie of him or his actions, all late Writers, and Strangers to the Estate and Affairs of Geneva: of whom therefore, besides their bare Word, sufficient proof were to be required of what they say, you not only receive whatsoever they bring, but more than they bring. You say, they prove what never came in their minds; and which is not only utterly untrue, but even unpossible. As that Calvin by his unquietness and ambition revolved the State of Ge­neva, so unjustly expelling and depriving the Bi­shop of Geneva, and other Temporal Lords, of their due obedience and antient inheritance. When as [Page 435] the Bishop and Clergy of Geneva, upon the throwing down Images there by popular tumult, departed in an anger, seven years ere ever Calvin set Foot within the Gates of that City. A thing not only clear in Story, by the Writers of that time, and since, Sleidan, Bodine, Calvins Epistles, and Life, but set down by those whom ye cite. Mr. Hooker in his Preface speaking of Calvin. He fell at length upon Geneva, which City the Bishop and Clergy thereof, had a little before, as some do af­firm, forsaken, being of likelihood frighted with the peoples sudden attempt for the abolishment of Popish Religion. And a little after, At the coming of Calvin thither, the form of their Regi­ment was popular, as it continueth at this day, &c. Dr. Bancroft. The same year that Geneva was assaulted, (viz. by the Duke of Savoy, and the Bishop, as he had said before, pag. 13,) which was Anno 1536. Mr. Calvin came thither. If Calvin at his coming found the Form of the Government Popular; If he came thi­ther the same Year that the Bishop made war upon Geneva to recover his Authority, being indeed either affrighted, or having for­saken the Town before, how could Calvin expel him? And in truth Bodine in his second Book, De Repub. Chap. 6. affirmeth, That the same Year Genoa was established in a State Aristocratical, which was, he saith, Anno 1528. Geneva was changed from a Monarchy Pontifi­cal, into an Estate Popular, governed Aristocra­tically, although that long before the Town pretended to be free, against the Earl and against the Bi­shop, &c. What Saravia hath written touch­ing [Page 436] this point I cannot tell, as not having his Book. But in Beza his answer to him, there is no touch upon any such thing. He joyns with his complaint, of the sacrilegious usurping Ecclesiastical goods, in answer to his Proëme. He dissents in that Saravia accounts the Se­niors of the reformed Churches like to that kind which Saint Ambrose speaks of, brought in out of wisdom only, to rule the disorderly. Beza saith, they were not introducti, but reducti, Cap. 12. For the rest in all that answer there is nothing of Calvin, or any such revolving of the state as you accuse him of. Which makes me think, that herein your memory deceived you. It may be that in your younger time, falling upon these Authors, by occasion of the question of Discipline, which was then much tossed, ere ever your judgement were ripened, you formed in your mind a false impression of that which they say of Calvin. You conceited them out of your zeal in the cause, to say more than they do, and thus possible unawares received the seeds of di­slike of the doctrine of Calvin, as well as his discipline, which have since taken root in you. But you shall do well to remember, the dif­ference you put a little before of these two. Christian doctrine is uniform and ever the same; government is changeable in many circumstan­ces, according to the exigence of times and persons. And even the same men that write somewhat eagerly against Master Calvin, yet give him the praise of wisdom, to see what for that time and state was necessary. Master Hooker saith of him, That he thinks him incom­parably [Page 437] the wisest man that ever the French Church did enjoy since the hour it enjoyed him: and of his platform of discipline, after he hath laid down the summ of it; This device I see not how the wisest at that time living could have bettered, if we duely consider what the present state of Geneva did then require. But be it (and for my part I think no less) that herein he was mistaken, to account this to be the true form of Church policy, by which all other Churches, and at all times ought to be governed; let his error rest with him, yea let him answer it unto his Judge; but to ac­cuse him of ambition, and sedition, and that falsly, and from thence to set that brand up­on the Reformation, whereof he was a wor­thy instrument (though not the first either there, or any where else) as if it could not be from God, being so founded; for my part I am afraid you can never be able to answer it, at the same Barr; no, nor even that of your own Conscience, or of reasonable and equal men.

For the stirrs, broils, seditions, and murthers in Scotland, which you impute to Knox and the Geneva-Gospellers, they might be occasion­ed perhaps by the Reformers there, as the broils which our Lord Jesus Christ saith he came to set in the world by the Gospel. Possible also, that good men out of inconsi­derate zeal, should do some things rashly: And like enough the multitude which fol­lowed them, as being fore prepared with just hatred of the tyranny of their Prelates, and provoked by the opposition of the ad­verse [Page 438] Faction, and emboldened by success, ran a great deal further than either wise Men could foresee, or tell how to restrain them. Which was applauded and fomented by some politick Men, who took advantage of those motions to their own ends. And as it happens in natural Bodies, that all ill humors run to the part affected, so in civil, all discontented people when there is any Sorance run to one or other side; and under the shew of common Griefs, pursue their own. Of all which distem­pers, there is no reason to lay the blame upon the seekers of Reformation, more than upon the Physicians, of such accidents as happen to the corrupted Bodies which they have in Cure. The particulars of those affairs are as I believe alike unknown to us both, and since you name none, I can answer to none. For as for the pursuing our King even before his birth, that which his Majesty speaks of some Puritans, is over-boldly by you referred to Master Knox and the Ministers, that were Au­thors of Reformation in Scotland. Briefly, consider and survey your own thoughts, and see if you have not come by these degrees: First, from the inconsiderate cour­ses of some to plant the pretended Di­scipline in Scotland, to conceive amiss of the Doctrine also. Then to draw to the encreasing of your ill conceit thereof, what you find reported of any of the Pu­ritans, a Faction no less opposed by his Majesty in Scotland than with us in England. [Page 439] So when we speak of Religion (though that indeed be all one) you divide us in­to Lutherans, Zwinglians, Calvinists, Prote­stants, Brownists, Puritans and Cartwright­ists, whensoever any disorder of all this number can be accused, then lo are we all one, and the fault of any Faction is the slander of all, yea of the Gospel it self, and of Reformation. Judge now uprightly if this be indifferent dealing.

From Scotland you come to England. Where because you could find nothing done by popular tumult, nothing but by the whole State in Parliament, and Clergy in Convocation, you fall upon King Henry's Passions, you will not insist upon them you say; and yet you do, as long as upon a­ny one member of your induction; though it matters little whether you do or no, since Father Parsons will needs aver that he lived and dyed of your Religion. Here first you mention, his violent divorce­ing himself from his lawful Wife. We will not now debate the Question, How his Brothers Wise could be his lawful Wife? You must now say so. Whatsoever the Scriptures, Councils, almost all Univer­sities of Christendom determined: Yet methinks it should move you that Pope Clement himself had consigned to Cardinal Campegius a Breve formed to sentence for the King, in as ample manner as could be, howsoever upon the success of the Empe­rours affairs in Italy, and his own occa­sions, he sent a special Messenger to him [Page 440] to burn it. But what violence was this that you speak of? The matter was or­derly and judiciously by the Archbishop of Canterbury with the assistance of the learnedest of the Clergy according to the antient Ca­nons of the Church, and Laws of the Realm, heard and determined. That indeed is more to be marvelled at, What moved him to fall out with the Pope his Friend, in whose quarrel he had so far engaged him­self, as to write against Luther, of whom also he was so rudely handled as you men­tion before; having received also for some part of recompence, the title of The De­fender of the Faith, having been so charge­ably thankful to the Pope for it. All these things considered, it must be said, this unkindness and slippery dealing of Cle­ment with him was from the Lord, that he might have an occasion against the Pope, and that it might appear that it was not Humane Counsel, but Divine Providence that brought about the ba­nishment of the Popes Tyranny from a­mong us. His marriage with the Lady Anne Bullen, her death, and the rest which you mention of the abling or disabling her Issue to inherit the Crown, I see not what it makes to our purpose. The sup­pression of the Monasteries, was not his sole Act, but of the whole State, with the consent also of the Clergy, and taken out of Cardinal Wolsey his example, yea, founded upon the Popes Authority granted to him, To dissolve the smaller Houses of [Page 441] Religion, on pretence to defray the charges of his sumptuous Buildings at Oxford and Ipswich, wherein if it pity you (as I confess it hath sometimes me) that such goodly Buildings are defaced and ruined, we must remem­ber what God did to Shiloh, Jer. 7.12. Matt. 3.10. yea to Jerusa­lem it self, and his Temple there. And that Oracle, Every tree that beareth not good fruit shall be cut down, and cast into the fire.

