THE Historie of the REFORMATION of the CHURCH of ENGLAND LONDON Printed for Ric: Chiswell

Whitehall, May 23. 1679.

THis Book, entituled [The History of the Re­formation of the Church of ENGLAND] having been perused and approved by Per­sons of eminent Quality, and several Divines of great Piety and Learning, who have recommended it as a Work very fit to be made publick, as well for the Usefulness of the Matter, as for the Industry and Integrity the Author hath used in compiling of it; the Honourable Mr. SECRETARY COVENTRY doth therefore allow it to be Printed and Pub­lished.

IO. COOKE.
[...]

THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England. The First Part, OF THE Progress made in it during the Reign OF K. Henry the VIII. By GILBERT BVRNET.

LONDON, Printed by T. H. for Richard Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard, MDCLXXIX.

TO THE KING.

SIR,

THE first step that was made in the Reformation of this Church, was the restoring to your Royal An­cestors the Rights of the Crown, and an entire Dominion over all their Subjects; of which they had been disseised by the craft and violence of an unjust Pre­tender: to whom the Clergy, though your Maje­sties Progenitors had enriched them, by a bounty no less profuse than ill-managed, did not only adhere, but drew with them the Laity, over whose Consci­ences they had gained so absolute an Authority, that our Kings were to expect no Obedience from their people, but what the Popes were pleased to allow.

It is true, the Nobler part of the Nation did fre­quently in Parliament, assert the Regal Prerogatives against those Papal invasions; yet these were but faint endeavours, for an ill-executed Law is but an un­equal match to a Principle strongly infused into the Consciences of the people.

But how different was this from the teaching of Christ and his Apostles? They forbad men to use all those Arts by which the Papacy grew up and yet sub­sists: [Page] They exhorted them to obey Magistrates, when they knew it would cost them their Lives: They were for setting up a Kingdom, not of this World, nor to be attained but by a holy and peaceable Re­ligion. If this might every-where take place, Prin­ces would find Government both easie and secure: It would raise in their Subjects the truest courage, and unite them with the firmest charity: It would draw from them Obedience to the Laws, and Reverence to the persons of their Kings. If the Standards of Ju­stice and Charity, which the Gospel gives, of doing as we would be done by, and loving our Neighbours as our selves, were made the measures of mens acti­ons, how steadily would Societies be governed, and how exactly would Princes be obeyed!

The design of the Reformation, was to restore Christianity to what it was at first, and to purge it of those Corruptions, with which it was over-run in the later and darker Ages.

GREAT SIR, This work was carryed on by a slow and unsteady Progress under King Henry the VIII; it advanced in a fuller and freer course un­der the short but blessed Reign of King Edward; was Sealed with the blood of many Martyrs under Queen Mary; was brought to a full settlement in the happy and glorious days of Queen Elizabeth; was defended by the learned Pen of King Iames; but the established frame of it, under which it had so long flourished, was overthrown with your Majesties bles­sed Father, who fell with it, and honoured it by his unexempled Suffering for it; and was again restored to its former beauty and order, by your Majesties happy Return.

[Page]What remains to compleat and perpetuate this Blessing, the composing of our differences at home, the establishing a closer correspondence with the Re­formed Churches abroad, the securing us from the restless and wicked practices of that Party, who ho­ped so lately to have been at the end of their designs; and that which can only entitle us to a Blessing from God, the Reforming of our manners and lives, as our Ancestors did our Doctrine and Worship; All this is reserved for your Majesty, that it may appear, that your Royal Title of Defender of the Faith is no empty sound, but the real strength and Glory of your Crown.

For attaining these ends, it will be of great use to trace the steps of our first Reformers; for if the land­marks they set be observed, we can hardly go out of the way. This was my chief design in the following sheets, which I now most humbly offer to your Ma­jesty, hoping that as you were graciously pleased to command that I should have free access to all Re­cords for composing them, so you will not deny your Royal Patronage to the History of that Work, which God grant your Majesty may live to raise to its per­fection, and to compleat in your Reign the Glory of all your Titles. This is a part of the most earnest as well as the daily Prayers of,

May it please Your Sacred Majesty,
Your Majesties most Loyal, most Faithful, and most devoted Subject and Servant, G. BVRNET.

THE CONTENTS OF THIS VOLUME.

BOOK I.
A Summary View of King Henry the Eighths Reign, till the Pro­cess of his Divorce was begun, in which the State of England chiefly as it related to Religion, is opened. Page 1.
BOOK II.
Of the Process of Divorce between King Henry and Queen Kathe­rine, and of what passed from the 19th to the 25th year of his Reign; in which he was declared Supream Head of the Church of England. Page 34.
BOOK III.
Of the other Transactions about Religion and Reformation; during the rest of the Reign of King Henry the 8th. Page. 179.
COLLECTION OF RECORDS, &c.
Ad Librum Primum.
Page 3.
Ad Librum Secundum.
Page 9.
Ad Librum Tertium.
Page 131.
An Appendix concerning the Errors and Falsehoods in Sanders's Book of the English Schism.
Page 273.
ADDENDA.
Page 305.

ERRATA in the Historical part.

PAge 12. Line 6. Margent for 15. read 1st. p. 49. l. 19. for chiefly r. clearly. p. 54. l. 15. for 10. r. 13. p. 103. l. 32. Abisha r. Abishag. p. 109. l. 47. had r. has. p. 115. l. 10. having r. had. p. 126. l. 9. before officiate r. did. p. 151. l. 31. speak r. spake. p. 173. l. 31. dele a. p. 186. l. 25. Pachon r. Pachom p. 198. l. 8. co r. to. p. 203. l. 41. then r. that. p. 205. l. 20. being her last words r. her last words being. p. 235. l. 44. that so, r. so that. p. 239. l. 33. was r. is. p. 259. l. 42. As r. All. p. 264. l. 15. down r. out. p. 275. l. 5. no r. on. p. 283. l. 49. in that r. that in. l. 51. the great charges of r. of the great charges. p. 284. l. 21. person r. prison. p. 327. l. 31. desertion r. discovery. p. 333. Marginal Note resentments r. pre [...]erments, Informers r. Reformers. p. 344. l. 22. before he r. that. p. 369. l. 5. utrumque r. utcumque.

Some Literal faults and mistakes in the Punctuation the Reader will more easily Correct.

THE PREFACE.

THere is no Part of History better received than the Account of great Changes, and Revolutions of States and Govern­ments, in which the Variety of unlooked-for Accidents and Events, both entertains the Reader and improves him.

Of all Changes, those in Religion that have been sud­den and signal, are enquired into with the most search­ing Curiosity: where the Salvation of Souls being concern'd, the better sort are much affected; and the Credit, Honour, and Interest of Churches and Parties draw in these, who though they do not much care for the Religious part, yet make noise about it to serve other Ends. The Changes that were made in Religion in the last Century have produc'd such effects everywhere, that it is no wonder if all persons desire to see a clear account of the several steps in which they advanced, of the Counsels that directed them, and the Mo­tives both Religious and Political that enclined men of all conditions to con­cur in them. Germany produced a Sleidan, France a Thuanus, and Italy a Frier Paul, who have given the World as full satisfaction in what was done beyond Sea as they could desire. And though the two last lived and died in the Communion of the Church of Rome, yet they have delivered things to Posterity, with so much Candour and Evenness, that their Authority is disputed by none but those of their own Party.

But while Forreign Churches have such Historians, ours at home have not had the like good fortune: for whether it was, that the Reformers at first presumed so far on their Legal and calm proceedings, on the continued Suc­cession of their Clergie, the Authority of the Law, and the Protection of the Prince, that they judged it needless to write an History, and therefore em­ployed their best pens, rather to justifie what they did, than to deliver how it was done; or whether by a meer neglect the thing was omitted, we cannot de­termine. True it is, that it was not done to any degree of Exactness, when matters were so fresh in mens memories, that things might have been o­pened with greater Advantages, and vouch'd by better Authority, than it is to be expected at this distance.

They were soon after much provok'd by Sanders History, which he pub­lished to the World in Latine: yet either despising a writer, who did so im­pudently deliver falshoods, that from his own Book many of them may be dis­proved, or expecting a Command from Authority, they did not then set a­bout it. The best account I can give of their silence is, that most of San­ders Calumnies being levelled at Queen Elizabeth, whose birth and parents he designed chiefly to disgrace, it was thought too tender a point by her wise Counsellors to be much enquired into: it gave too great credit to his Lies, to answer them; an answer would draw forth a Reply, by which those Calumnies would still be kept alive; and therefore it was not without good reason thought [Page] better to let them lie unanswered and despised. From whence it is come that in this age that Author is in such Credit, that now he is quoted with much as­surance: most of all the writers in the Church of Rome, relie on his testimo­ny as a good authority. The Collectors of the General History of that Age, follow his thred closely, some of them transcribe his very words. One Pollini a Dominican, published an History of the Changes that were made in England, in Italian at Rome Anno. 1594. which he should more ingenuously have cal­led a Translation, or Paraphrase of Sanders History: and of late more can­didly, but no less maliciously, one of the best pens of France has been employ­ed to translate him into their language, which has created such prejudices in the minds of many there, that our Reformation, which generally was more modestly spoken of, even by those who wrote against it, is now look'd on by such as read Sanders, and believe him, as one of the foulest things that ever was.

Fox for all his Voluminous Work, had but few things in his eye when he made his Collection, and designed only to discover the Corruptions and Cru­elties of the Roman Clergie, and the Sufferings and Constancy of the Refor­mers. But his work was written in haste, and there are so many defects in it, that it can by no means be called a Compleat History of these times; though I must add, that having compared his Acts and Monuments with the Records, I have never been able to discover any errors or prevarications in them, but the utmost fidelity and exactness. Parker Arch-bishop of Canterbury, de­signed only in his account of the British Antiquities, to do justice and honour to his See, and so gives us barely the life of Cranmer, with some few and general hints of what he did. Hall was but a superficial Writer, and was more careful to get full informations of the Cloaths that were worn at the Interviews of Princes, Iusts, Tournaments, and great Solemnities, than a­bout the Counsels, or secret Transactions of the time he lived in. Holing­shead, Speed, and Stow, give bare Relations of things that were Pub­lick, and commit many faults. Upon their scent most of our later Writers have gone, and have only collected and repeated what they wrote.

The Lord Herbert judged it unworthy of him to trifle as others had done, and therefore made a more narrow search into Records and original Papers, than all that had gone before him; and with great fidelity and industry, has given us the History of King Henry the Eighth. But in the Transactions that concern Religion, he dwells not so long as the matter required, leaving those to men of another Profession, and judging it perhaps not so proper for one of his condition to pursue a full and accurate Deduction of those mat­ters.

Since he wrote, two have undertaken the Ecclesiastical History, Fuller and Heylin. The former got into his hands some few Papers, that were not seen before he published them; but being a man of fancie, and affecting an odd way of writing, his work gives no great Satisfaction. But Doctor Hey­lin wrote smoothly and handsomly, his Method and Stile are good, and his work was generally more read than any thing that had appeared before him: but either he was very ill informed, or very much led by his Passions; and he being wrought on by most violent prejudices against some that were con­cerned in that time, delivers many things in such a manner and so strange­ly, that one would think he had been secretly set on to it by those of the Church of Rome, though I doubt not he was a sincere Protestant, but vio­lently carried away by some particular conceits. In one thing he is not to be excused, That he never vouched any Authority for what he writ, which is [Page] not to be forgiven any who write of Transactions beyond their own time, and deliver new things not known before. So that upon what grounds he wrote a great deal of his Book we can only conjecture, and many in their guesses are not apt to be very favourable to him.

Things being delivered to us with so much alloy and uncertainty, those of the Church of Rome do confidently disparage our Reformation. The short History of it, as it is put in their mouths, being, That it was begun by the lusts and passions of King Henry the Eighth, carried on by the Ravenousness of the Duke of Summerset, under Edward the Sixth, and confirmed by the Policy of Queen Elizabeth and her Council to secure her Title. These things being generally talked and spread abroad in Forreign parts, especially in France, by the new Translation of Sanders, and not being yet sufficiently cleared, many have desired to see a fuller and better account of those Transactions than has yet been given; so the thing being necessary, I was the more en­couraged to set about it by some persons of great Worth and Eminence, who thought I had much leisure and other good Opportunities to go through with it, and wished me to undertake it. The person that did engage me chiefly to this work, was on many Accounts much fitter to have undertaken it himself, be­ing the most Indefatigable in his Industry, and the most Iudicious in his Ob­servations, of any I know, and is one of the greatest Masters of Stile now li­ving. But being engaged in the service of the Church, in a station that af­fords him very little leisure, he set me on to it, and furnished me with a curi­ous Collection of his own Observations. And in some sort this work may be accounted his, for he corrected it with a most Critical Exactness; so that the first materials, and the last finishing of it, are from him. But after all this, I lie under such restraints from his Modesty, that I am not allowed to pub­lish his name.

I had two Objections to it, besides the knowledg of my own unfitness for such a work. One was my Unacquaintedness with the Laws and Customs of this Nation, not being born in it: the other was the Expence, that such a Search as was necessary, required, which was not easie for me to bear. My acquain­tance with the most ingenious Master William Petyt Councellour of the In­ner-Temple cleared one difficulty, he offering me his assistance and direction, without which I must have committed great faults. But I must acknowledg my self highly obliged by the favour and bounty of the Honourable Master of the Rolls, Sir Harebottle Grimstone, of whose Worth and Goodness to me I must make a large digression, if I would undertake to say all that the Sub­ject will bear: The whole Nation expressed their value of him, upon the most Signal Occasion, when they made him their Mouth and Speaker in that Blessed Assembly which called home their King, after which real evidence all little Commendations may be well forborn. The Obligations he has laid on me are such, that as the Gratitude and Service of my whole life, is the only equal re­turn I can make for them; so as a small tribute I judg my self obliged to make my acknowledgments in this manner, for the leisure I enjoy under his Protection, and the Support I receive from him; and if this work does the world any service, the best part of the Thanks is due to him, that furnished me with particular Opportunities of Carrying it on. Nor must I conceal the Nobleness of that Renown'd Promoter of Learning Master Boyle, who con­tributed liberally to the Expence this Work put me to.

Upon these encouragements I set about it, and began with the Search of all Publick Records and Offices, the Parliament and Treaty-Rolls with all the [Page] Patent-Rolls, and the Registers of the Sees of Canterbury and London, and of the Augmentation-Office. Then I laid out for all the MSS. I could hear of, and found things beyond my Expectation in the famous Cotton Libra­ry, where there is such a Collection of Original Papers relating to these times, as perhaps the World can shew nothing like it. I had also the favour of some MSS. of great value, both from the Famous and eminently Learned Doctor Stillingfleet, who gave me great Assistance in this work, and from Mr. Petyt and others. When I had look'd these over, I then used all the Endeavours I could, to gather together the Books that were printed in those days, from which I not only got considerable hints of matters of Fact, but (that which I chiefly look'd for) the Arguments upon which they managed the Controversies then on foot, of which I thought it was the part of an Ecclesiastical Historian to give an Account, as I could recover them, that it may appear upon what motives and grounds they proceeded.

The Three chief Periods of Henry the Eighth his Reign, in which Reli­gion is concerned, are, First, From the beginning of his Reign, till the Pro­cess of his Divorce with Queen Katharine commenced. The Second is from that, till his total Breaking off from Rome, and setting up his Supremacy over all Causes and Persons. The Third is from that, to his Death.

When I first set about this Work, I intended to have carryed on the Hi­story of the Reformation to the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, in which it was finished and fully setled; but I was forced to change that Resolution. The chief reason, among many others, was, that I have not yet been able to discover such full Informations of what passed under the Succeeding Reigns, as were necessary for a History; and though I have search't the publick Registers of that time, yet I am still in the dark my self in many particulars. This made me resolve on publishing this Volume first, hoping that those in whose hands any Manuscripts or Papers of that time lie, will from what is now performed, be encouraged to Communicate them: or if any have made a considerable Pro­gress in those Collections, I shall be far from envying them the honour of such a work, in which it had been inexcusable Vanity in me to have medled, if the desires of others, who have great Power over me, had not prevailed with me to set about it. And therefore, though I have made a good Advance in the following part of the Work, I shall most willingly resign it up to any who will undertake it, and they shall have the free use of all my Papers. But if none will set about it, who yet can furnish materials towards it, I hope their zeal for carrying on so desired a Work, will engage them to give all the help to it that is in their Power.

There is only one passage belonging to the next Volume, which I shall take notice of here, since from it I must plead my Excuse for several defects, which may seem to be in this Work. In the Search I made of the Rolls and other Offices, I wondred much to miss several Commissions, Patents, and o­ther Writings, which by clear evidence I knew were Granted, and yet none of them appeared on record. This I could not impute to any thing but the omission of the Clerks, who failed in the enrolling those Commissions, though it was not likely that matters of so high Concernment should have been ne­glected, especially in such a Critical time, and under so severe a King. But as I continued down my search to the Fourth year of Queen Mary, I found in the Twelvth Roll of that year, a Commission, which cleared all my former doubts, and by which I saw what was become of the things I had so an­xiously searched after. We have heard of the Expurgation of Books practi­sed [Page] in the Church of Rome, but it might have been imagined, that publick Registers and Records would have been safe; yet lest these should have been afterwards Confessors, it was resolved they should then be Martyrs; for on the 29th of December, in the 4th year of her Reign, a Commission was issued out under the great Seal to Bonner Bishop of London, Cole Dean of St. Pauls, and Martine a Doctor of the Civil Law, which is of that importance, that I shall here insert the material words of it: Whereas it is come to our knowledg, that in the time of the late Schisme diverse Compts, Books, Scrolls, Instruments, and other writings were practised, devised, and made, concerning Professions against the Popes Holiness, and the See Apostolick; and also sundry infamous Scrutinies taken in Abbeys and o­ther Religious houses, tending rather to subvert and overthrow all good Religion and Religious houses, than for any truth contained therein: Which being in the Custody of divers Registers, and we intending to have those writings brought to knowledg, whereby they may be Consi­dered and ordered according to our will and pleasure; thereupon, those three or any two of them are empowered to cite any persons before them, and examine them upon the Premisses upon Oath, and to bring all such Wri­tings before them, and certifie their diligence about it to Cardinal Pool, that further order might be given about them.

When I saw this, I soon knew which way so many Writings had gone: and as I could not but wonder at their boldness, who thus presumed to raze so many Records; so their ingenuity in leaving this Commission in the Rolls, by which any who had the Curiosity to search for it, might be satisfied how the other Commissions were destroyed, was much to be commended. Yet in the following Work, it will appear that some few Papers escaped their hands.

I know it is needless to make great Protestations of my sincerity in this Work. These are of course and are little considered, but I shall take a more effectual way to be believed, for I shall vouch my Warrants for what I say, and tell where they are to be found. And having copied out of Records and MSS. many Papers of great importance, I shall not only insert the substance of them in the following Work, but at the end of it shall give a Collection of them at their full length, and in the Language in which they were originally written: from which as the Reader will receive full Evidence of the truth of this History; so he will not be ill pleased, to observe the Genius and way of the Great men in that time, of which he will be better able to judge, by seeng their Letters and other Papers, than by any representation made of them at second hand. They are digested into that order, in which they are referred to in the History.

It will surprize some to see a Book of this Bigness, written of the History of our Reformation, under the Reign of King Henry the Eighth: since the true beginnings of it, are to be reckoned from the Reign of King Edward, the 6. in which the Articles of our Church, and the Forms of our Worship, were first compiled and set forth by Authority. And indeed in King Henry's time the Reformation, was rather conceived than brought forth, and two Parties were in the last 18 years of his Reign strugling in the Womb, having non and then advantages, on either side, as the unconstant humour of that King changed, and as his Interests, and often as his passions swayed him.

Cardinal Wolsey had so dissolved his mind into pleasures, and puffed him up with Flattery and servile Compliances, that it was not an easie thing to serve him; for being boisterous and impatient naturally, which was much [Page] heightned by his most extravagant vanity, and high conceit of his own Learning and Wisdom, he was one of the most uncounsellable persons in the World.

The Book which he wrote, had engaged him deep in these Controversies, and by perpetual flatteries, he was brought to fancie it was written with some de­grees of inspiration. And Luther in his answer had treated him so unman­nerly, that it was only the necessity of his Affairs, that forced him into any correspondence with that Party in Germany.

And though Cranmer and Cromwel improved every advantage, that ei­ther the Kings temper, or his Affairs offered them, as much as could be; yet they were to be pitied, having to do with a Prince, who upon the slightest pre­tences threw down those whom he had most advanced; which Cromwel felt severely, and Cranmer was sometimes near it.

The faults of this King being so conspicuous, and the severity of his pro­ceedings so unjustifiable, particularly that heinous violation of the most sacred Rules of Iustice and Government, in condemning men without bringing them to make their Answers; most of our Writers have separated the Concerns of this Church from his Reign: and imagining that all he did, was founded only on his Revenge upon the Court of Rome, for denying his Divorce, have taken little care to examine how matters were transacted in his time.

But if we consider the great things that were done by him, we must acknow­ledge that there was a signal providence of God, in raising up a King of his temper, for clearing the way to that blessed Work that followed: and that could hardly have been done, but by a man of his humour; so that I may very fitly apply to him the witty Simile of an ingenious writer, who compares Luther to a Postilion in his waxed Boots and oiled Coat, lashing his horses through thick and thin, and be spattering all about him.

This Character befits King Henry better (saving the Reverence due to his Crown) who as the Postilion of Reformation, made way for it through a great deal of mire and filth. He abolished the Popes Power, by which not only that Tyranny was destroyed, which had been long an heavie burthen on this oppressed Nation; but all the Opinions, Rites, and Constitutions, for which there was no better Authority than Papal Decrees, were to fall to the ground; The Foundation that supported them being thus sapped. He suppressed all the Monasteries; in which though there were some inexcusable faults com­mitted, yet he wanted not reason to do what he did. For the Foundation of those Houses being laid on the Superstitious Conceit of Redeeming Souls out of Purgatory, by saying Masses for them; they whose Office that was, had by counterfeiting Relicks, by forging of Miracles, and other like Impostures, drawn together a vast wealth, to the enriching of their Saints, of whom some perhaps were damn'd Souls, and others were never in being. These arts being detected, and withal their great Viciousness in some places, and in all, their great abuse of the Christian Religion, made it seem unfit they should be con­tinued. But it was their dependence on the See of Rome, which, as the state of things then was, made it necessary that they should be supprest. New Foundations might have done well, and the scantness of those, considering the number and wealth of those which were suppressed, is one of the great blemishes of that Reign. But it was in vain to endeavour to amend the old ones. Their numbers were so great, their Riches and Interests in the Nation so conside­rable; that a Prince of Ordinary mettal would not have attempted such a design, much less have compleated it in Five years time. With these fell the Superstition of Images, Reliques, and the Redemption of Souls out of [Page] Purgatory. And those Extravagant Addresses to Saints that are in the Roman Offices were thrown out, only an Ora pro nobis was kept up, and even that was left to the liberty of Priests, to leave it out of the Litanies as they saw cause. These were great preparations for a Reformation. But it went further, and two things were done, upon which a greater Change was reasonably to be expected. The Scriptures were Translated into the English tongue, and set up in all Churches, and every one was admitted to read them, and they alone were de­clared the Rule of Faith. This could not but open the eyes of the Nation, who finding a profound silence in these writings about many things, and a direct opposition to other things that were still retained, must needs conclude, even without deep Speculations or nice Disputing, that many things that were still in the Church had no ground in Scripture, and some of the rest were direct­ly contrary to it. This Cranmer knew well would have such an operati­on, and therefore made it his chief business to set it forward, which in Con­clusion he happily effected.

Another thing was also established, which opened the way to all that fol­lowed: That every National Church was a Compleat Body within it self, so that the Church of England, with the Authority and Concurrence of their Head, and King, might examine and Reform all Errors and Corruptions, whether in Doctrine or Worship. All the Provincial Councils in the ancient Church, were so many Precedents for this, who condemned Heresies, and Reformed abuses as the occasion required. And yet these being all but parts of one Empire, there was less reason for their doing it, without staying for a General Council, which depended upon the pleasure of one man (the Roman Emperor) than could be pretended, when Europe was divided into so many Kingdoms: By which a common Concurrence of all these Churches was a thing scarce to be expected; and therefore this Church must be in a very ill Condition, if there could be no endeavours for a Reformation, till all the rest were brought together.

The Grounds of the new-Covenant between God and man in Christ, were also truly stated, and the terms on which Salvation was to be hoped for, were faithfully opened according to the New-Testament. And this being in the strict notion of the word, the Gospel, and the glad tidings preached through our Blessed Lord and Saviour, it must be confessed that there was a great Progress made, when the Nation was well instructed about it; though there was still an alloy of other Corruptions, embasing the Purity of the Faith. And indeed in the whole progress of these changes, the Kings design seemed to have been to terrifie the Court of Rome, and cudgel the Pope into a Com­pliance with what he desired: for in his heart he continued addicted to some of the most extravagant Opinions of that Church, such as Transubstantiation and the other Corruptions in the Mass, so that he was to his lives end more Papist than Protestant.

There are two Prejudices, which men have generally drunk in against that time. The one is, from the Kings great Enormities, both in his personal Deportment and Government, which make many think, no good could be done by so ill a man, and so cruel a Prince. I am not to defend him nor to les­sen his faults. The vastness and irregularity of his Expence procured many heavy Exactions, and twice extorted a publick Discharge of his debts, em­based the Coin, with other Irregularities. His proud and impatient Spirit occasioned many cruel proceedings. The taking so many lives, only for denying his Supremacy, particularly Fisher's and More's, the one being extreme old, [Page] and the other one of the Glories of his Nation, for Probity and Learning: The taking advantage from some Eruptions in the North, to break the Indempnity he had before proclaimed to those in the Rebellion, even though they could not be proved Guilty of those second disorders: His extreme Se­verity to all Cardinal Pool's Family: his cruel using, first Cromwel, and afterwards the Duke of Norfolk and his Son, besides his un-exampled Pro­ceedings against some of his Wives; and that which was worst of all, The lay­ing a Precedent for the subversion of Iustice, and oppressing the clearest Inno­cence, by attaining men without hearing them: These are such remarkable blemishes, that as no man of ingenuity can go about the whitening them; so the poor Reformers drunk so deep of that bitter cup, that it very ill becomes any of their followers, to endeavour to give fair Colours to those red and bloody Characters, with which so much of his Reign is stained.

Yet after all this sad enumeration, it was no new nor unusual thing in the methods of Gods Providence, to employ Princes who had great mixtures of very gross faults, to do signal things for his Service. Not to mention Da­vid and Solomon, whose sins were expiated with a severe Repentance; it was the bloody Cyrus that sent back the Iews to their Land, and gave them leave to re-build their Temple. Constantine the Great is by some of his E­nemies, charged with many blemishes both in his Life, and Government. Clo­vis of France under whom that Nation received the Christian Faith, was a monster of Cruelty and Perfidiousness, as even Gregory of Tours repre­sents him, who lived near his time, and nevertheless makes a Saint of him. Charles the Great; whom some also make a Saint, both put away his wife for a very slight cause, and is said to have lived in most unnatural lusts with his own Daughter. Irene whom the Church of Rome magnifies, as the Re­storer of their Religion in the East, did both contrary to the Impressions of Nature, and of her Sex, put out her own Sons eyes, of which he died soon af­ter, with many other execrable things. And whatever Reproaches those of the Church of Rome cast on the Reformation, upon the account of this Kings faults, may be easily turned back on their Popes, who have never failed to court and extol Princes that served their ends, how gross and scandalous soever their other faults have been. As Phocas, Brunichild, Irene, Ma­thildis, Edgar of England, and many more. But our Church is not near so much concerned in the persons of those Princes, under whom the Refor­mation began, as theirs is in the persons of their Popes, who are believed to have far higher Characters of a Divine Power and Spirit in them, than other Princes pretend to. And yet if the lives of those Popes, who have made the greatest advances in their Iurisdiction be examined, particularly Gregory the Seventh, and Boniface the Eighth, vices more eminent, than any can be charged on King Henry, will be found in them. And if a leud and wicked Pope may yet have the holy Ghost dwelling in him, and directing him infallibly; why may not an ill King do so good a Work as set a Refor­mation forward, And if it were proper to enter into a dissection of Four of those Popes, that sate at Rome during this Reign, Pope Julius will be found beyond him in a vast Ambition, whose bloody Reign did not only embroil Italy, but a great part of Christendome. Pope Leo the Tenth was as extra­vagant and prodigal in his expence, which put him on baser Shifts, than ever this King used, to raise money; not by embasing the Coin, or raising new and heavie taxes, but by embasing the Christian Religion, and prosti­tuting the pardon of sin in that foul trade of Indulgences. Clement the [Page] Seventh was false to the highest degree; a vice which cannot be charged on this King. And Paul the 3d. was a vile and lewd Priest, who not only kept his whore, but gloried in it, and raised one of his Bastards to an high Digni­ty, making him Prince of Parma and Piacenza; and himself is said to have lived in Incest with others of them. And except the short Reign of Hadrian the Sixth, there was no Pope at Rome all this while, whose exam­ple might make any other Prince blush for his faults; so that Guicciardine, when he calls Pope Clement a good Pope, adds, I mean not Goodness A­postolical, for in those days he was esteemed a good Pope, that did not exceed the wickedness of the worst of men.

In sum, Gods ways are a great deep, who has often shewed his Power and Wisdom, in raising up unlikely and unpromising instruments, to do great services in the World; not always employing the best men in them, lest good Instruments should share too deep in the Praises of that, which is only due to the Supreme Creator and Governour of the World. And therefore he will stain the pride of all Glory, that such as Glory may only Glory in the Lord. Jehu did an acceptable Service to God, in destroying the Ido­latry of Baal, though neither the way of doing it be to be imitated, being grosly insincere, nor was the Reformation compleat, since the Worshipping the two Calves was still kept up; and it is very like, his chief design in it, was to destroy all the Party that favoured Ahab's Family; yet the thing was good and was rewarded by God: So whatever this Kings other faults were, and how defective soever the Change he made was, and upon what ill motives soever it may seem to have proceeded; yet the things themselves being good, we ought not to think the worse of them because of the Instrument, or manner by which they were wrought; but are to adore and admire the paths of the Divine Wisdom, that brought about such a Change, in a Church, which being subjected to the See of Rome, had been more than any other part of Europe most tame under its Oppressions, and was most deeply drenched in Su­perstition: And this by the means of a Prince, who was the most devoted to the Interest of Rome of any in Christendome, and seemed to be so up­on knowledg, being very learned; and continued to the last much leavened with Superstition, and was the only King in the World whom that See de­clared, Defender of the Faith. And that this should have been carried on so far, with so little Opposition, some risings though numerous and formidable being scattered and quieted without Blood; And that a mighty Prince, who was Victorious almost in all his undertakings, Charles the 5th. and was both provoked in point of Honour and Interest, yet could never find one spare sea­son to turn his Arms upon England, are great Demonstrations of a particular Influence of Heaven in these Alterations, and of its watchful care of them.

But the other prejudice touches the Reformation in a more vital and tender part; and it is, That Cranmer and the other Bishops, who promoted the Re­formation in the Succeeding Reign, did in this comply too servilly with King Henry's humours, both in carrying on his frequent Divorces, and in retain­ing those Corruptions in the worship, which by their throwing them off in the beginning of King Edward's Reign, we may conclude were then con­demned by them; so that they seem to have praevaricated against their Con­sciences in that Complyance.

It were too faint a way of Answering so severe a Charge, to turn it back on the Church of Rome, and to shew the base Compliances of some, even of the best of their Popes, as Gregory the Great, whose Congratulations to [Page] the Usurper Phocas, are a strain of the meanest, and undecentest flattery that ever was put in writing. And his Complements to Brunichild, who was one of the greatest Monsters both for Lust and Cruelty that ever her Sex produced, show that there was no person so wicked that he was ashamed to flatter: but the blemishing them will not (I confess) excuse our Refor­mers, therefore other things are to be considered for their Vindication. They did not at once attain the full knowledg of divine Truth, so that in some par­ticulars, as in that of the Corporal Presence in the Sacrament, both Cran­mer and Ridley were themselves then in the dark. Bertram's Book first con­vinced Ridley, and he was the chief instrument in opening Cranmer's eyes; So if themselves were not then enlightned, they could not instruct others. As for other things, such as the giving the Cup to the Laity, the Worship­ing God in a known tongue, and several reformations about the Mass, though they judged them necessary to be done as soon as was possible; yet they had not so full a perswasion of the necessity of these, as to think it a sin not to do them. The Prophets words to Naaman the Syrian, might give them some colour for that mistake, and the practice of the Apostles, who continued not only to worship at the Temple, but to Circumcise and to offer Sacrifices (which must have been done by St. Paul, when he purified himself in the Temple) even after the Law was dead, by the appearing of the Gospel, seemed to excuse their Compliance. They had also observed, that as the Apostles were all things to all men, that so they might gain some; so the Primitive Christians had brought in many rites of Heathenism into their worship: Upon which induce­ments they were wrought on to comply in some uneasie things, in which if these excuses do not wholly clear them, yet they very much lessen their Guilt.

And after all this, it must be Confessed they were men, and had mixtures of fear and human infirmities with their other excellent Qualities. And in­deed Cranmer was in all other points so extraordinary a person, that it was perhaps fit, there should be some ingredients in his Temper, to lessen the Veneration, which his great worth might have raised too high, if it had not been for these feeblenesses, which upon some occasions appeared in him. But if we examine the failings of some of the greatest of the Primitive Fathers, as Athanasius, Cyril, and others, who were the most zealous asserters of the Faith, we must conclude them to have been nothing inferiour to any that can be charged on Cranmer; whom if we consider narrowly, we shall find as emi­nent vertues, and as few faults in him, as in any Prelate that has been in the Christian Church for many Ages. And if he was prevailed on to deny his Master through fear, he did wash off that stain by a sincere Repentance and a patient Martyrdome, in which he expressed an eminent resentment of his former frailty, with a pitch of Constancy of mind above the rate of mo­dern Examples.

But their vertues as well as their faults are set before us for our instru­ction; and how frail soever the vessels were, they have conveyed to us a treasure of great value, The pure Gospel of our Lord and Saviour: which if we follow, and govern our lives and hearts by it, we may hope in easier and plainer paths to attain that Blessedness, which they could not reach but through scorching flames: and if we do not improve the Advantages, which this light affords, we may either look for some of those trials, which were sent for the exercise of their Faith and Patience, and perhaps for the punish­ment of their former Compliance; or if we escape these, we have cause to fear worse in the Conclusion.

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EFFIGIES HENRICI VIII D.G ANGLIAE GALL. ET HIB. REGIS DEFENSORIS FIDEI

HHolbein pinxit

Natus 1491 Iun 28. Patri Successit in Regno 1509 Apr. 22. Obijt 1547/8 Ian 28. Anno Aetat 57.

pag. 1. Printed for Ric [...] Chiswell, at the Rose and Crowne in St. Pauls Church yard.


[Page 1]THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England. BOOK I.

A Summary View of King Henry the Eighth's Reign, till the Pro­cess of his Divorce was begun, in which the State of England, chiefly as it related to Religion, is opened.

ENGLAND had for a whole Age felt the Miseries of a long and cruel War between the Two Houses of York and Lancaster;King Henry's Succession to the Crown, Apr. 22. 1509. during which time as the Crown had lost great Dominions beyond Sea, so the Nation was much impoverished, many Noble Families extinguisht, much Blood shed, great Ani­mosities every-where raised, with all the other Mi­series of a lasting Civil War: But they now saw all these happily composed, when the Two Families did unite in King Henry the Eighth. In his Fathers Reign they were rather cemented and joyn­ed than united; whose great Partiality to the House of Lancaster, from which he was Descended, and Severity to the Branches of the House of York, in which even his own Queen had a large share, together with the Impostors that were set up to disturb his Reign, kept these heats alive, which were now all buried in his grave: and this made the Succession of his Son so universally acceptable to the whole Nation, who now hoped to revive their former pretensions in France, and to have again a large share in all the Affairs of Europe, from which their Domestick Broils had so long excluded them.

There was another thing,He proceeds against Dudley and Empson ▪ which made his first coming to the Crown no less acceptable, which was, that the same day that his [Page 2] Father died, Hall says the same day. L. Herbert says the day following. he ordered Dudley and Empson to be committed to the Tower: His Father, whether out of Policy, or Inclination, or both, was all his life much set on the gathering of Treasure, so that those Ministers were most acceptable, who could fill his Coffers best: and though this occasioned some Tumults, and disposed the People to all those Commo­tions, which fell out in his Reign; yet he being successful in them all, con­tinued in his course of heaping up Money.

Towards the end of his Life, he found out those Two Instruments, who out-did all that went before them, and what by vexatious Suits upon Penal but obsolete Laws, what by unjust Imprisonments, and other vio­lent and illegal proceedings, raised a general odium upon the Govern­ment; and this grew upon him with his years, and was come to so great a height towards the end of his Life, that he died in good time for his own quiet: For as he used all possible endeavours to get Money, so what he got, he as carefully kept, and distributed very little of it among those about him, so that he had many Enemies, and but few Friends. This being well considered by his Son, he began his Government with the disgrace of those Two Ministers, against whom he proceeded according to Law; all the other inferiour Officers whom they had made use of were also Imprisoned.

When they had thus fallen, many and great Complaints came in from all parts against them; they also apprehending the danger they were like to be in upon their Masters Death, had been practising with their Partners to gather about them all the Power they could bring to­gether, whether to secure themselves from popular Rage, or to make themselves seem considerable, or formidable to the new King. This and other Crimes being brought in against them, they were found guilty of Treason in a legal Trial. But the King judged this was neither a suffi­cient Reparation to his Oppressed People, nor Satisfaction to Justice: Therefore he went further,Hall. and both ordered Restitution to be made by his Fathers Executors of great Sums of Money, which had been unjustly extorted from his Subjects; and in his first Parliament which he Sum­moned to the Twenty first of Ianuary following,He holds a Parliament Ian. 21. 1510. he not only delivered up Empson and Dudley with their Complices to the Justice of the Two Houses, who attainted them by Act of Parliament, and a little after gave order for their Execution;Aug. 18. but did also give his Royal assent to those other Laws by which the Subject was secured from the like Oppressions for the future: and that he might not at all be suspected of any such In­clinations as his Father had to amass Treasure, he was the most mag­nificent in his Expence of any Prince in Christendom, and very boun­tiful to all about him; and as one extreme commonly produces ano­ther, so his Fathers Covetousness led him to be Prodigal, and the vast Wealth which was left him,His great Expence. being reckoned no less then 1800000 l. was in Three years dissipated, as if the Son in his expence had vied Industry with his Father in all his Thrift.

Thomas Earl of Surrey (afterwards Duke of Norfolk) to shew how compliant he was to the Humours of the Princes whom he served, as he had been Lord-Treasurer to the Father the last Seven years of his Life; so being continued in the same Office by this King, did as dextrously comply with his Prodigality, as he had done formerly with his Fathers sparingness.

[Page 3]But this in the beginning of the Princes Reign did much endear him both to the Court and Nation: there being a freer Circulation of Money by which Trade was encouraged; and the Courtiers tasted so liberally of the Kings bounty, that he was every-where much magnified, though his Expence proved afterwards heavier to the Subject, than ever his Fa­ther's Avarice had been.

Another thing that raised the Credit of this King was,His Affairs beyond Sea. the great Esteem he was in beyond Sea, both for his Wisdom and Power; so that in all the Treaties of Peace and War he was always much considered; and he did so exactly pursue that great Maxime of Princes, of Holding the Bal­lance, that still as it grew heavier, whether in the Scale of France, or Spain, he governed Himself and Them as a wise Arbiter. His first Acti­on was against France, which by the Accession of the Dutchy of Britain, through his Father's over-sight, was made greater and more formidable to the Neighbouring Princes; therefore the French Successes in Italy having United all the Princes there against them, Spain and England willingly joyned themselves in the Quarrel. The Kingdom of Spain be­ing also then United, conquered Navarre, which set them at great ease,A War with France. and weakned the King of France on that side. Whose Affairs also de­clining in Italy, this King finding him so much lessened, made Peace with him; having first managed his share of the War, with great Ho­nour at Sea and Land: For, going over in Person, he did both defeat the French Army, and take Terwin and Tourney; the former he demolished,Aug. 24. & Octob. 2. 1513. the latter he kept: and in these Exploits he had an unusual Honour done him, which though it was a slight thing, yet was very pleasant to him; Maximilian the Emperour taking pay in his Army, amounting to a Hundred Crowns a-day, and upon all publick Solemnities giving the King the precedence.

The Peace between England and France was made firmer by Lewis the French Kings Marrying Mary the Kings Sister; but he dying soon after,Aug. 7. 1514. A Peace, and a Match with France. Oct. 9. Lewis dies Ian. 1. 1515. new Counsels were to be taken. Francis, who succeeded, did in the beginning of his Reign, court this King with great Offers to renew the Peace with him, which was accordingly done. Afterward Francis falling in with all his force upon the Dutchy of Milan, all endeavours were used to engage King Henry into the War, both by the Pope and Emperour, this last feeding him long with hopes of resigning the Empire to him, which wrought much on him; insomuch that he did give them a great Supply in Money, but he could not be engaged to divert Francis by making War upon him: and Francis ending the War of Italy by a Peace,Lady Mary Betrothed to the Dolphin, Octob. 8. 1518. was so far from resenting what the King had done, that he courted him into a straiter League, and a Match was agreed between the Dolphin and the Lady Mary the Kings Daughter, and Tourney was delivered up to the French again.