You demand, If this Man, King Henry, were a good Head of Gods Church? What if I should demand the same touching Alexan­der the Sixth, Iulius the Second, Leo the Tenth, or twenty more of the Catalogue of Popes, in respect of whom King Henry might be canonized for a Saint? But there is a Story in Tullies Offices of one Lucatius, that laid a Wager that he was (bonus vir) a good Man; and would be judged by one Fimbria, a Man of Consular Dignity. He, when he understood the case, said, He would never judge that matter, lest either he should diminish the reputation of a Man well esteemed of, or set down that any Man was a good Man; which he accounted to consist in an innumerable sort of Excellencies and Praises. That which he said of a good Man, with much more reason may I say of a good King, one of whose highest excellencies is to be a good Head of the Church. And therefore it is a Question which I will never take upon me to answer, Whether King Henry were such or no? unless you will beforehand interpret this Word as favourably,Lib. 16. as Guicciardine doth tell us Men are wont to do in the censuring [Page 442] your heads of the Church. For Popes, he saith, now a-days are praised for their goodness, when they ex­ceed not the wickedness of other men. After this description of a good head of the Church, or if ye will that of Cominaeus, which saith he, is to be counted a good King, whose vertues exceed his vices. I will not doubt to say King Hen­ry may be enrolled among the number of good Kings. In special, for his executing that highest duty of a good King, the im­ploying his Authority in his Kingdom, to com­mand good things, and forbid evil, not only concern­ing the civil Estate of Men, but the Religion also of God. Witness his authorizing the Scriptures to be had and read in Churches in our Vulgar Tongue, enjoyning the Lords Prayer, the Creed, and ten Commandments to be taught the people in English, abolishing superfluous Holy-days, pulling down those jugling Idols, whereby the people were seduced, namely, the Rood of Grace, whose Eyes and Lips were moved with wires, openly shewed at Pauls Cross, and pulled asunder by the people. Above all, the abo­lishing of the Popes Tyranny, and Merchandise of Indulgences, and such like Chafer out of England. Which Acts of his whosoever shall unpartially consider of, may well esteem him a better Head to the Church of England, than any Pope these thousand years.

In the last place you come to the Hugenots and Geuses of France and Holland. You lay to their Charge, the raising of Civil Warrs, shedding of Blood, occasioning Rebellion, Rapine, Desolations, principally for their new Religion. In the latter part you write, I confess, some­what [Page 443] reservedly, when you say, occasioning, not causing, and principally, not only and wholly, for Religion. But the Words going before, and the exigence of your Argument require, that your meaning should be, they were the causers of these disorders. You bring to my mind a Story, whether of the same Fimbria that I mentioned before, or another, which having caused Quintus Scavola to be stabbed (as Father Paulo was, while I was at Venice) after he understood that he esca­ped with his life, brought his Action against him, for not having received the Weapon wholly into his Body. These poor people having en­dured such barbarous Cruelties, Massacres and Martyrdoms, as scarce the like can be shewed in all Stories, are now accused by you as the Authors of all they suffered. No, no, Mr. Waddesworth, they be the Laws of the Roman Religion, that are written in Blood. It is the bloody Inquisition, and the perfidious violating of the Edicts of Pacification, that have set France and Flanders in combustion. An evident Argument whereof may be, for Flanders, that those Genses that you mention, were not all Calvinists (as you are mis-in­formed) the chief of them were Roman Ca­tholicks; as namely, Count Egmond, and Horne, who lost their Heads for standing, and yet only by Petition, against the new Im­positions and the Inquisition, which was sought to be brought in upon those Coun­tries. The which when the Vice-roy of Naples, [Page 444] D. Petro de Toledo would have once brought in there also,An. 1547 the people would by no means abide, but rose up in Arms to the number of fifty thousand, which sedition could not be appeased, but by delivering them of that fear. The like resistance, though more qui­etly carried,1563. was made when the same Inqui­sition should have been put upon Millaine, sixteen years after. Yet these people were neither Geuses nor Calvinists. Another great means to alienate the Minds of the people of the Low-Countries from the obedience of the Catholick Majesty, hath been the severity of his Deputies there, one of which leaving the Government after he had in a few years put to death 18000. 8000 persons, it is reported to have been said, The Country was lost with too much lenity. This Speech Meursius con­cludes his Belgick History withal. And as for France, the first broils there, were not for Religion, but for preferring the House of Guise, and disgracing the Princes of the Blood. True it is that each side advantaged themselves by the colour of Religion, and under pretence of zeal to the Roman, the Guisians murthered the Protestants (being in the exercise of their Religion assembled together) against the Kings Edict, against all Laws and common Humanity. And tell me in good sooth, Mr. Waddesworth, do you ap­prove such barbarous Cruelty? Do you al­low the Butchery at Paris?

[Page 445]Do you think Subjects are bound to give their Throats to be cut by their fellow Sub­jects, or to [offer them, without either hum­ble Remonstrance or flight, to] their Princes at their mee [...] wills againsts their own Laws and Edicts? You would know, quo jure, the Protestants Wars in France and Holland are justified, [I interpose not my own Judgment, not being throughly acquainted with the Laws and Customes of those Countries, but I tell you what both they, and the Papists also, both in France and Italy, have in such Cases alledged.] First, the Law of Nature, which, [they say,] not only alloweth, but in­clineth and enforceth every living thing, to defend it self from violence. Secondly, that of Nations, which permitteth those that are in the protection of others, to whom they owe no more but an honourable acknow­ledgment, in case they go about to make themselves absolute Soveraigns, and usurp their Liberty, to resist and stand for the same. And if a lawful Prince (which is not yet Lord of his Subjects Lives and Goods) shall attempt to despoil them of the same, under colour of reducing them to his own Religion after all humble Remonstrances they may, [they say,] stand upon their own guard, and being assailed, repel Force with Force, as did the Macchabees under Antiochus. In which case, notwithstanding the person of the Prince himself, ought always to be sacred and inviolable, as was Sauls to David. Last­ly, if the inraged Minister of a lawful Prince, [Page 446] will abuse his Authority against the funda­mental Laws of the Country, [they say,] it is no rebellion to defend themselves against Force, reserving still their Obedience to their Soveraign inviolate. These are the Rules of which the Protestants that have born Arms in France and Flanders, and the Papists also both there and elsewhere, as in Naples, that have stood for the defence of their Li­berties, have served themselves. How truly I esteem it hard for you and me to determine, unless we were more throughly acquainted with the Laws and Customes of those Countries, This Pas­sage above, is to be considered as a Relation, not as the Authors Opinion: But yet for fear of taking it by the wrong Handle, the Reader is desired to take notice; That a Subject's resisting his Prince in any cause whatsoever, is Vnlawful, and Impious. than I for my part am.

For the Low-Countries, the World knows that the Dukes of Burgundy were not Kings or absolute Lords of them, which are hol­den partly of the Crown of France, and part­ly of the Empire. And of Holland in parti­cular they were but Earls. And whether that Title carries with it such a Soveraign­ty, as to be able to give new Laws, with­out their consents, to impose Tributes, to bring in Garisons of Strangers, to build Forts, to assubject their Honours and Lives to the dangerous trial of a new Court, pro­ceeding without form or figure of Iustice, any reasonable Man may well doubt; themselves do utterly deny it.

[Page 447]Yet you say boldly they are Rebels, and ask why we did support them? It seems to some, that his Catholick Majesty doth absolve them in the Treaty of the Truce, An. 1608. of all imputation of Rebellion. And if they were Re­bels, especially for Heresie, why did the most Christian King support them? As for Queen Elizabeth, if she were alive, she would an­swer your question with another. Why did Spain concur in Practice, and promise Aid to that detestable Conspiracy that was plotted against her by Pius V. as you may see at large in his Life, written by Girolamo Catena? It is, you say, an easie matter to pretend Priviledges. But it is no hard matter to discern pretended Privi­ledges from true, and Treason from Reason of State, and old Corruptions from old Religion. But to take Arms to change the Laws by the whole Estate established, is Treason, what­soever the cause or colour be: and therefore it was Treason in the Rebels of Lincolnshire and York-shire in King Henry's days, and in the Earls of the North in Queen Elizabeths, though they pretended their old Religion: and the same must be said of all Assassinates at­tempted against the Persons of Princes, as Parryes, Somervilles, Squires, against Queen Elizabeth, and the late Powder-Plot, the eternal Shame of Popery, against King James.

To your Argument therefore in form, ad­mitting that it is no true Church, which is founded and begun in Malice, Disobedience, Passi­on, Blood, and Rebellion, no, nor yet a true Reformation of a Church (for in truth the Protestants pretend not to have founded any.) [Page 448] The Assumption is denied in every part of it. And here I must needs say you have not done unwisely to leave out the Church of England, as against which you had no pre­tence, all things having been carried orderly, and by publick Counsel. But you have wronged those which you name, and either lightly believed, or unjustly surmised your self, touching Luther, Calvin, Knox, the French, and the Hollanders, when you make them the raisers of Rebellion and shedders of Blood. Whose Blood hath been shed like Water in all parts of those Countries, against all Laws of God and Man, against the Edicts, and publick Faith, till necessity [as they plead] enforced them to stand for their Lives. Yet you presume that all this is evident to the World, whereas it is so false and impro­bable, yea, in some parts impossible, as I won­der how your heart could assure your hand to write it.

Give me here leave to set down, by occa­sion of this your motive, that which I pro­fess next to the evidence of those Corrupti­ons which the Court and Faction of Rome maintains, hath long moved my self. And thus I would enlarge your Proposition. That Monarchy (as now without lisping it calls it self) which was founded, supported, enlarged, and is yet maintained by Pride, Ambition, Rebellion, Treason, murthering of Princes, Wars, dispensing with Perjury, and incestu­ous Marriages, Spoils and Robbery of Churches and Kingdoms, worldly Policy, Force and Falshood, Forgery, Lying, and [Page 449] Hypocrisie, is not the Church of Christ, and his Kingdom, but the Tyranny of Antichrist. The Papacy falsely calling it self the Church of Rome is such. Ergo. The Assumption shall be proved in every part of it, and in truth is already by the learned and truly noble Lord of Plessis in his Mysterium iniquitatis. But his Book I suppose you cannot view, and it would require a just volume to shew it, though but shortly. It shall be therefore, if you will, the task of another time And yet, because I do not love to leave things wholly at random, consider a few Instances in some of these. Pope Boniface III. ob­tained that proud and ambitious Title of Oecumenical, so much detested by S. Gregory ▪ Pope Constantine and Gregory II. revolted Italy from the Greek Emperors Obedience, forbid­ding to pay Tribute or obey them. Pope Zachary animated Pipine High Steward of France, to depose Chilperick his Lord, and dispensed with the Oaths of his Subjects. Pope Stephen II. most treacherously and unjustly perswaded the same Pipine not to restore the Exarchate of Ravenna to the Emperor, after he had recovered it from Astulfus King of Lom­bards, but to give it to him. Pope Nicholas II. and Gregory VI. parted the prey with the Normans in Calabria, and Apulia, creating them Dukes thereof,Henry IV. to hold the Emperor of Constantinople's Country in Vassalage of them. This latter also was the first, as all Historians accord, that ever attempted to depose the Emperor, against whom he most impiously stirred up his own Children, which most la­mentably [Page 450] brought him to his end. Pope Paschal II. would not suffer (for the full accomplishment of this Tragedy) his Son to bury him. Pope Adrian IV. demanded Homage of the Emperor Frederick. Alexan­der III. trod on his neck. Celestine III. crowned Henry VI. with his Feet. Innocent IV. stirred up Frederick II. his own Servants to poison him, practised with the Sultan of Aegypt to break with him. This is that Innocent, of whose Extortions Matthew Paris relates so much in our Story; whom the learned, zealous, and Holy Bishop of Lincoln, on his Death-bed, proved to be Antichrist, and in a Vision stroke so with his Crosier-staff that he died. Boniface VIII. challenged both Swords, pretended to be superior to the King of France in Temporal things also. Clement V. would in the vacancy of the Empire, that all the Cities and Countries thereof, should be under his disposition, made the Duke of Venice, Dandalus, couch under his Table with a Chain on his neck like a Dog, e're he would grant Peace to the Venetians. This Clement V. commanded the Angels to carry their Souls to Heaven, that should take the Cross to fight for the Holy Land.

What shall I say more? I am weary with writing thus much, and yet in all this, I do not insist upon private and personal Faults, Blasphemies, Perjuries, Necromancies, Mur­thers, barbarous Cruelties, even upon one another, alive and dead, nor on Whoredoms, Incests, Sodomies, open Pillages, besides the perpetual Abuse of the Censures of the [Page 451] Church. I insist not upon these, more than you did upon King Henry's Passions. I tell you not of him that called the Gospel a Fable, or another that instituted his Agnus Dei's, to strangle Sin like Christ's Blood. Of him that dispensed with one to marry his own Sister (for the Uncle to marry with the Neece, or a Woman to marry two Brothers, a Man two Sisters by Dispensation, is no rare thing at this day.) The Faculty to use Sodomy, the Story of Pope Joan, are almost incredible, and yet they have Authors of better Credit than Bolseck. It may be said that Iohn XXII. called a Devil incarnate, that Alexander VI. the Poisoner of his Cardinals, the Adulterer of his Son-in-laws Bed, incestuous Defiler of his own Daughter, and Rival in that villany to his Son, sinned as Men, which empeacheth not the Credit of their Office. That Paulus V. Vice-deus takes too much upon him, when he will be Pope-almighty; but the Chair is with­out Error. Wherein, not to insist for the present, but admitting it as true, that wick­edness of mens Persons doth not impeach the Holiness of their Functions, which they have received of God, nor make Gods Ordinances, as his Word and Sacraments, of none effect. But tell me for Gods love, Master Waddes­worth, is it likely that this Monarchy thus sought, thus gotten, thus kept, thus exer­cised, is of God? Are these men, that wholly forsaking the feeding of the Flock of God, dream of nothing now but Crowns and Scepters, serve to the Church to no use in the World, unless it be to break the ancient [Page 452] Canons, and oppress with their Power, all that shall but utter a free word against their Ambition and Tyranny; are they, I will not say with you, good Heads of Gods Church, but Members of it, and not rather Limbs of Sa­tan? Consider those Texts: My Kingdom is not of this World, Vos autem non sic. Consider the Charge which S. Peter gives to his fellow Presbyters, 1 Pet. 5.2, 3, 4. Now I beseech our Lord deliver his Church from this Ty­ranny, and bless you from being a Member of such a Head.

CHAP. XI. Of lack of Succession, Bishops, true Ordi­nations, Orders, Priesthood.

I Come now to your Motive from Suc­cession. Where I marvel first, that leaving the Succession of Doctrine, which is far more proper and intrinsecal to the Churches being, you stand upon that of Per­sons and Offices. Yea, and about them too, immediately pass from that which is of Essence, to the external Formalities in Conse­cration and Ordination, according to the ancient Councils. Have you forgotten what you said right now, that matters of Ceremony and Go­vernment are changeable? Yea, but in France, Holland, and Germany, they have no Bishops. First, what if I should defend they have? because a Bishop and a Presbyter are all one, as S. Ierom maintains, and proves out of Holy Scripture, and the use of Antiquity. Of which Judgment, as Medina confesseth, are sundry of the ancient Fathers, both Greek and Latin; S. Ambrose, Augustine, Sedulius, Primasius, Chrysostome, Theodoret, Oecumenius, and Theophylact: which point I have largely treated of in another place, against him that [Page 454] undertook Master Alablaster's Quarrel. Be­sides, those Churches in Germany have those whom they call Superintendents, and general Superintendents, Cap. 8. as out of Doctor Bancroft by the Testimony of Zanchius, and sundry Ger­man Divines, you might perceive. Yea, and where these are not, as in Geneva, and the French Churches, yet there are, saith Zanchius, usually certain chief Men, that do in a man­ner bear all the sway, as if order it self and necessity led them to this course. And what are these but Bishops indeed, unless we shall wrangle about names, which for reason of State, those Churches were to ab­stain from. As for that you say Lay-men intermeddle there with the making of their Mi­nisters, if you mean the election of them, they have reason; for anciently the People had always a right therein, as S. Cyprian writes to the Churches of Leon and Astorga there in Spain, Plebs ipsa maxime habet potestatem vel eligendi dignos Sacerdotes vel indignos recu­sandi; and in sundry places of Italy this usage doth continue to this day. If ye mean it in Ordination, ye are deceived, and wrong these Churches, as Bellarmine himself will teach you, lib. De Clericis, cap. 3. For amongst the Lutherans and Calvinists also, saith he, which have taken away almost all Ecclesiastical Rites, they only lay on hands, and make Pastors and Mi­nisters, who though they be not Pastors and Bishops indeed, would be so accounted and called.