But now Charles, Arch-Duke of Austria by his Father, and Heir to the House of Burgundy by his Grand-mother, and to the Crown of Spain by his Mother, began to make a great Figure in the World; and his Grand-Father Maximilian dying,Emperour dies, Ian. 12. 1519. Charles Elected, Iune 28. Francis and He were Corrivals for the Empire: but Charles being preferred in the Competition, there followed, what through personal Animosities, what through reason of State, and a desire of Conquest, lasting Wars between them; which though they were sometimes for a while closed up, yet were never [Page 4] clearly ended. And those two great Monarchs as they eclipsed most o­ther Princes about them, so they raised this Kings glory higher, both courting him by turns, and that not only by earnest and warm Addres­ses, but oft by unusual Submissions; in which they, knowing how great an Ingredient Vanity was in his temper, were never deficient when their Affairs required it. All which tended to make him appear greater in the eyes of his own People.1520. In the year 1520. there was an Interview agreed on between the French King and Him; but the Emperor, to pre­vent the effects he feared from it, resolved to out doe the French King in the Complement, and without any Treaty or previous assurances came to Dover, The Empe­ror comes to England, May. 26. and sollicited the Kings friendship against Francis: and to advance his design gained Cardinal Wolsey, who then Governed all the Kings Counsels, by the promise of making him Pope; in which he judged he might, for a present Advantage, promise a thing that seemed to be at so great a distance, (Pope Leo the Tenth being then but a young man) and with rich presents, which he made both to the King, the Cardinal and all the Court, wrought much on them. But that which prevailed most with the King was, that he saw, though Charles had great Dominions, yet they lay at such a distance, that France alone was a sufficient Counterpoise to him; but if Francis could keep Milan, recover Naples, Burgundy, and Navarre, to all which he was then pre­paring, he would be an uneasie Neighbour to himself; and if he kept the footing he then had in Italy, he would lie so heavy on the Papacy, that the Popes could no longer carry equally in the affairs of Christen­dome, upon which much depended, according to the Religion of that time. Therefore he resolved to take part with the Emperor, till at least Francis was driven out of Italy, and reduced to juster terms: so that the following Interview between Francis and him,Iune 7. produced no­thing but a vast Expence and high Complements: and from a second Interview between the King and the Emperor,Iuly. 10. A second War with France. Francis was full of jealousie, in which what followed justified his apprehensions; for the War going on between the Emperor and Francis, the King entred in a League with the former, and made War upon France.

Leo. 10. dies Dec. 1. 1521.But the Pope dying sooner than it seems the Emperor look't for, Car­dinal Wolsey claimed his promise for the Papacy; but before the Messen­ger came to him,Adrian cho­sen Pope Ian. 9. 1522. Adrian the Emperors Tutor was chosen Pope: yet to feed the Cardinal with fresh hopes, a new promise was made for the next vacancy, and in the mean while he was put in hope of the Arch-Bishoprick of Toledo. He dyed Septemb. 14. 1523. But two years after, That Pope dying, the Em­peror again broke his word with him; yet though he was thereby to­tally alienated from him, he concealed his indignation, till the publick Concerns should give him a good opportunity to prosecute it upon a better colour;Clement the 7th chosen Novemb. 19. and by his Letters to Rome, dissembled his resentments so artificially, that in a Congratulation he wrote to Pope Clement, ‘He protested his Election was matter of such joy both to the King and himself, that nothing had ever befaln them which pleased them bet­ter, and that he was the very person, whom they had wished to see raised to that Greatness.’ But while the War went on, the Emperor did cajole the King with the highest Complements possible,1522. which al­ways wrought much on him,Emperor Landed at Do­ver. May. 26. and came in person into England to be installed Knight of the Garter: where a new League was Conclu­ded, [Page 5] by which, beside mutual assistance, a Match was agreed on be­tween the Emperor and the Lady Mary, The Empe­ror contracted to the Kings Daughter. Iune 19. the Kings only Child by his Queen, of whom he had no hopes of more Issue. This was sworn to on both hands, and the Emperor was obliged, when She was of Age, to marry Her, Per verba de praesenti, under pain of Excommunication and the forfeiture of 100000 Pounds.

The War went on with great success on the Emperors part, espe­cially after the Battel of Pavia, in which Francis his Army was totally de­feated, and himself taken Prisoner and carried into Spain. After which the Emperor being much offended with the Pope for joyning with Francis, turned his Arms against him, which were so successful that he besieged and took Rome, and kept the Pope prisoner Six Months.May 6. 15 [...]7.

The Cardinal finding the publick Interests concur so happily with his private Distastes, engaged the King to take part with France, and afterwards with the Pope against the Emperor, his Greatness now becoming the Terror of Christendome; for the Emperor lifted up with his success, began to think of no less than an Universal Empire. And first, that he might unite all Spain together, he preferred a Match with Portugal, to that which he had before Contracted in England; and he thought it not enough to break off his sworn Alliance with the King, but he did it with an heavy Imputation on the Lady Mary: for in his Council it was said that she was illegitimate, as being born in an un­lawful Marriage, so that no Advantage could be expected from her Title to the Succession, as will appear more particularly in the Se­cond Book. And the Pope having dispensed with the Oath, he Mar­ried the Infanta of Portugal. Besides, though the King of England had gone deep in the Charge, he would give him no share in the Advan­tages of the War; much less give him that Assistance which he had promised him, to recover his Ancient Inheritance in France. The King being irritated with this manifold ill usage, and led on by his own Interests, and by the offended Cardinal, joyned himself to the Interests of France. Upon which there followed not only a firm Alliance, but a personal Friendship, which appeared in all the most obliging expres­sions that could be devised. And upon the Kings threatning to make War on the Emperor, the French King was set at liberty, though on very hard terms,Mar. 18. 1526. if any thing can be hard that sets a King out of Pri­son; but he still acknowledged he owed his Liberty to King Henry.

Then followed the famous Clementine League between the Pope and Francis, the Venetians, The Clementine League. May. 22. 1526. the Florentines and Francis Sforza Duke of Milan, by which the Pope absolved the French King from the Oath he had sworn at Madrid, and they all united against the Emperor, and declared the King of England Protector of the League. This gave the Emperor great distaste, who complained of the Pope as an ungrateful and perfidious person. The first beginning of the storm fell hea­vy on the Pope; for the French King, who had a great mind to have his Children again into his own hands, that lay Hostages in Spain, went on but slowly in performing his part. And the King of England would not openly break with the Emperor, but seemed to reserve him­self to be Arbiter between the Princes. So that the Colonna's being of the Imperial Faction, with 3000 men entered Rome, September. 20▪ and sack't a part of it, forcing the Pope to fly into the Castle of St. Angelo, and [Page 6] to make peace with the Emperor. But as soon as that fear was over, the Pope returning to his old arts, complained of the Cardinal of Co­lonna, and resolved to deprive him of that Dignity, and with an Army entred the Kingdom of Naples, taking divers places that belonged to that Family. But the Confederates coming slowly to his Assistance, and he hearing of great forces that were coming from Spain against him, submitted himself to the Emperor, and made a Cessation of Arms; but being again encouraged with some hopes from his Allies, and (by a Creation of 14 Cardinals for Money,1527.) having raised 300000 Duckats he disowned the Treaty, and gave the Kingdom of Naples to Count Vaudemont, whom he sent with forces to subdue it. But the Duke of Bourbon prevented him, and went to Rome, and giving the Assault, in which himself received his mortal wound, the City was taken by Storm, and plundered for several days,Rome taken and sack't May 16. about 5000 being killed. The Pope with 17 Cardinals fled to the Castle St. Angelo, but was forced to render his person, and to pay 400000 Duckats to the Army.

This gave great offence to all the Princes of Christendome, except the Lutherans of Germany; but none resented it more loudly than this King,Iuly 11. who sent over Cardinal Wolsey to make up a new Treaty with Francis, which was chiefly intended for setting the Pope at Liberty. Nor did the Emperor know well how to justifie an Action which seemed so inconsistent with his Devotion to the See of Rome; yet the Pope was for some months detained a Prisoner, till at length the Emperor having brought him to his own terms, ordered him to be setat liberty: but he being weary of his Guards escaped in a disguise, and owned his Li­berty to have flowed chiefly from the Kings endeavours to procure it.Decemb. 9. And thus stood the King as to forreign affairs: he had infinitely obliged both the Pope and the French King, and was firmly united to them, and engaged in a War against the Emperor, when he began first to move about his Divorce.

As for Scotland, the near Alliance between him and Iames the Fourth King of Scotland, The Kings success against Scotland. did not take away the standing Animosities between the two Nations, nor interrupt the Alliance between France and Scotland. And therefore when he made the first War upon France in the Fourth year of his Reign, the King of Scotland came with a great Army into the North of England, but was totally defeated by the Earl of Surrey in Floudon field.Sept. 9. 1513. The King himself was either killed in the Battel, or soon after; so that the Kingdom falling under Factions, du­ring the Minority of the new King, the Government was but feeble, and scarce able to secure its own quiet. And the Duke of Albany, the chief Instrument of the French Faction, met with such opposition from the Parties that were raised against him by King Henry's means, that he could give him no disturbance. And when there came to be a la­sting peace between England and France, then, as the King needed fear no trouble from that Warlike Nation, so he got a great Interest in the Government there. And at this time Money becoming a more effectu­al Engine than any the War had ever produced, and the discovery of the Indies having brought great wealth into Europe, Princes began to deal more in that trade than before: so that both France and England had their Instruments in Scotland, and gave considerable yearly Pensi­ons to the chief heads of Parties and Families. In the search I have [Page 7] made, I have found several Warrants for Sums of Money, to be sent into Scotland, and divided there among the Favourers of the English In­terest; and 'tis not to be doubted but France traded in the same manner, which continued till a happier way was found out for extinguishing these Quarrels, both the Crowns being set on one head.

Having thus shewed the State of this Kings Government as to for­reign Matters,His Counsels at home. I shall next give an account of the Administration of Affairs at home, both as to Civil and Spiritual Matters. The King up­on his first coming to the Crown did choose a wise Council, partly out of those whom his Father had trusted, partly out of those that were recommended to him by his Grand-Mother, the Countess of Richmond and Derby, in whom was the Right of the House of Lancaster, though she willingly devolved her pretensions on her Son, claiming no­thing to her self, but the Satisfaction of being Mother to a King. She was a wise and Religious Woman,1509. and died soon after her Grand-Son came to the Crown. There was a Faction in the Coun­cil between Fox Bishop of Winchester, and the Lord Treasurer, which could never be well made up, though they were oft reconciled: Fox always complaining of the Lord Treasurer, for squandring away so soon that vast Mass of Treasure, left by the Kings Father in which the other justified himself, that what he did, was by the Kings Warrants which he could not disobey: but Fox objected that he was too easie to an­swer, if not to procure these Warrants, and that he ought to have given the King better advice.Ian. 21. 1510. In the Kings first Parliament things went as he desired upon his delivering up Empson and Dudley, in which his pre­venting the severity of the Houses, and proceeding against them at the Common Law, as it secured his Ministers from an unwelcome Presi­dent, so the whole honour of it fell on the Kings justice.

His next Parliament was in the Third year of his Reign,Feb. 4. 1512. and there was considered the Brief from Pope Iulius the Second to the King, com­plaining of the Indignities and Injuries done to the Apostolick See and the Pope by the French King, and entreating the Kings assistance with such cajoling words as are always to be expected from Popes on the like occasions. It was first read by the Master of the Rolls in the House of Lords, and then the Lord Chancellour (Warham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury) and the Lord Treasurer, with other Lords, went down to the House of Commons and read it there. Upon this and other reasons they gave the King subsidies towards the War with France. At this time Fox, to strengthen his Party against the Lord Treasurer, finding Thomas Wolsey to be a likely man to get into the Kings favour,Cardinal Wolseys rising. used all his endeavours to raise him, who was at that time neither unknown nor inconsiderable, being Lord Almoner; he was at first made a Privy Counsellour, and frequently admitted to the Kings presence, and wait­ed on him over to France. The King liked him well, which he so ma­naged that he quickly engrossed the Kings favour to himself, and for 15 years together was the most absolute Favourite that had ever been seen in England; all forreign Treaties and Places of Trust at home were at his Ordering; he did what he pleased, and his Ascendant over the King was such, that there never appeared any Party against him all that while. The great Artifice by which he insinuated himself so much on the King, is set down very plainly by one that knew him well, in [Page 8] these words. In him the King conceived such a loving fancy, especially for that he was most earnest and readiest in all the Counsel to advance the Kings only will and pleasure, Cavendish life of Wolsey MSS. in Bibli­oth. Nob. D.G. Pierpoint. having no respect to the case; and whereas the Ancient Counsellors would according to the Office of good Counsellors, di­vers times perswade the King to have some time a recourse unto the Coun­cil, there to hear what was done in weighty Matters, the King was nothing at all pleased therewith; for he loved nothing worse than to be constrained to do any thing contrary to his pleasure, and that knew the Almoner very well, having secret Insinuations of the Kings Intentions; and so fast as the others Counselled the King to leave his pleasures, and to attend to his Affairs, so busily did the Almoner perswade him to the contrary, which delighted him much, and caused him to have the greater affection and love to the Almoner. Having got into such Power, he observed the Kings Inclinations ex­actly, and followed his Interests closely: for though he made other Prin­ces retain him with great Presents and Pensions, yet he never engaged the King into any Alliance, but what was for his Advantage. For af­fairs at home, after he was established in his Greatness, he affected to Govern without Parliaments, there being from the Seventh year of his Reign, after which he got the great Seal, but one Parliament in the 14th and 15th year, and no more till the One and Twentieth, when matters were turning about: But he raised great Sums of Money by Loans and Benevolences. And indeed if we look on him as a Minister of State, he was a very extraordinary Person; but as he was a Church­man, he was the disgrace of his Profession. He not only served the King in all his secret pleasures, but was lewd and vicious himself; so that his having the French Pox (which in those days was a matter of no small infamy) was so publick, that it was brought against him in Parliament when he fell in disgrace: he was a man of most extravagant vanity, as appears by the great State he lived in; and to feed that, his Ambition and Covetousness were proportionable.

Octob. 1513.He was first made Bishop of Tourney, when that Town was taken from the French; then he was made Bishop of Rest. temp. 4. March. 5 Regni 1 part Rot pat. Lincoln, which was the first Bishoprick that fell void in this Kingdom; after that, upon Cardinal Bembridge his death, he parted with Lincoln and was made Arch-Bishop of Novemb. 6 Regni, 1. part. R. P. York; then Hadrian, that was a Cardinal and Bishop of Bath and Wells, being deprived, that Aug. 28.10. Regni. 1 part. R. P. See was given to him; then the Abbey of Decemb. 7.13. Regni 3 part. R. P. St Albans was given to him in Comendam; he next parted with Bath and Wells, and got the Bishoprick of April 30.15. Reg. 2 part. R. P. Duresm, which he afterwards exchanged for the Bishoprick of May 4.20. Reg. 1. part R. P. Winchester. But besides all that he had in his own hands, the King granted him a full Power of disposing of all the Ecclesiastical benefices in England (which brought him in as much money as all the Places he held) for having so vast a Power committed to him both from the King and the Pope as to Church-preferments, it may be easily gathered what advantages a man of his temper would draw from it. Warham was Lord Chancellour the first seven years of the Kings Reign, but retired to give place to this aspir­ing favourite, who had a mind to the great Seal, that there might be no interfering between the Legantine and Chancery Courts. And per­haps it wrought somewhat on his vanity, that even after he was Car­dinal, Warham as Lord Chancellour took place of him, as appears from the Entries made in the Journals of the House of Peers in the Parliament [Page] held the 7th year of the Kings Reign, and afterwards gave him place, as appears on many occasions, particularly, in the Letter written to the Pope 1530 set down by the Lord Herbert, which the Cardinal subscribed before Warham. We have nothing on record to shew what a Speaker he was, for all the Journals of Parliament from the 7th to the 25th year of this King are lost, but it is like he spoke as his Predecessor in that Office Warham did, whose speeches as they are entred in the Journals, are Sermons begun with a Text of Scripture; which he expounded and applyed to the business they were to go upon, stuffing them with the most fulsome flattery of the King that was possible.

The next in favour and Power was the Lord Treasurer restored to his Fathers honour of Duke of Norfolk, to whom his Son succeeded in that Office as well as in his hereditary honours; and managed his Inter­est with the King so dexterously that he stood in all the Changes that followed, and continued Lord Treasurer during the Reign of this King, till near the end of it, when he fell through Jealousie rather than guilt; this shewed how dexterous a man he was, that could stand so long in that imployment under such a King.

But the chief Favourite in the Kings pleasures, was Charles Brandon a Gallant graceful Person, one of the strongest men of the Age, and so a fit match for the King at his Justs and Tiltings, which was the man­ly diversion of that time, and the King taking much pleasure in it, be­ing of a robust Body, and singularly expert at it, he who was so able to second him in these Courses, grew mightily in his favour; so that he made him first Viscount Lisle, and some Months after, Duke of Suffolk. May 15.5 [...] Reg. 1. Part. Rot. pat. Nor was he less in the Ladies favours, than the Kings; for his Sister the Lady Mary liked him, and being but so long Married to King Lew­is of France, as to make her Queen Dowager of France, she resolved to choose her second Husband her self, and cast her eye on the Duke of Suffolk, who was then sent over to the Court of France. Her Bro­ther had designed the Marriage between them, yet would not openly give his Consent to it; but she by a strange kind of Wooing, prefixed him the Term of four days to gain her Consent, in which she told him if he did not prevail, he should for ever lose all his hopes of having her, though after such a Declaration he was like to meet with no great difficulty from her. So they were Married,April 1515. and the King was easily pacified and received them into favour; neither did his favour die with her, for it continued all his life: but he never medled much in business,Lady Mary died Iun. 23. 1533. and by all that appears was a better Courtier than States-Man. Lit­tle needs be said of any other Person more than will afterwards occur.

The King loved to raise mean Persons, and upon the least distaste to throw them down: and falling into disgrace, he spared not to sacri­fice them to publick discontents. His Court was magnificent, and his Expence vast; he indulged himself in his pleasures: and the hopes of Children (besides the Lady Mary,) failing by the Queen, he, who of all things desired issue most, kept one Elizabeth Blunt by whom he had Henry Fitzroy, I [...]n. 17.18. Reg. Rot. Pa [...]. whom in the 17th year of his Reign he created Earl of Nottingham, and the same day made him Duke of Richmond and Sommerset, Duke Rich. died I [...]n. 22. [...]536. and intended afterwards to have put him in the Succession of the Crown after his other Children; but his death prevented it.

As for his Parliaments, he took great care to keep a good under­standing [Page 10] with them, and chiefly with the House of Commons, by which means he seldom failed to carry Matters as he pleased among them: only in the Parliament held in the 14th and 15th of his Reign, the Demand of the Subsidy towards the War with France, being so high as 800000 lib. the 5th of mens goods and lands to be paid in Four years, and the Cardinal being much hated, there was great Opposi­tion made to it: for which the Cardinal blamed Sir Thomas More much, who was then Speaker of the House of Commons; and finding that which was offered, was not above the half of what was asked, went himself to the House of Commons, and desired to hear the reasons of those who opposed his Demands, that he might answer them: but he was told the Order of their House was to reason only among them­selves, and so went away much dissatisfied. It was with great difficulty that they obtained a Subsidy of 3 s. in the lib. to be paid in four years. This disappointment it seems did so offend the Cardinal, that as no Parliament had been called for Seven years before, so there was none summoned for Seven years after. And thus stood the Civil Govern­ment of England in the 19th year of the Kings Reign, when the Mat­ter of the Divorce was first moved. But I shall next open the State of Affairs in Reference to Religious and Spiritual Concerns.

He was bred a Sc [...]olar.King Henry was bred with more care than had been usually bestow­ed on the Education of Princes for many Ages, who had been only trained up to those Exercises that prepared them to War; and if they could read and write, more was not expected of them. But learn­ing began now to flourish; and as the House of Medici in Florence had great honour by the Protection it gave to learned men, so other Princes every-where cherished the Muses. King Henry the 7th, though illiterate himself, yet took care to have his Children instructed in good letters. And it generally passes current that he bred his second Son a Scholar, having designed him to be Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, but that has no foundation; for the Writers of that time tell, that his El­der Brother Prince Arthur was also bred a Scholar. And all the Instru­ction King Henry had in Learning, must have been after his Brother was dead, when that Design had vanished with his life. For he being born the 18th of Iune 1491. and Prince Arthur dying the Second of April 1502. he was not full eleven years of Age, when he became Prince of Wales; at which Age Princes have seldom made any great progress in Learning. But King Henry the 7th, judging either that it would make his Sons Greater Princes, and fitter for the Management of their Af­fairs, or being jealous of their looking too early into business, or their pretending to the Crown upon their Mothers Title, which might have been a dangerous competition to him, that was so little beloved by his Subjects, took this Method for amusing them with other things: thence it was, that his Son was the most learned Prince that had been in the World for many Ages, and deserved the Title Beau-Clerke, on a better account than his Predecessor that long before had carried it. The Learning then in credit, was either that of the Schools, about abstruse Questions of Divinity, which from the days of Lombard were debated and descanted on with much subtlety and nicety, and exerci­sed all Speculative Divines; or the Study of the Canon-Law, which was the way to Business and Preferment. To the former of these the [Page] King was much addicted, and delighted to read often in Thomas [...]; and this made Cardinal Wolsey more acceptable to him, who was [...] conversant in that sort of Learning. He loved the purity of the [...] tongue, which made him be so kind to Erasmus that was the great Res [...] ­er of it, and to Polidore Virgil; though neither of these made their Court dextrously with the Cardinal, which did much intercept the King [...] fa­vour to them; so that the one left England, and the other was but co [...]rs­ly used in it, who has sufficiently revenged himself upon the Cardinal's Memory. The Philosophy then in fashion was so intermixed with their Divinity, that the King understood it too; and was also a good Musician, as appears by two whole Masses which he composed. He never wrote well, but scrawled so that his hand was scarce legible.

Being thus inclined to Learning, he was much courted by all hungry Scholars, who generally over Europe dedicated their Books to him, with such flattering Epistles, that it very much lessens him, to see how he delighted in such stuffe. For if he had not taken pleasure in it, and rewarded them, it is not likely that others should have been every year writing after such ill Copies. Of all things in the World Flat­tery wrought most on him; and no sort of Flattery pleased him bet­ter than to have his great Learning and Wisdom commended. And in this, his Parliaments, his Courtiers, his Chaplains, Forreigners and Natives, all seemed to vie who should exceed most, and came to speak to him in a Stile which was scarce fit to be used to any Creature. But he designed to entail these praises on his Memory, cherishing Church-men more than any King in England had ever done; he also Court­ed the Pope with a constant submission, and upon all occasions made the Popes Interests his own, and made War and Peace as they desired him. So that had he dyed any time before the 19th year of his Reign, he could scarce have scaped being Canonized, notwithstanding all his faults; for he abounded in those vertues, which had given Saintship to Kings for near 1000 years together, and had done more than they all did, by writing a Book for the Roman Faith.

England had for above 300 years been the tamest part of Christen­dome to the Papal Authority, and had been accordingly dealt with.The Kings Prerogative in Ecclesiastical matters. But though the Parliaments and two or three high-spirited Kings, had given some interruption to the cruel exactions and other illegal pro­ceedings of the Court of Rome, yet that Court always gained their de­signs in the end. But even in this Kings days, the Crown was not quite stript of all its Authority over Spiritual persons. The Investitures of Bishops and Abbots, which had been originally given by the delivery of the Pastoral Ring and Staffe, by the Kings of England, were after some opposition wrung out of their hands: yet I find they retained another thing, which upon the matter was the same. When any See was va­cant, a Writ was issued out of the Chancery for seizing on all the Temporalties of the Bishoprick,Cus [...]odia Temporalitatis. and then the King recommended one to the Pope, upon which his Bulls were expeded at Rome, and so by a Warrant from the Pope he was consecrated, and invested in the Spiritualties of the See; but was to appear before the King either in Person or by Proxie, and renounce every clause in his Letters and Bulls, that were or might be prejudicial to the Prerogative of the Crown, or contrary to the Laws of the Land, and was to swear Fealty [Page 12] and Allegiance to the King. And after this a new Writ was issued out of the Chancery, bearing that this was done, and that thereup­on the Temporalties should be restored.R [...]stitut [...]o Temporalitatis. Of this there are so many Precedents in the Records, that every one that has searched them must needs find them in every year; but when this began, I leave to the more Learned in the Law to discover.Collect Numb. 15. And for proof of it the Rea­der will find in the Collection the fullest Record which I met with con­cerning it in Henry the 7th his Reign, of Cardinal Adrian's being Invested in the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells. So that upon the matter the Kings then disposed of all Bishopricks, keeping that still in their own hands which made them most desired in those Ages; and so had the Bishops much at their Dovotion.

But King Henry in a great degree parted with this, by the above­mentioned power granted to Cardinal Wolsey, who being Legate as well as Lord Chancellour, it was thought a great errour in Government, to lodge such a trust with him which might have past into a Precedent, for other Legates pretending to the same Power; since the Papal great­ness had thus risen, and oft upon weaker grounds, to the height it was then at. Yet the King had no mind to suffer the Laws made against the suing out of Bulls in the Court of Rome without his leave to be neglected;License to the Prior of Peterburg. No­vemb. 3.1 Part. 5•• Reg. Rot. Pat. for I find several Licenses granted to sue Bulls in that Court, bearing for their Preamble the Statute of the 16 of Richard the Second against the Popes pretended Power in England.

But the immunity of Ecclesiastical persons was a thing that occasi­oned great complaints. And good cause there was for them. For it was ordinary for persons after the greatest Crimes to get into Orders; and then not only what was past must be forgiven them, but they were not to be questioned for any Crime after holy Orders given, till they were first degraded; and till that was done they were the Bishops Pri­soners. Whereupon there rose a great dispute in the beginning of this Kings Reign, of which none of our Historians having taken any No­tice, I shall give a full account of it.

King Henry the Seventh in his Fourth Parliament did a little lessen the Priviledges of the Clergy,A Contest about the Ec­clesiasticalIm­munity. Killways Reports. enacting that Clerks convicted should be burnt in the hand. But this not proving a sufficient restraint, it was Enacted in Parliament in the Fourth year of this King, that all Murderers and Robbers should be denyed the benefit of their Clergy. But though this seemed a very Just Law, yet to make it pass through the House of Lords, they added two Proviso's to it, the one for ex­cepting all such as were within the Holy Orders of Bishop, Priest, or Deacon; the other that the Act should only be in force till the next Parliament. With these Proviso's it was unanimously assented to by the Lords on the 26 Ian. 1513. and being agreed to by the Commons, the Royal Assent made it a Law: Pursuant to which many Murderers and Felons were denyed their Clergy, and the Law passed on them to the great Satisfaction of the whole Nation. But this gave great of­fence to the Clergy, who had no mind to suffer their Immunities to be touched or lessened. And judging that if the laity made bold with In­feriour Orders, they would proceed further even against Sacred Or­ders; therefore as their Opposition was such that the Act not being continued did determine at the next Parliament (that was in the 5th [Page 13] year of the King,) so they not satisfied with that, resolved to fix a censure on that Act as contrary to the Franchises of the Holy Church. And the Abbot of Winchelcomb being more forward than the rest, during the session of Parliament in the 7 year of this King's Reign, in a Sermon at Pauls Cross, said openly, That that Act was contrary to the Law of God, and to the Liberties of the Holy Church, and that all who assented to it, as well Spiritual as Temporal Persons, had by so doing incur'd the Censures of the Church. And for Confirmation of his Opinion, he published a Book to prove, That all Clerks, whether of the greater or lower Orders, were Sacred, and exempted from all Temporal Punishment by the Se­cular Judge, even in Criminal cases. This made great noise, and all the Temporal Lords, with the concurrence of the House of Commons, desired the King to suppress the growing Insolence of the Clergy. So there was a hearing of the Matter before the King, with all the Judg­es and the Kings Temporal Council. Doctor Standish Guardian of the Mendicant Friers in London (afterwards Bishop of Saint Asaph) the chief of the Kings Spiritual Council, argued, That by the Law, Clerks had been still convened and judged in the Kings Court for Civil Crimes, and that there was nothing either in the Laws of God, or the Church, inconsistent with it; and that the publick good of the Society, which was chiefly driven at by all Laws, and ought to be preferred to all other things, required that Crimes should be punished. But the Abbot of Winchelcomb being Counsel for the Clergy, excepted to this and said, There was a Decree made by the Church expresly to the contrary, to which all ought to pay Obedience under the pain of Mortal sin; and that therefore the trying of Clerks in the Civil Courts was a sin in it self. Stan­dish upon this turned to the King and said, God forbid that all the De­crees of the Church should bind. It seems the Bishops think not so, for though there is a Decree that they should reside at their Cathedrals all the Festivals of the year, yet the greater part of them do it not; Adding, That no Decree could have any force in England, till it was received there; and That this Decree was never received in England, but that as well since the making of it, as before, Clerks had been tryed for Crimes in the Civil Courts. To this the Abbot made no answer, but brought a place of Scripture to prove this Exemption to have come from our Saviours words, Nolite tangere Christos meos, Touch not mine A­nointed; and therefore Princes ordering Clerks to be arrested and brought before their Courts, was contrary to Scripture, against which no custome can take place. Standish replyed, these words were never said by our Saviour, but were put by David in his Psalter 1000 years before Christ; and he said these words had no relation to the Civil Judicatories, but because the greatest part of the World was then wicked, and but a small number believed the Law, they were a Charge to the Rest of the World, not to do them harm. But though the Ab­bot had been very violent, and confident of his being able to confound all that held the contrary opinion, yet he made no answer to this. The Laity that were present being confirmed in their former opini­on by hearing the Matter thus argued, moved the Bishops to order the Abbot to renounce his former opinion, and recant his Sermon at Pauls Cross. But they flatly refused to do it, and said they were bound by the Laws of the Holy Church to maintain the Abbots opinion in [Page 12] [...] [Page 13] [...] [Page 14] every point of it. Great heats followed upon this during the sitting of the Parliament, of which there is a very partial Entry made in the Journal of the Lords House; and no wonder, the Clerk of the Par­liament Doctor Tylor Doctor of the Canon-Law being at the same time Speaker of the Lower House of Convocation.Made Clerke Octob. 29. 1. Reg. Rot. Pat. Part. 1o. Iournal Pro­cerum 7 H [...]n. 8. Dissolutum & finitum fait hoc Parliamentum [...]2 D [...]e. 1515. Iohanne Tylor I [...]r [...]s Pontificii Doct. Clerico Parliamento­rum Domini R [...]gis: & [...] ­dem tempore Prolocutore Con­vocationis Cleri quod raro acci­dit. I [...] hoc Par­liamento & Convocatione periculosi [...]i­m [...] seditiones exort [...] [...]ent in­ter Cl [...]um & Sec [...]l [...]r [...]m p [...] ­t [...]tatem [...]per libertati [...]s Ecclesiasticis, quodam Fratre Minore, nomine Standish, om­niam malorum mini [...]ro ac sti­mulatore. Hali. and Fox. The Entrie is in these words. In this Parliament and Convocation there were most dange­rous contentions between the Clergy and the Secular Power, about the Eccle­siastical liberties, one Standish a Minor Frier being the Instrument and Promoter of all that mischief. But a passage [...]ell out, that made this matter be more fully prosecuted in the Michaelmas-Term. One Richard Hunne a Merchant-Taylor in London, was questioned by a Clerk in Middlesex for a Mortuary, pretended to be due for a Child of his that died 5 weeks old. The Clerk claiming the beering sheet, and Hunne refusing to give it; upon that he was sued, but his Counsel advised him to sue the Clerk in a Premunire, for bringing the Kings Subjects before a forreign Court; the Spiritual Court sitting by Authority from the Legate. This touched the Clergy so in the quick, that they used all the Arts they could to fasten Heresie on him; and understand­ing that he had Wickliff's Bible, upon that he was attached of Here­sie and put in the Lollards Tower at Pauls, and examined upon some Articles objected to him by Fitz-Iames then Bishop of London. He denied them as they were charge [...] against him, but acknowledged he had said some words sounding that way, for which he was sorry, and asked Gods mercy, and submitted himself to the Bishops Correction; upon which he ought to have been enjoyned Penance and set at Li­berty, but he persisting still in his Sute in the Kings Courts, they used him most cruelly. On the Fourth of December he was found hanged in the Chamber where he was kept Hunne hang­ed in Prison. Prisoner. And Doctor Horsey Chancellour to the [...]i [...]hop of London, with the other Officers who had the Charge of the Prison, gave it out that he had hang'd himself. But the Coroner of London coming to hold an Inquest on the dead bo­dy, they found him hanging so loose, and in a silk girdle, that they clearly perceived he was killed; they also found his Neck had been broken, as they judged, with an Iron chain, for the Skin was all fret­ted and cut; they saw some streams of blood about his body, be­sides several other evidences which made it clear he had not murder­ed himself; whereupon they did acquit the dead body, and laid the Murder on the Officers that had the charge of that Prison: and by other proofs they found the Bishops Sumner and the Bell-ringer guil­ty of it, and by the deposition of the Sumner himself it did appear, that the Chancellour and he, and the Bell-ringer did Murder him, and then hang him up.

But as the Inquest proceeded in this Trial, the Bishop began a new Process against the dead body of Richard Hunne, for other points of Heresie; and several Articles were gathered out of Wickliff's Preface to the Bible with which he was charged. And his having the Book in his Possession being taken for good evidence, he was judged an He­retick, and his body delivered to the Secular Power. When judg­ment was given, the Bishops of Duresme and Lincoln with many Do­ctors both of Divinity and the Canon-Law sate with the Bishop of London; so that it was lookt on as an Act of the whole Clergy, [Page 15] and done by common consent.And his bo­dy burned Dec. 20. 1514. On the 20th of December his bo­dy was burnt at Smithfield.

But this produced an effect very different from what was expected, for it was hoped that he being found an Heretick no body should appear for him any more: whereas on the contrary, it occasioned a great out­cry, the man having lived in very good reputation among his Neigh­bours; so that after that day the City of London was never well affe­cted to the Popish Clergy, but inclined to follow any body who spoke against them, and every one lookt on it, as a Cause of common con­cern. All exclaimed against the Cruelty of their Clergy, that for a mans suing a Clerke according to law, he should be long and hardly used in a severe imprisonment, and at last cruelly murdered; and all this laid on himself to defame him, and ruin his family. And then to burn that body which they had so handled, was thought such a complication of Cruelties, as few Barbarians had ever been guilty of. The Bishop finding that the Inquest went on, and the whole matter was disco­vered, used all possible endeavours to stop their proceedings; and they were often brought before the Kings Council, where it was pretended that all proceeded from Malice and Heresie. The Cardinal laboured to procure an order to forbid their going any further, but the thing was both so foul and so evident that it could not be done: and that opposition made it more generally believed. In the Parliament there was a Bill sent up to the Lords by the Commons for restoring Hunne's Children, which was passed, and had the Royal assent to it; but another Bill being brought in about this Murther it occasioned great heats among them. The Bishop of London said that Hunne had hanged himself, that the Inquest were false perjured Caitiffs, and if they proceeded further he could not keep his house for Hereticks; so that the Bill which was sent up by the Commons was but once read in the House of Lords,April 3. for the power of the Clergy was great there. But the Trial went on, and both the Bishops Chancellour and the Summer were endicted as Principals in the Murder.

The Convocation that was then sitting, finding so great a stir made, and that all their liberties were now struck at, resolved to call Doctor Standish to an Account for what he had said and argued in that matter, so he being summoned before them, some Articles were objected to him by word of mouth, concerning the judging of Clerks in Civil Courts; and the day following they being put in writing, the Bill was delivered to him, and a day assigned for him to make answer. The Doctor perceiving their intention, and judging it would go hard with him if he were tryed before them, went and claimed the Kings Pro­tection, from this trouble that he was now brought in, for discharging his duty as the Kings Spiritual Counsel. But the Clergy made their excuse to the King, that they were not to question him for any thing he had said as the Kings Counsel; but for some Lectures he read at St Pauls and elswhere, contrary to the Law of God, and Liberties of the holy Church which they were bound to maintain; and desired the Kings Assistance accord­ing to his Coronation Oath, and as he would not incur the Censures of the holy Church. On the other hand the Temporal Lords and Judges, with the concurrence of the House of Commons, addressed to the King, to maintain the Temporal Jurisdiction according to his Coronation Oath, [Page 16] and to protect Standish from the Malice of his enemies.

This put the King in great perplexity, for he had no mind to lose any part of his Temporal Jurisdiction, and on the other hand was no less apprehensive of the dangerous effects that might follow on a breach with the Clergy. So he called for Doctor Veysey, then Dean of his Chappel and afterwards Bishop of Exeter, and charged him upon his Allegiance to declare the truth to him in that matter: which after some study he did, and said, upon his Faith, Conscience, and Allegiance, he did think that the convening of Clerks before the secular Judg, which had been always practised in England, might well consist with the Law of God and the true Liberties of the holy Church. This gave the King great satisfaction; so he commanded all the Judges, and his Council both Spiritual and Temporal, and some of both Houses, to meet at Black-Friers, and to hear the matter argued. The Bill against Doctor Stan­dish was read, which consisted of Six Articles that were objected to him. First, That he had said that the lower Orders were not sacred. Secondly, That the Exemption of Clerks was not founded on a divine Right. Thirdly, That the Laity might coerce Clerks when the Prelates did not their duty. Fourthly, That no positive Ecclesiastical Law binds any but those who re­ceive it. Fifthly, That the Study of the Canon-Law was needless. Sixthly, That of the whole Volume of the Decretum, so much as a man could hold in his fist, and no more, did oblige Christians. To these Doctor Standish answered, that for those things exprest in the Third, the Fifth, and the Sixth Articles he had never taught them; as for his asserting them at any time in discourse, as he did not remember it, so he did not much care, whether he had done it or not. To the First he said, Lesser Orders in one sense are sacred, and in another they are not sacred. For the Second and Fourth, he confessed he had taught them, and was ready to justifie them. It was objected by the Clergy, that as by the Law of God, no man could judge his Father, it being contrary to that Commandment, Honour thy Father: So Church-men being Spiritual Fa­thers, they could not be judged by the Laity who were their Children. To which he answered, that as that only concluded in favour of Priests, those in Inferiour Orders not being Fathers; so it was a mistake to say a Judge might not sit upon his Natural Father, for the Judge was by ano­ther Relation above his Natural Father: and though the Commandment is conceived in general words, yet there are some exceptions to be ad­mitted; as though it be said, Thou shalt not kill, yet in some cases we may lawfully kill, so in the case of justice a Judge may lawfully sit on his Father.

But Doctor Veysey's Argument was that which took most with all that were present. He said, it was certain that the Laws of the Church did not bind any but those who received them. To prove this, he said, that in old times all secular Priests were Married; but in the days of St. Augustine, the Apostle of England, there was a Decree made to the contrary, which was received in England and in many other places, by vertue whereof the Secular Priests in England may not Marry; but this Law not being universally received, the Greek Church never judged themselves bound by it, so that to this day the Priests in that Church have Wives as well as other secular men. If then the Churches of the East not having received the Law of the Celibate of the Clergy, have ne­ver [Page 17] been condemned by the Church, for not obeying it; then the con­veening Clerks having been always practised in England, was no sin, notwithstanding the Decree to the contrary which was never receiv­ed here. Nor is this to be compared to those priviledges that concern only a Private mans Interest, for the Common-Wealth of the whole Realm was chiefly to be lookt at, and to be preferred to all other things.

When the Matter was thus argued on both sides, all the Judges delivered their Opinions, in these words. That all those of the Convo­cation who did award the Citation against Standish, were in the case of a Pre­munire facias; and added somewhat about the Constitution of the Parlia­ment, which being forreign to my business, and contrary to a received opi­nion, I need not mention, but refer the Reader to Keilway for his Informati­on, if he desires to know more of it: and thus the Court broke up. But soon after, all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, with many of the House of Commons, and all the Judges and the Kings Council, were called before the King to Baynards Castle; and in all their presence the Car­dinal kneeled down before the King, and in the name of the Clergy said, That none of them intended to do any thing that might derogate from his Prerogative, and least of all himself, who owed his advancement only to the Kings favour. But this matter of Conveening of Clerks, did seem to them all to be contrary to the Laws of God, and the Liberties of the Church, which they were bound by their Oaths to maintain according to their Power. Therefore in their name he humbly begged, That the King to avoid the Censures of the Church, would refer the Matter to the decision of the Pope and his Council, at the Court of Rome. To which the King answered, It seems to us that Doctor Standish, and others of our Spiritual Council, have answered you fully in all points. The Bishop of Winche­ster replyed, Sir, I warrant you Doctor Standish will not abide by his Opi­nion at his peril. But the Doctor said, what should one poor Frier doe alone, against all the Bishops and Clergy of England? After a short silence the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury said, That in former times divers holy Fathers of the Church had opposed the execution of that Law, and some of them suffered Martyrdome in the Quarrel. To whom Fineux Lord Chief Justice said, That many holy Kings had mantained that Law, and many holy Fathers had given Obedience to it, which it is not to be presumed they would have done, had they known it to be contrary to the Law of God: and he desired to know by what Law Bishops could judge Clerks for Felo­ny, it being a thing only determined by the Temporal Law; so that either it was not at all to be tryed, or it was only in the Temporal Court; so that either Clerks must do as they please, or be tryed in the Civil Courts. To this no Answer being made, the King said these words: By the Permission and Ordinance of God we are King of England, and the Kings of England in times past had never any Superiour, but God only. Therefore know you well that we will maintain the Right of our Crown, and of our Temporal Iurisdiction as well in this, as in all other points, in as ample manner as any of our Progenitours have done before our time. And as for your Decrees we are well assured that you of the Spirituality go expresly against the words of divers of them, as hath been shewed you by some of our Council; and you interpret your Decrees at your pleasure, but we will not a­gree to them more than our Progenitors have done in former times. But the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made most humble Instance, that the [Page 18] Matter might be so long respited, till they could get a Resolution from the Court of Rome, which they should procure at their own Charges; and if it did consist with the Law of God, they should conform them­selves to the Law of the Land. To this the King made no answer: but the Warrants being out against Doctor Horsey the Bishop of Lon­don's Chancellour, he did abscond in the Arch-Bishops house; though it was pretended he was a Prisoner there, till afterwards a temper was found, that Horsey should render himself a Prisoner in the Kings Bench and be tryed. But the Bishop of London made earnest Appli­cations to the Cardinal that he would move the King to command the Attourney-General to confess the Inditement was not true, that it might not be referred to a Jury; since he said the Citizens of London did so favour Heresie, that if he were as Innocent as Abel they would find any Clerk guilty. The King not willing to irritate the Clergy too much, and judging he had maintained his Prerogative by bringing Horsey to the Bar, ordered the Attourney to do so. And accordingly when Horsey was brought to the Bar and Endited of Mur­der, he pleaded Not guilty; which the Attourney acknowledging, he was dismissed, and went and lived at Exeter, and never again came back to London, either out of fear or shame. And for Doctor Stan­dish, upon the Kings Command, he was also dismissed out of the Court of Convocation.