[Page 455]In England you miss first the lesser orders, and say, we are made Ministers per saltum, as if all that are made Priests among you were Psalmists, Sextons, Readers, Exorcists, Torch-bearers, Subdeacons, and Deacons be­fore. Remember, I pray, what the Master of the Sentences saith of Deaconship and Priesthood. Hos solos primitiva Ecclesia legi­tur habuisse, & de his solis praeceptum Apostoli habemus. He means in the Epistles to Timo­thy and Titus. Again, Subdiaconos vero & Acol [...]thos proc [...]donte tempore Ecclesia sibi consti­tuit. What? and were the Primitive and Apostolick Churches no true Churches? or need we to be ashamed to be like them? Besides, those Councils that ye speak of, it should seem were of no great either An­tiquity or Authority, when not only Pres­byters, without pas [...]g through any order▪ but Bishops, wi [...]ut being so much as baptized, were ordained. As Nectarius of Constantinople, Synesius of Cyrene, Ambrose of Millaine, Constantine II. of Rome it self. This therefore is a very slight Exception.

Your next is well worse, touching the Or­dination at the Nags-head, where the Consecra­tion of our first Bishops, as you say, was at­tempted, but not effected. It is certain, you say, and you are sure there was such a matter, although you know, and have seen the Records themselves, that afterward there was a Con­secration of Doctor Parker at Lambeth. Alas, Master Waddesworth, if you be resolved to believe Lies, not only against publick Acts, [Page 456] and your own eye sight, but against all Probability, who can help it? I had well hoped to have found that Ingenuity in you, that I might have used your Testi­mony unto others of that side, touching the Vanity of this Fable, as having shewed you the Copy of the Record of Doctor Parker's Consecration, which I had pro­cured to be transcribed out of the Acts, which your self also at your return from London, told me you saw in a Black Book. Now I perceive by your perplexed Wri­ting, and enterlining in this part of your Letter, you would fain discharge your Con­science, and yet uphold this Lye, perhaps, as loth to offend that side where you now are: and therefore you have devised this Temper, that the one was attempted, the other effected. But it [...]ill not be. For first of all, if that at the [...] head were but attempted, what is that to the purpose of our Ordinations, which are not derived from it, but from the other, which as you say, was effected at Lambeth? And are you sure there was such a Matter? How are you sure? Were you present there in Person, or have you heard it of those that were present? Neither of both I suppose: but if it were so, that some body pretending to have been there present, told you so much, how are you sure that he lied not in saying so; much more when you have it but at the third, or fourth hand, perhaps the thirtieth or fortieth? But consider a little, is it pro­bable [Page 457] that men of that sort, in an action of that Importance, and at the beginning of the Queens Reign, when especially it concerned both them and her to provide, that all things should be done with Re­putation, would be so hasty and heedless, as to take a Tavern for a Church? Why might they not have gone to the next Church as well? They thought to make the old Catholick Bishop drunken. Thus the Wisbich and Framyngham Priests were wont to tell the tale. Is it likely that they would not forethink that possible this good old Man would not drink so freely as to be drunken, and if he were, yet would not be in the humour to do as they would have him? For who can make any Foundation upon what another would do in his Cups? What a scorn would this be to them? Men are not al­ways so provident in their Actions. True, but such men are not to be imagined so Sottish, as to attempt so solemn an Action, and joyned commonly with some great Feast, and as you observed well out of the Acts, with the Queens Man­date for the Action to be done, and hang all upon a drunken fit of an old man. Besides, how comes it to pass that we could never understand the names of the old Bishop, or of those whom he should have consecrated, or which consecrated themselves, when he refused to do it. For so do your men give it out; howsoever [Page 458] you say, it was not there effected. And in all the space of Queen Elizabeths Reign, wherein so many set themselves against the Reformation by her established, is it possible we should never have heard word of it, of all the English on that side the Seas, if it had been any other than a fly­ing Tale? After forty five years, there is found at last an Irish Jesuit that dares put it in print,Christopho­rus à Sacro bosco Dubli­niensis. to prove by it as now you do, that the Parliamentary Pastors lack holy Orders. But he relates sundry Particulars, and brings his Proofs. For the purpose, this ordainer or consecrater, he saith, was Laudasensis Episcopus homo senex & simplex. His name? Nay, that ye must pardon him. But of what City or Diocess was he Bishop? For we have none of that Title. Here I thought once, that by errour it had been put for Landaffensis of Landaffe in Wales, save that three times in that Narration it is written Laudasensis; which notwithstanding, I continued to be of the same mind, because I found Bi­shop Bonners name twice alike false writ­ten Bomerus. But loe in the Margent a direction to the Book, De Schismate fol. 166. where he saith this matter is touched, and it is directly affirmed, that they performed the Office of Bishops, without any Episcopal Consecration. Again, that great labour was used without an Irish Archbishop in Prison at London to ordain them, but he could by no [Page 459] means be brought thereto. So it seems we must pass out of Wales into Ireland, to find the See of this Bishop or Archbishop. But I believe we may sail from thence to Vir­ginia to seek him; for in Ireland we shall not find him. Let us come to those that he should have ordained, what were their names? Candidati, if that will content you, more you get not. Why they might have been remembred as well as the Nags-Head, as well as Bonners name, and his See, and that he was Dean of the Bishops, he means of the Archbishoprick, sede vacante, and that he sent his Chaplain (his name also is unknown) to forbid the Ordination. At least their Sees. To cut the matter short. Quid plura? Scoraeus Monachus post Herefor­densis pseudo-episcopus caeteris, ex caeteris, qui­dam Scoraeo manus imponunt: fiuntque sine pa­tre filii, & pater à filiis procreatur, res secu­lis omnibus inaudita. Here is at length some certainty; Some truth mingled among, to give the better grace, and to be as it were the Vehiculum of a lye. For Iohn Scory, in King Edward his times, Bishop of Chichester, and after of Hereford, was one of those that ordained Doctor Parker, and preached at his Ordination, But that was the Ordina­tion effected as you call it: We are now in that which was not effected, but attem­pted only. And here we seek again, who were these quidams that laid Hands on Scory? We may go look them with Lau­dasensis the Archbishop of Ireland. Well; [Page 460] hear the proofs. Master Thomas Neal, Hebrew Reader of Oxford, which was pre­sent, told thus much to the antient Confessors, they to F. Halywood. This proof by Tra­dition, as you know, is of little credit with Protestants, and no marvel: For experi­ence shews that reports suffer strange al­terations in the carriage, even when the Reporters are interested. Irenaeus relates from the antient Confessors, Lib. 2. c. 29. which had seen John the Disciple, and the other Apostles of the Lord, and heard it from them, That Christ our Saviour was between forty and fifty years of Age before his Passion. I do not think you are sure it was so. For my part, I had rather believe Irenaeus and those Antients he mentions, and the Apostles; than Father Halywood and his Confessors, and Master Neal. But possible it is, Mr. Neale said, he was present at Matthew Parkers Ordination by John Scory. These Confessors being before impressed, as you are, with the buz of the Ordination at the Nags-head made up that Tale; and put it upon him for their Author. Perhaps Mr. Neal did esteem Iohn Scory to be no Bishop, and so was scandalized though causelesly, at that action. Perhaps Mr. Neale never said any such Word at all. To help to make good this matter, he saith, It was after enacted in Parliament, That these Parliamentary Bishops should be holden for lawful. I looked for something of the Nags-Head Bishops, and the Legend of their Ordination. But the law­fulness [Page 461] that the Parliament provides for, is (according to the Authority the Parliament hath) civil, that is, according to the Laws of the Land. The Parliament never in­tended to justifie any thing as lawful, jure divino, which was not so; as by the Pre­amble it self of the Statute may appear. In which it is said,8 Eliz c. 1. That divers questions had grown upon the making and consecrating of Archbishops and Bishops, within this Realm, whether the same were, and b [...] duely and order­ly done according to the Law or not, &c. And shortly to cut off Father Halywoods surmises, the case was this, as may be gathered by the body of the Statute. Whereas in the five and twentieth of Henry the Eighth, an Act was made for