It does not appear that the Pope thought fit to interpose in this Mat­ter. For though upon less Provocations, Popes had proceeded to the highest Censures against Princes, yet this King was otherwise so ne­cessary to the Pope at this time, that he was not to be offended. The Clergy suffered much in this business, besides the loss of their reputation with the people, who involved them all in the guilt of Hunne's Murder; for now their Exemption being well examined, was found to have no foundation at all, but in their own Decrees; and few were much convinced by that authority, since upon the matter it was but a judgment of their own, in their own favours: nor was the City of London at all satisfied with the Proceedings in the Kings Bench, since there was no justice done; and all thought the King seem­ed more careful to maintain his Prerogative than to do Justice.

This I have related the more fully, because it seems to have had great Influence on peoples minds, and to have disposed them much to the Changes that followed afterwards. How these things were en­tred in the Books of Convocation, cannot be now known. For among the other sad losses sustained in the late burning of London, this was one, that almost all the Registers of the Spiritual Courts were burnt, some few of the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and Bishops of London's Registers being only preserved. But having compared Fox his Ac­count of this and some other matters, and finding it exactly accord­ing to the Registers that are preserved, I shall the more confident­ly build, on what he published from those Records that are now lost.

The King obliged the Popes highly, and was much cour [...]ed by them.This was the only thing in the first 18 years of the Kings Reign that seemed to lessen the Greatness of the Clergy, but in all other matters he was a most faithful Son of the See of Rome. Pope Iulius soon after his coming to the Crown, sent him a Golden Rose with a [Page 19] Letter to Arch-Bishop Warham to deliver it,Collect. Numb. 2d. and though such Presents might seem fitter for young Children, than for men of discretion; yet the King was much delighted with it: and to shew his Gratitude,Treaty-Rolls 3 Reg. there was a Treaty concluded the year following between the King and Fer­dinand of Arragon, for the Defence of the Papacy against the French King. And when in opposition to the Council, that the French King and some other Princes and Cardinals had called, first to Pisa (which was after­wards translated to Milan, and then to Lions, that summoned the Pope to appear before them,19 April 1512. and suspended his Authority) Pope Iulius call­ed another Council to be held in the Lateran; the King sent the Bishops of Worcester and Rochester, the Prior of St. Iohns and the Abbot of Winchelcomb to sit in that Council, in which there was such a Represen­tative of the Catholick Church as had been for several of the latter Ages in the Western Church: in which a few Bishops packt out of several King­doms, and many Italian Bishops, with a vast number of Abbots, Priors, and other Inferiour Digni [...]ed Clergy-men, were brought to Confirm toge­ther whatever the Popes had a mind to Enact; which passing easily among them, was sent over the world with a stamp of Sacred Authority, as the Decrees and Decisions of the Holy Universal Church assembled in a Gene­ral Council.

Nor was there a worse understanding between this King and Pope Leo the 10th. that succeeded Iulius, who did also complement him with those Papal Presents of Roses, and at his desire made Wolsey a Cardinal; and above all other things obliged him by conferring on him the Title of Defender of the Faith, 1521. October 11. (upon the presenting to the Pope his Book a­gainst Luther) in a pompous Letter Signed by the Pope, and 27 Car­dinals, in which the King took great pleasure; affecting it always be­yond all his other Titles,L. Herbert. though several of the former Kings of Eng­land had carried the same Title, as Spelman informs us. So easie a thing it was for Popes to oblige Princes in those days, when a Title or a Rose was thought a sufficient Recompence for the greatest Services.

The Cardinal Governing all Temporal Affairs as he did, it is not to be doubted but his Authority was absolute in Ecclesiastical Matters, which seemed naturally to lie within his Province; yet Warham made some opposition to him, and complained to the King of his encroaching too much in his Legantine Courts, upon his Jurisdiction; and the things being clearly made out, the King chid the Cardinal sharply for it, who ever after that hated Warham in his heart, yet he proceeded more wa­rily for the future.

But the Cardinal drew the hatred of the Clergy upon himself,A Bull for Reforming the Clergy. 10 Iune 1519. L. Her­bert, and Ar­ticle 29. of his Impeachment. chiefly by a Bull which he obtained from Rome, giving him Authority to visit all Monasteries, and all the Clergy of England, and to dispence with all the Laws of the Church for one whole year after the date of the Bull. The power that was lodged in him by this Bull was not more invidious, than the words in which it was conceived were offensive; for the Pre­amble of it was full of severe Reflections against the Manners and Ig­norance of the Clergy, who are said in it to have been delivered over to a Reprobate mind. This, as it was a publick De [...]aming them, so how true soever it might be, all thought it did not become the Cardinal, whose Vi­ces were notorious and scandalous, to tax others whose faults were neither so great, nor so eminent as his were.

[Page 20] The Cardi­nal's Pride. Polydore VirgilHe did also affect a Magnificence and Greatness, not only in his Habit (being the first Clergy-man in England that wore Silks) but in his Fa­mily, his Train, and other pieces of State, equal to that of Kings. And even in performing Divine Offices, and saying Mass, he did it with the same Ceremonies that the Popes use; who judg themselves so nearly related to God, that those humble acts of Adoration, which are Devo­tions in other persons, would abase them too much. He had not only Bishops and Abbots to serve him, but even Dukes and Earls to give him the Water and the Towel. He had certainly a vast mind; and he saw the corruptions of the Clergy gave so great Scandal, and their Ig­norance was so profound, that unless some effectual ways were taken for correcting these, they must needs fall into great disesteem with the People: For though he took great liberties himself, and perhaps accord­ing to the Maxime of the Canonists, he judged Cardinals as Princes of the Church were not comprehended within ordinary Ecclesiastical Laws;He designs a Reformation yet he seemed to have designed the Reformation of the Inferiour Clergy by all the means he could think of, except the giving them a good Example: Therefore he intended to visit all the Monasteries of England, that so discovering their corruptions, he might the better justi­fie the design he had to suppress most of them, and convert them into Bi­shopricks, Cathedrals, Collegiate Churches and Colledges: For which end he procured the Bull from Rome: but he was diverted from making any use of it; by some who advised him rather to suppress Monasteries by the Popes Authority,And a Sup­pression of Monasteries. than proceed in a Method which would raise great hatred against himself, cast foul aspersions on Religious Orders, and give the Enemies of the Church great advantages against it. Yet he had communicated his design to the King; and his Secretary Cromwell understanding it, was thereby instructed how to proceed afterwards when they went about the total suppression of the Monasteries.

The Summoning of Convocations he assumed by vertue of his Legan­tine Power.The Calling of Convoca­tions. Of these there were two sorts, the first were called by the King; for with the Writs for a Parliament there went out always a Sum­mons to the Two Arch-Bishops for calling a Convocation of their Pro­vinces,Collect. Numb. 3d. the Stile of which will be found in the Collection. It differs in no­thing from what is now in use, but that the King did not prefix the day: requiring them only to be Summoned to meet with all convenient speed; and the Arch-Bishops, having the King's pleasure signified to them, did in their Writs prefix the day. Other Convocations were call­ed by the Arch-Bishops in their several Provinces upon great Emer­gencies to meet and treat of things relating to the Church, and were Pro­vincial Councils. Of this I find but one, and that called by Warham in the first year of this King,Collect. Numb. 4th. for restoring the Ecclesiastical Immunities that had been very much impaired, as will appear by the Writ of Sum­mons. But the Cardinal did now, as Legate, issue out Writs for Con­vocations.Regist. Tonst. Fol. 33, 34. In the year 1522. I find by the Register there was a Writ issued from the King to Warham to call one, who upon that Summoned it to meet at St. Pauls the 20th. of April. But the Cardinal prevailed so far with the King, that on the 2d. of May after, he by his Legantine Authority dissolved that Convocation; and issued out a Writ to Ton­stall Bishop of London to bring the Clergy of Canterbury to St. Peter's in Westminster, there to meet and reform Abuses in the Church; and [Page 21] consider of other important Matters that should be proposed to them. What they did towards Reformation, I know not, the Records being lost: But as to the Kings Supply, it was proposed, That they should give the King the half of the full value of their Livings for one year, to be paid in Five years. The Cardinal laid out to them how much the King had merited from the Church, both by suppressing the Schism that was like to have been in the Papacy in Pope Iulius his time, and by Protecting the See of Rome from the French Tyrannie; but most of all, for that excellent Book written by him in Defence of the Faith against the Hereticks: and that therefore, since the French King was making War upon him, and had sent over the Duke of Albany to Scot­land to make War also on that side, it was fit that on so great an occa­sion, it should appear that his Clergy were sensible of their Happi­ness in having such a King; which they ought to express in granting somewhat, that was as much beyond all former Presidents, as the King had merited more from them than all former Kings had ever done.

But the Bishops of Winchester and Rochester opposed this: For they both hated the Cardinal. The one thought him ungrateful to him who had raised him: The other being a man of a strict Life hated him for his Vices. Both these spake against it as an unheard-of Tax, which would so oppress the Clergy, that it would not be possible for them to live and pay it; and that this would become a Precedent for after-times, which would make the condition of the Clergy most mi­serable. But the Cardinal, who intended that the Convocation by a great Subsidy should lead the way to the Parliament, took much pains for carrying it thorough; and got some to be absent, and others were prevailed on to consent to it: And for the fear of its being made a Precedent, a Clause was put in the Act, That it should be no Precedent for after-times. Others laughed at this, and said, It would be a Precedent for all that, if it once passed. But in the end it was granted, with a most glorious Preamble;Collect. Numb. 5th. and by it all the Natives of England that had any Ecclesiastical Benefice were to pay the full half of the true value of their Livings in Five years; and all Forreigners who were Beneficed in England were to pay a whole years Rent in the same time: out of which number were excepted the Bishops of Worcester and Landaffe, Polidore Virgil, Peter the Carmelite, Erasmus of Roterdam, Silvester Da­rius, and Peter Vannes, who were to pay only as Natives did. This en­creased the hatred that the Clergy bore the Cardinal. But he despised them, and in particular was a great Enemy to the Monks, and looked on them as idle mouths that did neither the Church nor State any Ser­vice, but were through their scandalous Lives a reproach to the Church, and a burden to the State. Therefore he resolved to suppress a great number of them, and to change them to another Institution.

From the days of King Edgar the State of Monkery had been still grow­ing in England. For most of the Secular Clergy being then Married,Of the State of the Mona­steries. and refusing to put away their Wives, were by Dunstan Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and Ethelwald Bishop of Winchester, and Oswald Bishop of Worcester, who were all Monks, turned out of their Livings. There is in the Rolls an Inspeximus of King Edgars, Rot. Pat. 11. Hen. 8. Part. 1. Erecting the Priory and Convent of Worcester, which bears date Anno 964. Edgari 6to. on St. In­nocents-day, Signed by the King, the Queen, Two Arch-Bishops, Five [Page 22] Bishops, Six Abbots, (but neither Bishoprick nor Abbey are named) Six Dukes, and Five Knights, but there is no Seal to it. It bears, that the King, with the Council and Consent of his Princes and Gentry, did Confirm and Establish that Priory; and that he had Erected 47 Mo­nasteries, which he intended to encrease to 50. the number of Jubilee; and that the former Incumbents should be for ever excluded from all pretensions to their Benefices, because they had rather chosen, with the danger of their Order, and the prejudice of the Ecclesiastical Benefice, to adhere to their Wives, than to serve God Chastly and Canonically.

The Monks being thus setled in most Cathedrals of England, gave themselves up to Idleness and Pleasure, which had been long complain­ed of; but now that Learning began to be restored, they being every­where possessed of the best Church-Benefices, were looked upon by all Learned-men with an evil eye, as having in their hands the chief encouragements of Learning, and yet doing nothing towards it; they on the contrary decrying and disparaging it all they could, saying, It would bring in Heresie, and a great deal of mischief. And the Resto­rers of Learning, such as Erasmus, Vives, and others, did not spare them, but did expose their Ignorance and ill Manners to the world.

Now the King naturally loved Learning, and therefore the Cardinal, either to do a thing which he knew would be acceptable to the King, or that it was also agreeable to his own Inclinations, resolved to set up some Colledges,The Cardi­nal's Colledges in which there should be both great Encourage­ments for eminent Scholars to prosecute their Studies, and good Schools for teaching and training up of Youth. This he knew would be a great honour to him, to be lookt upon as a Patron of Learning; and therefore he set his heart much on it, to have Two Colledges (the one at Oxford, the other at Ipswich, the place of his Birth) well con­stituted, and nobly Endowed. But towards this, it was necessary to suppress some Monasteries, which was thought every-whit as justifi­able and lawful, as it had been many Ages before, to change Secular Prebends into Canons Regular; the endowed Goods being still applied to a Religious use. And it was thought hard to say, That if the Pope had the absolute Power of dispensing the Spiritual Treasure of the Church, and to translate the Merits of one man, and apply them to another; that he had not a much more absolute Power over the Tem­poral Treasure of the Church, to translate Church-Lands from one use, and apply them to another. And indeed the Cardinal was then so much considered at Rome, as a Pope of another world; that what­ever he desired he easily obtained. Therefore on the 3d. of April 1524. Pope Clement by a Bull gave him Authority to suppress the Monastery of St. Frediswood in Oxford, and in the Diocess of Lincoln, and to carry the Monks elsewhere,The Bull and Royal As­sent, 14. Reg. 2. Part. Rot. Pat. with a very full non obstante. To this the King gave his assent the 19th. of April following. After this there follow­ed many other Bulls for other Religious Houses and Rectories that were Impropriated. These Houses being thus suppressed by the Law, they belonged to the King; who thereupon made them over to the Cardi­nal by new and special Grants, which are all Enrolled. And so he went on with these great Foundations, and brought them to Perfecti­on: That at Oxford in the 18th. year, and that at Ipswich in the 20th. year of the Kings Reign, as appears by the Dates of the Kings Patents for Founding them.

[Page 23]In the last Place I come to shew the new opinions in Religion, or those that were accounted new then in England; and the State and Progress of them till the 19th year of the Kings Reign.

From the days of Wickliffe, The Firs [...] beginning of Reformation in England. there were many that disliked most of the received Doctrines, in several parts of the Nation. The Cler­gy were at that time very hateful to the people; for as the Pope did exact heavily on them, so they being oppressed took all means possi­ble to make the people repay what the Popes wrested from them. Wickliffe being much encouraged and supported by the Duke of Lan­caster, and the Lord Piercy, the Bishops could not proceed against him till the Duke of Lancaster was put from the King, and then he was condemned at Oxford. Many opinions are charged upon him, but whether he held them or not, we know not, but by the Testimonies of his Enemies, who write of him with so much passion, that it dis­credits all they say; yet he dyed in peace, though his body was after­wards burnt. He translated the Bible out of Latine into English, with a long Preface before it, in which he reflected severely on the cor­ruptions of the Clergy, and condemned the Worshipping of Saints and Images, and denyed the corporal Presence of Christs Body in the Sacrament, and exhorted all people to the Study of the Scriptures. His Bible with this Preface was well received by a great many, who were led into these Opinions, rather by the Impressions which com­mon sense and plain Reason made on them, than by any deep Specu­lation or Study. For the followers of this Doctrine were illiterate and ignorant men: some few Clerks joyned to them, but they formed not themselves into any body or association; and were scattered over the Kingdom, holding these Opinions in private without making any pub­lick Profession of them: Generally they were known by their dispa­raging the superstitious Clergy, whose Corruptions were then so no­torious, and their Cruelty so enraged, that no wonder the people were deeply prejudiced against them. Nor were the methods they used likely to prevail much upon them, being severe and cruel.

In the Primitive Church, though in their Councils they were not backward to pass Anathematisms on every thing that they judged He­resie;The Cruel­ties of the Church of Rome. yet all Capital proceedings against Hereticks were condemn­ed; and when two Bishops did prosecute Priscillian, and his followers before the Emperor Maximus, upon which they were put to death, they were generally so blamed for it, that many refused to hold Commu­nion with them. The Roman Emperors made many Laws against He­reticks, for the fining and banishing of them, and secluded them from the Priviledges of other Subjects; such as making Wills, or receiving Lega­cies; only the Manichees (who were a strange mixture between Heathe­nism and Christianity) were to suffer death for their errors. Yet the Bishops in those days, particularly in Africk, doubted much, whe­ther upon the Insolencies of Hereticks, or Schismaticks, they might desire the Emperor to execute those Laws for Fining, Banishing, and other restraints. And St. Austin was not easily prevailed on to consent to it. But at length the Donatists were so intolerable, that after several Consultations about it, they were forced to consent to those inferiour penalties, but still condemned the taking away of their lives. And even in the Execution of the Imperial Laws in those inferiour punishments, [Page 24] they were always interposing, to moderate the severity of the Pre­fects and Governours. The first Instance of severity on mens bodies that was not censured by the Church, was in the Fifth Century un­der Iustine the first, who Ordered the tongue of Severus (who had been Patriarch of Antioch, but did daily Anathematise the Council of Chalcedon) to be cut out. In the Eighth Century Iustinian the 2d (called Rhinotmetus from his cropt nose) burnt all the Manichees in Armenia: And in the end of the Eleventh Century the Bogomili were condemned to be burnt by the Patriarch and Council of Constantinople. But in the end of the 12, and in the beginning of the 13th Century, a Company of Simple and Innocent persons in the Southern parts of France, being disgusted with the Corruptions both of the Popish Clergy and of the publick Worship, separated from their Assemblies; and then Dominick and his brethren-Preachers, who came among them to convince them, finding their Preaching did not prevail, betook themselves to that way, that was sure to silence them. They perswaded the Civil Magistrates to burn all such as were judged Obstinate Hereticks. That they might do this by a Law, the Fourth Council of Lateran did Decree, that all Hereticks should be delivered to the Secular Power to be extirpated; (they thought not fit to speak out, but by the Pra­ctise it was known that Burning was that which they meant;) and if they did it not, they were to be Excommunicated; and after that, if they still refused to do their duty, (which was upon the matter to be the Inquisitors Hangmen) they were to deny it at their utmost Pe­rils. For not only the Ecclesiastical Censures, but Anathema's were thought too feeble a punishment for this Omission. Therefore a Cen­sure was found out, as severe upon the Prince, as Burning was to the poor Heretick. He was to be deposed by the Pope, his Subjects to be ab­solved from their Oaths of Allegiance, and his Dominions to be given away, to any other faithful Son of the Church, such as pleased the Pope best and all this by the Authority of a Synod, that passed for a Holy Ge­neral Council. This as it was fatal to the Counts of Tholouse, who were great Princes in the South of France, and first fell under the Censures; so it was terrible to all other Princes, who thereupon, to save themselves delivered up their Subjects to the Mercy of the Eccle­siastical Courts.

Fitz-Her­bert, de Nat. Brevi [...]. Burning was the death they made choice of, because Witches, Vi­zards, and Sodomites had been so executed. Therefore to make He­resie appear a terrible thing, this was thought the most proper punish­ment of it. It had also a resemblance of everlasting Burning, to which they adjudged their Souls, as well as their bodies were condemned to the [...]ire; but with this signal difference, that they could find no such effectual way to oblige God to execute their sentence, as they contri­ved against the Civil Magistrate. But however they confidently gave it out, that by vertue of that Promise of our Saviours, Whose sins ye bind on Earth, they are bound in Heaven, their Decrees were ratified in Heaven. And it not being easie to disprove what they said, people be­lieved the one, as they saw the other Sentence executed. So that whatever they condemned as Heresie, was looked on as the worst thing in in the world.

There was no occasion for the execution of this Law in England, [Page 25] till the days of Wickliffe. And the favour he had from some great men stopt the Proceedings against him.The Laws of England a­gainst Here­ticks. But in the 5th year of King Richard the Second, a Bill passed in the House of Lords, and was assented to by the King, and published for an Act of Parliament, though the Bill was never sent to the House of Commons. By this pretended Law it ap­pears, Wickliff's followers were then very numerous; that they had a certain habit, and did Preach in many places, both in Churches,Under Rich. the 2d. Church-yards and Markets, without Licence from the Ordinary; and did preach several Doctrines both against the Faith, and the Laws of the Land, as had been proved before the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the other Bishops, Prelats, Doctors of Divinity, and of the Civil and Canon-Law, and others of the Clergy: That they would not submit to the admonitions, nor Censures of the Church; but by their sub­tile ingenious words, did draw the people to follow them and defend them by strong hand, and in great routs. Therefore it was Ordain­ed, that upon the Bishops certifying into the Chancery the names of such Preachers and their Abettors, the Chancellour should issue forth Commissions to the Sheriffs and others the Kings Ministers, to hold them in Arrest and strong Prison till they should justify them according to the Law and reason of Holy Church. From the gentleness of which law it may appear, that England was not then so tame as to bear the severity of those cruel laws which were setled and put in execution in other Kingdoms.

The Custome at that time was to engross Copies of all the Acts of Parliament,Cook's Insti­tutes 3. part. chap. 5. of Heresie. and to send them with a Writ under the great Seal to the Sheriffs, to make them be proclaimed within their jurisdictions. And Iohn Braibrook Bishop of London, then Lord Chancellour, sent this with the other Acts of that Parliament to be proclaimed. The Writ bears date the 26th of May, 5to Reg. But in the next Par­liament that was held in the 6th year of that Kings Reign,6to Rich. 2. 1 Part. Numb. 52. Rot. parl. the Com­mons preferred a Bill reciting the former Act, and constantly affirm­ed that they had never assented to it, and therefore desired it might be declared to be void; for they Protested it was never their intent to be Iustified, and to bind themselves and their Successors to the Prelats, more than their Ancestors had done in times past. To which the King gave the Royal Assent, as it is in the Records of Parliament. But in the Proclamation of the Acts of that Parliament this Act was sup­pressed; so that the former Act was still looked on as a good law, and is Printed in the Book of Statutes. Such pious frauds were al­ways practised by the Popish Clergy, and were indeed necessary for the supporting the Credit of that Church. When Richard the 2d was deposed and the Crown usurped by Henry the 4th, then he in gratitude to the Cler­gy that assisted him in his coming to the Crown,Another Law under King Henry the 4th. granted them a law to their hearts content in the 2d. year of his Reign. The Preamble bears, That some had a new Faith about the Sacraments of the Church, and the Autho­rity of the same; and did Preach without Authority, gathered Conventicles, taught Schools, wrote Books against the Catholick Faith; with many other heinous aggravations. Upon which the Prelats and Clergy, and the Commons of the Realm prayed the King to provide a sufficient remedy to so great an evil. Therefore the King by the assent of the States, and other discreet men of the Realm being in the said Parliament, did Ordain, That none should [Page 26] Preach without Licence, except persons Priviledged; That none should Preach any Doctrine contrary to the Catholick Faith, or the Determination of the Ho­ly Church, and that none should favour and abett them, nor keep their Books, but deliver them to the Diocesan of the place within 40 days after the Pro­clamation of that Statute. And that if any Persons were defamed, or suspected of doing against that Ordinance, then the Ordinary might Arrest them, and keep them in his Prison, till they were Canonically purged of the Articles laid against them, or did abjure them according to the Laws of the Church. Pro­vided always that the proceedings against them were publickly and judicially done and ended, within three Months after they had been so Arrested; and if they were Convict, the Diocesan, or his Commissaries, might keep them in Pri­son as long as to his discretion shall seem expedient, and might Fine them as should seem competent to him, certifying the Fine into the Kings Exchequer; and if any being Convict did refuse to abjure, or after Abjuration did fall into Relapse, then he was to be left to the Secular Court according to the Holy Ca­nons. And the Majors, Sheriffs, or Bayliffs were to be personally present at the passing the Sentence, when they should be required by the Diocesan, or his Commissaries, and after the Sentence they were to receive them, and them be­fore the People in a high place do to be Brent. By this Statute the She­riffs, or other Officers, were immediatly to proceed to the Burning of Hereticks without any Writ, or Warrant from the King. But it seems the Kings Learned Council advised him to issue out a Writ, De Haeretico comburendo, upon what grounds of Law I cannot tell. For in the same year when William Sartre (who was the first that was put to death upon the account of Heresie) was judged Relapse by Thomas Arundel, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, Fitz Her­bert's Natura Brevium. in a Convocation of his Province, and there­upon was degraded from Priesthood, and left to Secular Power; a Writ was issued out to Burn him, which in the Writ is called, The Customary Punishment (relating it as like to the Customs that were be­yond Sea.) But this Writ was not necessary by the Law, and therefore it seems these Writs were not Enrolled. For in the whole Reign of King Henry the 8th. I have not been able to find any of these Writs in the Rolls. But by Warham's Register I see the Common course of the Law, was to certifie into the Chancery the Conviction of an Heretick, upon which the Writ was issued out, if the King did not send a Pardon. Thus it went on all the Reign of Henry the 4th. But in the beginning of his Sons Reign, there was a Conspiracy (as was pretended) by Sir Iohn Oldcastle, and some others against the King and the Clergy; upon which many were put in Prison, and 29 were both attainted of Treason, and condemned of Heresie, so they were both Hanged and Burnt. But as a Writer that lived in the following Age, says, Certain affirmed that these were but feigned causes, Hall. surmised of the Spiritualty more of displeasure than truth. That Conspiracy, whether real or pretended, produced a severe Act against those Hereticks, who were then best known by the name of Lollards. By which Act all Officers of State, Judges, Justices of the Peace, Majors, Sheriffs and Bayliffs, were to be Sworn when they took their Imployments, to use their whole Power and Diligence to destroy all Heresies and Errors, called Lollardies, and to assist the Or­dinaries and their Commissaries in their proceedings against them; and that the Lollards should forfeit all the Lands they held in Fee-Simple, and their Goods and Chattels to the King.

[Page 27]The Clergy, according to the Genius of that Religion, having their Authority fortified with such severe Laws, were now more cruel and insolent than ever. And if any man denied them any part of that re­spect, or of those advantages to which they pretended, he was presently brought under the suspition of Heresie, and vexed with Imprisonments, and Articles were brought against him.

Upon which great complaints followed. And the Judges to correct this, granted Habeas Corpus upon their Imprisonments, and examined the Warrants, and either Bailed, or Discharged the Prisoners as they saw cause: For though the Decrees of the Church had made many things Heresie, so that the Clergy had much matter to work upon; yet when Offenders against them in other things could not be charged with any formal Heresie, then by consequences they studied to fasten it on them, but were sometimes over-ruled by the Judges. Thus,5th. year of Edw. 4th. when one Keyser (who was Excommunicated by Thomas Bourchier, Arch-Bishop of Can­terbury, at the Suit of another) said openly, that That Sentence was not to be feared; for though the Arch-Bishop, or his Commissary had Excom­municated him, yet he was not Excommunicated before God; he was upon this Committed by the Arch-Bishop's Warrant, as one justly suspect­ed of Heresie: but the Judges upon his moving for an Habeas Corpus, granted it; and the Prisoner being brought to the Bar, with the War­rant for his Imprisonment, they found the matter contained in it was not within the Statute, and first Bailed him, and after that they Dis­charged him. One Warner of London, having said, That he was not bound to pay Tithes to his Curate, was also imprisoned by Edward Vau­ghan, at the command of the Bishop of London; but he escaped out of Prison, and brought his Action of false Imprisonment against Vaughan. Whereupon Vaughan pleading the Statute of Henry the 4th. and that his Opinion was an Heresie against the Determination of the Catho­lick Faith; the Court of the Common-Pleas judged, That the words were not within the Statute, and that his Opinion was an Error, but no Heresie. So that the Judges looking on themselves as the Interpre­ters of the Law, thought, That even in the case of Heresie, they had Authority to declare, what was Heresie by the Law, and what not: But what opposition the Clergy made to this, I do not know.

I hope the Reader will easily excuse this Digression, it being so ma­terial to the History that is to follow. I shall next set down what I find in the Records about the proceedings against Hereticks in the be­ginning of this Reign.

On the 2d. of May in the year, 1611. Six Men and Four Women,Warham's Proceedings against Here­ticks. Regist. War­ham, Fol. 164. most of them being of Tenterden, appeared before Arch-Bishop Warham, in his Mannor of Knall, and abjured the following Errors. 1st. That in the Sacrament of the Altar is not the Body of Christ, but Material Bread. 2dly. That the Sacraments of Baptism, and Confirmation, are not necessary, nor profitable for mens Souls. 3dly. That Confession of Sins ought not to be made to a Priest. 4thly. That there is no more Power given by God to a Priest than to a Layman. 5thly. That the Solemniza­tion of Matrimony is not profitable, nor necessary for the well of mans Soul. 6thly. That the Sacrament of Extreme Unction is not profitable, nor necessary for mans Soul. 7thly. That Pilgrimages to holy and de­vout Places be not profitable, neither Meritorious for mans Soul. [Page 28] 8thly. That Images of Saints be not to be worshipped. 9thly. That a man should pray to no Saint, but only to God. 10thly. That holy wa­ter and holy bread be not the better after the Benediction made by the Priest, than before. And as they abjured these Opinions, so they were made to Swear, That they should discover all whom they knew to hold these Errors, or who were suspected of them, or that did keep any pri­vate Conventicles, or were Fautors, or Comforters of them that published such Doctrins. Two other men of Tenterden did that day in the Afternoon abjure most of these Opinions. The Court sate again the 5th. of May, and the Arch-Bishop enjoyned them Penance, to wear the Badg of a Fagot in Flames on their Cloaths during their lives, or till they were dispensed with for it; and that in the Procession both at the Cathedral of Canter­bury, and at their own Parish Churches they should carry a Fagot on their shoulders: which was looked on as a publick Confession that they deserved Burning.

That same day another of Tenterdon abjured the same Doctrines. On the 15th. of May the Court sate at Lambeth, where 4 Men and one Woman abjured. On the 19th. Four Men more abjured. On the 3d. of Iune a Man and a Woman abjured. Another Woman the 26th. of Iuly: A­nother Man the 29th. of Iuly: Two Women on the 2d. of August: A Man on the 3d. and a Woman on the 8th. of August: Three Men on the 16th. of August: And three Men and a Woman on the 3d. of Sept. In these Abjurations some were put to abjure more, some fewer of the for­mer Doctrines; and in some of their Abjurations Two Articles more were added, 1st. That the Images of the Crucifix, of our Lady and other Saints, ought not to be worshipped, because they were made with mens hands, and were but Stocks and Stones. 2dly. That Money and Labour spent in Pilgrimages was all in vain. All these Persons (whe­ther they were unjustly accused, or were overcome with fear, or had but crude conceptions of those Opinions, and so were easily frighted out of them) abjured and performed the Penance that was enjoyned them. Others met with harder measure, for on the 29th. of April, in the same year, 1511. one William Carder of Tenterdon, being Endited on the former Articles, he denied them all but one, That he had said it was enough to pray to Almighty God alone, and therefore we needed not to pray to Saints for any mediation. Upon which Witnesses were brought against him, who were all such as were then Prisoners, but intended to abjure, and were now made use of to Convict others. They Swore that he had taught them these Opinions. When their Depositions were published, he said, he did repent if he had said any thing against the Faith and the Sacraments; but he did not remember that he had ever said any such thing. Sentence was given upon him as an obstinate Heretick, and he was delivered up to the Secular Power. On the same day a Woman, Agnes Grevill, was Endited upon the same Articles: She pleaded not Guilty, but by a strange kind of proceeding, her Husband and her Two Sons were brought in Witnesses against her. Her Husband deposed, that in the end of the Reign of King Edward the 4th. one Iohn Ive, had perswaded her into these Opinions, in which she had persisted ever since: Her Sons also deposed, that she had been still infusing these Doctrines into them. One Robert Harrison was also Endited, and pleading not Guilty, Witnesses did prove the Articles against him. And on the 2d. of [Page 29] May Sentence was given against these Two as obstinate He [...]et [...]cks. And the same day the Arch-Bishop Signed the Writs for certi [...]ying these Sen­tences into the Chancery, which conclude in these words: Our holy Mo­ther the Church having nothing further that she can do in this matter, we leave the forementioned Hereticks, and every one of them to your Royal Highness, and to your Secular Council. And on the 8th. o [...] May, Iohn Brown and Ed­ward Walker, being also Endited of Heresie on the former Points, they both pleaded not Guilty. But the Witnesses deposing against them, they were judged obstinate Hereticks, and the former a Relapse, for he had abjured be [...]ore Cardinal Morton. And on the 19th. of May Sentence was given. When, or how the Sentences were Executed, I cannot find. Sure I am, there are no Pardons upon Record [...]or any of them, and it was the course of the Law, either to send a Pardon, or to issue out the Writ for Burning them.

Fox mentions none of these proceedings, only he tells that Iohn Brown was taken for some words said in Discourse with a Priest, about the say­ing of Masses for Redeeming Souls out of Purgatory. Upon which he was committed for suspition of Heres [...]e: But Fox seems to have been misinformed about the time of his Burning, which he says was, Anno 1517. for they would not have kept a condemned Heretick Six years out of the Fire. I never find them guilty of any such clemency. These severe Sentences made the rest so apprehensi [...]e of their danger, that all the others who were Endited, abjured. And in the year, 1512. on the 5th. of Iune, Two men and two women abjured that Article, That in the Sacrament of the Altar, there was only Material Bread, and not the Body of Christ. And on the 4th. and 13th. of Septemb [...]r, Two other women abjured the former Articles; and this is a [...]l that is in Warham's Register about Hereticks.

In what remains of Fitz-Iames, Bishop of London's Register,Fitz-Iames Bishop of Lon­don, his pro­ceeding a­gainst Here­ticks, Fol. 4. There are but Three Abjurations. In the year 1509. one Elizabeth Sampson, of Aldermanbury, was Endited for having spoken reproachfully of the Images of our Lady, of Willsden, Crom, and Walsingham, condemning Pilgrimages to them, and saying, It was better to give Alms at home to poor people, than to go on Pilgrimages; and that Images were but Stocks and Stones, and denying the vertue of the Sacrament of the Altar, when the Priest was not in clean li [...]e, and saying, It was but Bread, and that Christ could not be both in Heaven and Earth; and for denying Christ's Ascension to Heaven, and saying, That more should not go to Heaven than were already in it. But she, to be free of further trouble, confessed her self Guilty, and abjured all those Opi­nions. It is generally observed, That in the proceedings against Lollards, the Clergy always mixed some Capital Errors, which all Christians rejected, with those for which they accused them; and some particu­lars being proved, they gave it out that they were Guilty of them all, to represent them the more odious. And in this case the thing is plain, for this woman is charged for denying Christ's Ascension; and yet a­nother of the Articles was, That she said Christ's Body could not be in the Sacrament, because it could not be both in Heaven and on Earth. Which two Opinions are inconsistent. In the year 1511. William Potier was Endited for saying, There were Three Gods, and that he knew not for what Christ's Passion, or Baptism availed; and did abjure. Whe­ther [Page 30] he only spoke these things Impiously, or whether he held them in Opinion, is not clear. But certainly he was no Lollard. One Ioan Ba­ker was also made to abjure some words she had said, That Images were but Idols, and not to be worshipped; and that they were set up by the Priest out of Covetousness, that they might grow rich by them; and that Pilgrimages were not to be made. More is not in that Register. But Fox gives an account of Six others, who were Burnt in Fitz-Iames his time. On this I have been the longer, that it may appear, what were the Opinions of the Lollards at that time before Luther had publi­shed any thing against the Indulgences. For these Opinions did very much dispose people to receive the Writings which came afterwards out of Germany.

The Pro­gress of Lu­ther's Doctrin.The First beginnings and progress of Luther's Doctrine are so well known, that I need not tell how upon the publishing of Indulgences in Germany, in so gross a manner, that for a little Money any man might both preserve himself, and deliver his Friends out of Purgatory, many were offended at this merchandise, against which Luther wrote. But it concerning the See of Rome in so main a Point of their Prerogative, which would also have cut off a great Branch of their Revenue, he was proceeded against with extreme severity: So small a spark as that Col­lision made, could never have raised so great a fire▪ i [...] the world had not been strongly disposed to it, by the just prejudices they had conceived against the Popish Clergy, whose Ignorance and lewd Lives had laid them so open to contempt and hatred, that any one that would set him­self against them, could not but be kindly looked on by the people. They had engrossed the greatest part both of the Riches and Power of Chri­stendom, and lived at their ease and in much Wealth. And the cor­ruptions of their Worship and Doctrine were such, that a very small proportion of common sense, with but an overly looking on the New Testament, discovered them. Nor had they any other varnish to co­lour them by, but the Authority and Traditions of the Church. But when some studious men began to read the Ancient Fathers, and Coun­cils (though there was then a great mixture of Sophisticated stuff that went under the Ancient names, and was joyned to their true works, which Criticks have since discovered to be spurious) they found a vast difference between the first Five Ages of the Christian Church, in which Piety and Learning prevailed, and the last Ten Ages in which Ignorance had buried all their former Learning, only a little misguided Devotion was retained for Six of these Ages; and in the last Four, the restless Am­bition and Usurpation of the Popes was supported by the seeming holi­ness of the begging Friers, and the false Counterfeits of Learning, which were among the Canonists, School-men and Casuists. So that it was incredible to see, how men, notwithstanding all the opposition the Princes every-where made to the progress of these reputed new Opinions, and the great advantages by which the Church of Rome both held and drew many into their Interests, were generally inclined to these Doctrines. Those of the Clergy, who at first Preached them, were of the begging Orders of Friers, who having fewer engagements on them from their Interests, were freer to discover and follow the truth. And the austere Discipline they had been trained under, did prepare them to encounter those difficulties that lay in their way. And the Laity that had long [Page 31] lookt on their Pastors with an evil eye, did receive these Opinions very easily; which did both discover the Impostures with which the world had been abused, and shewed a plain and simple way to the Kingdom of Heaven, by putting the Scriptures into their hands, and such other Instructions about Religion, as were sincere and genuine. The Clergy who at first despised these new Preachers, were at length much Allarmed when they saw all people running after them, and r [...]ceiving their Do­ctrines.

As these things did spread much in Germany, Switzerland, and the Ne­therlands, so their Books came over into England, where there was much matter already prepared to be wrought on, not only by the prejudices they had conceived against the corrupt Clergy, but by the Opinions of the Lollards which had been now in England since the days of Wickliff, for about 150 years. Between which Opinions, and the Doctrines of the Reformers, there was great Affinity; and therefore, to give the bet­ter vent to the Books that came out of Germany, many of them were translated into the English-Tongue, and were very much read and ap­plauded. This quickned the proceedings against the Lollards, and the enquiry became so severe, that great numbers were brought into the Toils of the Bishops and their Commissaries. If a man had spoken but a light word against any of the Constitutions of the Church, he was sei­zed on by the Bishop's Officers; and if any taught their Children the Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and the Apostle's Creed in the Vulgar Tongue, that was crime enough to bring them to the Stake: As it did Six men and a woman at Coventry, in the Passion-week, 1519. being the 4th. of April. Longland, Fox. Bishop of Lincoln was very cruel to all that were suspected of Heresie in his Diocess; several of them abjured, and some were Burnt.

But all that did not produce what they designed by it. The Clergy did not correct their own faults, and their cruelty was looked on as an evidence of Guilt, and of a weak Cause; so that the method they took, wrought only on peoples fears, and made them more cautious and re­served, but did not at all remove the Cause, nor work either on their reasons or affections.

Upon all this, the King to get himself a name,The King writes against Luther. 1522. and to have a lasting Interest with the Clergy, thought it not enough to assist them with his Authority, but would needs turn their Champion, and write against Luther in defence of the Seven Sacraments. This Book was magnified by the Clergy as the most Learned Work that ever the Sun saw; and he was compared to King Solomon, and to all the Christian Emperours that had ever been: And it was the chief subject of flattery for many years, besides the glorious Title of Defender of the Faith, which the Pope be­stowed on him for it. And it must be acknowledged, that considering the Age, and that it was the Work of a King, it did deserve some Com­mendation. But Luther was not at all daunted at it, but rather valued himself upon it, that so great a King had entred the lists with him, and answered his Book. And he replied, not without a large mixture of Acrimony, for which he was generally blamed, as forgetting that great respect, that is due to the Persons of Soveraign Princes.

But all would not do. These Opinions still gained more footing, and William Tindal made a Translation of the New Testament in English, [Page 32] to which he added some short Glosses.October 23. Reg. Ton­stall, Fol. 45. with which that in Fox a­grees exactly. This was printed in Antwerp, and sent over into England in the year 1526. Against which there was a Prohibition published by every Bishop in his Diocess. Bearing that some of Luthers followers had erroneously Translated the New Testa­ment, and had corrupted the Word of God, both by a false Translation, and by Heretical Glosses: Therefore they required all Incumbents to charge all within their Parishes, that had any of these, to bring them in to the Vicar-General within 30 days after that premonition, under the pains of Excommunication and incurring the suspition of Heresie. There were also many other Books Prohibited at that time, most of them written by Tindal. And Sir Thomas More, who was a man cele­brated for Vertue and Learning,Collect. numb. 6th. undertook the answering of some of those; but before he went about it, he would needs have the Bishops Li­cence for keeping and reading them. He wrote according to the way of the Age with much bitterness: and though he had been no Friend to the Monks, and a great declaimer against the Ignorance of the Cler­gy, and had been ill used by the Cardinal; yet he was one of the bit­terest Enemies of the new Preachers, not without great cruelty when he came into Power, though he was otherwise a very good-natured man. So violently did the Roman Clergy hurry all their Friends into those excesses of Fire and Sword.

When the Party became so considerable, that it was known there were Societies of them, not only in London, but in both the Universities, then the Cardinal was constrained to act. His contempt of the Clergy was looked on as that which gave encouragement to the Hereticks. When reports were brought to Court of a company that were in Cambridge, Bil­ney, Latimer, and others that read and propagated Luther's Book and Opinions; some Bishops moved, in the year 1523. that there might be a Visitation appointed to go to Cambridge, for trying who were the Fau­tors of Heresie there. But he, as Legate, did inhibite it (upon what grounds I cannot imagine.) Which was brought against him afterwards in Parliament (Art. 43. of his Impeachment.) Yet when these Doctrines were spread every-where, he called a meeting of all the Bishops and Di­vines, and Canonists about London; where Thomas Bilney and Thomas Arthur were brought before them, and Articles were brought in against them. The whole process is set down at length by Fox in all Points ac­cording to Tonstall's Register, except one fault in the Translation. When the Cardinal asked Bilney whether he had not taken an Oath before, not to preach, or defend any of Luthers Doctrines; he confessed he had done it, but not judicially, (judicialiter in the Register) This Fox Translates, not lawfully. In all the other particulars there is an exact agreement be­tween the Register and his Acts. The sum of the proceedings of the Court, was, That after examination of Witnesses, and several other steps in the Process, which the Cardinal left to the Bishop of London, and the other Bishops to manage; Bilney stood out long, and seemed re­solved to suffer for a good Conscience. In the end, what through hu­man infirmity, what through the great importunity of the Bishop of London, who set all his Friends on him, he did abjure on the 7th. of December, as Arthur had done on the 2d. of that Month. And though Bilney was relapst, and so was to expect no mercy by the Law, yet the Bishop of London enjoyned him Penance, and let him go. For Tonstall [Page 33] being a man both of good Learning and an unblemisht life, these Ver­tues produced one of their ordinary effects in him, great moderation, that was so eminent in him, that at no time did he dip his hands in Blood. Geoffrey Loni, and Thomas Gerard, also abjured for having had Luther's Books, and defending his Opinions.

These were the proceedings against Hereticks, in the first half of this Reign. And thus far I have opened the State of Affairs, both as to Re­ligious and Civil concerns for the first 18 years of this Kings time, with what Observations I could gather of the dispositions and tempers of the Nation at that time, which prepared them for the Changes that follow­ed afterwards.

The End of the First Book.

THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England. BOOK II.

Of the Process of Divorce between King Henry and Queen Katha­rine, and of what passed from the Nineteenth to the Twenty fifth year of his Reign, in which he was declared Supreme Head of the Church of England.

KING Henry hitherto lived at ease, and enjoyed his plea­sures;The begin­ning of the Suit of Di­vorce. he made War with much honour, and that al­ways produced a just and advantageous Peace. He had no trouble upon him in all his affairs, except about the getting of Money, and even in that, the Cardinal eased him. But now a Domestick trouble arose, which per­plexed all the rest of his Government, and drew after it Consequences of a high nature.

The Marri­age of Prince Arthur to the Infanta of Spain. Henry the 7th. upon wise and good considerations, resolved to link himself in a close Confederacy with Ferdinand and Isabella, Kings of Ca­stile and Arragon, and with the House of Burgundy against France, which was looked on as the lasting and dangerous Enemy of England. And therefore a Match was agreed on between his Son, Prince Arthur, and Katharine the Infanta of Spain, whose eldest Sister Ioan was Married to Philip, that was then Duke of Burgundy, and Earl of Flanders; out of which arose a triple Alliance between England, Spain, and Burgundy, against the King of France, who was then become formidable to all about him. There was given with her 200000 Duckats, the greatest Portion that had been given for many Ages with any Princess, which made it not the less acceptable to King Henry the Seventh.

[Page]

EFFIGIES CATHARINAE PRINCIPIS ARTHURI VXORIS HENRICO REGI NUPTAE

H. Holbe [...]n Pinxit R. White Sculp

1486. Nata. 1501. Nov. 14. Arthuro nupsit. 1509. Iun. 3. Henrico Regi nupsit. 1526. toro exclusa. 1533. May. 23 incesti damnata. 1536. Ian. 8. obijt.

Printed for Rich: Chiswell at the Rose & Crown in St Pauls Church yard

[Page 35]The Infanta was brought into England, 1501. and on the 14th of Nov. was Married at St. Pauls to the Prince of Wales. They lived toge­ther as man and wife, till the 2d of April following; and not only had their Bed solemnly blest when they were put in it, on the night of their Marriage, but also were seen publickly in Bed for several days after,See the De­posit [...]ons of Witnesses in L. Herbert. and went down to live at Ludlow-Castle in Wales, where they still Bedded together. But Prince Arthur, though a strong and healthful youth when he Married her, yet died soon after, which some thought was hastened by his too early Marriage.Prince Arth. his Death. Apr▪ 2. 1502. The Spanish Ambassador had by his Masters order taken proofs of the Consummation of the Marriage, and sent them into Spain; the young Prince also himself had by many expressions given his Servants cause to believe that his Marriage was consummated the first night, which in a youth of Sixteen years of Age, that was vigorous and healthful, was not at all judged strange. It was so constantly believed that when he dyed, his young­er Brother Henry Duke of York was not called Prince of Wales, for some considerable time. Some say for one Month, some for 6 Months.Bacons Henry the 7th. And he was not created Prince of Wales till 10 Months were elapsed, viz. in the February following, when it was apparent that his Bro­thers wife was not with Child by him. These things were afterwards looked on as a full Demonstration (being as much as the thing was capable of) that the Princess was not a Virgin after Prince Arthur's Death.

But the reason of State still standing for keeping up the Alliance a­gainst France, Consultations about a second Marriage of the Infanta to his Brother. and King Henry the 7th having no mind to let so great a Revenue as she had in Jointure be carried out of the Kingdom, it was proposed That she should be married to the younger Brother Henry now Prince of Wales. The two Prelats that were then in greatest esteem with King Henry the 7th, were Warham Arch-Bishop of Canter­bury, and Fox Bishop of Winchester. The former delivered his opini­on against it,Warham's Deposition in L Herbert. and told the King that he thought it was neither honou­rable nor well-pleasing to God. The Bishop of Winchester perswaded it, and for the Objections that were against it, and the Murmuring of the people who did not like a Marriage that was disputable, lest out of it new Wars should afterwards arise about the Right of the Crown, the Popes Dispensation was thought sufficient to answer all; and his Authority was then so undisputed that it did it effectually. So a Bull was obtained on the 26 of Decemb. 1503 to this effect, that the Pope ac­cording to the greatness of his Authority, It is allowed by the Pope Collections Numb. first. having received a Petition from Prince Henry and the Princess Katharine, Bearing, That whereas the Prin­cess was Lawfully Married to Prince Arthur (which was perhaps consumma­ted by the Carnalis Copula) who was dead without any issue, but they being desirous to Marry for preserving the Peace between the Crowns of England and Spain, did Petition his Holiness for his Dispensation; therefore the Pope, out of his care to maintain peace among all Catholick Kings, did ab­solve them from all Censures under which they might be, and Dispensed with the Impediment of their Affinity, notwithstanding any Apostolical Constitu­tions or Ordinances to the contrary, and gave them leave to Marry, or if they were already Married, he Confirming it, required their Confessor to en­joyn them some healthful penance for their having Married before the Dispen­sation was obtained.

[Page 36] Upon politi­cal reasons. L. Herbert.It was not much to be wondred at, that the Pope did readily grant this, for though very many both Cardinals and Divines did then op­pose it, yet the Interest of the Papacy, which was preferred to all o­ther Considerations, required it. For as that Pope being a great Ene­my to Lewis the 12th the French King, would have done any thing to make an Alliance against him firmer; so he was a War-like Pope who considered Religion very little, and therefore might be easily per­swaded to Confirm a thing that must needs oblige the succeeding Kings of England to maintain the Papal Authority, since from it they deriv­ed their Title to the Crown; little thinking that by a secret Direction of an over-ruling Providence, that Deed of his would occasion the ex­tirpation of the Papal Power in England. So strangely doth God make the Devices of Men become of no effect, and turn them to a contrary end to that which is intended.

Upon this Bull they were Married, the Prince of Wales being yet under Age. But Warham had so possessed the King with an aversion to this Marriage,Henry Pro­tests against it. Iun. 27. 1505. that on the same day that the Prince was of Age, he by his Fathers command, laid on him in the presence of many of the Nobility and others, made a Protestation in the hands of Fox Bishop of Winchester before a publick Notary,Collect. Num. 2d Morison. and read it himself, by which he Declared, ‘That whereas he being under Age was Married to the Princess Katharine, yet now coming to be of Age, he did not con­firm that Marriage but retracted and Annulled it, and would not pro­ceed in it, but intended in full form of Law to void it and break it off; which he declared he did freely and of his own accord.’

His Father also disswaded it.Thus it stood during his Fathers life, who continued to the last to be against it; and when he was just dying, he charged his Son to break it off, though it is possible that no consideration of Religion might work so much on him, as the apprehension he had of the troubles that might follow on a controverted Title to the Crown;Apr. 22. 1509 K. Henry VII. dies. of which the Wars between the Houses of York and Lancaster had given a fresh and sad Demonstration. The King being dead, one of the first things that came under Consultation, was, that the young King must either break his Marriage totally,Henry being come to the Crown Mar­ries her. Iun. 3 They are Crowned Iune 24. Son born Ian. 1. 1511. dies Feb. 22. another born and dies Nov. 1514. Lady Mary born Feb. 19. 1516. or conclude it. Arguments were brought on both hands▪ but those for it prevailed most with the King: So six weeks after he came to the Crown, he was Married again publick­ly, and soon after they were both Crowned. On the first day of the year she made him a very acceptable new-years gift of a Son, but he dyed in the Febru [...]ry thereafter: She miscarried often, and an other Son dyed soon after he was born; only the Lady Mary lived to a per­fect Age.

In this state was the Kings Family when the Queen le [...]t bearing more Children, and contracted some diseases, that made her person unacceptable to him; but was, as to her other Qualities, a vertuous and grave Princess, much esteemed and beloved both of the King and the whole Nation. The King being out of hopes of more Children declared his Daughter Princess of Wales, and sent her to Ludlow to hold her Court there, and projected divers Matches for her. The first was with the Dolphin, which was agreed to between the King of France and him the 9th of Novemb. 1518. as appears by the Treaty yet ex­tant. But this was broken afterwards upon the Kings Confederating [Page 37] with the Emperor against France, 1 [...]27. and a new Match agreed and sworn to between the Emperor and the King at Windsor the 22 of Iune 1522. the Emperor being present in person.1518. Treaty Rolls 10. Reg. His Daughter Mary Contra­cted to the Dolphin, Octo­ber 11. Afterwards to the Empe­ror. Iun. 22. 1522. Offer'd to Scotland. Sept. 1524. again to France. April 30. 1527. For K. Fran­cis himself, or for his Son the Duke of Orle­ance. The Kings Marriage que­stioned by Forreigners This being afterwards neglected and broken by the Emperor, by the advice of his Cortes and States, as was formerly related, there followed some Overtures of a Marriage with Scotland. But those also vanished, and there was a se­cond Treaty begun with France, the King offering his Daughter to Francis himself, which he gladly accepting, a Match was Treated: and on the last of April, it was agreed that the Lady Mary should be gi­ven in Marriage either to Francis himself, or to his second Son the Duke of Orleance; and that Alternative was to be determined by the two Kings, at an Enterview that was to be between them, soon after at Calais, with forfeitures on both sides if the Match went not on.

But while this was in agitation the Bishop of Tarbe the French Am­bassador made a a great demur about the Princess Mary's being ille­gitimate, as begotten in a Marriage that was contracted against a Di­vine precept, with which no humane Authority could Dispense. How far this was secretly concerted between the French Court and ours, or between the Cardinal and the Ambassador, is not known. It is sur­mised that the King or the Cardinal set on the French to make this exception publickly, that so the King might have a better Colour to justifie his suit of Divorce, since other Princes were already question­ing it. For if upon a Marriage proposed of such infinite advantage to France, as that would be with the Heir of the Crown of England, they never [...]heless made Exceptions and proceeded but coldly in it, it was very reasonable to expect that after the Kings Death, other Pre­tenders would have disputed her Title in another manner.

To some it seemed strange that the King did offer his Daughter to such great Princes as the Emperor and the King of France, to whom if England had fallen in her Right, it must have been a Pro­vince: for though in the last Treaty with France, she was offered ei­ther to the King, or his second Son; by which either the Children which the King might have by her, or the Children of the Duke of Orleance, should have been Heirs to the Crown of England, and there­by it would still have continued divided from France; yet this was full of hazard, for if the Duke of Orleance by his Brothers Death should become King of France, as it afterwards fell out, or if the King of France had been once possessed of England, then according to the max­ime of the French Government, that whatever their King acquires he holds it in the Right of his Crown, England was still to be a Pro­vince to France, unless they freed themselves by Arms. Others judg­ed that the King intended to Marry her to France, the more effe­ctually to seclude her from the Succession, considering the aversion his Subjects had to a French Government, that so he might more ea­sily settle his Bastard Son the Duke of Richmond in the Succession of the Crown.

While this Treaty went on,The King himself Scru­ples it. Sanderus de Schism. Angl. the Kings scruples about his Marriage began to take vent. It is said that the Cardinal did first infuse them into him, and made Longland Bishop of Lincoln, that was the Kings Confessor, possess the Kings mind with them in Confession. If it was so, the King had, according to the Religion of that time, very just [Page 38] cause of Scruple, when his Confessor judged his Marriage sinful, and the Popes Legate was of the same mind. It is also said that the Car­dinal being alienated from the Emperor, that he might irreparably embroil the King and him, and unite the King to the French Inter­ests, designed this out of Spite; and that he was also dissatisfied to­ward the Queen, who hated him for his lewd and dissolute Life, and had oft admonished and check't him for it: And that he therefore, de­signing to engage the King to Marry the French Kings Sister the Dutchess of Alenoon, did (to make way for that) set this Matter on foot: but as I see no good Authority for all this, except the Queens suspitions, who did afterwards charge the Cardinal as the cause of all her trouble;In his Letter to Bucer, Sept. 10. 1531. in MSS. R. Smith. so I am inclined to think the Kings Scruples were much ancienter, for the King declared to Simon Grineus four years after this, that for seven years he had abstained from the Queen upon these Scru­ples, so that by that it seems they had been received into the Kings mind three years before this time.

The grounds of his Scru­ples.What were the Kings secret motives and the true grounds of his Aversion to the Queen, is only known to God, and till the discove­ry of all Secrets at the day of Judgment, must lye hid. But the rea­sons which he always owned, of which all Humane Judicatories must only take notice, shall be now fully opened. He found by the Law of Moses, if a man took his Brothers Wife they should die childless: This made him reflect on the death of his Children, which he now looked on as a Curse from God for that unlawful Marriage. Upon this he set himself to Study the case, and called for the judgments of the best Divines and Canonists. For his own Enquiry, Thomas Aqui­nas being the Writer in whose works he took most pleasure, and to whose judgment he submitted most, did decide it clearly against him. For he both Concluded, that the Laws in Leviticus about the forbid­den degrees of Marriage were Moral and Eternal, such as obliged all Christians; and that the Pope could only Dispense with the Laws of the Church, but could not Dispense with the Laws of God. Up­on this reason, that no Law can be Dispenced with, by any Autho­rity, but that which is equal to the Authority that enacted it. There­fore he infers that the Pope can indeed Dispence with all the Laws of the Church, but not with the Laws of God, to whose Authority he could not pretend to be equal. But as the King found this from his own private Study, so having commanded the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to require the Opinions of the Bishops of England, they all in a Writing under their hands and Seals,All his Bi­shops, except Fisher, declare it unlawful. declared they judged it an unlawful Marriage. Only the Bishop of Rochester refused to set his hand to it, and though the Arch-Bishop pressed him most earnest­ly to it, yet he persisted in his refusal, saying, that it was against his Conscience. Upon which the Arch-Bishop made another write down his Name,Cavendish his li [...]e of Wolsey. and set his Seal to the Resolution of the rest of the Bishops. But this being afterwards questioned, the Bishop of Rochester denied it was his hand, and the Arch-Bishop pretended that he had leave given him by the Bishop to put his hand to it, which the other de­nied. Nor was it likely that Fisher who scrupled in Conscience to Subscribe it himself, would have consented to such a weak Artifice. But all the other Bishops did declare against the Marriage, and as the [Page 39] King himself said afterwards in the Legantine Court, neither the Cardi­nal nor the Bishop of Lincoln did first suggest these scruples, but the King being possessed with them, did in Confession propose them to that Bi­shop: and added that the Cardinal was so far from cherishing them, that he did all he could to stiffle them.

The King was now convinced that his Marriage was unlawful,The dan­gers that were like to follow from it. both by his own study, and the resolution of his Divines. And as the point of Conscience wrought on him, so the Interest of the Kingdom required, that there should be no doubting about the Succession to the Crown: left as the long Civil-War between the Houses of York and Lancaster had been buried with his Father, so a new one should rise up at his death. The King of Scotland was the next Heir to the Crown after his Daugh­ter. And if he Married his Daughter to any out of France, then he had reason to judge, that the French upon their Ancient Alliance with Scot­land, and that they might divide and distract England, would be ready to assist the King of Scotland in his pretensions: Or if he Married her in France, then all those in England to whom the French Government was hateful, and the Emperour and other Princes to whom the French Pow­er grew formidable, would have been as ready to support the pretensions of Scotland. Or if he should either set up his Barstard Son, or the Child­ren which his Sister bore to Charles Brandon, there was still cause to fear a Bloody decision of a Title that was so doubtful. And though this may seem a consideration too Politick and Forreign to a matter of that nature; yet the obligation that lies on a Prince to provide for the happiness and quiet of his Subjects, was so weighty a thing, that it might well come in among other Motives, to incline the King much to have this matter determined.Wols [...]y went into France 1527. Iuly 11. At this time the Cardinal went over into France under colour to conclude a League between the Two Crowns, and to Treat about the means of setting the Pope at liberty, who was then the Emperours Prisoner at Rome; and also for a project of Peace between Francis, and the Emperour. But his chief business was to re­quire Francis to declare his Resolutions concerning that alternative a­bout the Lady Mary. To which it was answered, That the Duke of Orleance as a fitter Match in years, was the French King's Choice; but this matter fell to the ground upon the Process that followed soon a [...]ter.

The King did much apprehend the opposition the Emperour was like to make to his designs;The Kings fears & hopes about it. either out of a principle of nature and honour to protect his Aunt, or out of a Maxime of State, to raise his Enemy all the trouble he could at home. But on the other hand he had some cause to hope well even in that particular. For the Question of the unlaw­fulness of the Match had been first debated in the Cortes, or Assembly of the States at Madrid; and the Emperour had then shewed himself so [...]avourable to it, that he broke the Match, (to which he had bound himself) with the Princess. Therefore the King had reason to think that this at least would mitigate his opposition. The Emperour had also used the Pope so hardly, that it could not be doubted that the Pope hated him. And it was believed that he would find the protection of the King of England most necessary to secure him, either from the great­ness of France or Spain, who were Fighting for the best part of Italy, which must needs fall into one of their hands. Therefore the King did not doubt but the Pope would be compliant to his desires. And in this [Page 40] he was much confirmed by the hopes, or rather assurance, which the Cardinal gave him of the Popes favour; who either calculating what was to be expected from that Court on the account of their own Inte­rest, or upon some promises made him, had undertaken to the King to bring that matter about to his hearts content. It is certain that the Cardinal had carried over with him out of the Kings Treasure 240000 l. to be employed about the Popes Liberty.L. Herbert. But whether he had made a bargain for the Divorce, or had fancied that nothing could be denied him at Rome, it does not appear. It is clear by many of his Letters that he had undertaken to the King, that the business should be done; and it is not like that a man of his wisdom would have adventured to do that without some good warrant.

The Argu­ments against the Bull.But now that the Suit was to be moved in the Court of Rome, they were to devise such Arguments as were like to be well heard there. It would have been unacceptable to have insisted on the nullity of the Bull on this account, because the matter of it was unlawful, and fell not within the Popes Power. For Popes, like others Princes, do not love to hear the extent of their Prerogative disputed, or defined. And to condemn the Bull of a former Pope as unlawful, was a dangerous Prece­dent at a time when the Popes Authority was rejected by so many in Germany. Therefore the Canonists as well as Divines, were consulted to find such Nullities in the Bull of Dispensation, as according to the Canon-Law, and the proceedings of the Rota, might serve to invalidate it without any diminution of the Papal Power. Which being once done, the Marriage that followed upon it, must needs be annulled. When the Canonists examined the Bull, they found much matter to proceed upon. It is a Maxime in Law, that if the Pope be surprized in any thing, and Bulls be procured upon false suggestions and untrue premises, they may be annulled a [...]terwards. Upon [...]hich foundation most of all the Pro­cesses against Popes Bulls were grounded. Now they found by the pre­amble of this Bull that it was said, The King had desired that he might be dispensed with to Marry the Princess. This was false; for the King had made no such desire, being of an Age that was below such consider­ations, but Twelve years old. Then it appeared by the preamble that this Bull was desired by the King to preserve the Peace between the King of England, and Ferdinand, and Isabella (called Elizabetha in the Bull) the Kings of Spain. To which they excepted, That it was plain this was false, since the King being then but Twelve years old, could not be supposed to have such deep speculations, and so large a prospect as to desire a Match upon a politick account. Then it being also in the Bull, that the Popes Dis­pensation was granted to keep Peace between the Crowns, if there was no hazard of any Breach or War between them, this was a false suggestion, by which the Pope had been made believe, That this Match was necessary for averting some great mischief. And it was known that there was no danger [...]t all of that, and so this Bull was obtained by a surprise. Besides, both King Henry of England, and Isabella of Spain were dead before the King Married his Queen; so the Marriage could not be valid by vertue of a Bull that was granted to maintain Amity between Princes that were dead before the Marriage was consummated: And they also judged that the Protestation which the King made, when he came of Age, did retract any such pretended desire, that might have been preferred to the Pope [Page 41] in his name; and that from that time forward, the Bull could have no further operation, since the ground upon which it was granted, which was the King's desire, did then cease, any pretended desire before he was of Age being clearly annulled and determined by that Protestation after he was of Age, so that a subsequent Marriage founded upon the Bull must needs be void.

These were the grounds upon which the Canonists advised the Process at Rome to be carried on. But first to amuse or over-reach the Spaniard, Wolsey's ad­vice to the King, 1527. Aug. 1. the King sent word to his Ambassadour in Spain to silence the noise that was made about it in that Court. Whether the King had then resolved on the Person that should Succeed the Queen, when he had obtained what he desired, or not, is much questioned. Some suggest that from the beginning he was taken with the charmes of Anne Boleyn, and that all this Process was moved by the unseen spring of that secret affection. Others will have this Amour to have been later in the King's thoughts. How early it came there, as this distance it is not easie to de [...]ermine.Sanders his story about Anne Bol [...]yn examined. But before I say more of it, she being so considerable a Person in the [...]ollow­ing Relation, I shall give some account of her. Sanders has assured the world. ‘That the King had a liking to her Mother, who was Daugh­ter to the Duke of Norfolk, For this he ci [...]es Rastal's life of Sir Tho. Moor, a Book that was never seen by any body else. and to the end that he might enjoy her with the less disturbance, he sent her Husband Sir Thomas Boleyn to be Ambassadour in France: And that after Two years absence his Wife being with Child, he came over, and sued a Divorce against her in the Arch-Bishop of Canterburies Court, but the King sent the Marques of Dorchester to let him know, that she was with Child by him, and that therefore the King desired he would pass the matter over, and be re­conciled to his Wi [...]e: to which he consented. And so Anne Boleyn, though she went under the name of his Daughter, yet was of the King's b [...]getting. As he describes her, she was ill-shaped and ugly, had Six Fingers, a Gag-tooth, and a Tumor under her Chin, with many other unseemly things in her Person. At the 15th. year of her Age, he says, both her Father's Butler and Chaplain lay with her: Afterwa [...]ds she was sent to France, where she was at first kept privatly in the house of a Person of Quality, then she went to the French Court, where she led such a dissolute life, that she was called, the English Hackney. That the French King liked her, and from the freedoms he took with her, she was called, the King's Mule. But returning to England, she was admitted to the Court, where she quickly perceived how weary the King was of the Queen, and what the Cardinal was designing; and having gained the King's affection, she governed it so, that by all inno­cent freedoms she drew him into her Toiles, and by the appearances of a severe virtue, with which she disguised her self, so encreased his affection and esteem, that he resolved to put her in his Queens place as soon as the Divorce was granted. The same Author adds, That the King had likewise enjoyed her Sister, with a great deal more, to the disgrace of this Lady and her Family.’

I know it is not the work of an Historian to refute the Lies of others, but rather to deliver such a plain account as will be a more effectual con­futation, than any thing can be that is said by way of Argument, which belongs to other Writers. And at the end of this King's Reign, I intend to set down a Collection of the most Notorious False-hoods of that Wri­ter, [Page 42] together with the evidences of their being so. But all this of Anne Boleyn is so palpable a lie, or rather a complicated heap of lies, and so much depends on it, that I presume it will not offend the Reader to be detained a few minutes in the refutation of it. For if it were true, very much might be drawn from it, both to disparage King Henry, who pre­tended Conscience to annul his Marriage for the nearness of Affinity, and yet would after that Marry his own Daughter. It leaves also a foul and lasting stain both on the Memory of Anne Boleyn, and of her incom­parable Daughter Queen Elizabeth. It also derogates so much from the first Reformers, who had some kind of dependence on Queen Anne Boleyn, that it seems to be of great importance for directing the Reader in the judgment he is to make of persons and things, to lay open the falshood of this account. It were sufficient for blasting it, that there is no proof pre­tended to be brought for any part of it, but a Book of one Rastall a Judg, that was never seen by any other person than that Writer. The Title of the Book is The Life of Sir Thomas More: there is great reason to think that Rastall never writ any such Book, for it is most common for the Lives of great Authors to be prefixed to their Works. Now this Rastall publish­ed all More's Works in Queens Maries Reign, to which if he had writ­ten his Life, it is likely he would have prefixt it. No evidence therefore being given for his Relation, either from Record, Letters, or the Testi­mony of any person who was privy to the matter, the whole is to be looked upon as a black Forgery, devised on purpose to defame Queen Elizabeth. For upon her Mothers death, who can doubt but that some, either to flatter the King, or to defame her, would have published these things, which if they had been true, could be no secrets? For a Lady of her Mothers condition to bear a Child, two years after her Husband was sent out of England on such a publick Employment, and a Process there­upon to be entred in the Arch-Bishops Courts, are things that are not so soon to be forgotten. And that she her self was under so ill a Repu­tation, both in her Father's Family, and in France, for common lewd­ness, and for being the Kings Concubin, are things that could not lie hid. And yet when the Books of the Arch-Bishops Courts (which are now burnt) were extant, it was published to the world, and satisfacti­on offered to every one that would take the pains to inform themselves,Anti-San­derus. that there was no such thing on Record. Nor did any of the Writers of that time, either of the Imperial or Papal side, once mention these things, notwithstanding their great occasion to do it. But 80 years after, this Fable was invented, or at least it was then first published, when it was sa­fer to lie, because none who had lived in the time could disprove it.

But it has not only no foundation, but Sanders through the vulgar errors of Liars, has strained his wit to make so ill a story of the Lady, that some things in his own relation, make it plainly appear to be im­possible. For to pass by those many improbable things that he relates, as namely, That both the King of England and the French King, could be so taken with so ugly and monstrous a Woman, of so notorious and lewd manners; and that this King, for the space of Seven years, that is, during the Suit of the Divorce, should continue enamoured of her, and ne­ver discover this, or having discovered it, should yet resolve at all hazards to make her his Wife; which are things that would require no common testimony to make them seem credible: There is beside in that story, an [Page 43] heap of things so inconsistent with one another,1501. that none but such an one as Sanders could have had either blindness or brow enough to have made or publisht it. For first, if the King, that he might the more freely enjoy Sir Thomas Boleyn's Lady, sent him over into France, as Sanders says, I shall allow it as soon as may be, that it was in the very beginning of his Reign 1509. Then the time when Anne Boleyn was born, being according to Sanders his account two years after, that must be Anno 1511. and being, as he says, deflowred when she was 15. that must be Anno 1526. Then some time must be allowed for her going to France, for her living privately there for some time, and af­terwards for her coming to Court, and meriting those Characters that he says went upon her; and after all that, for her return into England, and insinuating her self into the Kings favour: yet by Sanders his own Relation these things must have happened in the same year 1526. for in that year he makes the King think of putting away his Wife in or­der to Marry Anne Boleyn, when according to his account she could be but 15. years old, though this King had sent Sir Thomas Boleyn into France the first day of his coming to the Crown. But that he [...]as not sent so early appears by several Grants, that I have seen in the Rolls, which were made to him in the first 4 years of the Kings Reign: They sufficiently shew that he was all that while about the Kings person, and mention no services beyond Sea, but about the Kings person, as the ground upon which they were made. Besides, I find in the Treaty-Rolls no mention of his being Ambassador the first 8 years of the Kings Reign. In the first year the Bishops of Winchester and Duresme, March. 10. 1509. and the Earl of Surrey, are named in the Treaty between the two Crowns, as the Kings Ambassadors in France. After this, none could be Ambassa­dors there for two years together,Feb. 12. 1511 1514. for before two years elapsed there was a War proclaimed against France, and when overtures were made for a Peace, it appears by the Treaty-Rolls that the Earl of Worcester was sent over Ambassador. And when the Kings sister was sent over to Lewis the French King, though Sir Thomas Boleyn went over with her,Septemb. 23▪ 6to Regn. he was not then so much considered as to be made an Ambassa­dor. For in the Commission that was given to many persons of Qua­lity, to deliver her to her Husband King Lewis the 12, Sir Thomas Bo­leyn is not named. The persons in the Commission are the Duke of Norfolk, the Marquess of Dorchester, the Bishop of Duresm, the Earls of Surrey and Worcester, the Prior of St. Iohns, 1515. and Doctor West Dean of Windsor. A year after that, Sir Thomas Boleyn was made Ambassador; but then it was too late for Anne Boleyn to be yet un­born, much less could it be, as Sanders says, that she was born two years after it.

But the Learned Camden, Cambd. I [...] ap­parat [...] ad Hi [...]t▪ Eliz. Reg. whose Study and Profession led him to a more particular knowledg of these things, gives us another account of her birth. He says that she was born in the year 1507. which was two years before the King came to the Crown. And if it be sug­gested, that then the Prince, to enjoy her Mother, prevailed with his Father to send her Husband beyond Sea, that must be done when the Prince himself was not 14 years of Age: so they must make him to have corrupted other mens wives at that Age, when yet they will not allow his Brother (no not when he was 2 years older) to have known his own wife.

[Page 44] 1528.But now I leave this foul Fiction, and go to deliver certain Truths· Anne Boleyn's Mother was Daughter to the Duke of Norfolk, and Sister to the Duke that was at the time of the Divorce Lord Treasurer.Her Birth. Her Fathers Mother was one of the Daughters and heirs to the Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond, and her great Grand-Father Sir Geofry Boleyn, who had been Lord Major of London, Married one of the Daughters and Heirs of the Lord Hastings; and their Family as they had mixed with so much great Blood, so had Married their Daughters to very Noble Families. She being but seven years old was carried over to France with the Kings Sister,1514. which shews she could have none of those deformities in her person, since such are not brought into the Courts and Families of Queens. And though upon the French Kings Death the Queen Dowager came soon back to England, and Breeding. yet she was so lik­ed in the French Court, that the next King Francis his Queen kept her about her self for some years: and after her death the Kings Si­ster the Dutchess of Alenson, kept her in her Court all the while she was in France; which as it shews there was somewhat extraordinary in her person, so those Princesses being much celebrated for their ver­tues, it is not to be imagined that any person so notoriously defamed as Sanders would represent her, was entertained in their Courts.

Her coming to England. L. Herbert. Title and Duplex. Cavendish says she was very young. Camden.When she came into England is not so clear: it is said that in the year 1522. when War was made on France, her Father who was then Ambassador was recalled, and brought her over with him, which is not improbable; but if she came then, she did not stay long in England, for Camden says, that she served Queen Claudia of France till her death (which was in Iuly 1524) and after that she was taken into service by K Francis his Sister. How long she continued in that service I do not find, but it is probable that she returned out of France with her Father from his Embassy in the year 1527. when, as Stow says, he brought with him the Picture of her Mistress, who was offered in Marriage to this King. If she came out of France before, as those Authors before-men­tioned say▪ it appears that the King had no design upon her then, be­cause he suffered her to return, and when one Mistress died to take ano­ther in France; but if she stayed there all this while, then it is proba­ble he had not seen her till now at last, when she came out of the Princess of Alenson's service: but whensoever it was that she came to the Court of England, it is certain that she was much considered in it. And though the Queen, who had taken her to be one of her Maids of Honour, had afterwards just cause to be displeased with her as her Rival; yet she carried her self so, that in the whole Progress of the Sute, I never find the Queen her self, or any of her Agents, fix the least ill Character on her, which would most certainly have been done had there been any just cause or good colour for it.

She is con­tracted to the Lord Piercy.And so far was this Lady at least for some time from any thoughts of Marrying the King, that she had consented to Marry the Lord Piercy the Earl of Northumberland's eldest Son, whom his Father, by a strange compliance with the Cardinals vanity, had placed in his Court and made him one of his servants. The thing is considerable, and clears many things that belong to this History; and the Relator of it was an Ear-witness of the Discourse upon it as himself informs us.Cavendish Life of Wolsey. ‘The Cardinal hearing that the Lord Piercy was making addresses [Page 45] to Anne Boleyn, 1527. one day as he came from the Court called for him before his servants (before us all says the Relator including himself) and chid him for it, pretending at first that it was unworthy of him to match so meanly; but he justified his choice, and reckoned up her birth and Quality, which he said was not inferior to his own. And the Cardinal insisting fiercely, to make him lay down his pretensions, he told him, he would willingly submit to the King and him; but that he had gone so far before many witnesses, that he could not forsake it, and knew not how to discharge his conscience: and there­fore he entreated the Cardinal would procure him the Kings favour in it. Upon that the Cardinal in great rage said, why? thinkest thou that the King and I know not what we have to do in so weigh­ty a matter? yes I warrant you, but I can see in thee no submis­sion at all to the purpose: and said, you have matched your self with such a one, as neither the King, nor yet your Father will agree to it; and therefore I will send for thy Father, who at his coming shall either make thee break this unadvised bargain, or disinherit thee for ever. To which the Lord Piercy replyed, That he would submit himself to him, if his Conscience were discharged of the weighty burden that lay upon it, and soon after, his Father coming to Court he was diverted another way.’

Had that Writer told us in what year this was done, it had given a great light to direct us, but by this relation we see that she was so far from thinking of the King at that time, that she had engaged her self another way; but how far this went on her side, or whether it was afterwards made use of, when she was divorced from the King, shall be considered in its proper place. It also appears that there was a Design about her then formed between the King and the Cardinal, yet how far that went, whether to make her Queen, or only to Cor­rupt her, is not evident. It is said,L. Herbert. that upon this she ever after ha­ted the Cardinal, and that he never designed the Divorce after he saw on whom the King had fixed his thoughts: but all that is a mi­stake, as will afterwards appear.

And now having made way through these things that were previ­ous to the first motion of the Divorce,1527. my narration leads me next to the Motion it self.The King moved for his Divorce at Rome. The King resolving to put the matter home to the Pope, sent Doctor Knight Secretary of State to Rome, with some In­structions to prepare the Pope for it, and to observe what might be the best Method, and who the fittest tools to work by. At that time the Family of the Cassali being three Brothers, were entertained by the King as his Agents in Italy, both in Rome, Venice, and other pla­ces. Sir Gregory Cassali, was then his ordinary Ambassador at Rome: To him was the first full dispatch about this business directed by the Cardinal, the Original whereof is yet extant dated the 5th of Decemb. 1527. which the Reader will find in the Collection: but here I shall give the Heads of it.

‘After great and high Complements,The first di­spatch about it. Collect. Numb. 3d. and Assurances of Rewards to engage him to follow the Business very vigorously, and with great Diligence, he writes that he had before opened the Kings case to him, and that partly by his own study, partly by the opinion of many Divines, and other Learned men of all sorts, he found that [Page 46] he could no longer with a good Conscience continue in that Mar­riage with the Queen: having God and the Quiet and Salvation of his Soul chiefly before his eyes. And that he had consulted both the most Learned Divines and Canonists, as well in his own Domi­nions as elsewhere, to know whether the Popes Dispensation could make it good, and that many of them thought the Pope could not Dispence in this case of the first degree of Affinity, which they esteemed forbidden by a Divine, Moral; and Natural Law; and all the rest concluded, that the Pope could not do it, but upon very weighty reasons: and they found not any such in the Bull. Then he lays out the reasons for Annulling the Bull which were touched before, upon which they all concluded the Dispensation to be of no force; that the King looked on the death of his Sons as a Curse from God: and to avoid further Judgments, he now desired help of the Apostolick See, to consider his case, to reflect on what he had merited by these Services he had done the Papacy, and to find a way that he being divorced from his Queen may Marry ano­ther Wife, of whom by the blessing of God he might hope for is­sue Male. Therefore the Ambassador was to use all means possi­ble to be admitted to speak to the Pope in Private, and then to deliver him these Letters of Credence, in which there was a most earnest Clause added with the Kings own hand. He was also to make a Condoleance of the Miseries the Pope and Cardinals were in, both in the Kings name and the Cardinals, and to assure the Pope they would use all the most effectual means that were possi­ble for setting him at Liberty, in which the Cardinal would Em­ploy as much Industry, as if there were no other way to come to the Kingdom of Heaven but by doing it. Then he was to open the Kings business to the Pope, the Scruples of his Conscience, the great danger of cruel Wars upon so disputable a Succession, the En­treaties of all the Nobility and the whole Kingdom, with many other urgent reasons, to obtain what was desired. He was also to lay before the Pope the present condition of Christendome and of Italy, that he might consider of what Importance it was to his own affairs, and to the Apostolick See, to engage the King so firmly to his Interests as this would certainly do. And to move that the Pope without communicating the Matter to any person, would freely grant it, and Sign the Commission which was therewith sent en­grossed in due form, and ready to be Signed, by which the Cardi­nal was Authorized with the Assistance of such as he should choose, to proceed in the Matter, according to some Instructions which were also sent fairly written out for the Pope to Sign. A Dispen­sation was also sent in due form: and if these were expeded, he might assure the Pope that as the King had sent over a vast sum to the French King, for paying his Army in Italy, so he would spare no Travel nor Treasure, but make War upon the Emperor in Flanders, with his whole strength, till he forced him to set the Pope at Liberty▪ and restore the State of the Church to its former Power and Dignity. And if the Pope were already at Liberty, and had made an Agreement with the Emperor, he was to represent to him how little cause he had to trust much to the Emperor, who [Page 47] had so oft broke his faith, and designed to do all he could towards the Depressing the Ecclesiastical State. And the Pope was to be re­membred, that he had dispenced with the Emperors Oath, for Mar­rying the Kings Daughter without communicating the Matter to the King. And if he had done so much for one that had been his Enemy, how much more might the King expect the like favour, who had always payed him a most filial Duty? Or if the Pope would not grant the Commission to the Cardinal to try the Matter, as a Person that being the Kings chief Minister, was not indifferent e­nough to judge in any of the Kings Concerns; he was by all means to overcome that, and assure the Pope that he would proceed in it as a Judge ought to do. But if the Pope stood upon it, and would by no means be perswaded to sign the Commission for the Cardi­nal, then he was to propose Staphileus, Dean of the Rota, who was then in England; and was to except against all other Forreigners, if the Pope chanced to propose any other. He was also to repre­sent to the Pope, that the King would look upon a delay as a De­nial, and if the Pope inclined to consult with any of the Cardinals about it, he was to divert him from it all that was possible: but if the Pope would needs do it, then he was to Address himself to them, and partly by informing them of the reasons of the Kings Cause, partly by rewarding the good Offices they should do, he was to engage them for the King. And with this Dispatch Letters were sent to Cardinal Puccy, Sanctorum Quatuor, and the other Cardinals, to be made use of as there should be occasion for it. And because Money was like to be the most powerful Argument, especially to men impoverished by a Captivity▪ 10000 Ducats were remit [...]ed to Venice, to be distributed as the Kings Affairs required; and h [...] was empowered to make farther promises, as he saw cause for it, which the King would faithfully make good; and in particular, they were to be wanting in nothing, that might absolutely engage the Cardi­nal Datary to favour the Kings Business.’