the Electing and Con­secrating of Bishops within this Realm; And another in the third of Edward the Sixth, For the Ordering and consecrating of them, and all other Ecclesiastical Ministers, according to such form as by six Prelates, and six other learned Men in Gods Law to be ap­pointed by the King should be devised, and set forth, under the great Seal of England: Which Form in the fifth of the same Kings reign, was annexed to the Book of Com­mon Prayer, then explained and perfected; and both confirmed by the Authority of Parliament. All these Acts were 1 Mariae, & 1 & 2 Philippi & Mariae repealed; toge­ther with another Statute of 35. Henry 8. touching the Stile of Supreme Head to be used in all Letters Patents and Commissions, &c. [Page 462] These Acts of repeal in the 1 Elizabeth were again repealed, and the Act of 25. Hen. 8. revived specially. That of 3 Edw. 6. only concerning the Book of Common Prayer, &c. without any particular mention of the Book or form of Ordering Ministers and Bishops. Hence grew one doubt, whe­ther Ordinations and Consecrations accor­ding to that Form were good in Law or no. Another was, Queen Elizabeth in her Let­ters Patents touching such Consecrations, Or­dinations had not used as may seem, be­sides other general Words importing the highest Authority in Causes Ecclesiastical, the title of Supreme Head, as King Henry and King Edward in their like Letters Pa­tents were wont to do: And that notwith­standing the Act of 35 Hen. 8. after the repeal of the former repeal might seem (though never specially) revived. This as I guess was another exception, to those that by vertue of those Patents were consecra­ted. Whereupon the Parliament declares, First, That the Book of Common Prayer, and such Order and Form for consecrating of Arch­bishops and Bishops, &c. as was set forth in the time of King Edward the Sixth, and added thereto and authorised by Parliament, shall stand in force and be observed. Secondly, That all Acts done by any person about any Consecration, Confirmation, or investing of any elect to the Of­fice or Dignity of Archbishop or Bishop, by ver­tue of the Queens Letters Patents or Commissi­on, [Page 463] since the beginning of her Reign be good. Third­ly, That all that have been Ordered or Con­secrated Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, &c. af­ter the said Form and Order, be rightly made, ordered and consecrated, any Statute, Law, Ca­non, or other thing to the contrary notwithstanding. The [...]e were the Reasons of that Act; which as you see doth not make good the Nags-head-Ordination as F. Halywood pretends, unless the same were according to the Form in Edward the Sixth's days. His next proof is, That Bonner Bishop of London while he lived, al­ways set light by the Statutes of the Parliaments of Queen Elizabeth, alledging that there wan­ted Bishops, without whose consent by the Laws of the Realm there can no firm Statute be made. That Bonne [...] despised and set not a Straw by the Acts of Parliament in Queen Elizabeths time, I hold it not impossible, and yet there is no other proof thereof, but his bare Word, and the antient Confessors tradition, of which we heard before. Admitting this for certain, there might be other reasons thereof, besides the Ordination at the Nags-head. The stiffness of that Man was no less in King Edwards time than Queen Eli­zabeths. And indeed the want also of Bishops might be the cause, why he little regarded the Acts of her first Parliament. For both much about the time of Queen Maryes death, dyed also Cardinal Poole, and sundry other Bishops: And of the rest some for their con­temptuous behaviour in denying to per­form their duty in the Coronation of the [Page 464] Queen were committed to Prison, others absented themselves willingly. So as it is commonly reported to this day, there was none or very few there. For as for Do­ctor Parker and the rest, they were not or­dained till December, 1559. the Parliament was dissolved in the May before. So not to stand now to refute Bonners conceit, that according to our Laws there could be no Statutes made in Parliament without Bi­shops (wherein our Parliament Men will rectifie his Judgment) F. Halywood was in this report twice deceived, or would deceive his Reader. First, that he would make that exception which Bonner laid against the First Parliament in Queen Elizabeths time, to be true of all the rest. Then, that he accounts Bishop Bonner to have excepted against this Parliament, because the Bishops there were no Bishops as not canonically ordained: Where it was, because there was no Bi­shops true or false there at all. His last proof is. That Dr. Bancroft being demanded of Mr. Alablaster, whence their first Bishops re­ceived their Orders? answered, That he hoped a Bishop might be ordained of a Presbyter in time of necessity. Silently granting, That they were not ordained by any Bishop: And therefore, saith he, the Parliamentary Bishops are with­out order Episcopal, and their Ministers also no Priests. For Priests are not made but of Bi­shops; whence Hierome, Quid facit, &c. What doth a Bishop, saving Ordination, which a Pres­byter doth not? I have not the means to de­mand [Page 465] of D. Alablaster, whether this be true or not. Nor yet whether this be all the answer he had of Dr. Bancroft ▪ That I affirm, that if it were, yet it follows not that D. Bancroft silently granted they had no Orders of Bishops. Unless he that in a false Discourse, where both Propositions be un­true, denies the Major, doth silently grant the Minor. Rather he jested at the futility of this Argument, which admitting all this lying Legend of the Nags-head, and more too; suppose no Ordination by any Bishops had been ever effected, notwithstanding shews no sufficient reason why there might not be a true consecration, and true Ministers made, and consequently a true Church in England. For indeed necessity dispenses with Gods own positive Laws, as our Sa­viour shews in the Gospel;Mark 2.25. much more then with Mans: And such by Hieroms Opini­on are the Laws of the Church, touching the difference of Bishops and Presbyters, and consequently touching their Ordinati­on by Bishops only. Whereof I have treated more at large in another place, for the justification of other reformed Churches, albeit the Church of England needs it not. To confirm this Argument, it pleaseth F. Halywood to add, That King Edward the Sixth took away the Catholick Rite of Ordaining, and instead of it, substitu­ted a few Calvinistical Prayers. Whom Queen Elizabeth followed, &c. And this is in effect the same thing which you say, [Page 466] when you add, That Coverdale being made Bishop of Exceter in King Edward's time, when all Councils and Church Canons were lit­tle observed, it is very doubtful he was never himself canonically consecrated, and so if he were no canonical Bishop, he could not make another Canonical. To F. Halywood I would answer, That King Edward took not away the Catholick Rite of Ordaining, but pur­ged it from a number of idle and super­stitious Rites prescribed by the Popish Pontifical. And the Prayers which he scoffs at if they were Calvinistical, sure it was by Prophecie, for Calvin never saw them till Queen Mary's time; when by certain of our English Exiles, the Book of Com­mon Prayer was translated and shewed him; if he saw them then. Some of them, as the Litany, and the Hymn Veni Creator, &c. I hope were none of Calvin's devising. To you, if you name what Councils and Church Canons you mean, and make any certain exception, either against Bishop Co­verdale, or any of the rest as not Cano­nical Bishops, I will endeavour to satisfie you. Mean while remember I beseech you, That both Law, and Reason, and Religion should induce you in doubtful thing [...] to follow the most favourable sen­tence, and not rashly out of light surmi­ses to pronounce against a publick and so­lemn Ordination, against the Orders con­ferred successively from it, against a whole Church. Wherein I cannot but commend [Page 467] Doctor Carriers modesty, whose Words are these.Pag. 7. I will not determine against the succession of the Clergy in England, because it is to me very doubtful. And the discretion of Cudsemius the Jesuite,De despera­ta Calvini causa, c. 11. which denies the English Nation to be Hereticks, because they remain in a perpetual succession of Bishops. And to take away all doubt from you, that some of these Ordainers were only Bishops elect, and unconsecrated; besides Miles Co­verdale, in King Edward's time Bishop of Exceter, cast in Prison by Queen Mary, and released and sent over Sea to the King of Denmark, know that William Barlow was another; in King Edward's days Bishop of Bath and Wells, in Queen Mary's be­yond the Seas in the company of the Dutchess of Suffolk and Mr. Bertie her Hus­band; at the time of Dr. Parker's Ordi­nation Elect of Chichester. A third was Iohn Scory, in King Edward's time Bishop of Chichester, and at the time of the said Ordination Elect of Hereford. A fourth was Iohn Hodgeskin, Suffragan of Bedford. And these four, if they were all ordained according to the Form ratified in King Ed­ward's days, were presented by two Bi­shops at least to the Archbishop, and of him and them received Imposition of Hands, as in the said Form is appointed