The same things had been committed to the Secretary's care,The Pope grants it when he was in Pri­son. Collect. Numb. 4th. and they were both to proceed by concert, each of them doing all that was possible to promote the business. But before this reached Rome, Secretary Knight was come thither, and finding it impossible to be admitted to the Popes presence, he had by corrupting some of his Guards sent him the Sum of the Kings Demands. Upon which the Pope sent him word, that the Dis [...]ensation should be sent fully exped­ed. So gracious was a Pope in Captivity. But at that time the Ge­neral of the Observants in Spain being at Rome, required a Promise of the Pope not to grant any thing that might prejudice the Queens Cause till it were first communicated to the Imperialists there. But when the Pope made his Escape,Pope escap­ed Decemb. 9. the Secretary and the Ambassador went to him to Orvieto about the end of December, and first did in the Kings and Cardinals name congratulate his freedom. Then the Se­cretary discoursed the Business. The Pope owned that he had receiv­ed the Message which he had sent to him at Rome, but in respect of his Promise, and that yet in a manner he was in Captivity, he beg­ed the King would have a little Patience, and he should before long have not only that Dispensation, but any thing else that lay in his [Page 48] Power. But the Secretary not being satisfied with that excuse, the Pope in the end said, he should have it; but with this condition, That he would beseech the King not to proceed upon it, till the Pope were fully at Liberty, and the Germans and Spaniards were driven out of Italy. And upon the Kings promising this, the Dispensation was to be put in his hands. So the Secretary, who had a great mind once to have the Bull in his possession, made no scruple to engage his promise for that. The Pope also told them he was not expert in those things, but he easily apprehended the danger that might arise from any Dispute about the Succession to the Crown, and that therefore he would communicate the business to the Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor; upon which they resolved to prevent that Cardinals being with the Pope, and went and delivered the Letters they had for him, and promised him a good reward if he were favourable to their Requests in the Kings behalf. Then they shew­ed him the Commissions that were sent from England; but he upon the perusal of them, said, They could not pass without a perpetual disho­nour on the Pope and the King too, and excepted to several Clauses that were in them. So they desired him to draw one that might both be sufficient for the Kings purpose, and such as the Pope might with ho­nour grant. Which being done, the Pope told them, That though he apprehended great danger to himself, if the Emperour should know what he had done; yet he would rather expose himself to utter ruine, than give the King, or the Cardinal cause to think him Ingrate; but with many sighs and tears,And being at liberty, gives a Bull for it. he begged that the King would not precipi­tate things, or expose him to be undone, by beginning any Process upon the Bull. And so he delivered the Commission and Dispensation Signed to Knight. But the means that the Pope proposed for his publishing and owning what he now granted, was, That Lau [...]rech with the French Army should march,The Pope's craft & policy and coming where the Pope was, should require him to grant the Commission: So that the Pope should excuse himself to the Emperour, that he had refused to grant it upon the desire of the English Ambassadour, but that he could not deny the General of the French Army, to do an act of publick justice: And by this means he would save his honour, and not seem guilty of breach of promise; and then he would dispatch the Commission about the time of Lautrech's being near him, and therefore he entreated the King to accept of what was then granted for the present. The Commission and Dispensation was given to the Secretary: and they promised to send the Bull after him, of the same form that was desired from England, and the Pope engaged to re­form it as should be found needful. And it seems by these Letters, that a Dispensation and Commission had been Signed by the Pope when he was a Prisoner; but they thought not fit to make any use of them, lest they should be thought null, as being granted when the Pope was in Captivity.

Thus the Pope expressed all the readiness that could be expected from him,And the measures that governed them. in the circumstances he was then in; being over-aw'd by the Im­perialists, who were harassing the Country, and taking Castles very near the place where he was. Lautrech with the French Army lay still fast about Bononia, and as the season of the year was not favourable, so he did not express any inclinations to enter into action. The Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor got 4000 Crowns as the reward of his pains, and in [Page 49] earnest of what he was to expect when the matter should be brought to a final conclusion.1528. In this whole matter the Pope carried himself as a wise and politick Prince, that considered his Interest, and provided a­gainst dangers with great fore-sight. But as for Apostolical wisdom, and the Simplicity of the Gospel, that was not to be expected from him. For now, though the high-sounding names of Christs Vicar, and St. Pe­ters Successor, were still retained to keep up the Popes Dignity and Au­thority, yet they had for many Ages governed themselves as Secular Princes; so that the Maximes of that Court were no more to keep a good Conscience, and to proceed according to the Rules of the Gospel, and the Practice of the Primitive Church, committing the event to God, and submitting to his Will in all things: but the keeping a bal­lance, the maintaining their Interest in the Courts of Princes, the secur­ing their Dominions, and the raising their Families, being that which they chiefly looked at, It is not to be wondered at, that the Pope go­verned himself by these measures, though Religion was to be made use of to help him out of straits. All this I set down the more particularly, both because I take my information from Original Letters, and that it may chiefly appear how matters went at that time in the Court of Rome.

Secretary Knight being Infirme, could not travel with that haste that was required in this business, and therefore he sent the Proto-Notary Gambara with the Commission and Dispensation to England, and follow­ed in easie journies. The Cardinals that had been consulted with,Collect. Numb. 5th▪ did all express great readiness in granting the Kings desire. The Cardinal Datary had forsaken the Court, and betaken himself to serve God and his Cure; and other Cardinals were Hostages, so that now there were but Five about the Pope, Monte, Sanctorum Quatuor, Ridolphi, Ravennate and Perusino. But a motion being made of sending over a Legate, the Pope would by no means hearken to it, for that would draw new trou­bles on him from the Emperor. That had been desired from England by a dispatch of the 27th. of December, which pressed a speedy conclusion of the business; upon which the Pope on the 12th. of Ianuary, did com­municate the matter under the Seal of Confession to the Cardinals San­ctorum Quatuor and Simoneta, The me­thod propo­sed by the Pope. Collect. Numb. 6th. (who was then come to the Court) and upon conference with them, he proposed to Sir Gregory Cassali, that he thought the safer way was, ‘That either by vertue of the Commission that the Secretary had obtained, or by the Legantine Power that was lodged with the Cardinal of York, he should proceed in the business. And if the King found the matter clear in his own Conscience, (in which the Pope said, No doctor in the whole world could resolve the matter beter than the King himself) he should without more noise, make judgment be given; and presently Marry another Wife, and then send for a Legate to Confirm the matter. And it would be easier to ratifie all when it was once done, than to go on in a Process from Rome. For the Queen would protest, that both the Place and the Judges were suspected and not free, upon which, in the course of Law, the Pope must grant an Inhibition for the Kings not Marrying another while the Suit depended, and must avocate the business to be heard in the Court of Rome; which, with other prejudices, were unavoidable in a publick Process by Bulls from Rome. But if the thing went on in [Page 50] England, and the King had once Married another Wife, the Pope then would find very good reasons to justifie the conf [...]rming a thing that was gone so far, and promised to send any Cardinal whom they should name.’ This the Pope desired the Ambassadour would signifie to the King, as the advice of the two Cardinals, and take no notice of him in it. But the dispatch shews he was a more faithful Minister than to do so.

The Ambassadour found all the earnestness in the Pope that was pos­sible, to comply with the King; and that he was jealous both of the Em­perour and Francis, and depended wholly on the King▪ so that he found if the terror of the Imperial Forces were over, the Court of England would dispose of the Apostolical See as they pleased. And indeed this advice, how little soever it had of the Simplicity of the Gospel, was cer­tainly prudent and subtile, and that which of all things the Spaniards ap­prehended most. And therefore the General of the Observants moved Cardinal Campegius, then at Rome, for an Inhibition, lest the Process should be carried on and determined in England. But that being signi­fied to the Pope, he said, It could not be granted, since there was no Suit depending, in which case only an Inhibition can be granted.

Staphileus sent from Eng­land ▪But now I must look over again to England, to open the Counsels there. At that time Staphileus Dean of the Rota was there; and he either to make his Court the better, or that he was so perswaded in opinion, seemed fully satisfied about the Justice of the King's Cause. So they sent him to Rome with Instructions both publick and secret. The pub­lick Instructions related to the Popes Affairs, in which all possible As­sistance was promised by the King. But one Proposition in them flowed from the Cardinals Ambition, ‘That the Kings of England and France thought it would advance the Popes Interests,His Instru­ctions. if he should command the Cardinals that were under no restraint, to meet in some secure place, to consider of the Affairs of the Church,Cotton. Libr. Vitel. B. 10. Ian. 8. that they might suffer no prejudice by the Popes Captivity: And for that end, and to conserve the Dignity of the Apostolick See, that they should choose such a Vi­car or President, as partly by his Prudence and Courage, partly by the assistance of the two Kings,Duplicates corrected by the Cardinal's Hand. upon whom depended all their hopes, might do such Services to the Apostolick See, as were most necessary in that distracted time, by which the Popes Liberty would be hast­ned.’

It cannot be imagined but the Pope would be offended with this Propo­sition, and apprehend that the Cardinal of York was not satisfied to be intriguing for the Popedom after his death, but was aspiring to it while he was alive. For as it was plain, he was the Person that must be cho­sen for that trust; so if the Pope were used hardly by the Emperour, and forced to ill conditions, the Vicar so chosen and his Cardinals would dis­own those Conditions, which might end in a Schism or his Deposition. But Staphileus his secret Instructions, related wholly to the Kings business, which were these: ‘That the King had opened to him the error of his Marriage, and that the said Bishop out of his great Learning, did now clearly perceive how invalid and insufficient it was: Therefore the King recommended it to his care, that he would convince the Pope and the Cardinals, with the Arguments that had been laid before him, and of which a Breviate was given him. He was also to represent the great mischiefs that might follow, if Princes got not justice and ease from [Page 51] the Apostolick See. Therefore if the Pope were yet in Captivity he was to propose a meeting of the Cardinals, for choosing the Car­dinal of York to be their head, during the Popes Imprisonment, or that a full Commission might be sent to him for the Kings ma [...]ter. And in particular he was to take care that the Business might be tryed in England. And for his pains in promoting the Kings Concerns, the King promised to procure a Bishoprick for him in France; and to help him to a Cardinals hat.’ By him the King wrote to the Pope. The rude draught of it remains under the Cardinals hand, earnestly desiring a speedy and favourable dispatch of his business with a Cre­dence to the Bearer.

The Cardinal also wrote to the Pope by him;The Cardi­nals Letter [...] by him. and after a long Congratulating his Liberty with many sharp reflections on the Em­peror, he pressed a Dispatch of the Kings Business, in which he would not use many words: this only I will add, says he, ‘That that which is desired is holy and just, and very much for the safety and quiet of this Kingdom, which is most devoted to the Apostolical See. He also wrote by the same hand to the Ambassador, that the King would have things so carryed, that all occasion of discontent or cavilling, whether at home or abroad, might be removed; and therefore desi­red that another Cardinal might be sent Legate to England, and joyned in Commission wi [...]h himself for judging the Matter. He named either Campegius, Tranus, or Farnese: Or if that could not be obtained, that a fuller Commission might be sent to himself, with all possible haste, since delays might produce great inconveniences. If a Legate were named, then care must be taken that he should be one who were Learned, Indifferent, and Tractable; and if Campegius could be the man, he was the fittest person. And when one was named he should make him a decent present, and assure him that the King would most liberally recompence all his labour and expence. He also required him to press his speedy Dispatch, and that the Commission should be full to try and determine, wi [...]hout any re­servation of the Sentence to be given by the Pope.’ This Dispatch is interlined, and amended with the Cardinals own hand.

But upon the Arrival of the Messenger whom the Secretary had sent,A Larger Bull desired by the King. with the Commission and Dispensation, and the other Packets before mentioned; It was debated in the Kings Council, whether he should go on in his Process, or continue to solicite new Bulls from Rome. On the one hand, they saw how tedious, dangerous and ex­pensive a Process at Rome was like to prove: and therefore it seemed the easiest and most expedite way to proceed before the Cardinal in his Legantine Court, who should ex officio, and in the Summary way of their Court, bring it to a speedy Conclusion. But on the other hand, if the Cardinal gave Sentence, and the King should Marry, then they were not sure, but before that time the Pope might either change his mind, or his Interest might turn him another way. And the Popes Power was so absolute by the Canon Law, that no general Clauses in Commissions to Legates, could bind him to confirm their Sentences: and if upon the Kings Marrying another Wife, the Pope should refuse to confirm it, then the King would be in a worse case than he was now in, and his Marriage and Issue by it should be still [Page 52] disputable: Therefore they thought this was by no means to be adventured on, but they should make new Addresses to the Court of Rome. In the de­bate, some sharp words fell either from the King, or some of his Se­cular Counsellors;Gardiner and Fox sent to Rome. Intimating that if the Pope continued under such fears, the King must find some other way to set him at ease. So it was resolved that Stephen Gardiner, commonly called Doctor Stevens, the Cardinals chief Secretary, and Edward Fox the Kings Almoner, should be sent to Rome; the one being esteemed the ablest Canonist in England, the other one of the best Divines, they were Dispatched the 10th of February. With Let­ters from the King,

By them the King wrote to the Pope thank­ing him, that he had expressed such forward and earnest willingness to give him ease: and had so kindly promised to gratifie his desires, of which he expected now to see the effects.Collect. Numb. 7th. He wrote also to the Cardinals, his thanks for the chearfulness with which they had in Consistory promised to promote his Sute; for which he assured them they should never have cause to Repent. But the Cardinal wrote in a strain, that shews he was in some fear that if he could not bring about the Kings desires,and the Cardinal. Collect. Numb. 8th. he was like to lose his favour.

He besought the Pope as lying at his feet, that if he thought him a Christian, a good Cardinal, and not unworthy of that Dignity, an useful mem­ber of the Apostolick See, a Promoter of Justice and Equity, or thought him his faithful Creature, or that he desired his own eter­nal Salvation, that he would now so far consider his Intercession, as to grant kindly and speedily that which the King earnestly desired; which if he did not know to be Holy, Right, and Just, he would undergo any hazard or punishment whatsoever, rather than pro­mote it; but he did aprehend if the King found that the Pope was so overawed by the Emperor, as not to grant that which all Christen­dom judged was grounded both on the Divine and Human Laws, both he and other Christian Princes would from thence take occasi­on to provide themselves of other Remedies, and lessen and despise the Authority of the Apostolick See.Collect. Numb. 9th.

In his Letters to Cassali he expressed a great sense of the Services which the Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor had done the King; and bid him enquire what were the things in which he delighted most, whether Furniture, Gold plate, or Horses, that they might make him acceptable presents; and assure him that the King would contribute largely towards the carrying on the building of St. Peters in the Vatican.

The most Important thing about which they were employed, was to procure the expediting of a Bull which was formed in England, The sub­stance of the Bull desired by them. Collect. Numb. 10th. with all the strongest Clauses that could be imagined. In the Pream­ble of which all the Reasons against the validity of the Bull of P. Iu­lius the 2d, were recited: and it was also hinted ‘that it was against the Law of God; but to lessen that, it was added, at least where there was not a sufficient Dispensation obtained: therefore the Pope, to re­ward the great Services by which the King had obliged the Aposto­lick See, and having regard to the Distractions that might follow on a Disputable Title; upon a full Consultation with the Cardi­nals, having also heard the Opinions of Divines and Canonists, Deputed—for his Legate, to concur with the Cardinal of York, ei­ther together, or (the one being hindred, or unwilling) severally.’ ‘[Page 53]And if they found those things that were suggested against the Bull of P. Iulius, or any of them, well or sufficiently proved,1527. then to declare it void and null, as surreptitiously procured, upon false grounds; and thereupon to Annul the Marriage that had followed upon it: And to give both Parties full leave to Marry again, not­withstanding any Appellation or Protestation, the Pope making them his Vicars, with full and absolute Power and Authority: empowering them also to declare the Issue begotten in the former Marriage good and legitimate, if they saw cause for it. The Pope binding himself to confirm whatever they should do in that process, and never to revoke or repeal what they should Pronounce. De­claring also that this Bull should remain in force till the Process were ended, and that by no Revocation or Inhibition it should be recalled; and if any such were obtained, these are all declared void and null, and the Legats were to proceed notwithstanding: and all ended with a full Non obstante.’

This was judged the uttermost force that could be in a Bull: Though the Civilians would scarce allow any validity at all in these extravagant Clauses: but the most material thing in this Bull, is, that it seems the King was not fully resolved to declare his Daughter illegitimate. Whether he pretended this, to mitigate the Queens, or the Empe­rors opposition, or did really intend it, is not clear. But what he did afterwards in Parliament, shews, he had this deep in his thoughts, though the Queens Carriage did soon after provoke him to pursue his resentments against her Daughter. The French King did also joyn a most earnest Letter of his to the Pope, which they were also to deliver. They had likewise a secret Instruction by all means to endeavour that Cardinal Campegio should be the Legate, he had the reputation of a Learned Canonist, and they knew he was a tractable man: and besides that, he was Bishop of Salisbury, the King had obliged him by the grant of a Palace,Rot. Pa [...]. 2d• Pars. Regn. 10. which the King was building in Burgo at Rome for his Ambassadors, which before it was finished, he had by a Patent given to him and his heirs: so they had better hopes of him than of any other.

By these Ambassadors the Cardinal wrote a long and most earnest Letter to Iohn Cassali the Proto-Notarie,The Cardi­nals Earnest­ness in this matter. Collect. Numb. 11th. that was the Ambassadors Brother. In which all the Arguments that a most anxious mind could invent or dictate, are laid together to perswade the Pope to grant the Kings desires. Among other things he tells him, ‘How he had engaged to the King, that the Pope would not deny it; That the King both out of scruple of Conscience, and because of some Diseases in the Queen, that were incurable, had resolved never to come near her more; and that if the Pope continued, out of his partial respects to the Emperor, to be inexorable, the King would proceed another way.’ He offers to take all the blame of it upon his own Soul, if it were amiss; with many other particulars in which he is so pressing, that I cannot imagine what moved the Lord Herbert, who saw those Let­ters, to think that the Cardinal did not really intend the Divorce. He (it seems) saw another Paper of their Instructions, by which they were ordered to say to the Pope, that the Cardinal was not the Au­thor of the Counsel. But all that was intended by that, was only [Page 54] to excuse him so far, that he might not be thought too partial, and an incompetent Judge. For as he was far from disowning the justice of the Kings Sute, so he would not have trusted a Secret of that Importance to paper, which when it should be known to the King, would have lost him his favour. But undoubtedly it was con­certed between the King and him to remove an Exception, which otherwise the Cardinals of the Imperial Faction would have made, to his being the Judg in that matter.

Collect. Numb. 12.With those Letters and Instructions were Gardiner and Fox sent to Rome, where both the Cassalies and Staphileus were promoting the Kings business all they could. And being strengthned with the Ac­cession of those other two they made a greater progress; so that in April the Pope did in Consistory,Campegio declared Le­gate. Collect. Numb. 10. Declare Cardinal Campegio Legate to go to England, that he with the Cardinal of York might try the validity of the Kings Marriage: But that▪ Cardinal made great excu­ses, he was then Legate at Rome, in which he had such advantages, that he had no mind to enter in a business which must for ever en­gage either the Emperor or the King against him. He also pretend­ed an Inability to travel so great a journey, being much subject to the Gout. But when this was known in England, the Cardinal wrote him a most earnest Letter,Wolsey writes to him to haste over. May 7. to hasten over, and bring with him all such things as were necessary for making their Sentence firm and ir­reversible, so that it might never again be Questioned.

But here I shall add a Remark, which though it is of no great im­portance, yet will be diverting to the Reader. The draught of the Letter is in Wolsey's Secretaries hand, amended in some places by his own; and concluded thus, I hope all things shall be done according to the Will of God, the desire of the King, the Quiet of the Kingdom, and to our honour with a good Conscience. But the Cardinal dasht out this last word with a good Conscience. Perhaps judging that was a thing fit for mean­er persons, but that it was below the Dignity of two Cardinals to consi­der it much. He wrote also to Cassali high complements for his diligence in the Step that was made, but desired him with all possible means to get the Bull granted and trusted to his keeping, with the deepest Pro­testations, that no use should be made of it, but that the King only should see it; by which his mind would be at ease, and he being put in good hopes▪ would employ his Power in the service of the Pope and Apostolick See: but the Pope was not a man to be cozen'd so easily.

When the Cardinal heard by the next Dispatch what excuses and delays Campegio made,May 23. he wrote to him again, and pressed his coming over in haste. ‘For his being Legate of Rome he desired him to name a Vice-Legate. For his want of Money and Horses, Gardiner would furnish him as he desired, and he should find an equipage ready for him in France; and he might certainly expect great rewards from the King. But if he did not make more haste, the King would in­cline to believe an advertisement that was sent him, of his turning over to the Emperors Party. Therefore if he either valued the Kings kindness, or were grateful for the favours he had received from him; if he valued the Cardinals Friendship or safety, or if he would hinder the diminution of the Authority of the Roman Church, all excuses set aside, he must make what haste in his Journey was pos­sible.’ [Page 55] Yet the Legate made no great haste, for till October following he came not into England. The Bull that was desired could not be ob­tained, but another was granted, which perhaps was of more force because it had not those extraordinary Clauses in it.The Pope grants a De­cretal Bull Anti-San­derus. L. Herbert. There is the Copy of a Bull to this purpose in the Cottonian Library, which has been printed more than once by some that have taken it for a Copy of the same Bull that was sent by Campegio: but I take it to be ra­ther, a Copy of that Bull which the Pope Signed at Rome while he was there a Prisoner, and probably afterward at Orvieto he might give it the date that it bears 1527. Decemb. 17. But that there was a Decretal Bull sent by Campegio will appear evidently in the sequel of this Relation. About this time I meet with the first evidence of the progress of the Kings love to Anne Boleyn, in two Original Letters of hers to the Cardinal, from which it appears, not only that the King had then resolved to Marry her, but that the Cardinal was privy to it. They bear no date, but the matter of them shews they were written after the end of May, when the Sweating-sickness began, and about the time that the Legate was expected. They give such a light to the History, that I shall not cast them over to the Collection at the end, but set them down here.

MY Lord, in my most humblest wise that my heart can think,Two Let­ters of Anne Boleyn's to Wolsey. I de­sire you to pardon me that I am so bold to trouble you with my sim­ple and rude writing, esteeming it to proceed from her, that is much desi­rous to know that your Grace does well, as I perceive by this Bearer that you do. The which I pray God long to continue, as I am most bound to pray; for I do know the great pains and troubles that you have taken for me both day and night, is never like to be recompenced on my part, but alonly in loving you next, unto the Kings Grace, above all creatures living. And I do not doubt but the daily proofs of my deeds, shall manifestly de­clare and affirm my writing to be true, and I do trust you do think the same. My Lord, I do assure you I do long to hear from you news of the Legate: for I do hope and they come from you they shall be very good, and I am sure you desire it as much as I, and more, and it were possible, as I know it is not: and thus remaining in a stedfast hope, I make an end of my Letter written with the hand of her that is most bound to be.

THe writer of this Letter would not cease till she had caused me likewise to set to my hand; desiring you,A Postscript of the Kings to him. though it be short to take it in good part. I ensure you there is neither of us, but that greatly desireth to see you, and much more joyous to hear that you have scaped this Plague so well, trusting the fury thereof to be passed, specially with them that keepeth good diet as I trust you do. The not hearing of the Legates Arrival in France, causeth us somewhat to muse; notwithstanding we trust by your diligence and vi­gilancy (with the assistance of Almighty God) shortly to be eased out of that trouble. No more to you at this time; but that I pray God send you as good health and prosperity as the Writer would.

By Your Loving Soveraign and Friend Henry K. Your Humble Servant Anne Boleyn.

1528.MY Lord, In my most humblest wise that my poor heart can think, I do thank your Grace for your kind Letter, and for your rich and good­ly Present, the which I shall never be able to deserve without your help: of the which I have hitherto had so great plenty, that all the days of my life I am most bound of all Creatures, next the King's Grace, to love and serve your Grace: of the which I beseech you never to doubt, that ever I shall vary from this thought as long as any breath is in my body. And as touching your Graces trouble with the sweat, I thank our Lord, that them that I desired and prayed for, are scaped, and that is the King and you; not doubting but that God has preserved you both for great causes known alonly of his high wisdom. And as for the coming of the Legate, I desire that much, and if it be God's pleasure, I pray him to send this matter shortly to a good end, and then I trust, My Lord, to recompence part of your great pains. In the which I must require you in the mean time to accept my good-will in the stead of the power, the which must proceed partly from you, as our Lord knoweth; to whom I beseech to send you long life, with continuance in honour. Written with the hand of her that is most bound to be,

Your Humble and Obedient Servant, Anne Boleyn.

Collect. Numb. 14th.The Cardinal hearing that Campegius had the Decretal Bull commit­ted to his Trust, to be shewed only to the King and himself, wrote to the Ambassador that it was necessary it should be also shewed to some of the Kings Council; not to make any use of it, but that thereby they might understand how to manage the Process better by it. This he begged might be trusted to his care and fidelity, and he undertook to manage it so, that no kind of danger could arise out of it.

At this time the Cardinal having Finished his Foundations at Oxford and Ipswich, The Cardi­nal's Colledges finished. and finding they were very acceptable, both to the King and to the Clergy, resolved to go on, and suppress more Monasteries, and erect new Bishopricks, turning some Abbies to Cathedrals. This was pro­posed in the Consistory,Octob. 30. and granted, as appears by a dispatch of Cassali's. He also spoke to the Pope about a general Visitation of all Monasteries. And on the 4th of November, the Bull for suppressing some was expected, a Copy whereof is yet extant, but written in such a hand, that I could not read three words together in any place of it; and though I tried others that were good at reading all hands, yet they could not do it. But I find by the dispatch that the Pope did it with some aversion: and when Gardiner told him plainly,More Mo­nasteries were to be suppres­sed. it was necessary and it must be done, he paused a little, and seemed unwilling to give any further offence to Religious Or­ders: But since he found it so uneasie to gratifie the King in so great a Point, as the matter of his Divorce, he judged it the more necessary to mollifie him by a compliance in all other things. So there was a power given to the Two Legates to examine the state of the Monasteries, and to suppress such as they thought fit, and convert them into Bishopricks and Cathedrals.

[Page 57]While matters went thus between Rome and England, the Queen was as active as she could be, to engage her Two Nephews, the Emperor, and his Brother, to appear for her.The Empe­ror oppos [...]s the Kings suit. She complained to them much of the King, but more of the Cardinal: She also gave them notice of all the Ex­ceptions that were made to the Bull, and desired both their advice and assistance: They having a mind to perplex the Kings Affairs, advised her by no means to yield, nor to be induced to enter into a Religious life; and gave her assurance, that by their Interest at Rome, they would support her, and maintain her Daughters Title, if it went to extremi­ties. And as they employed all their agents at Rome to serve her con­cerns, so they consulted with the Canonists about the force of the Ex­ceptions to the Bull. The issue of which was, that a Breve was found out, or forged, that supplied some of the most material defects in the Bull. For whereas in the Bull, the Preamble bore, that the King and Queen had desired the Popes Dispensation to Marry, that the Peace might continue between the Two Crowns without any other cause given: In the preamble of this Breve, A Breve found out in Spain. Collect. Numb. 15th. mention is made of their desire to Marry, ‘because otherwise it was not likely that the Peace would be continued between the Two Crowns. ’And for that, and divers other reasons they asked the Dispensation. Which in the body of the Breve is granted, bearing date the 26th of December, 1503. Upon this they pretended that the Dispensation was granted upon good Reasons; since by this Petition it appeared, that there were fears of a Breach between the Crowns: And that there were also other reasons made use of, though they were not named. But there was one Fatal thing in it. In the Bull it is only said, That the Queens Petition bore, That perhaps she had Con­summated her Marriage with Prince Arthur, by the Carnalis Copula. But in this perhaps is left out, and 'tis plainly said, That they had Consummated their Marriage. This the King's Council, who suspected that the Breve was forged, made great use of when the Question was argued, whether Prince Arthur knew her or not? Though at this time 'twas said, the Spaniards did put it in on design, knowing it was like to be proved, that the former Marriage was Consummated: which they intended to throw out of the debate, since by this it appeared that the Pope did certainly know that, and yet granted the Breve; and that therefore there was to be no more enquiry to be made into that, which was already confessed: so that all that was now to be debated, was the Popes power of granting such a Dispensation, in which they had good reason to expect a favour­able Decision at Rome.

But there appeared great grounds to reject this Breve as a forged writ­ing.Presumpti­ons of its be­ing forged. It was neither in the Records of England, nor Spain, but said to be found among the Papers of D. de Puebla, that had been the Spanish Ambassador in England at the time of concluding the Match. So that if he only had it, it must have been cassated, otherwise the Parties concerned would have got it into their hands: Or else it was forged since. Many of the names were written false, which was a presumption that it was lately made by some Spaniards, who knew not how to write the names true. For Sigismund, who was Secretary, when it was pretended to have been Signed, was an exact man, and no such errors were found in Breves at that time. But that which shewed it a manifest Forgery, was, that it bore date the 26th of December, Anno 1503. on the same day that the [Page 58] Bull was granted. It was not to be imagined that in the same day a Bull, and a Breve, should have been expedited in the same business, with such material differences in them. And the stile of the Court of Rome had this singularity in it; That in all their Breves, they reckon the beginning of the year from Christmas-day, which being the Nativity of our Lord, they count the year to begin then. But in their Bulls they reckon the year to begin at the Feast of the Annunciation. So that a Breve dated the 26th. of December, 1503. was in the vulgar account in the year, 1502. there­fore it must be false; for neither was Iulius the 2d. who granted it, then Pope, nor was the Treaty of the Marriage so far advanced at that time, as to admit of a Breve so soon. But allowing the Breve to be true, they had many of the same Exceptions to it, that they had to the Bull, since it bore that the King desired the Marriage, to avoid a Breach between the Crowns, which was false. It likewise bore that the Marriage had been Consummated between the Queen and Prince Arthur, which the Queen denied was ever done; so that the suggestion in her name being as she said, false, it could have no force, though it were granted to be a true Breve: And they said, it was plain, the Imperialists were convinced the Bull was of no force, since they betook themselves to such arts to fortifie their Cause.

Campegio comes into England.When Cardinal Campegio came to England, he was received with the publick Solemnities ordinary in such a case, and in his speech at his first Audience, he called the King the Deliverer of the Pope, and of the City of Rome, with the highest complements that the occasion did require. But when he was admitted to a private Conference with the King, and the Cardinal, he used many arguments to diswade the King from prosecuting the matter any further. This the King took very ill, as if his errand had been rather to confirm than annul his Marriage; and complained that the Pope had broken his word to him. But the Legate studied to qualifie him, and shewed the Decretal Bull, by which he might see, that though the Pope wished rather that the business might come to a more friendly conclusion;And showes the King the Bull, yet if the King could not be brought to that, he was empowered to grant him all that he desired. But he could not be brought to part with the DecretalBull out of his hands, or to leave it for a minute, either with the King or the Cardinal: saying, That it was de­manded on these terms, that no other person should see it; and that Gardiner and the Ambassador had only moved to have it expedited,But refuses to let it be seen to the Council. and sent by the Legate, to let the King see how well the Pope was affected to him. With all this the King was much dissatisfied; but to encourage him again, the Legate told him, he was to speak to the Queen in the Popes name, to induce her to enter into a Religious life, and to make the Vows. But when he proposed that to her, she answered him mo­destly, that she could not dispose of her self, but by the advice of her Nephews.

Of all this the Cardinal of York advertised the Cassalies, and Collect. Numb. 16th. Collect. Numb. 17th. ordered them to use all possible endeavours,Wolsey's en­deavour at Rome that it might be showed. that the Bull might be showen to some of the Kings Council. Upon that (Sir Gregory being then out of Rome) the Proto-Notary went to the Pope, and complained that Campegio had dis­swaded the Divorce. The Pope justified him in it, and said, He did as he had ordered him. He next complained that the Legate would not proceed to execute the Legantine Commission. The Pope denied that [Page 59] he had any order from him to delay his proceedings, but that by vertue of his Commission they might go on and pass Sentence. Then the Pro­to-Notary pressed him for leave to shew the Bull to some of the Kings Council, complaining of Campegio's stiffness in refusing it, and that he would not trust it to the Cardinal of York, who was his equal in the Commission. To this the Pope answered in passion, That he could shew the Cardinals Letter, in which he assures him, that the Bull should only be shewed to the King and himself; and that if it were not granted he was ruined, therefore to preserve him he had sent it, but had ordered it to be burnt when it was once shewed. He wished he had never sent it, saying, he would gladly lose a Finger to recover it again, and expressed great grief for granting it: and said, They had got him to send it, and now would have it showed, to which he would never consent, for then he was undone for ever. Upon this, the Proto-Notary laid before him the danger of losing the King, and the Kingdom of England; of ruin­ing the Cardinal of York, and of the undoing of their Family, whose hopes depended on the Cardinal; and that by these means Heresie would prevail in England, which if it once had great footing there, would not be so easily rooted out: That all persons judged the Kings Cause right; but though it were not so, some things that were not good, must be born with to avoid greater evils. And at last he fell down at his feet, and in most passionate expressions begged him to be more compliant to the Kings desires, and at least not to deny that small favour of showing the Decretal to some few Counsellors, upon the assurance of absolute secrecy: But the Pope interrupted him, and with great signs of an un­usual grief, told him,But all in vain. these sad effects could not be charged on him, he had kept his word, and done what he had promised, but upon no con­sideration would he do any thing that might wound his Conscience, or blemish his Integrity. Therefore let them proceed as they would in England, he should be free of all blame, but should confirm their Sen­tence. And he protested he had given Campegio no commands to make any delays, but only to give him notice of their proceedings. If the King, who had maintained the Apostolick See, had written for the Faith, and was the Defender of it, would over-turn it, it would end in his own disgrace. But at last the secret came out, for the Pope con­fessed there was a League in Treaty between the Emperor and himself; but denied that he had bound himself up by it, as to the Kings business.

The Pope consulted with the Cardinals, Sanctorum Quatuor and Simo­netta, (not mentioning the Decretal to them, which he had granted with­out communicating it to any body, or entring it in any Register) and they were of opinion that the Process should be carried on in England, without demanding any thing further from Rome. But the Imperi­al Cardinals spake against it, and were moving presently for an Inhibi­tion, and an Avocation of the Cause, to be tried at the Court of Rome. The Pope also took notice, that the Intercession of England and France had not prevailed with the Venetians to restore Cervia and Ravenna, which they had taken from him; and that he could not think that Re­publick durst do so, if these Kings were in earnest. It had been promised that they should be restored as soon as his Legate was sent to England, but it was not yet done. The Proto-Notary told him it should most cer­tainly be done. Thus ended that Conversation. But the more earnest [Page 58] [...] [Page 59] [...] [Page 60] the Cardinal was to have the Bull seen by some of the Privy-Council, the Pope was the more confirmed in his resolutions never to consent to it. For he could not imagine the desire of seeing it was a bare curiosity, or only to direct the Kings Counsellors; since the King and the Cardi­nal could inform them of all the material Clauses that were in it. There­fore he judged the desire of seeing it was only that they might have so many witnesses to prove that it was once granted, whereby they had the Pope in their power; and this he judged too dangerous for him to sub­mit to.

The Pope sends Campa­na to England. Collect. Numb. 18th.But the Pope finding the King and the Cardinal so ill satisfied with him, resolved to send Francisco Campana, one of his Bed-chamber, to England, to remove all mistakes, and to feed the King with fresh hopes. In Eng­land, Campegio found still means by new delays to put off the business, and amused the King with new and subtle motions for ending the matter more dextrously. Upon which, in the beginning of December, Sir Fran­cis Brian and Peter Vannes, New Am­bassadors sent to Rome, the Kings Secretary for the Latine Tongue were sent to Rome. They had it in Commission to search all the Records there, for the Breve that was now so much talked of in Spain. They were to propose several overtures. ‘Whether if the Queen vowed Re­ligion, the Pope would not dispence with the Kings second Marriage? or if the Queen would not vow Religion,With other overtures. unless the King also did it, Whether in that case would the Pope dispence with his vow? Or whe­ther if the Queen would hear of no such proposition, would not the Pope dispence with the Kings having two Wives? For which there were diverss presidents vouched from the Old Testament.’ They were to represent to the Pope that the King had laid out much of his best Treasure in his Service, and therefore he expected the highest favours out of the deepest Treasure of the Church. And Peter Vannes was commanded to tell the Pope as of himself,Collect. Numb. 19th. that if he did for partial respects and fears, refuse the Kings desires, he perceived it would not only alienate the King from him, but that many other Princes his Confederates, with their Realms, would withdraw their Devotion and Obedience from the Apo­stolick See.

By a dispatch that followed them, the Cardinal tried a new project, which was an offer of 2000 men for a Guard to the Pope,A Guard of 2000 men of­fered to the Pope. to be maintain­ed at the cost of the King and his Confederates. And also proposed an enterview of the Pope, the Emperor, the French King, and the Ambassa­dors of other Princes, to be either at Nice, Avignon, or in Savoy, and that himself would come thither from the King of England. But the Pope resolved stedfastly to keep his ground, and not to engage himself too much to any Prince; therefore the motion of a Guard did not at all work upon him. To have Guards about him upon another Princes pay, was to be their Prisoner; and he was so weary of his late Imprisonment, that he would not put himself in hazard of it a second time. Besides, such a Guard would give the Emperor just cause of jealousie, and yet not se­cure him against his power. He had been also so unsuccesful in his con­tests with the Emperor,The Pope resolved to unite himself to the Empe­ror. that he had no mind to give him any new pro­vocation: And though the Kings of England and France gave him good words, yet they did nothing, nor did the King make War upon the Em­peror, so that his Armies lying in Italy, he was still under his power. Therefore the Pope resolved to unite himself firmly to the Emperor; [Page 61] and all the use he made of the Kings earnestness in his Divorce, was only to bring the Emperor to better terms. The Lutherans in Germany were like to make great use of any decision he might make against any of his Predecessors Bulls. The Cardinal Elector of Mentz, had written to him to consider well what he did in the Kings Divorce, for if it went on, nothing had ever fallen out since the beginning of Luthers Sect, that would so much strenghen it as that Sentence. He was also threatned on the other side from Rome, Being frigh­tned with the threats of the Imperialists. that the Emperor would have a General Coun­cil called, and whatsoever he did in this Process should be examined there, and he proceeded against accordingly. Nor did they forget to put him in mind of his Birth, that he was a Bastard, and so by the Ca­non incapable of that Dignity, and that thereupon they would depose him. He having all these things in his prospect, and being naturally of a fearful temper, which was at this time more prevalent in him by reason of his late Captivity, resolved not to run these hazards, which seemed unavoidable, if he proceeded further in the Kings business. But his con­stant Maxime, being to promise and swear deepest, when he intended least, he sent Campana to England, with a Letter of Credence to the Car­dinal the effects of which message will appear afterwards. And thus ended this year, in which it was believed that if the King had employed that Money, which was spent in a fruitless Negotiation at Rome, on a War in Flanders, it had so distracted the Emperors Forces, and encouraged the Pope, that he had sooner granted that, which in a more fruitless way was sought of him.

In the beginning of the next year, Cassali wrote to the Cardinal,1529. Ian. 3. that the Pope was much inclined to unite himself with the Emperor, and pro­posed to go in Person to Spain, to solicite a general Peace; but intend­ed to go privately, and desired the Cardinal would go with him thither, as his Friend and Counsellor, and that they two should go as Legates. But Cassali, by Salviati's means, who was in great favour with the Pope, understood that the Pope was never in greater fear of the Emperor than at that time; for his Ambassador had threatned the Pope severely, if he would not recal the Commission that he had sent to England;Repents his granting the Decretal. so that the Pope spoke oft to Salviati of the great Repentance that he had inwardly in his heart, for granting the Decretal: and said, He was undone for ever, if it came to the Emperors knowledge. He also resolved, that though the Legates gave Sentence in England, it should never take effect, for he would not confirm it: Of which Gregory Cassali gave Advertisement by an ex­press Messenger, who as he passed through Paris, Kings Let­ter to the Cardinal, Ian. 8th. met Secretary Knight and Doctor Bennet, whom the King had dispatched to Rome, to assist his other Ambassadors there, and gave them an account of his message: and that it was the Advice of the Kings Friends at Rome, That he and his Confederates should follow the War more vigorously, and press the Em­peror harder, without which all their applications to the Pope would signifie nothing. Of this they gave the Cardinal an account, and went on but faintly in their Journey, judging that upon these Advertisements they would be recalled, and other Counsels taken.

At the same time the Pope was with his usual Arts cajoling the Kings Agents in Italy:Ian. 9. For when Sir Francis Brian and Peter Vannes came to Bononia, the Proto-Notary Cassali was surprized, to hear that the busi­ness was not already ended in England: since (he said) he knew there were [Page 62] sufficient Powers sent about it,1529. and that the Pope assured him he would confirm their Sentence; but that he made a great difference between the confirming their judgment, by which he had the Legates between him and the Envy or Odium of it, and the granting a Bull, by which the Judgment should arise immediately from himself. This his best Friends dissuaded, and he seemed apprehensive, that in case he should do it, a Council would be called, and he should be deposed for it. And any such distraction in the Papacy, considering the footing which Heresie had al­read gotten, would ruin the Ecclesiastical State, and the Church: So dextrously did the Pope govern himself between such contrary tides. But all this Dissimulation was short of what he acted by Campana in England, whose true errand thither was to order Campegio to destroy the Bull; but he did so perswade the King and the Cardinal of the Popes sin­cerity,Ian. 15. that by a dispatch to Sir Francis Brian, and Peter Vannes, and Sir Gregory Cassali, he chid the two former for not making more haste to Rome; for he believed it might have been a great advantage to the Kings Affairs, if they had got thither before the General of the Observants (then Cardinal Angell.) He ordered them to setle the business of the Guard about the Pope presently, and tells them that the Secretary was recall­ed, and Dr. Stephens again sent to Rome: And in a Letter to Secretary Knight, who went no further than Lions, he writ to him; ‘That Campana had assured the King and him,But feeds the King with high promi­ses. in the Popes name, that the Pope was ready to do, not only all that of Law, Equity, or Justice, could be de­sired of him, but whatever of the fulness of his Power he could do or devise, for giving the King content: And that although there were three things, which the Pope had great reason to take care of; The calling a General Council, The Emperors descent into Italy, and the Restitution of his Towns, which were offered to be put in his hands by the Emperors means; yet neither these, nor any other considerati­on, should divert him from doing all that lay within his Authority, or Power, for the King: And that he had so deep a sense of the Kings merits, and the obligations that he had laid on him, that if his resig­nation of the Popedom might do him any Service, he would readily consent to it: And therefore in the Popes name he encouraged the Le­gates to proceed and end the business.’

Upon these assurances the Cardinal ordered the Secretary to haste for­ward to Rome, and to thank the Pope for that kind message, to setle the Guard about him, and to tell him, that for a Council, none could be called but by himself, with the consent of the Kings of England and France. And for any pretended Council or meeting of Bishops, which the Emperor by the Cardinals of his Party might call, he needed not fear that. For his Towns, they should be most certainly restored. Nor was the Emperors offering to put them in his hand to be much regarded; for though he restored them, if the Pope had not a better Guaranty for them, it would be easie for him, to take them from him when he plea­sed. He was also to propose a firmer League between the Pope, England, and France, in order to which, he was to move the Pope most earnestly to go to Nice; and if the Pope proposed the Kings taking a second Wife, with a Legitimation of the Issue, which she might have, so the Queen might be induced to enter into a state of Religion, to which the Pope in­clined most, he was not to accept of that; both because the thing would [Page 63] take up much time, and they found the Queen resolved to do nothing, but as she was advised by her Nephews. Yet if the Pope offered a Decretal about it, he might take it, to be made use of as the Occasion might require. But by a Postscript he is recalled, and it is signified to him, that Gardiner was sent to Rome, to negotiate these a [...]fairs, who had returned to England with the Legate, and his being so suc­cessful in his former Message, made them think him the fittest Mini­ster they could imploy in that Court; and to send him with the great­er Advantage, he was made a Privy Councellour.

But an unlooked-for Accident put a stop to all Proceedings in the Court of Rome. The Pope sickens. For on Epiphany-day the Pope was taken extreme ill at Mass, and a great sickness followed, of which it was gene­rally believed he could not recover; and though his distemper did soon abate so much, that it was thought to be over, yet it returned again upon him, insomuch that the Physicians did suspect he was poi­soned. Then followed all the secret Caballings and Intrigues, which are ordinary in that Court upon such an occasion. The Collonna's and the other Imperialists were very busie, but the Cardinal of Mantua opposed them; and Farnese who was then at his house in the Coun­trey, came to Rome and joyned with Mantua; and these of that Fa­ction, resolved that if the Spanish Army marched from Naples toward them, they would dispence with that Bull, which provides that the Succeeding Pope should be chosen in the same place where the former died, and would retire to some safe place. Some of the Cardinals spoke highly in favour of Cardinal Wolsey, Ian. 27. whom (if the Ambassa­dors did not flatter and lie grosly in their Letters, from which I draw these Informations) they reverenced as a Deity. And the Cardinal of Mantua, it seems, proposing him as a Pattern, would needs have a Particular account of his whole Course of Life, and expressed great esteem for him. When Gardiner was come as far as Lions he wrote the Cardinal word, that there went a Prophecy that an Angel should be the next Pope, but should die soon after. He also gave Advice that if the Pope died, the Commission for the Legates must needs expire with him, unless they made some Step in their Business, by a Citation of Parties, which would keep it alive; but whether this was done or not I cannot find.Cardinal Wolsey's in­trigues for the Papacy. Feb. 6th. The Cardinals Ambition was now fer­menting strongly, and he resolved to lay his Project for the Popedom better than he had done before. His Letter about it to Gardiner, and the Kings Instructions to his Ambassadors, are Printed by Fox, and the Originals from which they are taken are yet extant. He wrote also another Letter to the Ambassadors, which the Reader will find in the Collection.Collect. Numb. 20. But because the Instructions show what were the me­thods in choosing Popes in those days, by which it may be easily ga­thered, how such an Election must needs recommend a man to Infal­libility, Supremacy, and all the other Appendages of Christs Vicar on Earth, I shall give a short Summary of them.

‘By his Letter to his Confident Gardiner, he commits the thing chiefly to his care, and orders him to employ all his parts, to bring it to the desired issue; sparing neither Presents, nor Promises; and that as he saw mens Inclinations or affections led them, whether to pub­lick or private Concerns, so he should govern himself towards them [Page 64] accordingly. The Instructions bear, that the King thought the Car­dinal the fittest person to succeed to the Papacy; (they being ad­vertised that the Pope was dead;The Kings Instructions for the Ele­ction.) that the French King did also of his own Motion offer his Assistance to him in it, and that both for publick and private ends, the Cardinal was the fittest. There­fore the Ambassadots are required with all possible earnestness and vigour, to promote his Election. A Schedule of the Cardinals names is sent them with marks to every one, whether he was like to be present or absent, favourable, indifferent, or opposite to them. It was reckoned there could be but 39 present,Numb. of which 26 were ne­cessary to choose the Pope. Of these the two Kings thought them­selves sure of 20. So 6 was all the number that the Ambassadors were to gain, and to that number, they were first to offer them good rea­sons, to convince them of the Cardinals fitness for the Papacy. But because humane frailty was such, that reason did not always take place, they were to promise Promotions, and Sums of Money, with other good Rewards, which the King gave them Commission to of­fer, and would certainly make them good: besides all the great Pre­ferments which the Cardinal had, that should be shared among those who did procure his Election. The Cardinals of their Party were first to enter into a firm bond, to exclude all others. They were also to have some Creatures of theirs to go into the Conclave, to manage the Business. Sir Gregory Cassali, was thought fittest for that Ser­vice. And if they saw the adverse party too strong in the Conclave, so that they could carry nothing, then Gardiner was to draw a Pro­testation, which should be made in name of the two Crowns; and that being made, all the Cardinals of their Faction were to leave the Conclave. And if the fear of the Emperors Forces overawed them, the Ambassadors were to offer a Guard of 2 or 3000. men to secure the Cardinals: and the French King Ordered his Armies to move, if the Spanish Troops did move either from Naples, or Millan. They were also to assure them, that the Cardinal would presently upon his Election come and live at Rome, and were to use all endea­vours to gain the Cardinal de Medici to their Faction; but at the same time to assure the Florentines, that Wolsey would assist them to exclude the Medici out of the Government of their Town and State. They were also to have a strict eye upon the motions of the French Faction, lest if the Cardinal were excluded, they should con­sent to any other, and refuse to make the Protestation as it was de­sired. But to oblige Campegio the more, it was added, that if they found all hopes of raising the Cardinal of York to vanish, then they should try if Campegio could be Elected; and in that case the Car­dinals of their Faction were to make no Protestation.’

These were the Apostolical Methods, then used for choosing a Suc­cessour to St. Peter; for though a Successour had been chosen to Iudas by lot, yet more Caution was to be used in choosing one for the Prince of the Apostles. But when the Cardinal heard that the Pope was not dead, and that there was hope of his recovery, he wrote another long Letter to the Ambassadors (the Original of which is yet extant) ‘to keep all their Instructions about a new Pope very secret, to be gain­ing as many Cardinals as they could, and to take care that the Car­dinals [Page 65] should not go into the Conclave, unless they were free, and safe from any fears of the Imperial Forces. But if the Pope reco­vered,Feb. 20. New pro­positions a­bout the Di­vorce. they were to press him to give such orders about the Kings Business, that it might be speedily ended: and then the Cardinal would come and wait on the Pope over to Spain, as he had propo­sed. And for the Apprehensions the Pope had of the Emperors be­ing highly offended with him, if he granted the Kings desire, or of his coming into Italy, he needed not fear him. They knew what­ever the Emperor pretended about his obligation to protect his Aunt, it was only for reason of State: but if he were▪ satisfied in other things, that would be soon passed over. They knew also that his design of going into Italy was laid aside for that year; because he apprehended that France and England would make War on him in other places. There were also many Precedents found, of Dispen­sations granted by Popes in like cases: And lately there had been one granted by Pope Alexander the 6th, to the King of Hungary, a­gainst the Opinion of his Cardinals, which had never been questi­oned: and yet he could not pretend to such Merits as the King had.’ And all that had ever been said in the Kings Cause, was Sum'd up in a short Breviate by Cassali, and offered to the Pope; a Copy whereof taken from an Original under his own hand,Collect. Numb. 21. the Reader will find in the Collection.

The King ordered his Ambassadors to make as many Cardinals sure for his cause, as they could, who might bring the Pope to consent to it, if he were still averse. But the Pope was at this time possessed with a new jealousie, of which the French King was not free, as if the King had been tampering with the Emperor, and had made him great of­fers, so he would consent to the Divorce; about which Francis wrote an anxious Letter to Rome, the Original of which I have seen. The Pope was also surprized at it, and questioned the Ambassadors about it; but they denyed it, and said the union between England and France was inseparable, and that these were only the Practices of the Empe­rors Agents to create distrust. The Pope seemed satisfied with what they said, ‘and added that in the present conjuncture a firm union between them was necessary.’ Of all this Sir Francis Brian wrote a long account in cipher.

‘But the Popes relapse put a new stop to business,The Popes relapse. of which the Car­dinal being informed, as he ordered the Kings Agents to continue their care about his Promotion,April. 6. so he charged them to see if it were possible to get Access to the Pope, and though he were in the very Agony of Death, to propose two things to him: the one, that he would presently command all the Princes of Christendom to agree to a Cessation of Arms, under pain of the Censures of the Church,another Di­spatch to Rome. Collect. Numb. 2.2. as Pope Leo and other Popes had done; and if he should die, he could not do a thing that would be more meritorious, and for the good of his Soul, than to make that the last Act of his Life. The other thing was concerning the Kings business, which he presseth as a thing necessary to be done, for the clearing and e [...]se of the Popes Conscience, towards God: And withal he orders them to gain as many about the Pope, and as many Cardinals and Officers in the Rota as they could, to promote the Kings desires, whether in the [Page 64] [...] [Page 65] [...] [Page 66] Popes sickness or health.1528. The Bishop of Verona had a great Interest with the Pope, so by that, and another Dispatch of the same Date, (sent another way) they were ordered to gain him, promising him great Rewards, pressing him to remain still about the Popes person▪ to ballance the ill Offices which Cardinal Angell, and the Arch-Bi­shop of Capua did, who never stirred from the Pope: And to assure that Bishop, that the King laid this Matter more to heart, than any thing that ever befel him; and that it would trouble him as much to be overcome in this Matter by these two Friers, as to loose both his Crowns: and for my part (writes the Cardinal) I would expose any thing to my life, yea life it self, rather than see the Inconveni­encies that may ensue upon disappointing of the Kings desire.’ For promoting the Business, the French King sent the Bishop of Bayon, to assist the English Ambassadors in his name, who was first sent over to England, to be well Instructed there. ‘They were either to procure a Decretal for the Kings Divorce, or a new Commission to the two Legates, with ampler Clauses in it, than the former had; to judge as if the Pope were in person, and to emit compulsorie Letters against any, whether Emperor, King, or of what degree soever, to produce all manner of Evidences or Records, which might tend towards the clearing the Matter, and to bring them before them.’ This was sought because the Emperor would not send over the pretended Ori­ginal Breve, to England, and gave only an Attested Copy of it to the Kings Ambassadors: least therefore from that Breve, a new Suit might be afterwards raised, for Annulling any Sentence which the Legates should give, they thought it needful to have the Original brought be­fore them. In the penning of that new Commission, Dr. Gardiner was ordered to have special care that it should be done, by the best advice he could get in Rome. It appears also from this Dispatch, that the Popes Pollicitation to Confirm the Sentence which the Legates should give, was then in Gardiner's hands, for he was ordered to take care that there might be no disagreement between the date of it, and of the new Commission. And when that was obtained, Sr. Francis Brian was commanded to bring them with him to England. Or if neither a Decretal, nor a new Commission could be obtained, then if any other expedient were proposed, that upon good advice should be found sufficient and effectual, they were to accept of it, and send it away with all possible diligence. ‘And the Cardinal conjured them by the Reverence of Almighty God, to bring them out of their Perplexity, that this Virtuous Prince may have this thing sped, which would be the most joyous thing that could befal his heart upon Earth. But if all things should be denyed, then they were to make their Prote­stations, not only to the Pope, but to the Cardinals, of the Injustice that was done the King, and in the Cardinals name to let them know that not only the King and his Realm would be lost, but also the French King and his Realm, with their other Confederates, would al­so withdraw their Obedience from the See of Rome, which was more to be regarded, than either the Emperors Displeasure, or the Recove­ry of two Cities.’ They were also to try what might be done in Law by the Cardinals in a Vacancy, and they were to take good Counsel upon some Chapters of the Canon-Law, which related to that: and [Page 67] Govern themselves accordingly, either to hinder an Avocation,1529. or Inhibition, or if it could be done to obtain such thing, as they could grant, towards the Conclusion of the Kings Business. At this time al­so the Cardinals Bulls for the Bishoprick of Winchester were expedi­ted:The Cardi­nals Bulls for the Bishop­rick of Win­chester. they were rated high at 15000 Ducats, for though the Cardinal pleaded his great Merits, to bring the composition lower, yet the Car­dinals at Rome, said the Apostolick Chamber was very poor, and other Bulls were then coming from France, to which the favour they should show the Cardinal would be a Precedent. But the Cardinal sent word that he would not give past 5, or 6000 Ducats, because he was exchang­ing Winchester for Duresm, and by the other they were to get a great Composition. And if they held his Bulls so high, he would not have them; for he needed them not, since he enjoyed already by the Kings Grant the Temporalities of Winchester; which it is very likely was all that he considered in a Bishoprick. They were at last expedited, at what Rates I cannot tell; but this I set down to show, how severe the Exactions of the Court of Rome were.

As the Pope recovered his health,The Pope inclines to joyn with the Emperor. so he inclined more to joyn him­self to the Emperor than ever, and was more alienated than formerly from the King and the Cardinal; which perhaps was increased by the distaste he took at the Cardinals aspiring to the Popedom. The first thing that the Emperor did in the Kings Cause, was to protest in the Queen of Englands name, that she refused to submit to the Legates. The one was the Kings chief Minister and her mortal enemy:Who pro­tests against the Legates Commission. May 15. The other was also justly suspected, since he had a Bishoprick in England. The Kings Ambassador pressed the Pope much, not to admit the Pro­testation; but it was pretended that it could not be denyed, either in Law or Justice. But that this might not offend the King, Salviati that was the Popes Favourite, wrote to Campegio, that the Protestation could not be hindred, but that the Pope did still most earnestly desire to satisfie the King, and that the Ambassadors were much mistaken, who were so distrustful of the Popes good mind to the Kings Cause. But now good words could deceive the King no longer, who clearly discovered the Popes mind, and being out of all hopes of any thing more from Rome, resolved to proceed in England before the Legates: and therefore Gardiner was recalled, who was thought the fittest per­son, to manage the Process in England, being esteemed the greatest Canonist they had; and was so valued by the King, that he would not begin the Process till he came.Collect Numb. 23. Sr. Francis Brian was also recal­led, and when they took leave of the Pope, they were ordered to Expostulate in the Kings name: ‘Upon the Partiality he expressed for the Emperor, notwithstanding the many assurances, that both the Legates had given the King, that the Pope would do all he could to­ward his Satisfaction; which was now so ill performed that he ex­pected no more justice from him. They were also to say, as much as they could devise in the Cardinals name, to the same purpose, up­on which they were to try, if it were possible to obtain any Enlarge­ment of the Commission with fuller Power to the Legates; for they saw it was in vain to move for any new Bulls,The Pope promised not to recal, but to confirm it. or Orders from the Pope about it.’ And though Gardiner had obtained a Pollicitation from the Pope, by which he both bound himself not to recal the cause from the Le­gates, [Page 66] [...] [Page 67] [...] [Page 68] and also to confirm their Sentence, and had sent it over; they found it was so conceived, that the Pope could go back from it when he pleased. So there was a new Draught of a Pollicitation formed with more binding Clauses in it, which Gardiner was to try if he could obtain by the following Pretence. ‘He was to tell the Pope, that the Courier to whom he trusted it, had been so little careful of it, that it was all wet and defaced, and of no more use; so that he durst not deliver it. And this might turn much to Gardiners prejudice, that a matter of such Concern was through his neglect spoiled: upon which he was to see if the Pope would renew it. If that could be obtained, he was to use all his Industry to get as many pregnant and material words added, as might make it more binding. He was also to assure the Pope, that though the Empe­ror was gone to Barcellona, to give reputation to his affairs in Italy; yet he had neither Army, nor Fleet ready, so that they needed not fear him. And he was to inform the Pope of the Arts he was u­sing both in the English and French Court to make a separated Trea­ty: But that all was to no p [...]rpose, the two Kings being so firmly linked together.’ But the Pope was so great a Master in all the Arts of Dissimulation, and Policy, that he was not to be overreached easily; and when he understood that his Polli [...]itation was defaced, he was in his heart glad at it, and could not be prevailed with, to renew it. So they returned to England, and Dr. Bennet came in their place. He carryed with him one of the fullest and most important Dispatches that I find in this whole matter,The Legates write to the Pope. from the two Legates to the Pope, and the Consistory, who wrote to them, ‘that they had in vain en­deavoured to perswade either party to yield to the other;Collect. Numb. 24. That the Breve being shewed to them by the Queen, they found great and e­vident Presumptions of it's being a meer forgery; and that they thought it was too much for them to sit and try the Validity, or Authenticalness of the Popes Bulls, or Breves, or to hear his Pow­er of Dispencing in such cases disputed: therefore it was more ex­pedient to Avocate the cause, to which the King would consent, if the Pope obliged himself under his hand, to pass Sentence speedily in his favour; but they rather advised the Granting a Decretal Bull which would put an end to the whole matter, in order to which the Bearer was Instructed to show very good Precedents. But in the mean while, they advised the Pope to press the Queen most ef­fectually, to enter into a Religious life, as that which would com­pose all these differences in the softest and easiest way. It pitied them to see the rack and torments of Conscience, under which the King had smarted so many years: and that the Disputes of Divines, and the Decrees of Fathers, had so disquieted him, that for clearing a matter thus perplexed, there was not only need of Learning, but of a more singular Piety and Illumination. To this were to be added the desire of Issue, the Settlement of the Kingdom, with many other pressing reasons: that as the matter did admit of no further delays, so there was not any thing in the opposite scale to ballance these Considerations. There were false Suggestions surmised abroad, as if the hatred of the Queen, or the desire of another wife (who was not perhaps yet known, much less designed) were the true causes of [Page 69] this Suit. But though the Queen was of a rough Temper, and an unpleasant Conversation, and was passed all hopes of Children; yet who could imagine that the King who had spent his most youthful days with her, so kindly, would now in the decline of his Age, be at all this trouble to be rid of her, if he had no other Motives? But they by searching his sore, found there was rooted in his heart, both an awe of God, and a respect to Law and Order; so that though all his people pressed him to drive the Matter to an issue, yet he would still wait for the decision of the Apostolick See. Therefore they most pressingly desire the Pope to grant the Cure which his di­stemper required, and to consider that it was not fit to insist too much on the Rigour of the Law; but since the Soul and Life of all the Laws of the Church was in the Popes breast; in doubtful cases, where there was great hazard, he ought to mollifie the severity of the Laws, which if it were not done, other Remedies would be found out, to the vast prejudice of the Ecclesiastical Authority, to which many about the King advised him: There was reason to fear they should not only lose a King of England, but a Defender of the Faith. The Nobility and Gentry were already enraged at the delay of a Mat­ter, in which all their Lives and Interests were so nearly concerned: and said many things against the Popes Proceedings, which they could not relate without horror. And they plainly complained, that whereas Popes had made no scruple to make and change divine Laws, at their pleasure; yet one Pope sticks so much at the Repealing what his Prodecessor did, as if that were more sacred, and not to be med­led with. The King betook himself to no ill Arts, neither to the charms of Magitians, nor the Forgeries of Impostours, therefore they expected such an Answer as should put an end to the whole mat­ter.’

But all these things were to no purpose:Campegio's ill life. Pelerin In glese. the Pope had taken his measures, ard was not to be moved by all the reasons, or Remonstran­ces, the Ambassador could lay before him. The King had absolutely gained Campegio to do all he could for him without losing the Popes favour. He led at this time a very dissolute life in England, hunting and gaming all the day long, and following whores all the night: and brought a Bastard of his own over to England with him, whom the King Knighted, so that if the King sought his pleasure, it was no strange thing: since he had such a Copy set him by two Legates, who representing his Holiness so lively in their manners, it was no unu­sual thing, if a King had a slight sense of such disorders. The King wrote to his Ambassadors,April 6. that he was satisfied of Campegio's love and affection to him, and if ever he was gained by the Emperors Agents, he had said something to him which did totally change that Inclination.

The Imperialists being Alarm'd at the recalling of some of the English Ambassadors, and being Informed by the Queens means,The Empe­ror presses for an Avocation. that they were forming the Process in England, put in a Memorial for an Avocation of the cause to Rome. The Ambassadors answered, that there was no Colour for asking it, since there was nothing yet done by the Legates. For they had strict orders to deny that there was any Process forming in England, even to the Pope himself in private, unless he had a mind it should go on; but were to use all their En­deavours [Page 70] to hinder an Avocation; and plainly in the Kings name, to tell the Pope, that if he granted that, the King would look on it as a Formal decision against him. And it would also be an high affront to the two Cardinals: and they were thereupon to Protest, that the King would not obey,Which the Kings Ambas­sadors oppose much. nor consider the Pope any more, if he did an Act of such high Injustice; as after he had granted a Commission, upon no complaint of any Illegality, or Injust Proceedings of the Le­gates, but only upon surmises and suspitions, to take it out of their hands. But the Pope had not yet brought the Emperor to his Terms in other things, therefore to draw him on the faster, he continued to give the English Ambassador good words; and in discourse with Pe­ter Vannes, The Popes deep dissimu­lation. did insinuate as if he had found a means to bring the whole matter to a good Conclusion, and spoke it with an Artificial smile, adding, In the name of the Father, &c. But would not speak it out,Collect. Numb. 25th. and seemed to keep it up as a secret, not yet ripe. But all this did afterwards appear to be the deepest Dissimulation that ever was practised. And in the whole Process, though the Cardinal studied to make tricks pass upon him, yet he was always too hard for them all at it; and seemed as Infallible in his Arts of Jugling, as he pre­tended to be in his Decisions.Collect. Numb. 26th. He wrote a Cajoling Letter to the Car­dinal, but words went for nothing.

The Pope complains of the FlorentinesSoon after this, the Pope complained much to Sr. Gregory Cassali, of the ill usage he received from the French Ambassador, and that their Confederates, the Florentines, and the Duke of Ferrara used him so ill,Iune 5. that they would force him to throw himself into the Emperors hands: and he seemed inclined to grant an Avocation of the cause, and complained that there was a Treaty of peace going on at Cambray, in which he had no share. But the Ambassador undertook that nothing should be done to give him just offence; yet the Florentines continued to put great affronts on him, and his Family: and the Abbot of Far­fa their General, made excursions to the gates of Rome; ‘so that the Pope with great signs of fear said that the Florentines would some day seize on him,Iune 13. and carry him with his hands bound behind his back in Procession to Florence: and that all this while the Kings of England and France did only entertain him with good words, and did not so much as restrain the Insolencies of their Confederates. And whereas they used to say, that if he joyned himself to the Em­peror, he would treat him as his Chaplain, he said with great Com­motion, that he would not only choose rather to be his Chaplain, but his horse-Groom, than suffer such injuries from his own Rebel­lious Vassals and Subjects.’ This was perhaps set on by the Cardi­nals Arts, to let the Pope feel the weight of offending the King, and to oblige him to use him better: but it wrought a contrary effect, for the Treaty between the Emperor and him, was the more advanced by it. And the Pope reckoned that the Emperor being (as he was inform­ed) ashamed and grieved for the taking and Sacking of Rome, would study to repair that by better usage for the future.

Great Con­tests about the Avocation. Iune 23. Collect. Numb▪ 27.The Motion for the Avocation was still driven on, and pressed the more earnestly, because they heard the Legates were proceeding in the cause. But the Ambassadors were instructed by a Dispatch from the King, to obviate that carefully; for as it would reflect on the Legates, [Page 71] and defeat the Commission, and be a gross violation of the Popes Pro­mise, which they had in writing; so it was more for the Popes Inter­est, to leave it in the Legates hands, than to bring it before himself; for then, whatever Sentence passed, the ill effects of it would ly on the Pope without any Interposition. And as the King had very just exceptions to Rome, where the Emperors forces lay so near, that no safety could be expected there; so they were to tell the Pope that by the Laws of England, the Prerogative of the Crown Royal was such, that the Pope could do nothing that was prejudicial to it: To which the citing the King to Rome, to have his cause decided there, was contra­ry in a high degree. And if the Pope went on, notwithstanding all the diligence they could use to the contrary, they were by an other Dispatch which Gardiner sent, ordered to Protest and Appeal from the Pope as not the true Vicar of Christ, to a true Vicar. But the King upon second thoughts, judged it not fit to proceed to this Extremity so soon. They were also ordered to advertise the Pope, that all the Nobility had assured the King, they would adhere to him, in case he were so ill used by the Pope, that he were constrained to withdraw his obedience from the Apostolick See; and that the Cardinals ruine was unavoidable, if the Pope granted the Avocation. The Emperors Agents had pretended they could not send the original Breve into England, and said their Master would send it to Rome, upon which the Ambassadors had soli­cited for Letters Compulsory, to require him to send it to England; yet left that might now be made an Argument by the Imperialists for an Avocation, they were ordered to speak no more of it, for the Le­gates would proceed to Sentence, upon the attested Copy that was sent from Spain.

The Ambassadors had also orders to take the best Counsel in Rome, Iune 28. about the Legal ways of hindring an Avocation. But they found it was not fit to rely much on the Lawyers in that matter. For as on the one hand, there was no secrecy to be expected from any of them, they having such expectations of preferments from the Pope, (which were beyond all the Fees that could be given them,) that they disco­vered all secrets to him: So none of them would be earnest to hinder an Avocation, it being their Interest to bring all Matters to Rome, by which they might hope for much greater Fees. And Salviati whom the Ambassadors had gained, told them, that Campana brought word out of England, that the Process was then in a good forwardness. They with many Oaths denyed there was any such thing, and Silvester Da­rius who was sent express to Rome, for opposing the Avocation, con­firmed all that they swore. But nothing was believed, for by a se­cret conveyance, Campana had Letters to the contrary. And when they objected to Salviati, what was promised by Campana, in the Popes name, that he would do every thing for the King, that he could do out of the fulness of his Power; ‘He answered, that Campana swore he had never said any such thing. So hard is the case of Ministers in such ticklish negotiations, that they must say, and unsay, swear, and for­swear, as they are Instructed, which goes of Course, as a part of their Business.’

But now the Legates were proceeding in England: Of the steps in which they went, though a great deal be already published,The Legate [...] sit in England yet con­siderable [Page 72] things are passed over. On the 31th of May, the King by a Warrant under the Great Seal, gave the Legates leave to execute their Commission,Orig. Iourn Cott. Libr. Vi­tel. B. 12. upon which they Sate that same day. The Commission was presented by Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, which was given to the Proto-Notary of the Court, and he read it publickly; then the Legates took it in their hands, and said, They were resolved to Execute it: And first gave the usual Oaths to the Clerks of the Court, and ordered a peremto­ry Citation of the King and Queen to appear on the 18th of Iune, be­tween 9 and 10 a Clock; and so the Court Adjourned. The next Ses­sion was on the 18th of Iune, where the Citations being returned duely Executed; Richard Simpson, Dean of the Chappel, and Mr. Iohn Bell, appeared as the Kings Proxies. But the Queen appeared in Person, and did protest against the Legates as incompetent Judges, alledging that the cause was already Avocated by the Pope, and desired a competent time in which she might prove it. The Legates assigned her the 21th, and so Adjourned the Court till then.

A severe charge against the Queen.About this time there was a severe Complaint exhibited against the Queen in Council, of which there is an account given in a paper, that has somewhat written at the conclusion of it, with the Cardinals own hand. ‘The substance of it is, That they were informed some designed to kill the King, or the Cardinal; in which, if she had any hand, she must not expect to be spared. That she had not shewed such love to the King, neither in Bed, nor out of Bed, as she ought. And now that the King was very pensive, and in much grief, she showed great signs of joy, setting on all people to Dancings, and other Diversions. This it seemed she did out of spite to the King, since it was contrary to her temper and ordinary behaviour. And whereas she ought rather to pray to God to bring this matter to a good conclusion, she seemed not at all serious; and that she might corrupt the peoples affections to the King, she showed her self much abroad, and by civilities, and gracious bow­ing her head, which had not been her custom formerly, did study to work upon the people: And that having the pretended Breve in her hands, she would not show it sooner. From all which the King con­cluded that she hated him, Therefore his Council did not think it ad­visable for him to be any more conversant with her, either in Bed or at Board. They also in their Consciences thought his life was in such danger, that he ought to withdraw himself from her company, and not suffer the Princess to be with her. These things were to be told her, to induce her to enter into a Religious Order, and to perswade her to submit to the King.’ To which paper, the Cardinal added in Latine, That she played the fool, Quod stulte facit, si conten­dit cum Rege, quod [...]ale illi successit in fae­tibus: de Brevi acsuspicione falsitatis. The King and Queen ap­pear in Court. if she contended with the King, that her Children had not been blessed, and somewhat of the evident suspitions that were of the Forgery of the Breve. But she had a constant mind, and was not to be threatned to any thing. On the 21th of Iune, the Court Sate, The King and Queen were present in Person. Campegio made a long Speech of the errand they were come about: Fidelis ser­vi insideli sub­dito Responsio. ‘That it was a new, unheard▪ of, vile, and intolerable thing, for the King and Queen to live in Adultery, or rather Incest; which they must now try, and proceed as they saw just cause.’ And both the Legates made deep protestations of the sinceri­ty of their minds, and that they would proceed justly and fairly without any favour or partiality.

[Page 73]As for the formal Speeches which the King and Queen made, Hall, who never failed in trifles, sets them down, which I incline to believe they really spoke; for with the Journals of the Court, I find those Speeches written down, though not as a part of the Journal.

But here the Lord Herbert's usual diligence fails him; for he fancies the Queen never appeared after the 18th. upon which, because the Jour­nal of the next Sessions are lost, he infers against all the Histories of that time, That the King and the Queen were not in Court together. And he seems to conclude that the 25th of Iune, was the next Session after the 18th, but in that he was mistaken: For by an original Letter of the Kings to his Ambassadors,Collect. Numb. 28. it is plain that both the King and Queen came in Person into the Court; where they both sate, with their Council stand­ing about them: The Bishops of Rochester, and St. Asaph, and Doctor Ridley being the Queens Council. When the King and Queen were called on, the King answered, Here; but the Queen left her seat and went and kneeled down before him, and made a Speech, that had all the Insinua­tions in it to raise pity and compassion in the Court. She said, ‘She was a poor woman, and a stranger in his Dominions, where she could neither expect good Council, nor indifferent Judges;The Queen's Speech. she had been long his Wife, and desired to know wherein she had offended him: she had been his Wife twenty years and more, and had born him seve­ral Children, and had ever studied to please him; and protested he had found her a true Maid, about which she appealed to his own Con­science. If she had done any thing amiss, she was willing to be put a­way with shame. Their Parents were esteemed very wise Princes, and no doubt had good Counsellors, and Learned men about them, when the Match was agreed: Therefore she would not submit to the Court, nor durst her Lawyers, who were his Subjects, and assigned by him, speak freely for her. So she desired to be excused till she heard from Spain.’ That said, she rose up, and made the King a low Reverence, and went out of the Court. And though they called after her, she made no answer, but went away and would never again appear in Court.

She being gone, the King did publickly Declare,The King gives the ac­count of his Scruples. what a true and obe­dient Wife she had always been, and commended her much for her ex­cellent Qualities. Then the Cardinal of York desired the King would witness, whether he had been the first or chief mover of that matter to him, since he was suspected to have done it. In which the King did vindicate him, and said, That he had always rather opposed it, and pro­tested it arose meerly out of a scruple in his Conscience, which was oc­casioned by the Discourse of the French Ambassador; who during the Treaty of a Match between his Daughter, and the Duke of Orleance, did except to her being Legitimate, as begotten in an unlawful Marriage: up­on which he resolved to try the lawfulness of it, both for the quiet of his Conscience, and for clearing the Succession of the Crown: And if it were found lawful, he was very well satisfied to live still with the Queen. But upon that, he had first moved it in Confession to the Bishop of Lin­coln; then he had desired the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to gather the Opinions of the Bishops, who did all under their Hands and Seals De­clare against the Marriage. This the Arch-Bishop confirmed, but the Bishop of Rochester denied his Hand was at it. And the Arch-Bishop pre­tended [Page 74] he had his consent to make another write his name to the Judg­ment of the rest, which he positively denied.

The Court Adjourned to the 25th, ordering Letters Monitory to be Issued out for Citing the Queen to appear under pain of Contumacy. But on the 25th,The Queens Appeal. was brought in her Appeal to the Pope, the Original of which is extant, every page being both Subscribed, and Superscribed by her. She excepted both to the Place, to the Judges, and to her Council, in whom she could not confide; and therefore appealed and desired her Cause might be heard by the Pope, with many things out of the Canon-Law, on which she grounded it. This being read, and she not appear­ing, was Declared Contumax. Then the Legates being to proceed, ex of­ficio, drew up Twelve Articles, upon which they were to examine wit­nesses.Articles drawn by the [...]. The substance of them was, ‘That Prince Arthur and the King were Brothers; that Prince Arthur did Marry the Queen, and Con­summated the Marriage; that upon his death the King by vertue of a Dispensation had Married her; that this Marrying his Brothers Wife was forbidden both by Humane and Divine Law; and that upon the complaints which the Pope had received, he had sent them now to try and judge in it.’ The Kings Council insisted most on Prince Arthur's having Consummated the Marriage, and that led them to say many things that seemed indecent; of which the Bishop of Rochester complain­ed, and said they were things detestable to be heard: but Cardinal Wol­sey [...] him, and there passed some sharp words between them.

Upon which witnesses are examined.The Legates proceeded to the Examination of Witnesses, of which I shall say little, the substance of their Depositions, being fully set down with all their names by the Lord Herbert. The sum of what was most material in them, was, that many violent presumptions appeared by their Testimonies, that Prince Arthur did carnally know the Queen. And it cannot be imagined how greater proofs could be made 27 years after their Marriage. Thus the Court went on several days Examining Witnesses; but as the matter was going on to a conclusion, there came an Avocation from Rome. Of which I shall now give an Account

The pro­ [...]e [...]dings at [...].The Queen wrote most earnestly to her Nephews to procure an Avo­cation; protesting she would suffer any thing, and even death it self, rather than depart from her Marriage: that she expected no justice from the Legates, and therefore lookt for their assistance, that her appeal be­ing admitted by the Pope, [...] this is [...] from [...] Iune 2 [...], and 30. Iuly 8, and 9. the Cause might be taken out of the Legates hands. Campegio did also give the Pope an account of their Progress, and by all means advised an Avocation; for by this he thought to excuse himself to the King, to oblige the Emperor much, and to have the repu­tation of a man of Conscience.

The Emperor, and his Brother Ferdinand, sent their Ambassadors at Rome orders, to give the Pope no rest till it were procured; and the Emperor said, He would look on a Sentence against his Aunt, as a dis­honour to his Family, and would lose all his Kingdoms sooner than en­dure it. And they plied the Pope so warmly, that between them and the English Ambassadors, he had for some days very little rest. To the one he was kind, and to the other he resolved to be civil. The English Am­bassadors met oft with Salviati, and studied to perswade him, that the Process went not on in England; but he told them their Intelligence was so good, that whatever they said on that head would not be believed. [Page 75] They next suggested, that it was visible Campegio's advising an Avocati­on was only done to preserve himself from the envy of the Sentence, and to throw it wholly on the Pope: for were the matter once called to Rome, the Pope must give Sentence one way or another, and so bear the whole burden of it. There were also secret surmises of Deposing the Pope, if he went so far; for seeing that the Emperor prevailed so much by the ter­rors of that, the Cardinal resolved to try what operation such threat­nings in the Kings name might have. But they had no Armies near the Pope, so that big words did only provoke and alienate him the more.

The matter was such, that by the Canon-Law it could not be denied. For to grant an Avocation of a Cause upon good reason, from the Dele­gated to the Supreme Court, was a thing which by the course of Law was very usual: And it was no less apparent that the Reasons of the Queens appeal were just and good.The Pope agrees with the Emperor. But the secret and most convincing Motives that wrought more on the Pope than all other things, were, that the Treaty between him and the Emperor was now concerted: There­fore this being to be published very speedily, the Pope thought it necessa­ry to avocate the matter to Rome, before the publication of the Peace, lest if he did it after, it should be thought that it had been one of the secret Ar­ticles of the Treaty, which would have cast a foul blot upon him. Yet on the other hand he was not a little perplexed with the fears he had of losing the King of England; he knew he was a man of an high Spirit, and would resent what he did severely. ‘And the Cardinal now again order­ed Dr. Bennet in his name, and as with tears in his eyes,Collect. Numb. 29th. lying at the Popes feet, to assure him, that the King and Kingdom of England were certainly lost, if the Cause were Avocated: Therefore he besought him to leave it still in their hands, and assured him, that for himself, he should rather be torn in pieces joynt by joynt, than do any thing in that matter contrary to his Conscience or to Justice.Yet is in great per­plexities.’ These things had been oft said, and the Pope did apprehend that ill effects would fol­low; for if the King fell from his Obedience to the Apostolick See, no doubt all the Lutheran Princes, who were already bandying against the Emperor, would joyn themselves with him; and the Interests of France would most certainly engage that King also into the Union, which would distract the Church, give encouragement to Heresie, and end in the ut­ter ruin of the Popedom. But in all this the crafty Pope comforted him­self, that many times threatnings are not intended to be made good, but are used to terrifie; and that the King who had written for the Faith against Luther, and had been so ill used by him, would never do a thing that would sound so ill, as because he could not obtain what he had a mind to, therefore to turn Heretick: he also resolved to caress the French King much, and was in hopes of making Peace between the Emperor and him.

But that which went nearest the Popes heart of all other things, was the setting up of his Family at Florence: and the Emperor having given him assurance of that, it weighed down all other considerations. There­fore he resolved he would please the Emperor, but do all he could not to lose the King: So on the 9th of Iuly he sent for the Kings Ambassadors, and told them, the Process was now so far set on in England, and the A­vocation so earnestly pressed, that he could deny it no longer; for all the Lawyers in Rome had told him, the thing could not be denied in the com­mon [Page 76] course of Justice. Upon this the Ambassadors told him what they had in Commission to say against it, both from the King and the Car­dinal, and pressed it with great vehemence: So that the Pope by many sighs and tears showed how deep an impression that which they said made upon him; he wished himself dead, that he might be delivered out of that Martyrdom: and added these words, which because of their savouring so much of an Apostolical Spirit, I set down: Wo is me, no body apprehends all those evils better than I do. But I am so between the Hammer and the Forge, that when I would comply with the Kings desires, the whole storm then must fall on my head; and which is worse, on the Church of Christ. They did object the many promises he had made them, both by word of mouth, and under his hand. He answered, He desired to do more for the King than he had promised; but it was impossible to refuse what the Emperor now demanded, whose Forces did so surround him, that he could not only force him to grant him Iustice, but could dispose of him and all his Concerns at his pleasure.

The Ambassadors seeing the Pope was resolved to grant the Avocati­on, pressed against it no further, but studied to put it off for some time. And therefore proposed that the Pope would himself write about it to the King, and not grant it till he received his answer. Of all this they gave Advertisement to the King, and wrote to him, that he must either drive the matter to a Sentence in great haste, or to prevent the affront of an Advocation, suspend the Process for some time. They also advised the searching all the Packets that went or came by the way of Flanders; and to keep up all Campegio's Letters, and to take care that no Bull might come to England; for they did much apprehend that the Avocation would be granted within very few days.Iuly 26. Their next Dispatch bore, that the Pope had sent for them to let them know, that he had Signed the Avocation the day before.The Avoca­tion is grant­ed. But they understood another way, that the Treaty between the Emperor and him was finished, and the Peace was to be proclaimed on the 18th of Iuly; and that the Pope did not only fear the Emperor more than all other Princes, but that he also trusted him more now. On the 19th of Iuly, the Pope sent a Messenger with the Avocation to England, Collect. Numb. 30th. with a Letter to the Cardinal. To the King he wrote afterwards.