One Scruple yet remains which you have, in That these Men did consecrate Do­ctor Parker, by vertue of a Breve from the Queen as Head of the Church, who being no [Page 468] true Head, and a Woman, you see not how they could make a true Consecration grounded on her Authority. But to clear you in this also, you must understand the Queens Mandate served not to give Power to or­dain (which those Bishops had before in­trinsecally annexed to their Office) but Leave and Warrant to apply that Power to the person named in that Mandate. A thing, unless I have been deceived by Re­ports, used in other Countrys, yea in the Kingdoms of his Catholick Majesty him­self. Sure I am by the Christian Empe­rors in the Primitive Church, as you may see in the Ecclesiastical Histories, and name­ly in the Ordination of Nectarius, that I spake of before. Yea, which is more, in the Consecration of the Bishops of Rome, as of Leo the Eighth, whose Decree, with the Synod at Rome touching this matter, is set down by Gratian, Dist. 63. c. 23. ta­ken from the example of Hadrian, and a­nother Council, which gave to Charles the Great, Ius & potestatem eligendi Ponti­f [...]cem, & ordinandi Apostolicam Sedem, as you may see in the Chapter next before. See the same Dist. c. 16,C. L [...]is. & 17, & 18. and you shall find, that when one was chosen Bishop of Reate, within the Popes own Province, [...] Re [...]tina. by the Clergy and people, and sent to him by Guido the Count to be consecrated, the Pope durst not do it till the Emperors Licence were obtained. Y [...], that he writes to the Emperour for [Page 469] Colonus, C. Nobis. That receiving his Licence he might consecrate him either there, or in the Church of Tusculum, which accordingly upon the Em­perours bidding he performed.

Yet another Exception you take, to the making our Ministers, That we keep not the right intention. First, Because we neither give nor take Orders as a Sacrament. By that Reason we should have no true Mar­riages amongst us neither, because we count not Matrimony a Sacrament. This Controversie depends upon the definition of a Sacrament, which if it be put to be a sign of a holy thing, these be both so, and a many more than seven. If a Seal of the New Testament, so are there but those two, which we properly call Sacraments, Ba­ptism and the Lords Supper. Lib. 4. dist. 12. In which last, as to the intention of Sacrificing, surely, if ye allow the Doctrine of the Master of the Sentences, That it is called a Sacrifice and Oblation, which is offered and consecrated by the Priest, because it is a Memory and Representation of the true Sacrifice and holy Im­mol [...]tion made on the Altar of the Cross. And that Christ once dyed on the Cross, and there was offered up in himself, but is daily offered up in a Sacrament, because in the Sacrament there is a remembrance [...]f that which was once [...]done; which he there confirms by the Authori­ties of the Fathers,De C [...]e­crat. dist. 2. cited by Gratian in the Canon Law. If this Doctrine, I say, may yet pass for good, and this be the Churches intention, Loc. Theol. lib. 12. c. 12 we want not this Inten­tion [Page 470] of sacrificing. Add to this the Con­fession of Melchior Canus, who saith, the Lutherans do not wholly deny the Sacrifice, but grant a Sacrifice of Thanksgiving, which they call the f. Euchari­sticum. Eucharist: they will have none for sin which they call propitiatory. If he had put hereto, unless it be a Mysterie, he had rightly expressed the Opinion of the Protestants.

Thirdly, You object, We want the matter and Form with which Orders should be given: Namely, for the matter in Priesthood the delivery of the Patena with Bread, and the Chalice with Wine: In Deaconship the de­livery of the Book of the Gospel, &c. By which reason the seven first Deacons had no true Ordination, for then there was no Gospel written to be delivered them. Nor those Priests whom the Pope shall make by his sole Word, saying, Esto Sacerdos. Whom notwithstanding sundry famous Ca­nonists hold to be well and lawfully or­dained; and Innocentius himself saith, That if these Forms of Ordination were not found out, any other Ordainer might in like manner make Priests, with those Words, or the like: for as much as these Forms were in process of time appointed by the Church. And if we list to seek for these metaphysical Notions of Matter and Form, in Ordination, which at the most can be but by Analogy, how much better might we assign the persons deputed to sacred Functions to be the matter (as those that contract are by your selves made the mat­ter [Page 471] in Matrimony) and the imposing of Hands, with the expressing the Authority and Office given to be the Form? In Di­onysius though falsely called the Areopagite, yet an antient Author, you shall find no­thing else; nor, which I may tell you by the way, any other Orders, save Bishops, Priests and Deacons.