All this while Campegio, as he had Orders from the Pope to draw out the matter by delays,The pro­ceedings of the Legates. so did it very dextrously: And in this he pretended a fair excuse, that it would not be for the Kings honour to precipitate the matter too much, lest great advantages might be taken from that by the Queens Party. That therefore it was fit to proceed slowly, that the world might see with what Moderation as well as Justice, the matter was handled. From the 25th of Iune, the Court Adjourned to the 28th, ordering a second Citation, for the Queen under the pains of Contuma­cy, and of their proceeding to examine Witnesses. And on the 28th they declared the Queen Contumacious the second time; and examined several Witnesses upon the Articles, and Adjourned to the 5th of Iuly. on that day the Bull and Breve were read in Court, and the Kings Coun­cil argued long against the validity of the one, and the truth of the other, Upon the grounds that have been already mentioned, in which Campegio was much disgusted to hear them argue against the Popes Power, of granting such a Dispensation in a matter that was against a Divine [Page 77] Precept, alledging that his Power did not exend so far. This the Le­gates over-ruled, and said, that that was too high a point for them to judg in, or so much as to hear argued; and that the Pope himself was the on­ly proper judge in that: ‘And it was odds but he would judge favour­ably for himself.’ The Court Adjourned to the 12th, and from that to the 14th. On these days the Depositions of the rest of the Witnesses were taken, and some that were ancient Persons were examined by a Commission from the Legates; and all the Depositions were published on the 17th; other instruments relating to the Process, were also read and verified in Court. On the 21th the Court sa [...]e to conclude the matter as was expected, and the Instrument that the King had Signed when he came of Age, protesting that he would not stand to the Con­tract made when he was under Age, was then read and verified. Upon which, the Kings Council (of whom Gardiner was the chief,) closed their Evidence, and summed up all that had been brought: and in the Kings name, desired Sentence might be given.All things are ready fo [...] a Sentence. But Campegio pretending that it was fit some interval should be between that and the Sentence, put it off till the 23th, being Friday; and in the whole Process he pre­sided, both being the ancienter Cardinal, and chiefly to show great e­quity; since exceptions might have been taken, if the other had appeared much in it; so that he only sate by him for form: But all the Orders of the Court were still directed by Campegio. On Friday there was a great appearance, and a general expectation; but by a strange surprize Campe­gio Adjourned the Court to the 1st. of October, Campegio Adjourned the Court. for which he pretended that they sate there as a part of the Consistory of Rome, and therefore must follow the Rules of that Court, which from that time till October was in a Vacation, and heard no Causes: And this he averred to be true on the word of a true Prelate.

The King was in a Chamber very near where he heard what passed, and was inexpressibly surprized at it. The Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk were in Court, and complained much of this delay; and pressed the Le­gates to give Sentence. Campegio answered, that, what they might then pronounce would be of no force, as being in Vacation-time; but gave great hopes of a favourable Sentence in the beginning of October. Upon which the Lords spake very high.Which gives great offence. And the Duke of Suffolk with great Commotion, Swore by the Mass, that, he saw it was true which had been commonly said, That never Cardinal yet did good in England; and so all the Temporal Lords went away in a fury, leaving the Legates, (Wol­sey especially) in no small perplexity. Wolsey knew it would be suspect­ed that he understood this before-hand, and that it would be to no pur­pose for him, either to say he did not know, or could not help it, all Apologies being ill heard by an enraged Prince. Campegio had not much to lose in England but his Bishoprick of Salisbury, and the reward he expected from the King, which he knew the Emperor and the Pope would plentifully make up to him. But his Collegue was in a worse con­dition, he had much to fear, because he had much to lose: For as the King had severely chid him for the delays of the business, so he was now to expect a heavy storm from him;Wolsey's dan­ger. and after so long an Administration of Affairs by so insolent a Favourite, it was not to be doubted, but as many of his Enemies were joyning against him, so matter must needs be found to work his ruin with a Prince that was Alienated from him: [Page 78] Therefore he was under all the disorders, which a fear that was heigh­tned by Ambition and Covetousness could produce.

But the King govern'd himself upon this occasion, with more temper than could have been expected from a man of his humour: Therefore as he made no great show of disturbance, so to divert his uneasie thoughts he went his Progress. Soon after, he received his Agents Letter from Rome, and made Gardiner (who was then Secretary of State) write to the Cardinal, to put Campegio to his Oath, whether he had revealed the Kings Secrets to the Pope, or not? And if he Swore he had not done it, to make him Swear he should never do it. A little after that, the Messenger came from Rome with a Breve to the Legates, requiring them to pro­ceed no further, and with an Avocation of the Cause to Rome; together with Letters Citatory to the King and Queen to appear there in Person,Aug. 4. or by their Proxies. Of which when the King was advertised, Gardiner wrote to the Cardinal by his order, That the King would not have the Letters Citatory executed, or the Commission discharged by vertue of them; but that upon the Popes Breve to them, they should declare their Commission void: For he would not suffer a thing so much to the pre­judice of his Crown, as a Citation be made to appear in another Court, nor would he let his Subjects imagine that he was to be Cited out of his Kingdom. This was the first step that he made for the lessening of the Popes Power: Upon which the two Cardinals (for they were Legates no longer) went to the King at Grafton. It was generally expected that Wolsey should have been disgraced then, for not only the King was of­fended with him, but he received new Informations of his having juggled in the business, and that he secretly advised the Pope to do what was done. This was set about by some of the Queens Agents, as if there was certain knowledge had of it at Rome; and it was said, that some Letters of his to the Pope were by a trick found and brought over to England. The Emperor lookt on the Cardinal as his inveterate Enemy, and designed to ruin him if it was possible; nor was it hard to perswade the Queen to concur with him to pull him down. But all this seems an artifice of theirs only to destroy him. For the earnestness the Cardinal expressed in this matter, was such, that either he was sincere in it, or he was the best at dessembling that ever was. But these suggestions were easily infused in the Kings angry mind, so strangely are men turned by their affections, that sometimes they will believe nothing, and at other times they believe every thing. Yet when the Cardinal with his Col­league came to Court, they were received by the King with very hearty expressions of kindness; and Wolsey was often in private with him, sometimes in presence of the Council, and sometimes alone: once he was many hours with the King alone, and when they took leave he sent them away very obligingly. But that which gave Cardinal Wolsey the most assurance,Sept. 23, in a Letter from the Cardinal, Secetary to Cromwell. was that all those who were admitted to the Kings privacies, did carry themselves towards him as they were wont to do; both the Duke of Suffolk, Sir Thomas Boleyn then made Vis-count of Rochford, Sir Brian Tuke and Gardiner: concluding that from the motions of such Weather-cocks the air of the Princes affections was best gathered.

Anne Boleyn returns to Court. Anne Boleyn was now brought to the Court again, out of which she had been dismissed for some time, for silencing the noise, that her being at Court, during the Process, would have occasioned. It is [Page 79] taid, that she took her dismission so ill, that she resolved never again so return; and that she was very hardly brought to it afterwards, not without Threatnings from her Father. But of that nothing appears to me; only this I find, that all her former kindness to the Cardinal, was now turned to enmity, so that she was not wanting in her endea­vours to pull him down.

But the King being reconciled to her, and as it is ordinary after some intermission and disorder between Lovers, his affection encreasing, he was casting about for overtures, how to compass what he so earnest­ly desired. Sometimes he thought of procuring a new Commission; but that was not advisable, for af [...]er a long dependance it might end as the former had done. Then he thought of breaking off with the Pope; but there was great danger in that, for besides that in his own perswasion he adhered to all the most Important parts of the Roman Religion, his subjects were so addicted to it, that any such a Change could not but seem full of hazard. Sometime he inclined to Confederate himself with the Pope and Emperor, for now there was no dividing of them, till he should thereby bring the Emperor to yield to his desires. But that was against the Interests of his Kingdom, and the Emperor had already proceeded so far in his Opposition, that he could not be easily brought about.

While his thoughts were thus divided, a new Proposition was made to him that seemed the most reasonable and feasible of them all.Cranmers proposition a­bout the Kings Divorce. There was one Dr. Cranmer, who had been a Fellow of Iesus Colledge in Cambridge; but having Married, forfeited his fellowship, yet continu­ed his Studies, and was a Reader of Divinity in Buckingham Colledge. His wife dying, he was again chosen Fellow of Iesus Colledge; and was much esteemed in the University for his Learning, which appear­ed very eminently on all publick occasions. But he was a man that neither courted Preferment, nor did willingly accept of it, when of­fered. And therefore though he was invited to be a Reader of Di­vinity in the Cardinals Colledge at Oxford, he declined it. He was at this time forced to fly out of Cambridge, from a Plague that was there, and having the Sons of one Mr. Cressy of Waltham-Cross com­mitted to his Charge, he went with his Pupils to their Fathers house at Waltham. There he was when the King returned from his Pro­gress, who took Waltham in his way, and lay a night there. The Har­bingers having appointed Gardiner and Fox, the Kings Secretary, and Almoner, to ly at Mr. Cressies house; it so happen'd that Cranmer was with them at Supper. The whole discourse of England being then about the Divorce, these two Courtiers, knowing Cranmer's Learning and solid Judgment, entertained him with it, and desired to hear his opi­nion concerning it. He modestly declined it; but told them, that he judged it would be a shorter and safer way once to clear it well, if the Marriage was unlawful in it self, by vertue of any divine Precept: For if that were proved, then it was certain, that the Popes Dispen­sation could be of no force to make that lawful, which God had decla­ed to be unlawful. Therefore he thought that instead of a long fruit­less Negotiation at Rome, it were better to consult all the Learned men, and the Universities of Christendome; for if they once declared it in the Kings favours, then the Pope must needs give judgment, or other­wise [Page 80] the Bull being of it self, null and void, the Marriage would be found sinful, notwithstanding the Popes Dispensation. This seemed a very good Motion, which they resolved to offer to the King; so next night when he came to Greenwich, they proposed it to him; but with this difference, that Gardiner had a mind to make it pass for their own Contrivance, but Fox, who was of a more ingenuous Nature, told the King from whom they had it.Approved by the King. He was much affected with it, so soon as he heard it, and said, had he known it sooner, it would have saved him a vast expence, and much trouble; and would needs have Cranmer sent for to Court, saying in his coarse way of speaking, That he had the Sow by the right ear. So he was sent for to Court, and being brought before the King, he carryed himself so, that the King con­ceived an high opinion of his Judgment, and Candour, which he pre­served to his death, and still payed a respect to him, beyond all the other Churchmen that were about him: and though he made more use of Gardiner in his Business, whom he found a man of great dex­terity and Cunning; yet he never had any respect for him. But for Cranmer, though the King knew that in many things he differed from him, yet for all his being so impatient of Contradiction, he always Reverenced him.

And he much esteem­ed by him.He was soon looked on as a Rising Churchman, and the rather be­cause the Cardinal was now declining; for in the following Michael­mas-Term, the King sent for the great Seal, which the Cardinal at first was not willing to part with. But the next day the King wrote to him,The Cardi­nals fall. and he presently delivered it to the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk. It was offered back again to Warham, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; but he being very old, and foreseeing great difficulties in the keeping of it, excused himself. So it was given to Sr. Thomas More, who was not only eminent in his own Profession, but in all other Learning: and was much esteemed for the strictness of his life, and his Con­tempt of Money. He was also the more fit to be made use of, hav­ing been in ill terms with the Cardinal. Soon after, Hales the At­tourney-General, put in an Information against the Cardinal, in the Kings Bench; bearing, that notwithstanding the Statute of Richard the 2d, against the Procuring Bulls from Rome, under the pains of Premu­nire, yet he had procured Bulls for his Legantine Power, which he had for many years executed; and some particulars, for form, were named out of a great many more. To this he put in his answer, by his Attorney, and confessed the Indictment, but pleaded his ignorance of the Statute, and submitted himself to the Kings mercy. Upon this it was declar­ed, that he was out of the Kings protection, and that he had forfeited his Goods and Chattells to the King, and that his Person might be seized on. Then was his rich Palace of York-house (now Whitehall) with all that vast wealth, and Royal furniture that he had heaped to­gether, (which was beyond any thing that had ever been seen in En­gland before,) seized on for the King. But it seems the King had not a mind to destroy him out right, but only to bring him lower, and to try if the terror of that would have any influence on the Pope:Rol. Pat. 2d• pars vices. prin. Regni. Feb. 12. There­fore on the 21st of November, the King granted him first his Prote­ction, and then his Pardon, and restored him to the Arch-Bishoprick of York, and the Bishoprick of Winchester, and gave him back in Mo­ney, [Page] [Page]

EFFIGIES THOMAE WOLSEI CARDINALIS.

Natus 1471 Mar [...] Consecrat EpL [...] colu [...] 1514 Mar [...] 26 Translatus ad Sedet E [...]oracensē Nov. 6 Cardinalis [...] 1515 Sept. 7. Obyt 1530 Nov. 26

Pri [...]d for Ri [...] Chiswell at the Rose and Crowne in St Pauls Chur [...]h yard

[Page 81] Goods, and Plate, that which amounted to 6374 l. 3 s. 7 d. and many kind Messages were sent him, both by the King, and Anne Boleyn.

But as he had carryed his Greatness with most extravagant pride,The mean­ness of his Temper. so he was no less basely cast down with his misfortune; and having no ballast within himself, but being wholly guided by things without him, he was lifted up, or cast down, as the Scales of Fortune turned: yet his Enemies had gone too far, ever to suffer a man of his parts or temper, to return to favour. And therefore they so ordered it, that an high Charge of many Articles was brought against him, into the House of Lords, in the Parliament that sate in November following; and it passed there, where he had but few friends, and many and great enemies. But when the charge was sent down to the House of Com­mons, it was so managed by the industry of Cromwell, who had been his servant, that it came to nothing. The heads of it have been oft printed, therefore I shall not repeat them; they related chiefly to his Legantine Power, contrary to Law, to his Insolence and Ambition, his lewd life, and [...]ther things that were brought to defame, as well as destroy him.

All these things did so sink his proud mind, that a deep melancho­ly overcame his Spirits. The King sent him frequent assurances of his favour, which he received with extravagant transports of joy,The King still [...]avoured him. falling down on his knees in the dirt, before the messenger that brought one of them, and holding up his hands for joy, which shewed how mean a Soul he had, and that as himself afterwards acknowledged, he pre­ferred the Kings favour, to God Almighties. But the King found they took little notice of him at Rome; the Emperor hated him, and the Pope did not love him, looking on him as one that was almost equal to himself in Power: and though they did not love the Precedent to have a Cardinal so used, yet they were not much troubled at Rome, to see it fall on him. So in Easter-week, he was ordered to go North, though he had a great mind to have stayed at Richmond, which the King had given him in Exchange for Hampton-Court, that he had also built. But that was too near the Court, and his enemies had a mind to send him further from it. Accordingly he went to Cawood in York-shire, in which journey it appears, that the ruins of his state were considerable, for he travelled thither with an 160 horse in his train, and 72 Carts following him, with his houshold stuff.

To Conclude his story all at once,He is after­wards attach­ed for Treaso [...]. he was in November the next year, seized on by the Earl of Northumberland, who attached him for high Treason, and committed him to the keeping of the Lieutenant of the Tower, who was ordered to bring him up to London. And even [...]hen he had gracious messages from the King; but these did not work much on him, for whether it was that he knew himself guilty of some secret Practises with the Pope, or with the Emperor, which yet he de­nyed to the last; or whether he could no longer stand under the Kings displeasure, and that change of condition; he was so cast down, that on his way to London, he sickened at Sheffield Park, in the Earl of Shrewsburies house, from whence by slow journeys he went as far as Leicester, where after some days languishing he dyed; and at the last made great Protestations of his having served the King faithfully, and [Page 82] that he had little regarded the service of God, to do him pleasure; but if he had served God as he had done him, he would not have given him over so, as he did in his gray hairs. And he desired the King to reflect on all his past services, and in particular, in his weighty matter (for by that phrase, they usually spoke of the Kings Divorce) and then he would find in his Conscience whether he had offended him or not. And dies. He dyed the 28 of No­vember 1530. and was the greatest Instance that several Ages had shown of the Variety and Inconstancy of Humane things, both in his rise and fall; and by his temper in both, it appears he was unworthy of his greatness, and deserved what he suffered. But to conclude all that is to be said of him, I shall add what the writer of his life ends it with. Here is the end and fall of Pride and Arrogance, His Chara­cter. for I assure you, in his time he was the haughtiest man in all his proceedings alive, having more re­spect to the honour of his Person, than he had to his Spiritual Profession, wherein should be shewed all meekness and charity.

A Parliament called.But now with the change of this great Minister, there followed a change of Counsels, and therefore the King resolved to hold a Parlia­ment, that he might meet his people, and establish such a good un­derstanding between himself and them, that he might have all secured at home; and then he resolved to proceed more confidently abroad. There had been no Parliament for seven years, but the blame of that, and of every other miscarriage, falling naturally on the disgraced Minister, he did not doubt, that he should be able to give his people full satis­faction in that, and in every thing else. So a Parliament was summon­ed to meet the 3d of November. And there, among several other Laws that were made for the publick good of the Kingdom, there were Bills sent up by the House of Commons, against some of the most exorbi­tant abuses of the Clergy: one was against the Exactions for the Probates of Wills; another was for the Regulating of Mortuaries; a third was about the Plurality of Benefices, and non-residence, and Churchmens being Farmers of Lands. In the passing of these Bills there were severe reflections made on the vices and corruptions of the Cler­gy of that time, which were believed to flow from men that favoured Luthers Doctrine in their hearts.

When these Bills were brought up to the House of Lords, the Bishop of Rochester speaking to them,Hall. did reflect on the House of Commons: saying, that they were resolved to bring down the Church, and he de­sired they would consider the miserable state of the Kingdom of Bohe­mia, to which it was reduced by Heresie, and ended, that all this was for lack of Faith. But this being afterwards known to the House of Commons,The House of Commons complains of the Bishop of Rochester. they sent their speaker, Sr. Thomas Audley, with 30 of their members, to complain to the King of the Bishop of Rochester, for say­ing, that their Acts flowed from the want of Faith, which was an high Imputation on the whole Nation, when the Representative of the Com­mons was so charged, as if they had been Infidels and Heathens. This was set on by the Court, to mortifie that Bishop, who was unaccepta­ble to them, for his adhering so firmly to the Queens cause. The King sent for the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and six other Bishops, and before them told the complaint of the Commons. But the Bishop of Roche­ster excused himself, and said, he only meant of the Kingdom of Bohe­mia, when he said, all flowed from the want of Faith, and did not at all [Page 83] intend the House of Commons. This Explanation the King sent by the Treasurer of his houshold, Sr. Will. Fitz-Williams. But though the matter was passed over, yet they were not at all satisfied with it, so that they went on, laying open the abuses of the Clergy.

In the House of Peers, great opposition was made to the Bills,Some Bills past reform­ing the abuses of the Clergy. and the Clergy both within and without doors did defame them, and said, these were the ordinary beginnings of Heresie, to complain of Abu­ses, and pretend Reformation, on purpose to disgrace the Clergy, from which Heresie took it's chief strength. And the Spiritual Lords did generally oppose them, the Temporal Lords being no less earnest to have them passed. The Cardinal was admitted to sit in the House, where he showed himself as submissive in his fauning as he had for­merly done in his scorn and contempt of all who durst oppose him. But the King set the Bills forward, and in the end they were agreed to by the Lords, and had the Royal Assent.

The King intended by this, to let the Pope see what he could do if he went on to offend him, and how willingly his Parliament would concur with him, if it went to extremities. He did also endear him­self much to the People, by relieving them from the oppressions of the Clergy. But the Clergy lost much by this means, for these Acts did not only lessen their present profits, but did open the way for other things that were more to their detriment afterward. Their oppo­sing of this and all other motions for Reformation, did very much encrease the prejudices that were conceived against them: whereas if such motions had either risen from themselves, or had at least been cherished by them, their Adversaries had not perhaps been so favou­rably heard; so fatally did they mistake their true Interest, when they thought they were concerned, to link with it all abuses and corrupti­ons.

But there past another Bill in this Parliament,One Act discharging the King of his debts. Collect. Numb. 31. which because of its singular nature, and that it was not printed with the other Statutes, shall be found in the Collection of Instruments at the end. The Bill bore in a Preamble; the highest flattery that could be put in Paper, of the great things the King had done for the Church and Nation, in which he had been at vast Charges; and that divers of the Supjects had lent great Sums of Money, which had been all well employed in the publick Service: and whereas they had Security for their Payment, the Parliament did offer all these Sums so lent to the King; and dis­charged him of all the obligations or assignations made for their pay­ment, and of all Suits that might arise thereupon.

This was brought into the House by the Kings Servants, who en­larged much on the wealth and peace of the Nation, notwithstanding the wars, the King always making his enemies Countrey the scene of them; and shew'd that for fourteen years, the King had but one Subsidy from his people; that now he asked nothing for any other purpose, but only to be discharged of a Debt contracted for the publick, the accounts whereof were shown, by which they might see to what uses the Money so raised had been applyed. But there were several ends in passing this Bill: those of the Court did not only intend to deliver the King from a charge by it, but also to ruin all the Cardinals friends and creatures, whom he had caused every-where to advance great Sums, [Page 84] for an Example to others. Others in the house that were convinced that the Act was unjust in it self, yet did easily give way to it, that they might effectually for the future discredit that way of raising Money by Loans, as judging it to be the publick Interest of the King­dom, that no sums of Money should be raised but by Parliament. So this Act passed, and occasioned great Murmuring among all them that suffered by it. But to qualify the general discontent, the King gave a free pardon to his Subjects for all offences, some Capital ones only excepted, as is usual in such cases; and to keep the Clergy under the Lash, all transgressions against the Statutes of Provisors and Premunire were excepted, in which they were all involved, as will afterwards appear. There are two other exceptions in this Pardon, not fit to be omitted: the one is of the pulling or digging down Crosses on the high wayes, which shews what a Spirit was then stirring among the people; the other is of the Forfeitures that accrued to the King, by the Prosecu­tion against Cardinal Wolsey, that is, the Cardinals Colledge in Oxford, with the Lands belonging to it which are excepted, upon which the Dean and Canons resigned their Lands to the King, the Original of which is yet extant: But the King founded the Colledge a-new soon after. All this was done both to keep the Clergy quiet, and to engage them to use what Interest they had in the Court of Rome, to dispose the Pope to use the King better in his great Suit. After those Acts were passed, on the 17 of December, the Parliament was prorogued till April following; yet it did not sit, till Ianuary after that, being continued by several Proro­gations.

There had been great industry used in carrying Elections for the Par­liament, and they were so successful, that the King was resolved to con­tinue it for some time. This great business being happily over, the Kings thoughts turned next to affairs beyond Sea. The whole world was not at peace.The Pope and the Em­peror firmly united. I [...]n. 20. The Pope and the Emperor (as was said before) had made an Alliance on terms of such advantage to the Pope, that as the Emperor did fully repair all past injuries, so he laid new and great obligations on him: for he engaged that he would assist him in the recovery of his Towns, and that he would restore his Family to the Government of Florence, and invest his Nephew in it, with the Ti­tle of Duke, to whose Son he would Marry his own natural Daughter; and that he would hold the Kingdom of Naples of the Papacy. These were the Motives that directed the Popes conscience, so infallibly in the Kings business. Not long after that, in August an other Peace was made in Cambray, between the Emperor and the French King, and Lady Margaret the Emperors Aunt, and Regent of Flanders: where the King first found the hollowness of the French friendship and alliance; for he was not so much considered in it as he expected,The wo­mens peace. Aug. 5. and he clear­ly perceived that Francis would not embroyl his own affairs, to carry on his Divorce.

The Emperor went over into Italy, and met the Pope at Bononia, where he was Crowned with great Magnificence.1530. The Empe­rors Coronati­on at Bononia. The Pope and he lodged together in the same Palace, and there appeared such signs of a familiar friendship between them, that the Kings Ambassadors did now clearly perceive that they were firmly united. The Emperor did also, by a rare mixture of Generosity and Prudence, restore the Dutchie of [Page 85] Milan to Francis Sforza. By this he setled the Peace of Italy, nothing holding out but Florence, which he knew would be soon reduced,Florence ta­ken. Aug. 9. Popes Ne­phew made Duke of it. Iuly 17. 1531. Siege of Vienna rais'd. Octob. 13. 1529. Emperor Crown'd King of Lombardy. Feb. 22. 1530. Rom. Emp. Feb. 2. when there was no hope of succour from France; and accordingly af­ter eleven Months Siege, it was taken, and within a year after, Alex­ander de Medici was made Duke of it. About the time that the Em­peror came to Bononia, news was brought, that the Turk was forced to raise the Siege of Vienna; so that all things concurred to raise his glory very high. At Bononia he would needs receive the two Crowns of the Roman Empire, that of Milan, and that of Rome, which was done with all the Magnificence possible, the Pope himself saying Mass both in Latine and Greek. There is one ceremony of the Coronation, fit to be taken notice of, in this work; that the Emperor was first put in the habit of a Canon of Sancta Maria de la Torre in Rome, and af­ter that in the habit of a Deacon, to make him be look't on as an Ec­clesiastical person. This had risen out of an Extravagant vanity of the Court of Rome, who devised such rites to raise their reputation so high, that on the greatest solemnity, the Emperor should appear in the ha­bit of the lowest of the Sacred orders, by which he must know, that Priests and Bishops are above him. When the Pope and he first met, the ceremony of kissing the Popes foot was much look't for, and the Emperor very gently kneel'd to pay that submission; but the Pope (whether it was that he thought it was no more seasonable to expect such Complements, or more signally to oblige the Emperor) did hum­ble himself so far as to draw in his foot, and kiss his cheek.

But now the Divorce was to be managed in another method, and therefore Cranmer, after he had discoursed with the King,The King consults his Universities a­bout his Di­vorce. about that Proposition which was formerly mentioned, was commanded by him to write a Book for his opinion, and confirm it with as much Authority as he could; and was recommended to the care of the Earl of Wiltshire and Ormond (to which honor, the King had advanced Sr. Thomas Boleyn in the right of his Mother) and in the beginning of the next year he published his Book about it. Richard Crook (who was Tutor to the Duke of Richmond) was sent into Italy, and others were sent to France and Germany, to consult the Divines, Canonists, and other Learned men in the Universities, about the Kings business. How the rest ma­naged the matter, I have not yet been able to discover; but from a great number of original Letters of Doctor Crooks, I shall give a full account of his Negotiation. It was thought best to begin at home, and therefore the King wrote to the two Universities in England, to send him their conclusions about it. The matters went at Oxford thus. The Bishop of Lincoln being sent thither with the Kings Letters for their Resolution,Lord Her­bert out of the Record. April. 4. 1530. it was by the Major vote of the Convocation of all the Doctors and Masters, as well Regents as non-Regents, committed to 33 Doctors and Batchelours of Divinity (who were named by their own Facultie) or to the greater number of them, to determine the Questions, that were sent with the Kings Letters, and to set the common Seal of the University to their Conclusions: and by vertue of that War­rant, they did on the 8 of April put the common Seal of the Universi­ty to an Instrument, declaring the Marriage of the Brothers wife, to be both contrary to the Laws of God and Nature.v. Wood. p. 8.257. The Collector of the Antiquities of Oxford, informs us of the uneasiness that was in [Page 86] the University in this matter, and of the several messages the King sent, before that Instrument could be procured, so that from the 12 of February to the 8 of April, the matter was in agitation, the Masters of Arts generally opposing it, though the Doctors and Heads were (for the greatest part) for it. But after he has set down the Instru­ment,Lib. 10. p. 225. he gives some reasons (upon what design, I cannot easily ima­gine) to shew that this was extorted by force; and being done with­out the consent of the Masters of Arts, was of it self void, and of no force: and as if it had been an ill thing, he takes pains to purge the University of it, and lays it upon the fears and corruptions of some a­spiring men of the University: and without any proof, gives credit to a lying Story set down by Sanders, of an Assembly called in the night, in which the Seal of the University was set to the Determina­tion. But it appears that he had never seen or considered the other In­strument, to which the University set their Seal, that was agreed on in a Convocation of all the Doctors and Masters, as well Regents as non-Regents; giving Power to these Doctors and Batchelors ofDivinity, to determine the Matter, and to set the Seal of the University to their Conclusion. The original whereof the Lord Herbert saw, upon which the persons so deputed, had full Authority to set the University Seal to that Conclusion without a new Convocation. Perhaps that Instru­ment was not so carefully preserved among their Records, or was in Queen Maries days taken away, which might occasion these mistakes in their Historian.

There seems to be also another mistake in the Relation he gives: for he says, those of Paris had determined in this matter before it was agreed to at Oxford. The Printed Decision of the Sorbone contradicts this: for it bears date the 2d of Iuly, 1530. whereas this was done the 8th of April, 1530. But what passed at Cambridge, I shall set down▪ more fully,Collect. Numb. 32. from an original Letter written by Gardiner and Fox to the King in February (but the day is not marked) When they came to Cambridge, they spake to the Vice-Chancellor, whom they found very ready to serve the King; so was also Bonner (whom they call Doctor Edmonds) and several others,And at Cambridge. Feb. but there was a contrary party that met together, and resolved to oppose them. A meeting of the Doctors, Batchelors of Divinity, and Masters of Arts, in all about 200, was held. There the Kings Letters were read, and the Vice-Chancellor calling upon se­veral of them, to deliver their opinions about it, they answered as their affections led them, and were in some disorder. But it being propo­sed, that the answering the Kings Letter, and the Questions in it, should be referred to some indifferent men; great exceptions were made to Doctor Salcot, Doctor Reps, and Crome, and all others who had approved Doctor Cranmers Book, as having already declared them­selves partial. But to that it was answered, that after a thing was so much discoursed of, as the Kings matter had been, it could not be ima­gined, that any number of men could be found, who had not declared their judgment about it, one way or another. Much time was spent in the debate, but when it grew late, the Vice-Chancellor commanded every man to take his place, and to give his voice, whether they would agree to the Motion of referring it to a Select body of men: but that night they would not agree to it.

[Page 87]The Congregation being Adjourned till next day, the Vice-Chancel­lor offered a Grace (or Order) to refer the matter to 29 persons (him­self, 10 Doctors, and 16 Batchelors, and the 2 Proctors) That (the Questions being publickly disputed) what two parts of three agreed to, should be read in a Congregation, and without any further debate, the Common Seal of the University should be set to it. Yet it was at first denyed; then being put to the vote, it was carryed equally on both sides. But being a third time proposed, it was carryed for the Divorce. Of which an account was presently sent to the King, with a Schedule of their names to whom it was committed, and what was to be ex­pected from them, so that it was at length determined, though not without opposition, That the King's Marriage was against the Law of God.

It is thought strange,Though with great difficul­ty. that the King who was otherwise so absolute in England, should have met with more difficulty in this matter at home, than he did abroad. But the most reasonable account I can give of it, is, That at this time there were many in the Universities, (particularly at Cambridge) who were addicted to Luthers Doctrine. And of those Cran­mer was lookt on as the most Learned: So that Crome, Shaxton, Latimer, and others of that Society favoured the Kings Cause; besides that, Anne Boleyn had in the Dutchess of Alancon's Court (who inclined to the Re­formation) received such impressions as made them fear, that her Great­ness and Cranmers Preferment would encourage Heresie; to which the Universities were furiously averse, and therefore they did resist all Con­clusions that might promote the Divorce.

But as for Crooke in Italy, he being very Learned in the Greek Tongue,Crooke em­ployed in Ve­nice. Crooks Ne­gotiation, ta­ken from ma­ny of his Ori­ginal Letters. Cott. Libr. Vi­tel. B. 13. was first sent to Venice to search the Greek Manuscripts that lay in the Library of St. Mark, and to examine the Decrees of the ancient Coun­cils: He went incognito without any Character from the King, only he had a Letter Recommending him to the care of Iohn Cassali, then Am­bassador at Venice, to procure him an admittance into the Libraries there. But in all his Letters he complained mightily of his Poverty, that he had scarce whereby to live and pay the Copiers whom he imployed to Tran­scribe passages out of MSS. He stayed some time at Venice, from whence he went to Padua, Bononia, and other Towns, where he only talked with Divines and Canonists about these questions: Whether the Precepts in Leviticus, of the Degrees of Marriage, do still oblige Christians? And whe­ther the Popes Dispensation could have any force against the Law of God? These he proposed in Discourse, without mentioning the King of Eng­land, or giving the least intimation, that he was sent by him, till he once discovered their Opinions. But finding them generally inclining to the Kings Cause, he took more courage and went to Rome; where he sought to be made a Penitentiary Priest, that he might have the freer ac­cess into Libraries, and be lookt on as one of the Popes Servants. But at this time the Earl of Wiltshire and Stokesley, (who was made Bishop of London, Tonstall being Translated to Duresm,) were sent by the King in­to Italy, Ambassadors both to the Pope and Emperor. Cranmer went with them to justifie his Book in both these Courts. Stokesley brought full Instructions to Crooke to search the Writings of most of the Fathers on a great many passages of the Scripture; and in particular to try, what they wrote on that Law in Deuteronomy, which provided, that when one [Page 88] died without Children, his Brother should marry his Wife to raise up Children to him. This was most pressed against the King by all that were for the Queen, as either an Abrogation of the other Law in Leviticus, or at least a Dispensation with it in that particular Case. He was also to con­sult the Iews about it; and was to Copy out every thing that he found in any Manuscript of the Greek or Latine Fathers, relating to the Degrees of Marriage. Of this labour he complained heavily, and said, That though he had a great task laid on him, yet his allowance was so small, that he was often in great straits. This I take notice of, because it is said by others, That all the Subscriptions that he procured were bought. At this time there were great Animosities between the Ministers whom the King imployed in Italy; the two Families of the Cassali, and the Ghinucci, hating one another. Of the former Family were the Ambassadors at Rome, and at Venice. Of the other Hierome was Bishop of Worcester, and had been in several Ambassies into Spain. His Brother Peter was also imployed in some of the little Courts of Italy as the Kings Agent. Whether the King out of Policy kept this hatred up to make them Spies one on another, I know not. To the Ghinucci was Crooke gained, so that in all his Letters he complained of the Cassali, as men that betraied the Kings Affairs; and said that Iohn, then Ambassador at Venice, not only gave him no assistance, but used him ill: and publickly discovered, That he was imployed by the King; which made many who had formerly spoken their minds freely, be more reserved to him. But as he wrote this to the King, he begged of him, that it might not be known▪ other­wise he expected either to be Killed, or Poisoned by them: Yet they had their Correspondents about the King, by whose means they understood what Crooke had Informed against them. But they wrote to the King, that he was so morose and ill-natured, that nothing could please him; and to lessen his Credit, they did all they could to stop his Bills. All this is more fully set down, than perhaps was necessary, if it were not to show that he was not in a condition to corrupt so many Divines, and whole Universities, as some have given out. He got into the acquain­tance of a Frier at Venice, Franciscus Georgius, who had lived 49 years in a Religious order, and was esteemed the most Learned man in the Republick, not only in the vulgar Learning, but in the Greek and Hebrew, and was so much accounted of by the Pope, that he called him the Hammer of Hereticks. He was also of the Senatorian Quali­ty, and his Brother was Governor of Padua, and payed all the Readers there. This Friar had a great opinion of the King: and having stu­died the case,Many [...]n I­taly write for the Kings cause. wrote for the Kings cause, and endeavoured to satisfie all the other Divines of the Republick, among whom he had much cre­dit. Thomas Omnibonus a Dominican, Philippus de Cremis a Doctor of the Law, Valerius of Bergamo, and some others, wrote for the Kings cause. Many of the Iewish Rabbins, did give it under their hands in Hebrew, That the Laws of Leviticus and Deuteronomy, were thus to be re­conciled. That Law of Marrying the Brothers wife when he dyed without Children, did only bind in the Land of Judaea, to preserve Families and maintain their Successions in the Land, as it had been divided by Lot. But that in all other places of the world, the Law of Leviticus, of not Marry­ing the Brothers wife was obligatory. He also searched all the Greek MSS. of Councils, and Nazianzens and Chrysostoms works. After that [Page 89] he run over Macarius, Acacius, Apollinaris, Origen, Gregory Nyssen, Cy­ril, Severian, and Gennadius; and copied out of them all that which was pertinent to his purpose. He procured several hands to the Con­clusions, before it was known that it was the Kings business, in which he was employed. But the Government of Venice was so strict, that when it was known whose Agent he was, he found it not easie to pro­cure Subscriptions: Therefore he advised the King to order his Mini­ster to procure a Licence from the Senate, for their Divines, to declare their opinions in that matter. Which being proposed to the Senate, all the answer he could obtain was, that they would be Neutrals;Feb. 18. and when the Ambassador pressed, as an evidence of Neutrality, that the Senate would leave it free to their Divines, to declare of either side as their Consciences led them; he could procure no other answer, the former being again repeated. Yet the Senate making no Prohibition, many of their Divines put their hands to the Conclusions. And Crook had that Success, that he wrote to the King, he had never met with a Di­vine that did not favour his cause: but the Conclusions touching the Popes Power, his Agents did every-where discourage,Though the Pope and Em­peror dis­cour [...]ged them. Iuly 4. and threaten those who subscribed them. And the Emperors Ambassador at Ve­nice, did threaten Omnibonus for writing in prejudice of the Popes Au­thority; and asserting conclusions, which would make most of the Princes of Europe Bastards. He answered, he did not consider things as a Statesman, but as a Divine. ‘Yet to take off this fear, Crook sug­gested to the King, to order his Minister at the Court of Rome, to pro­cure a Breve that Divines or Canonists might without fear or hazard, deliver their opinions according to their Consciences, requiring them under the pain of Excommunication, that they should write nothing for gain or Partial affections, but say the pure and simple truth, without any artifice, as they would answer to God in the great day of Judgment.’ This seemed so fair, that it might have been expected, the Successor of St. Peter would not deny it; yet it was not easily ob­tained, though the King wrote a very earnest Letter to the Bishop of Verona, to assist his Minister in procuring it.Aug. 7. And I find by another Dispatch, that the Breve was at length gained,Septemb. 16. not without much op­position made to it by the Emperors Ambassadors: For at Rome, though they knew not well how to oppose this method, because it seem'd so very reasonable; yet they had great apprehensions of it, because they thought it was designed to force the Pope to determine as the King pleased: and they abhorred the President, that a company of poor Friars, should Dictate to them in matters of this nature.Iuly 28. Crook re­ports out of a Letter of Cranmers to him from Rome, these words. As for our Successes here, they be very little, nor dare we attempt to know any mans mind, because of the Pope, nor is he content with what you have done; and he says, no Friars shall discuss his Power: and as for any favour in this Court, I look for none, but to have the Pope with all his Cardinals declare against us. But Crook, as he went up and down procuring hands, told these he came to, he desired they would write their Conclusions, Aug. 5. according to Learning and Conscience, without any respect, or favour, as they would answer it at the last day; and Protested he never gave, nor promised any Di­vine any thing, till he had first freely written his mind, No Money nor bribes given for sub­scriptions. and that what he then gave, was rather an honourable Present than a Reward. And in a­nother [Page 88] [...] [Page 89] [...] [Page] Letter to the King he writes: Upon pain of my head if the con­trary be proved, I never gave any man one half-penny, before I had his Conclusion to your Highness, [...]. 7. without former Prayer or Promise of reward for the same. From whence it appears, that he not only had no orders from the King to corrupt Divines, but that his orders were express to the contrary.

As for the Money he gave, the Reader will be best able to judge by the following account, whether it was such as could work much on any man. There is an Original Bill of his accounts yet extant, audited and signed by Peter a Ghinu [...]iis, F [...]b. 8. out of which I have extracted these particulars: Item, To a Servite Friar when he subscribed, one Crown. To a Iew one Crown. To the Doctors of the Servites two Crowns. Only some small acknow­ledgments. To the Observant Friars two Crowns. To the Prior of St. John and St. Pauls, who wrote for the Kings Cause fifteen Crowns. To that Convent four Crowns. Item, Given to John Maria for his expence of going to Milan from Venice, and for rewarding the Doctors there, thirty Crowns. Item, To John Marino Minister of the Fran­ciscans, who wrote a Book for the Kings cause, Twenty Crowns. This shews that they must have had very prostituted Consciences, if they could be hired so cheap.Feb. 22. It is true Crook in many of his Letters says, That if he had Money enough, he did not doubt but he should get the hands of all the Di­vines in Italy, for he found the greatest part of them all Mercenary. But the Bishop of Worcester in his Letters to him,Feb. 9. ordered him only to promise rewards to those who expected them, and lived by them, that is, to the Canonists who did not use to give their opinion with­out a fee.

But at the same time, the Emperor did reward and fee Divines at another rate,Septemb. 16. for Crook informed the King, that one Friar Felix hav­ing written for the validity of the Marriage against the King, there was a Benefice of 500 Ducats a year, given him in reward. And the Emperors Ambassador offered a thousand Ducats to the Provincial of the Gray-friars in Venice, But great Rewards giv­en by the Em­peror. if he would Inhibite all within his Province to write or subscribe for the Kings cause. But the Provincial refused it,Septemb. 29. and said, he neither could nor yet would do it. And another that wrote for the Queen, had a Benefice of 600 Crowns. So that it was openly said at Ferrara, that they who wrote for the King, had but a few Crowns a-piece, but they who wrote on the other side had good Benefices. They also tryed what could be done at Padua, both by threatnings, entreaties, and rewards, to induce them to reverse the determination they had made in the matter; but with no success. And though Francis Georgius the Venetian Friar,Feb. 18. did greatly promote the Kings cause, both by his writings and authority; yet Crook wrote that he could not prevail to make either him or his Nephew accept one farthing of him. By such fair means it was, that Crook procured so many Sub­scriptions.