And to come to that wherein you say we fail most of all, the substantial Form of Priesthood, tell me ingenuously, good Master Waddesworth, how do you know that our Lord Jesus Christ made his Apo­stles, or they other Priests with this Form, which hath no mention or footstep in the Gospels, or otherwhere in Holy Scripture! Nor so much as in the Council of Car­thage; that from whence the manner of giving other Orders is fetched; nor in Gra­tian, nor in any other antient Author that I can find, save in the Pontifical only. And is the present Pontifical of such Autho­rity with you, as the Form of Priesthood, the substantial Form, can subsist in no other Words than those that be there expressed? To omit the late turkesing whereof, con­sider what Augustinus Patritius writes in his Preface before that which at Pope Innocent the Eighth his commandment he patched together: That there were scarce two or three Books found that delivered the same thing: Quot libri tot varietates. Ille deficit, hic su­perabundat, alius nihil omnino de eâ re habet, raro aut nunquam conveniunt; saepe obscuri, [Page 472] implicati, & Librariorum vitio plerunque men­dosi. And in truth in this your essential Form of Priesthood, the old Pontificals be­fore that which he set forth, either had other Words at the giving of the Chalice and Paten as may seem; or wanted both that Form and the Matter also together. The Master of the Sentences declaring the manner of the Ordination of Priests, and the reason why they have the Cha­lice with Wine, and Paten with Hosts given unto them, saith it is, Vt per hoc s [...]iant se accepisse potestatem placabiles Deo hostias offerendi. Hugo in like manner, Ac­cipiunt & Calicem cum vino, & Patenam cum Hostia de manu Episcopi, quatenus potestatem se accepisse cognoscant, placabiles Deo Hostias offerendi. Stephanus Eduensis Episcopus, in the same Words: Datur eis Calix cum Vino, & Patena cum Hostia, in quo traditur iis po­testas ad offerendum Deo placabiles Hostias. So Iohannes Ianuensis in his Summ, entitled, Ca­tholicon, verbo Presbyter. If you ascend to the higher times of Rabanus, Alcuinus, Isi­d [...]rus, you shall find that they mention no such matter, of delivering Chalice or Pa­ten, or Words used at the delivery; and no marvel, [...]or in the Canons of the fourth Council of Carthage they found none. Di­onysi [...]s falsly called Arcopagita, whom I men­tioned before, setting down the manner of Ordaining in his time. The Priest upon [...]oth his knees before the Altar with the Bi­sh [...]ps right-Hand upon his Head, is on this man­ner [Page 473] sanctified by his Consecrator with holy Invocations. Here is all, save that he saith, after he hath described that also which pertains unto the Deacon, that every one of them is signed with the Cross when the Bishop blesseth them, and proclaimed, and saluted by the Consecrator himself, and every one of that sacred Order that is present. The Greek Scholiast very lively shews the meaning and manner of this proclaiming. He saith, The Ordainer pronounceth by name when he sign­eth him, [...] Such a Man is consecrated from being Presbyter to be a Bishop in the name of the Father, &c. and so in the Presbyter and Dea­con. Clemens Romanus (if F. Turrian and the rest of the Romish Faction deceive us not, or be not deceived themselves, in attributing to him the eight Books of the Apostolick Constitutions that bear his name) cuts the matter yet more short, and without either crossing or proclaiming, appoints the Bishop to lay his Hands upon him, in the presence of the Presbytery and the Deacons, using a Prayer, which you may see at length in him; for the increase of the Church, and of the number of them that by Word and Work may edifie it: For the party elected unto the Office of Priesthood, that being filled with the operations of Healing and Word of Do­ctrine, he may instruct Gods people with meekness, and serve him sincerely with a [Page 474] pure mind, and willing heart, and perform holy Services without spot for his people through his Christ, to whom, &c. These last Words which are in the Greek, [...] Carolus Bovius Bishop of Ostuna interpret [...], & Sacrificia pro populo t [...]o immaculata perficiat. Marvel that he added not, tam pro vivis quam pro de­f [...]nctis. Sure if S. Paul, Rom. 15.16. had not added the Word [...], he had sacrificed also. This was the antient and Apostolick manner of Ordination, if the Author be worthy of credit. But that ye may perceive what tampering there hath been to bring Ordinations to the Form which the present Pontifical prescribes, consider with me the Words of Amalarius Bishop of Triers in his second Book de Ec­clesiast. Officiis, where in the Office of the Subdeacon he thus writes; Miror quâ de re sumptus usus in Ecclesia, &c. I marvel whence the use was taken in our Church, that very often the Subdeacon should read the Les­son at Mass, since this is not found commit­ted unto him, by the Ministry given him in Consecration, nor by the Canonical Writings, nor by his name. And streight after, Nam primaevo tempore; For in antient time the Dea­con read not the Gospel which was not yet writ­ten; but after it was enacted by our Fathers, That the Deacons should read the Gospel, they appointed also that the Subdeacon should read the Epistle or Lesson. It appears then that in Amalarius time, who lived with Charles [Page 475] the Great and Lewis his Son, that ridicu­lous Form was not in the Pontifical, where the Book of the Epistles is given to the Subdeacons, and power to read them in the holy Church of God as well for the Quick as the Dead. The same Author, com­ing to speak of Deacons, telleth of their consecration by Prayer, and imposition of Hands, and confuteth that in the present Pontifical (which he saith he found in a little Book of Holy Orders) made he knows not by what Author, That the Bi­shop alone should lay Hands on the Deacon. At last he adds, There is one Ministry added to the Deacon, viz. to read the Gospel, which he saith, doth well befit him, quia Minister est. But of the delivery of the Book of the Gospels, with authority to read the Gospel for the Quick and Dead, not one Word. In the next Chapter of Presbyters he expounds their name, and saith further, hunc morem tenent Episcopi no­stri. Our Bishops have this Fashion, they anoint the Hands of Presbyters with Oyl, which Ceremony he declares; touching imposition of Hands upon them, he remits us to that he said before in the Deacon. Then he shews out of Ambrose and Hierom, That these are all one Order with Bishops, and ought to govern the Church in common, like Moses with the seventy Elders: As for de­livery of Chalice and Wine, or Paten and Host, with power to sacrifice so well for the Quick as the Dead, he makes no [Page 476] mention. Judge you whether these were thought to be the matter and essential Form of Priesthood in his time. Yet one Author more will I name in this matter, not only be­cause he is a famous Schoolman, and one of Luthers first Adversaries, and therefore ought to be of more account with that side, but because he professeth the end of his writing to be,circa Sacramentum ordinis cautos reddere, ne pertinax quisquam aut le­vis sit circa modum tradendi aut recipiendi or­dines. It is Cardinal Cajetane, in the se­cond Tome of his Opuscula, Tit. De modo tradendi seu recipiendi Ordines. Read the whole, where these things I observe for our present purpose. 1. If all be gathered together which the Pontificals, or which Reason or Authority hath delivered, the nature of all the rest of the Orders except Priesthood on­ly, will appear very uncertain. 2. The lesser Orders and Subdeaconship according to the Master of the Sentences, were instituted by the Church. 3. The Deacons instituted by the A­postles, Acts 6. were not Deacons of the Al­tar, but of the Tables and Widows. 4. In Deaconship there seems to be no certain Form; for according to the old Pontificals, the laying of Hands upon the Deacon hath no certain Form of Words, but that Prayer; Emitte quae­sumus in eos S. Sanctum: Which according to the new Pontificals is to be said after the imposition of Hands. For the giving of the Book of the Gospels, hath indeed a form of Words, but that impresseth not the Cha­racter, [Page 477] for before any Gospel was written, the Apostles ordained Deacons by imposition of Hands. 5. In the Subdeaconship also there is no Pon­tifical which hath not the matter without Form; viz. the delivery of the empty Chalice, &c. These things with more which he there sets down, he would have to serve to the instru­ction of the learned touching the uncertainty of this whole matter, to teach Men to be wise to sobriety, that is, every Man to be content with the accustomed Pontifical of the Church wherein he is ordained. And if ought be omitted of those things which be added out of the new Pon­tificals, as for example, that the Book of the E­pistles was not given, with those Words [Take Au­thority to read the Epistles as well for the Quick as the Dead] there is no need of supplying this omission by a new Ordination, for such new ad­ditions make no new Law. Learn then of your own Cajetane, that the new additions of delivery of the Chalice with Wine, and Pa­ten with Hosts, and authority to offer sacrifice for the Quick and the Dead, make no new Law. Learn to be content with the Pontifical of the Church, wherein you were ordain­ed. Wherein first is verbatim all that which your Pontificals had well taken out of the holy Words of our Saviour, Acci­pe Spiritum Sanctum; quorum remiseris pe [...]cata remittuntur eis, & quorum retinueris retent [...] sunt. Which methinks you should rather account to contain the essential Form of Priesthood than the former, both be­cause they are Christs own Word, and [Page 478] joyned with that Ceremony of laying on Hands, which antiently denominated this whole action, and do express the worthi­est and principallest part of your Commission, which the Apostle calls the Ministry of Re­conciliation, 2 Cor. 5.18, 19. Then, be­cause this Office is not only deputed to consecrate the Lords Body, but also to preach and baptize (which in your Pon­tifical is wholly omitted) in a larger and more convenient Form is added out of S. Paul, 1 Cor. 4.1, and be thou a faithful Dis­penser of the Word of God and of his holy Sacra­ments. In the name of the Father, &c.

As to that you add, That we offer no Sa­crifice for the Quick and Dead, and there­fore well may be called Ministers, as all Lay­men are, but are no Priests. I have met with sundry that pull this Rope as strong­ly the other way, and affirm that because by the very Form of your Ordination you are appointed Sacrificers for the Quick and the Dead, well may ye be Mass-Priests as ye are called, but Ministers of the New Testament, after S. Paul's Phrase ye are none. For that Office stands principally in preaching the Word, whereof in your Ordination there is no Word said. And as little there is in Scripture of your Sacrifice, which makes Christ not to be a Priest after the order of Melchisedeck, &c. with much more to this purpose. Where my Defence for your Ministry hath been this, That the Form, Receive the Holy Ghost, whose sins ye [Page 479] remit they are remitted, &c. doth sufficient­ly comprehend the Authority of preach­ing the Gospel. Use you the same equi­ty towards us, and tell those hot Spirits among you, that stand so much upon for­malities of Words, That to be a Dispen­ser of the Word of God and his holy Sacraments, is all the duty of Priesthood. And to you I add further, that if you consider well the Words of the Master of the Senten­ces which I vouched before, how that which is consecrated of the Priest is called a Sacrifice and Oblation, because it is a Memo­rial and Representation of the true Sacrifice and holy Offering made on the Altar of the Cross, and joyn thereto that of the Apostle,Heb. 10.14 that by that one Offering Christ hath perfected for ever them that are sanctified, and as he saith in another place, through that Blood of▪ his Cross reconciled unto God all things whether in Earth or in Heaven; you shall perceive, that we do offer Sacrifice for the Quick and Dead, remembring, representing and mystically offering that sole Sacrifice for the Quick and Dead, by the which all their sins are meritoriously expiated, and desiring that by the same, we and all the Church may obtain remission of sins, and all other Benefits of Christs Passion.

To the Epilogue therefore of this your last Motive, I say in short. Sith we have no need of Subdeaconship, more than the Churches in the Apostles times, and in truth those whom we call Clerks and Sex­tons [Page 480] perform what is necessary in this be­half. Sith we have Canonical Bishops, and lawful Succession. Sith we neither want due intention to depute Men to Ecclesiastical Functions, nor matter or Form in giving Priesthood; deriving from no Man or Wo­man the Authority of Ordination, but from Christ the Head of the Church; you have alledged no sufficient Cause, why we should not have true Pastors, and consequently a true Church in England.

CHAP. XII. Of the Conclusion. Mr. Waddesworth's Agonies and Protestation, &c.

YEt by these (you say) and many other Arguments, you were resolved in your un­derstanding, to the contrary. It may well be that your Understanding out of its own heedless hast, as that of our first Parents, while it was at the perfectest was induced into error, by resolving too soon out of seeming Arguments, and granting too for­ward assent. For surely, these which you have mentioned, could not convince it, if it would have taken the pains to examine them throughly, or had the patience to give unpartial hearing to the Motives on the other side. But as if you triumphed in your own conquest and captivity, you add that which passeth yet all that hitherto you have set down, viz. That the Church of Rome was and is the only true Church, be­cause it alone is Antient, Catholick and Apo­stolick, having Succession, Vnity and Visibility in all Ages and Places. Is it only antient? To omit Ierusalem, are not that of Anti­och, where the Disciples were first called Christians, and Alexandria, Ephesus, Corinth, and the rest mentioned in the Scriptures antient [Page 482] also? and of Antioch antienter than Rome. Is it Catholick and Apostolick only? Do not these and many more hold the Catholick Faith received from the Apostles, as well as the Church of Rome? For that it should be the Vniversal Church, is all one as ye would say the part is the whole, one Ci­ty the World. Hath it only succession? where to set aside the enquiry of Doctrine, so many Simoniacks, and Intruders have ruled, as about fifty of your Popes together, were by your own Mens Confession Apostatical, rather than Apostolical? Or Unity, where there have been thirty Schisms, and one of them which endured fifty years long, and at last grew into three Heads, as if they would share among them the triple Crown? And as for dissentions in Doctrine, I remit you to Master Doctor Halls peace of Rome, wherein he scores above three hundred mentioned in Bellarmine alone; above three-score in one only head of Penance out of Navarrus. As to that addition, in all A­ges and places; I know not what to make of it, nor where to refer it. Consider, I beseech you, with your wonted mode­ration what you say; for sure unless you were beguiled, I had almost said bewitched, you could never have resolved to believe and profess, that which all the World knows to be as false, I had (well nigh) said as God is true, touching the extent of the Romish Church to all Ages and places.

[Page 483]Concerning the agonies you passed, I will say only thus much, if being resolved though erroneously that was truth, you were withholden from professing it with worldly respects, you did well to break through them all. But if besides these, there were doubt of the contrary (as me­thinks needs must be) unless you could satisfie your self touching those many and known Exceptions against the Court of Rome, which you could not be ignorant of) take heed, lest the rest insuing these agonies were not like Sampsons sleeping on Dalilahs knees, while the Locks of his Strength were sha­ven, whereupon (the Lord departing from him) he was taken by the Philistins, had his Eyes put out, and was made to grind in the Prison. But I do not despair but your former resolutions shall grow again. And as I do believe your religious asseverati­on, that for very fear of damnation you for­sook us (which makes me to have the better hope and opinion of you, for that I see you do so seriously mind that which is the end of our whole life;) so I de­sire from my Heart the good hope of salvati­on you have in your present way may be as happy, as your fear I am perswaded was causeless.

For my part, I call God to record a­gainst mine own Soul, that both before my going into Italy, and since, I have still endeavoured to find and follow the truth in the Points controverted between us, [Page 484] without any earthly respect in the World. Neither wanted I fair opportunity had I seen it on that side, easily, and with hope of good entertainment to have adjoyned my self to the Church of Rome, after your exam­ple. But (to use your words) as I shall answer at the dreadful day of judgement, I never saw, heard, or read any thing, which did convince me: nay, which did not finally confirm me daily more and more, in the perswasion, that in these differences it rests on our part. Wherein I have not follow­lowed humane conjectures from foreign and outward things (as by your leave methinks you do in these your motives, whereby I protest to you in the sight of God, I am also much comforted and assured in the possession of the truth) but the undoubted Voice of God in his Word, which is more to my Conscience than a thousand Topical Ar­guments. In regard whereof I am no less assured, that if I should forsake it I should be renounced by our Saviour, before God and his Angels, than in the holding it be acknowledged, and saved; which makes me resolve, not only for no hope, if it were of ten thousand Worlds, but by the gracious assi­stance of God, without whom I know I am able to do nothing, for no terrour or torment ever to become a Papist.

You see what a large distance there is between us in Opinion. Yet for my part, I do not take upon me to fore-judge you, or any other that doth not with an evil Mind and self condemning Conscience on­ly [Page 485] to maintain a Faction, differ from that which I am perswaded is the right. I ac­count we hold one and the same Faith in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and by him in the blessed Trinity. To his Judgment we stand or fall. Incomparably more and of more importance are those things where­in we agree; than those wherein we dis­sent. Let us follow therefore the things of peace, and of mutual edification. If any be otherwise minded than he ought, God shall reveal that also to him. If any be weak or fallen, God is able to raise him up. And of you good Mr. Waddes­worth, and the rest of my Masters and Brethren of that side, one thing I would again desire, that according to the Apostles profession of himself, you would forbear to be Lords over our Faith, 2 Cor. 1.24. nor straightway condemn of Heresie, our ignorance or lack or perswasion concerning such things as we cannot perceive to be founded in holy Scripture. Enjoy your own Opinions; but make them not Articles of our Faith: the analogy whereof is broken as well by Ad­dition as Substraction. And this self same equity we desire to find in positive Laws. Orders and Ceremonies. Wherein as eve­ry Church hath full right to prescribe that which is decent and to edification, and to reform abuse; so those that are Members of each are to follow what is enjoyned, till by the same Authority it be reversed.

[Page 468]And now to close up this Account of yours, whereof you would have Dr. Hall and me to be as it were Examiners and Audi­tors. Whether it be perfect and allowable or no, look you to it. I have here told you mine opinion of it, as directly, plain­ly and freely as I can; and as you requi­red fully, if not tediously. I list not to contend with you about it. Satisfie your own Conscience, and our common Lord and Master, and you shall easily satisfie me. Once yet by my advice review it, and cast it over again. And if in the par­ticulars you find you have taken many nul­lities for signifying Numbers, many small [...]r signifiers for greater; correct the total. If you find namely that out of desire of V­nity, and dislike of contention, you have apprehended our diversities to be more than they are: conceived a necessity of an ex­ternal infallible Iudge, where there was none: attributed the priviledge of the Church proper­ly called, to that which is visible and mixt. If you find the reformed Churches more charitable, the proper note of Christs Sheep: The Roman Faction more fraudulent, and that by publick counsel, and of politick purpose, in framing not only all later Writers, but some antient, yea the Holy Scriptures for their advantage: If you find you have mi­staken the Protestants Doctrine, touching invisibility, your own also touching unifor­mity in matters of Faith: If you have been misinformed and too hasty of credit touch­ing [Page 487] the imputations laid to the beginners of Reformation: For as touching the want of Succession and the fabulous Ordination at the Nags-head, I hope you will not be stiff, and persist in your error, but confess and condemn it in your self: If (as I began to say) you find these things to be thus; give glory to God, that hath heard your Prayer, entreating direction in his holy Truth; and withhold not that truth of his in unrighteous­ness. Unto him that is able to restore and establish you, yea to consummate and per­fect you according to his almighty power and unspeakable goodness, toward his elect in Christ Jesus, I do from my Heart com­mend you: and rest you,

Your very loving Brother in Christ Iesu, W. Bedell.
FINIS.

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