First, of particular Divines, many Franciscans, Dominicans, and Ser­vites, set their hands to the Conclusions; though even in that, there was opposition made by the Popes Agents. Campegio was now en­gaged in the Emperors Faction, and did every-where mis-represent the Kings cause. Being at Venice, he so wrought on the Minister of the Franciscans, March 29. that though he had declared for the King, and engag­ed to bring the hands of 24 Doctors and Learned men of his Order [Page 91] for it, and had received a small Present of ten Crowns;1530. yet a [...]ter he had kept the Money three weeks, he sent it back, and said, he would not meddle more in it: But they procured most of these hands without his help. At Milan, a Suffragan Bishop, and sixteen Divines Subscribed.May 26. Nine Doctors Subscribed at Vincenza, but the Pope's Nuntio took the writing out of his hands that had it, and suppressed it.I [...]n [...] 2 [...]. At Padua all the Franciscans, both Observants and Conventuals, Subscribed, and so did the Dominicans, and all the Canonists; and though the Popes and Em­peror's Emissaries did threaten all that Subscribed, yet there were got eighty hands at Padua. Next the Universities determined.

At Bononia, though it was the Popes Town, many Subscribed.They De­termined for the King at [...]. [...] 1 [...]th. The Governour of the Town did at first oppose the granting of any Determi­nation; but the Popes Breve being brought thither, he not without great difficulty gave way to it. So on the 19th of Iune, the matter be­ing publickly debated, and all Cajetans Arguments being examined, who was of Opinion, That the Laws of Marriage in Leviticus did not bind the Christian Church; they determined, That th [...]se Laws are still in force, and that they bind all both Christians and Infidels, being parts of the Law of Na­ture, as well as of the Law of God; and that therefore they judged Marriages in these degrees unlawful, and that the Pope had no Authority to dispence with them.

The University of Padua after some days publick Dispute,At Padua. Iuly 1st. Collect. Numb. 33. And Ferra­ra, Sept. 29th. on the 1st of Iuly, determined to the same purpose; about which Crooks Letter will be found among the Instruments at the end of this Book.

At Ferrara, the Divines did also confirm the same conclusion, and s [...]t their Seal to it; but it was taken away violently by some of the other Fa­ction, yet the Duke made it be restored. The profession of the Canon-Law was then in great credit there, and in a Congregation of 72▪ of that pro [...]ession, it was determined for the King; but they asked 150 Crowns fo [...] setting the Seal to it, and Crook would not give more than an hundred; the next day he came and offered the Money, but then it was told him they would not meddle in it, and he could not afterwards obtain it.

In all, Crook sent over by Stokesley an hundred several Books, Papers and Subscriptions, and there were many hands subscribed to many of those Papers. But it seems Crook died before he could receive a reward of this great Service he did the King, for I do not find him mentioned after this. I hope the Reader will forgive my insisting so much on this Negotiation; for it seemed necessary to give full and convincing Evidences of the since­rity of the Kings proceedings in it, since it is so confidently given out that these were but mercenary Subscriptions.

What difficulties or opposition those who were employed in France found, does not yet appear to me;And in Or­leance, April 7. At Paris of the Canonists. May 25th. but the Seals of the chief Universities there were procured. The University of Orleance determined it on the 7th of April. The faculty of the Canon-Law at Paris, did also conclude that the Pope had no Power to dispence in that Case, on the 25th of May. But the great and celebrated faculty of the Sorbon, (whose Con­clusions had been lookt on for some Ages as little inferiour to the Decrees of Councils) made their Decision with all possible Solemnity and Decen­cy. They first met at the Church of St. Mathurin, where there was a Mass of the H. Ghost, and every one took an Oath to study the Question, and resolve it according to his Conscience, and from the 8th of Iune, to [Page 92] the 2d of Iuly, they continued searching the matter with all possible dili­gence, both out of the Scriptures, the Fathers, and the Councils; and had many Disputes about it.Of the So [...] ­bon, I [...]ly 2d. After which, the greater part of the Faculty did Determine, That the King of Englands Marriage was unlawful, and that the Pope had no Power to dispence in it; and they set their common Seal to it, at St. Mathurin's, the 2d of Iuly, 1530. To the same purpose did both the Faculties of Law,At Angiers. May 7th. At Bourges. Iune 10th. Civil and Canon at Angiers, Determine the 7th of May. On the 10th of Iune, the Faculty of Divinity, at Bour­ges, made the same Determination. And on the 1st of October the whole University of Tholose, did all with one consent give their judgment, a­greeing with the former Conclusions.And T [...]lose, Octob. 1st. Collect. Numb. 34. More of the Decisions of Uni­versities were not Printed, though many more were obtained to the same effect. In Germany, Spain, and Flanders, the Emperors Authority was so great, that much could not be expected except from the Luthe­rans, with whom Cranmer conversed, and chiefly with Osiander, whose Neece he then Married.Ian. 28th. his Orig. Let. Cott. Libr. O­tho. C. 10. Osiander upon that wrote a Book about In­cestuous Marriages, which was published; but was called in by a Prohi­bition Printed at Ausburg, because it Determined in the Kings cause, and on his side.

But now I find the King did likewise deal among those, in Swit­zerland that had set up the Reformation.Pelerine I [...]g­lise. The Duke of Suffolk did most set him on to this, so one who was imployed in that time writes, for he often asked him, how he could so humble himself, as to submit his Cause to such a vile, vitious, stranger, Priest, as Campegio was? To which the King answered, He could give no other reason, but that it seemed to him, Spiritual men should judge Spiritual things; yet, he said, he would search the matter further, but he had no great mind to seem more curious than other Princes. But the Duke desired him to discuss the matter secretly amongst Learned men, to which he consented; and wrote to some Forreign Wri­ters that were then in great estimation. Erasmus was much in his favour, but he would not appear in it. He had no mind to provoke the Empe­ror,Grineus em­ployed a­mongst the Reformed in Switzerland. Whose Let­ters are in a MSS. in R. Smiths Libr. The Opini­ons of O [...] ­colompadius. and live uneasily in his own Country. But Simon Grineus was sent for, whom the King esteemed much for his Learning. The King inform­ed him about his Process, and sent him back to Basil, to try what his Friends in Germany and Switzerland thought of it. He wrote about it to Bucer, Oecolampadius, Zuinglius, and Paulus Phrygion.

Oecolampadius, as it appears by three Letters, one dated the 10th of August, 1531. another the last of the same Month, another to Bucer the 10th of September; was positively of Opinion, That the Law in Leviticus did bind all mankind, and says, That Law of a Brothers Marrying his Sister-in-Law, was a Dispensation given by God to his own Law, which belonged on­ly to the Jews; and therefore he thought that the King might without any scruple put away the Queen. B [...]cer But Bucer was of another mind, and thought the Law in Leviticus did not bind, and could not be Moral, because God had dispensed with it in one Case, of raising up seed to his Brother: There­fore he thought these Laws belonged only to that Dispensation, and did no more bind Christians, than the other Ceremonial or Judiciary Pre­cepts; and that to Marry in some of these Degrees, was no more a sin, than it was a sin in the Disciples to pluck Ears of Corn on the Sabbath­day. There are none of Bucers Letters remaining on this Head, but by the answers that Grineus wrote to him, one on the 29th of August, ano­ther [Page 93] of the 10th of September, I gather his Opinion, and the reasons for it. But they all agreed, That the Popes Dispensation was of no force to alter the nature of the thing. Paulus Phrygion was of Opinion,Phrygion. That the Laws in Leviticus did bind all Nations, because it is said in the Text, That the Canaanites were punished for doing contrary to them, which did not consist with the Iustice of God, if those Prohibitions had not been parts of the Law of Nature. Dated Basil the 10th of September. In Grineus's Letter to Bucer, he tells him, that the King had said to him, That now for seven years he had perpetual trouble upon him about this Marriage. Zuinglius. Zuinglius Letter is very full. First, he largely proves that neither the Pope, nor any other Power could dispence with the Law of God: Then, that the Apostles had made no new Laws about Marriage, but had left it as they found it: That the Marrying within near degrees was hated by the Greeks, and other Heathen Nations. But whereas Grineus seemed to be of opinion, that though the Marriage was ill made, yet it ought not to be dissolved, and inclined rather to advise that the King should take another Wife, keeping the Queen still; Zuinglius confutes that, and says, If the Marriage be against the Law of God, it ought to be dissolved: But con­cludes the Queen should be put away honourably, and still used as a Queen; and the Marriage should only be dissolved for the future, with­out Illegitimating the Issue begotten in it, since it had gone on in a pub­lick way, upon a received error. But advises, that the King should pro­ceed in a Judiciary way, and not establish so ill a President as to put away his Queen, and take another without due form of Law. Dated Basil, 17th of Aug. There is a second Letter of his to the same purpose from Zurick, the first of September. There is also with these Letters a long paper of Osianders ▪ in the form of a Direction how the Process should be managed.

There is also an Epistle of Calvins, published among the rest of his. Neither the date nor the person to whom it was directed are named.And Calvin Epist. 384. Yet I fancie it was written to Grineus, upon this occasion: Calvin was clear in his judgment that the Marriage was null, and that the King ought to put away the Queen, upon the Law of Leviticus. And where­as it was objected, that the Law is only meant of Marrying the Bro­thers wife while he is yet alive; he shews that could not be admitted, for all the prohibited degrees being forbidden in the same style, they were all to be understood in one sense: Therefore since it is confessed, that it is unlawful to Marry in the other degrees, after the death of the Father, Son, Uncle, or Nephew, so it must be also a sin, to Marry the Brothers wife after his death. And for the Law in Deuteronomy of Mar­rying the Brothers wife to raise up seed to him; he thought, that by Brother there, is to be understood a near Kinsman, according to the usual phrase of the Hebrew tongue: and by that he reconciles the two Laws which otherwise seem to differ, illustrating his Exposition by the History of Ruth and Boaz. It is given out that Melancthon advised the Kings tak­ing another wife, justifying Polygamy from the old Testament; but I can­not believe it. It is true the Lawfulness of Polygamy was much con­troverted at this time. And as in all controversies newly started, ma­ny crude things are said; so some of the Helvetian and German Divines seem not so fierce against it; though none of them went so far as the Pope did,Lord Herb. from an Orig. Let. Sept. 18. 1530. who did plainly offer to grant the King Licence to have two wives: and it was a motion the Imperialists consented to, and pro­moted, [Page 94] though upon what reason, the Ambassador Cassali, who wrote the account of it to the King, could not learn. The Pope forbade him to write about it to the King, perhaps as Whisperers enjoyn silence, as the most effectual way to make a thing publick. But for Melan­cthons being of that mind, great evidences appear to the contrary; for there is a Letter of Osianders to him, giving him many reasons to per­swade him to approve of the Kings putting away the Queen, and Mar­rying another: the Letter also shews he was then of opinion, that the Law in Leviticus was Dispensable.

And after the thing was done, when the King desired the Lutheran Divines to approve his second Marriage;The opini­on of the Lu­theran Divines. they begged his excuse in a writing, which they sent over to him; so that Melan [...]hon not allow­ing the thing,Instructions sent by Dr. Barns to Crom­wel Cott. Lib. V [...]tel. B. 13. when it was done, cannot be imagined to have advised Polygamy before hand. And to open at once all that may clear the sense of the Protestants in the Question, when some years after this, Fox being made Bishop of Hereford, and much inclined to their Do [...]ctrine, was sent over to get the Divines of Germany, to approve of the Divorce, and the subsequent Marriage of Anne Boleyn; he found that Melancthon and others had no mind to enter much into the Dis­pute about it, both for fear of the Emperor, and because they judged the King was led in it by dishonest affections: they also thought the Laws in Leviticus were not Moral, and did not oblige Christians, and since there were no Rules made about the Degrees of Marriage in the Gospel, they thought Princes and States might make what Laws they pleased about it: yet a [...]ter much Disputing they were induced to change their minds,They con­demn the Kings first Marriage, but are against a second. Collect. Numb. 35. but could not be brought to think that a Mar­riage once made, might be annulled, and therefore demurred upon that; as will appear by the Conclusion they passed upon it, to be found at the end of this volume. All this I have set together here, to give a right representation of the judgments of the several parties of Chri­stendome about this matter.

It cannot be denyed, that the Protestants did express great sincerity in this matter: such as became men of conscience, who were acted by true Principles, and not by maxims of Policie. For if these had governed them, they had struck in more compliantly with so great a Prince, who was then alienated from the Pope, and in very ill terms with the Emperor: so that to have gained him by a full Com­pliance to have protected them, was the wisest thing they could do; and their being so cold in the matter of his Marriage, in which he had engaged so deeply, was a thing, which would very much provoke him against them. But such measures as these, though they very well be­came the Apostolick See, yet the [...] were unworthy of men, who design­ed to restore an Apostolick Religion.

Fox.The Earl of Wiltshire with the other Ambassadors, when they had their Audience of the Pope at Bononia, refused to pay him the sub­mission of Kissing his foot, though he graciously stretched it out to them; but went to their Business, and expostulated in the Kings name, and in high words: and in Conclusion told the Pope, that the Prerogative of the Crown of England was such,The King refuses to ap­pear at Rome. that their Master would not suffer any Citation to be made of him, to any forreign Court; and that there­fore the King would not have his cause tryed at Rome. The Pope an­swered, [Page 95] that though the Queens Sollicitor had pressed him to proceed in the Citation; b [...]th that her Marriage being further examined, might receive a new Con [...]irmation, for silencing the Dispu [...]es about it, and be­cause the King had withdrawn himself [...]rom her; yet if the King did not go further, and did not innovate in Rel [...]gion, the Pope was willing to let the matter rest. They went next to the Emperor, to justifie the Kings Proceedings in the Suit of the Divorce. But he told them he was bound in honour and justice to [...]upp [...]rt his Aunt, and that he would not abandon her. Cranmer offered to maintain what he had written in his Book, but whether they went so far,Cranmer of­fers to main­tain the Kings cause. as to make their Divines enter into any Discourse with him about it, I do not know. This ap­pears that the Pope, to put a Complement on the King, declared Cran­mer his Paenitentiary in England. He having stayed some months at Rome, after the Ambassadors were gone, went into Germany: where he became acquainted with Cornelius Agrippa, a man very famous for great and curious Learning, and so satisfied him in the Kings cause, that he gave it out, that the thing was clear and indisputable, for which he was afterwards hardly used by the Emperor, and dyed in Prison.

But when the King received the Determinations and Conclusions of the Universities, and other Learned men beyond Sea,The Nobi­lity, Clergy, and Commons of England ▪ write to the Pope. he resolved to do two things. First, to make a new attempt upon the Pope, and then to publish those Conclusions to the World, with the arguments upon which they were grounded. But to make his address to the Pope carry more terror with it, he got a Letter to be signed by a great many Members of Parliament, to the Pope. The [...]ord Herbert [...]aith, it was done by his Parliament; but in that, he had not applyed his ordinary diligence, the Letter bears date the 13 of Iuly. Now by the Records of Parliament, it appears, there could be no Session at that time, for there was a Prorogation from the 21 of Iune, till the [...]st of October that year:In the life of Wolse [...]. But the Letter was sent about to the chief Members, for their hands; and Cavendish tells how it was brought to the Cardinal, and with what chearfulness he set his hand to it. It was subscribed by the Cardinal, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, 4 Bi­shops, 2 Dukes, 2 Marquesses, 13 Earls, 2 Viscoun [...]s, 23 Barons, 22 Ab­bots, and 11 Commoners, most of these being the Kings Servants.

The Contents of the Letters were, ‘that their near Relation to the King, made them address thus to the Pope.This Let­ter and the answer are Printed by the Lord Herbert. The Kings cause was now in the opinion of the Learned men, and Universities both in England, France, and Italy found just, which ought to prevail so far with the Pope, that though none moved in it, and notwithstanding any Contradiction, he ought to confirm their judgment; especially it touching a King and Kingdom, to whom he was so much obliged. But since neither the justice of the cause, nor the Kings most earnest desires had prevailed with him, they were all forced to complain of that strange usage of their King; who both by his Authority, and with his Pen, had supported the Apostolick See, and the Catholick Faith, and yet was now denyed justice. From which they appre­hended great mischief and Civil Wars, which could only be prevent­ed by the Kings Marrying another wife, of whom he might have issue. This could not be done, till his present Marriage were an­nulled. [Page 96] nulled. And if the Pope would still refuse to do this, they must con­clude that they were abandoned by him, and so seek for other Remedies. This they most earnestly prayed him to prevent, since they did not desire to go to extremities, till there was no more to be hoped for at his hands.’

The Popes answer.To this the Pope made answer, the 27 of September. ‘He took no­tice of the vehemency of their Letter, which he forgave them, im­puting it to their great affection to their King: they had charged him with ingratitude and injustice; two grievous Imputations. He ac­knowledged all they wrote of the obligations he owed to their King, which were far greater than they called them, both on the Aposto­lick See, and himself in particular. But in the Kings cause he had been so far from denying justice, that he was oft charged as having been too partial to him. He had granted a Commission to two Le­gates to hear it, rather out of favour, than in Rigor of Law; upon which the Queen had appealed: he had delayed the admitting of it, as long as was possible; but when he saw it could not be any longer denyed to be heard, it was brought before the Consistory, where all the Cardinals with one consent, found that the Appeal, and an A­vocation of the cause must be granted. That since that time, the King had never desired to put it to a Tryal, but on the contrary, by his Ambassadors at Bononia moved for a delay: and in that posture it was still, nor could he give sentence in a thing of such Consequence, when it was not so much as sought for. For the conclusions of U­niversities and Learned men, he had seen none of them from any of the Kings Ambassadors. It was true some of them had been brought to him another way; but in them there were no reasons given, but only bare Conclusions, and he had also seen very important things for the other side; and therefore he must not precipitate a Sentence, in a cause of such high Importance, till all things were fully heard and considered. He wished their King might have Male Issue, but he was not in Gods stead to give it. And for their Threatnings of seek­ing other Remedies, they were neither agreeable to their wisdom, nor to their Religion. Therefore he admonished them to abstain from such Counsels; but minded them that it is not the Physicians fault, if the Patient will do himself hurt. He knew the King would never like such courses; and though he had a just value for their Intercessi­on; yet he considered the King much more, to whom as he had ne­ver denyed any thing, that he could grant with his honor; so he was very desirous to examine this matter, and to put it to a speedy issue, and would do every thing that he could without offending God.’

A Proclama­tion against Bulls from Rome. Lord Herb.But the King either seeing the Pope resolved to grant nothing, or ap­prehending that some Bull might be brought into England, in behalf of the Queen, or the disgraced Cardinal, did on the Nineteenth of Sep­tember, put forth a Proclamation against any ‘who purchased any thing from Rome, or elsewhere, contrary to his Royal Prerogative and Au­thority, or should publish or divulge any such thing, requiring them not to do it, under the pains of incurring his indignation, Imprison­ment, and other punishments on their persons.’ This was founded on the Statutes of Provisors and Premunires. But that being done, he [Page 97] resolved next to publish to the world, and to his Subjects the justice of his cause: Therefore some Learned men were app [...]inted to com­pare all that had been written on it, and out of all the Transcrip [...]s of the Manuscripts, of Fathers and Councils,Books writ­ten for the Kings cause. to gather together what­soever did strengthen it. Several of these Manuscripts I have seen, one is in Mr. Smiths Library, where are the Quotations of the Fathers, Councils, Schoolmen, and Canonists, written out at length. There are Three other such MSS. in the Cotton Library,Otho. C. [...]0▪ of which one con­tains a large vindication of these Authorities, from some Exceptions made to them;ibidem. another is an answer to the Bishop of Rochesters Book for the Queens cause.Visp. B. 5. Co [...]lect. Numb. 36. A Third digests the Matter into Twelve Arti­cles, which the Reader will find in my Appendix; and these are there enlarged on and proved. But all these, and many more were sum'd up in a short Book, and Printed first in Latine, then in English, with the Determinations of the Universities before it. These are of such weight and Importance, and give so great a light to the whole Mat­ter, that I hope the Reader will not be ill pleased to have a short ab­stract of them laid before him.

An Abstract of those things which were written for the Divorce.

The Law of Marriage was originally given by God,The grounds of it in the old Testa­ment. to Adam in the state of Innocence, with this Declaration, that man and wife were one Flesh; but being afterwards corrupted by the Incestuous commixtures of those which were of Kin, in the nearest degrees, the Primitive Law was again revived by Moses. Lev. 18.20· And he gives many Rules and Prohibitions about the Degrees of Kinred and Affinity, which are not to be looked on, as new Laws and judiciary Precepts, but as a Restoring of the Law of Nature, originally given by God, but then much corrupted.Lev. 18.2▪ 4.5.6.21. For as the Preface which is so oft repeat­ed before these Laws, I am the Lord, insinuates that they were con­form to the Divine Nature; so the consequences of them show they were Moral and Natural.v. 17.24.26. v. 24.25. For the Breaches of them are called Wick­edness and Abomination, and are said to defile the Land; and the Vio­lation of them is charged on the Canaanites, by which the Land was pol­luted, and for which it did vomit out the Inhabitants. From whence it must be concluded, that these were not positive Precepts, which did only bind the Iews, but were parts of the Law of Mankind and Nature; otherwise those Nations could contract no Guilt by their Violating them. Among the forbidden Degrees, one is,L [...]v. 18. v. 16. Thou shalt not discover the Nakedness of thy Brothers wife, it is thy Brothers Nakedness. And it is again repeated,Lev. 20.21▪ If a man shall take his Brothers wife, it is an unclean thing, he hath uncovered his Brothers Nakedness, they shall be childless. These are clear and express Laws of God, which therefore must needs oblige all persons of what rank soever, without exception.

In the New Testament, St. Iohn Baptist said to Herod, And in the New. Mat. 14.4▪ It is not Lawful for thee, to take thy Brothers wife, which shows that these Laws of Moses were still obligatory. St. Paul also in his epistle to the Corinthians, condemns the Incestuous person for having his Fathers wife which is one of the Degrees forbidden by the Law of Moses, 1 Cor. 5. [...] ▪ [Page 98] and calls it a Fornication, not so much as named among the Gentiles. From whence it is inferred, that these forbidden degrees are excluded by the Law of Nature, since the Gentiles did not admit them. St. Paul also calling it by the common name of Fornication, within which, according to that place, all undue Commixtures of men and women are included; Therefore those places in the New Testament, that condemn Fornication, do also condemn Marriages in forbidden de­grees: our Saviour did also assert the foundation of affinity, by say­ing, that man and wife are one Flesh.

But in all Controverted things, the sense of the Scriptures must be taken from the Tradition of the Church, which no good Catho­lick can deny: and that is to be found in the Decrees of Popes and Councils, and in the writings of the Fathers and Doctors of the Church: against which, if any argue from their private understand­ing of the Scriptures, it is the way of Heresie, and savours of Luthe­ranism. The first of the Fathers, who had occasion to write of this Matter,Lib. 4to cont. Marcio­n [...]. was Tertullian, who lived within an Age after the Apostles. He in express words says, that the Law of not Marrying the Bro­thers wife, did still oblige Christians.

The Autho­rities of PopesThe first Pope, whose decision was sought in this Matter, was Gregory the Great, to whom Austin the Apostle of England wrote for his resolution of some things, in which he desired direction; and one of these is, Whether a man may Marry his Brothers wife? (who in the Language of that time was called his Kinswoman) The Pope an­swered Negatively, and proved it by the Law of Moses, and there­fore Defined, that if any of the English Nation, who had Marryed within that degree, were converted to the Faith, he must be admonished to abstain from his wife, and to look on such a Marriage as a most grie­vous Sin. From which it appears, that that good Pope did judge it a thing, which by no means could be dispenced with, otherwise he had not pressed it so much under such Circumstances; since in the first Conversion of a Nation to the Christian Faith, the Insisting too much upon it, might have kept back many from receiving the Christian Religion, who were otherwise well inclined to it. ad omnes Gal [...]i [...]e Episco­pos. Ca­lixtus, 30. Quaest. 3. cap. Pita­n [...]m. Zacarias, and De Pres. cap. cum in ju­ventutem. and Counci [...]s. Can. 2. Innocent the Third, have plainly asserted the obligation of these Precepts in the Law of Moses, the last particu­larly, who treats about it with great vehemency: So that the Apo­stolick See has already judged the Matter.

Several Provincial Councils have also declared the obligation of the Precepts, about the degrees of Marriage in Leviticus, by the Council at Neocesarea; If a woman had been Marryed to two Brothers, she was to be cast out of the Communion of the Church till her death, and th [...] man that Marryed his Brothers wife, Chap. 5. was to be Anathematized, which was also Confirmed in a Council held by Pope Gregory the Second. I [...] the Council of Agde, [...]. 61. where the Degrees that make a Marriage incestuous are reckoned; this of Marrying the Brothers wife is one of them: and there it was Decreed, that all Marriages within these Degrees were Null, and the Parties so Contracting, were to be cast out of the Communion of the Church, and put among the Catechumens, till they separated themselves from one another. And in the Second Council of Toledo, Chap. 5. the Authority of the Mosaical Prohibitions about the De­grees [Page 99] of Marriage is acknowledged. It was one of Wickcliffs errors, that the Prohibition of Marriage within such degrees was without any foundation in the Law of God; for which, and other points, he was condemned first in a Convocation at London, then at Oxford, and last of all at the general Council of Constance these Condemnations were con­firmed. So formally had the Church in many Provincial Councils, and in one that was General, decided this matter.

Next to these, the Opinions of the Fathers were to be considered. In the Greek Church And the Greek. In 20. Levit. Origen first had occasion to Treat about it, wri­ting on Leviticus; and Homil. 71. on 22. Mat. Chrysostome after him; but most fully St. Epist. ad Diodor. Basil the Great, who do expressly assert the obligations of these Precepts. The last particularly, refuting at great length the Opinion of some, who thought the Marrying two Sisters was not unlawful, laies it down as a Foundation, That the Laws in Leviticus about Marriage were still in force. Hesychius also, writing upon Leviticus, On Levit. 18. and 20. proves that these Prohibitions were universally obligatory, because both the Egyptians and Cananites are taxed for Marrying within these Degrees; From whence he inferrs, they are of Moral and Eternal obligation.

From the Greek they went to the Latine Fathers, and alledged,And the Latine Fa­thers. as was already observed, that Tertullian held the same Opinion, and with him agreed the three great Doctors of the Latin Church, Lib. 8. Ep. 66. Ambrose, Cont. H [...] ­vidium. Ierom, and St. Cont. Fa [...]st. chap. 8, 9, 10. & Quaest. 64. in Lev. Ad Bo­nifac. Lib. 3. chap. 4. Lib. 15. de Civ. D [...]i. chap. 16. And of the Modern Wri­ters. In Epist. ad Pium Frat [...]em. Austin, who do plainly deliver the Tradition of the Church about the obligation of those Laws, and answer the objecti­ons that were made, either from Abraam's Marrying his Sister, or from Iacob's Marrying two Sisters, or the Law in Deuteronomy, for the Bro­thers Marrying his Brothers Wife, if he died without Children.

They observed that the same Doctrine was also taught by the Fa­thers and Doctors in the latter Ages. d Anselm held it, and pleads much for Marrying in remote Degrees, and answer the Objection from the Decision in the Case of the Daughters of Zelophehad. On 18. Lev. Hugo Cardinalis, Radulphus Flaviacenfis, and Rupertus Tuitiensis, do agree, that these Precepts are Moral, and of perpetual obligation, as also Hugo de Sto. Victore. Epist. ad Arch. Roto­mag. & Epis. Sag. Hildebert Bishop of Mans, being consulted in a Case of the same nature with what is now controverted,Lib. 2. de Sacram. p. 2. chap. 5. Art. 2. plainly Deter­mines, That a man may not Marry his Brothers Wife; and by many Au­thorities shewes, That by no means it can be allowed. And Epist. 240. Ivo Car­notensis being desired to give his Opinion in a Case of the same circum­stance [...], of a Kings Marrying his Brothers Wife, says, Such a Marriage is null, as inconsistent with the Law of God, and that the King was not to be admitted to the Communion of the Church, till he put away his Wife, since there was no Dispencing with the Law of God, and no Sacrifice could be offered for those that continued willingly in sin. Passages also to the same purpose, are in other places of his Epistles.

From these Doctors and Fathers the Inquiry descended to the School­men, who had with more niceness and subtlety examined things.The School­men. They do all agree in asserting the obligation of these Levitical Prohibitions. Thomas Aquinas does it in many places,2d•. 2dae. Quaest. 154. art 9. In Tertiam Quaest. 54. art. 3. In 4tam. dist. 40. Q. 3. and 4. and confirmes it with many Arguments. Altisiodorensis, says, they are Moral Laws, and part of the Law of Nature. Petrus de Palude, is of the [...]ame mind, and says, that a mans Marrying his Brothers Wife, was a Dispensation granted by God, but could not be now allowed, because it was contrary to the [Page 100] Law of Nature. St. Antonine of Florence, Ioannes de Turre Cremata, Ioannes de Tabia, Iacobus de Lausania, and Astexanus, were also cited for the same Opinion. And those who wrote against Wickliffe, name­ly [...] Wydeford, [...] Cotton, and [...] Waldensis, charged him with Heresie, for denying that those Prohibitions did oblige Christians. And asserted that they were Moral Laws, which obliged all Mankind. And the Books of Waldensis were approved by P. Martin the First. There were also many Quotations brought out of Petrus de Tarantasia, Durandus, Stephanus Brulifer, Richardus de Media Villa, Guido Briancon, Gerson, Paulus Ritius, and many others, to confirm the same Opinion, who did all unanimously assert, That those Laws in Leviticus are parts of the Law of Nature, which oblige all Mankind, and that Marriages con­tracted in these Degrees are null and void. All the Canonists were al­so of the same mind, Ioannes Andreas, Ioannes de Imola, Abbas Pa­normitanus, And Cano­nists. Mattheus Neru, Vincentius, Innocentius, and Ostiensis, all Concluded that these Laws were still in force, and could not be Dis­penced with.

There was also a great deal alledged, to prove that a Marriage is compleated by the Marriage-Contract,Marriage compleated by Consent. though it be never Consum­mated. Many Authorities were brought to prove that Adonijah could not Marry Abishag, because she was his Fathers Wife, though never known by him. And by the Law of Moses a woman espoused to a man, if she admitted another to her Bed, was to be stoned as an Adulteress; from whence it appears, that the validity of Marriage is from the mu­tual Covenant. And though Ioseph never knew the Blessed Virgin, yet he was so much her Husband by the Espousals, that he could not put her away, but by a Bill of Divorce: and was afterwards called her Husband, and Christs Father. Affinity had been also defined by all writers, a Relation arising out of Marriage, and since Marriage was a Sacrament of the Church, its Essence could only consist in the Contract; and therefore as a man in Orders has the Character, though he never Consecrated any Sacrament: So Marriage is compleat, though its ef­fect never follow. And it was shewed that the Canonists had only brought in the Consummation of Marriage as essential to it by Eccle­siastical Law. But that as Adam and Eve were perfectly Married before they knew one another, so Marriage was compleat upon the Contract; and what followed, was only an effect done in the right of the Marriage. And there was a great deal of filthy stuff brought together, of the different Opinions of the Canonists concerning Consummation, to what Degree it must go, to shew that it could not be essential to the Mar­riage Con [...]ract, which in modesty were suppressed. Both Hildebert of Mans, Ivo Carnotensis, and Hugo de Sto. Victore, had delivered this Opinion, and proved it out of St. Chrysostome, Ambrose, Austin, and Isidore. Pope Nicolas, and the Council of Tribur, defined, that Mar­riage was compleated by the Consent, and the Benediction. From all which they Concluded, that although it could not be proved that Prince Arthur knew the Queen,Violent pre­sumptions of the Consum­mation of Prince Ar­t [...]r's Marri­age. yet that she being once lawfully Mar­ried to him, the King could not afterwards Marry her.

It was also said, that violent presumptions were sufficient in the Opi­nion of the Canonists to prove Consummation. Formal proofs could not be expected; and for Persons that were of Age, and in good health, [Page 101] to be in Bed together, was in all Trials about Consummation, all that the Cononists sought for. And yet this was not all in this Case, for it appeared that, upon her Husbands death, she was kept with great care by some Ladies, who did think her with Child; and she never said any thing against it. And in the Petition offered to the Pope in her name, (repeated in the Bull that was procured for the Second Mar­riage,) it is said, she was perhaps known by Prince Arthur, and in the Breve, it is plainly said, she was known by Prince Arthur, and though the Queen offered to purge her self by Oath, that Prince Arthur ne­ver knew her, it was proved by many Authorities out of the Canon-Law, That a Partie's Oath ought not to be taken, when there were violent presumptions to the contrary.

As for the validity of the Popes Dispensation, it was said, That though the Schoolmen and Canonists did generally raise the Popes Power very high, and stretch it as far as it was possible;The Popes Dispensation of no force. yet they all agreed that it could not reach the Kings Case: Upon this received Maxime, That only the Laws of the Church are subject to the Pope, and may be dispenced with by him; but that Laws of God are above him, and that he cannot dispence with them in any case. In Quodi [...]. Lib. 4. Art. 13. & in 4tam ▪ dist. 15. Q. 3. art. 2. S [...]p. Cap. Conjunctioni [...] 35. Q. 2. & 3. This Aquinas delivers in ma­ny places of his Works, Petrus de Palude, says, The Pope cannot dis­pence with Marriage in these Degrees, because it is against Nature. But Ioannes de Turre Cremata, reports a singular Case, which fell out when he was a Cardinal. A King of France desired a Dispensation to Marry his Wives Sister. The matter was long considered of, and debated in the Rota, himself being there, and bearing a share in the Debate; but it was concluded, That if any Pope either out of Ignorance, or being Cor­rupted, had ever granted such a Dispensation, that could be no president or warrant for doing the like any more, since the Church ought to be governed by Laws, and not by such Examples. Antonin, and Ioannes de Tabia, held the same. And one Bacon an English-man, who had taught the contra­ry, was censured for it even at Rome, and he did retract his Opinion, and acknowledged, that the Pope could not dispence with the Degrees of Marriage forbidden by the Law of God.

The Canonists agree also to this, both Ioannes Andreas, Ioannes de Imola, and Abbas Panormitanus, assert it, saying,Sup. Cap. Literas de Rest. Spons. That the Precepts in Leviticus oblige for ever, and therefore cannot be dispenced with. And Panormitan says, These things are to be observed in Practice, because great Princes do often desire Dispensations from Popes. Cap. ad Au­dien. Spousal. Pope Alexander the 3d. would not suffer a Citizen of Pavia to Marry his younger Son, to the Widow of his eldest Son, though he had Sworn to do it. For the Pope said, it was against the Law of God, therefore it might not be done, and he was to repent of his unlawful Oath.

And for the Power of dispencing even with the Laws of the Church, by Popes; it was brought in, in the latter Ages. All the Fathers with one consent believed, That the Laws of God could not be dispenced with by the Church, for which many places were cited out of St. Cy­prian, Basil, Ambrose, Isidore, Bernard, and Urban, Fabian, Marcellus, and Innocent, that were Popes; besides an infinite number of latter Wri­ters. And also the Popes Zosimus, Damasus, Leo, and Hilarius did free­ly acknowledge they could not change the Decrees of the Church, nor go against the Opinions or Practices of the Fathers. And since the A­postles [Page 102] confessed, they could do nothing against the truth, but for the truth; the Pope being Christs Vicar, cannot be supposed to have so great a Power as to abrogate the Law of God: and though it is acknowledged, that he is Vested with a fulness of Power, yet the phrase must be restrain­ed to the matter of it, which is the Pastoral care of Souls. And though there was no Court Superiour to the Popes, yet as St. Paul had with­stood St. Peter to his face; so in all Ages upon several occasions, holy Bishops have refused to comply with, or submit to Orders sent from Rome, when they thought the matter of them unlawful.

Several Bi­shops refuse to submit to the Popes De­crees. Laurence that Succeeded Austin the Monk in the See of Canterbury, having Excommunicated King Edbald for an Incestuous Marriage, would not Absolve him, till he put away his Wife; though the Pope plied him earnestly both by Intreaties and Threatnings, to let it alone, and Absolve him. Dunstan did the like to Count Edwin for an other Incestuous Marriage; nor did all the Popes Interposition make him give over. They found many other such instances which occurred in the Ecclesiastical History, of Bishops proceeding by Censures and o­ther Methods, to stop the course of Sin, notwithstanding any encourage­ment the Parties had from Popes.

And it is certain, that every man when he finds himself engaged in any course, which is clearly sinful, ought presently to forsake it, ac­cording to the opinion of all Divines. And therefore the King upon these Evidences of the unlawfulness of his Marriage ought to abstain from the Queen; and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, with the other Bishops, ought to require him to do it, otherwise they must proceed to Church Censures. Many things were also brought from reason (or at least the Maximes of the School Philosophy, which passed for true reason in those days,) to prove Marriage in the degrees forbidden by Moses to be contrary to the Law of Nature; and much was alledged out of Profane Authors, to show what an abhorrency some Heathen Nations had of Incestuous Marriages.

And whereas the chief strength of the Arguments for the contrary opinion,The Autho­rity of Tradi­tion rested in this, That these Laws of Moses were not confirmed by Christ or his Apostles in the New Testament. To that they answer­ed, That if the Laws about Marriage were Moral, as had been proved, then there was no need of a particular Confirmation, since those Words of our Saviour: I came not to destroy the Law, but to fulfil it; do confirm the whole Moral Law. Christ had also expresly asserted the Relation of Affinity, saying, That man and wife are one Flesh. St. Paul also condemned a Match as Incestuous for Affinity. But though it were not expresly set down in the Gospel, yet the Traditions of the Church, are received with equal Authority to written Verities. This the Court of Rome, and all the Learned Writers for the Catholick Faith, lay down as a Fundamental Truth. And without it, how could the Seven Sacraments (some of which are not mentioned in the New Te­stament,) with many other Articles of Catholick Belief be maintain­ed against the Hereticks. The Tradition of the Church being so full and formal in this particular, must take place: And if any Corrupti­ons have been brought in by some Popes within an Age or two, which have never had any other Authority from the Decrees of the Church, or the Opinions of Learned men, they are not to be maintained in oppo­sition to the Evidence that is brought on the other side.

[Page 103]This I have summed up in as short and Comprehensive words as I could, Being the Substance of what I gathered out of the Printed Books and Manuscripts for the Kings cause. But the Fidelity of an Histori­an leads me next to open the arguments that were brought against it, by those who wrote on the other side for the Queens cause, to prove the validity of the Marriage, and the Popes Power of Dispensing with a Marriage in that degree of Affinity.

I could never by all the search I have made, see either MSS. or Print­ed Books that defended their Cause, except Cajetans and Victorias Books that are Printed in their works. But from an answer that was written to the Bishop of Rochesters Book, and from some other writ­ings on the other side, I gather the Substance of their arguments to have been what follows.

Cardinal Cajetan, had by many arguments endeavored to prove,The Argu­ments for the Marriage. that the Prohibitions in Leviticus, were not parts of the Moral Law. They were not observed before the Law, no not by the holy seed. Adams Children Married one another, Abraham Married his Sister, Iacob Married two Sisters, Iudah gave his two Sons to Tamar, and promised to give her the third for her Husband. By the Law of Moses, a Dispensation was granted in one case, for Marrying the Brothers wife, which shows the Law was not Moral, otherwise it could not be dispenced with, and if Moses dispensed with it, why might not the Pope as well do it, nor was there any force in the places cited from the New Testament. As for that of Herod, both Iosephus and Eusebius witness, that his Brother Philip was alive when he took his wife, and so his sin was Adultery and not Incest. We must also think that the Incestous Person in Corinth, took his Fathers Wife when he was yet living, otherwise if he had been dead, St. Paul could not say it was a Fornication not named among the Gentiles, for we not only find both among the Persians and other Nations, the Marriage of Step-Mothers allowed, but even among the Iews, Ado­nijah desired Abisha in Marriage, who had been his Fathers Concubine.

From all which they concluded, that the Laws about the Degrees of Marriage, were only Judiciary Precepts, and so there was no o­ther obligation on Christians to obey them, than what flowed from the Laws of the Church, with which the Pope might dispense. They also said, that the Law in Leviticus of not taking the Brothers wife, must be understood of not taking her, while he was alive; for after he was dead, by another Law, a man might marry his Bro­thers wife.

They also pleaded, that the Popes Power, of Dispensing, did reach further than the Laws of the Church, even to the Law of God, for he daily Dispensed with the Breaking of Oaths and Vows, though that was expresly contrary to the Second Commandment, and though the Fifth Command, Thou shalt do no Murther, be against Killing, yet the Pope Dispensed with the putting Thieves to death, and in some cases, where the reason of the Commandment does not at all times hold, he is the only judge according to Summa Angelica. They Con­cluded the Popes Power of Dispensing was as necessary, as his Pow­er of Expounding the Scriptures, and since there was a Question made concerning the obligation of these Levitical Prohibitions, whether [Page 104] they were Moral,1529. and did oblige Christians or not? the Pope must be the only Judge: There were also some late Presidents found, one of P. Martin, who in the case of a mans having Marryed his own Sister, who had lived long with her, upon a Consultation with Divines and Lawyers, Confirmed it: to prevent the Scandal, which the dis­solving of it would have given. Upon which St. Antonin of Florence says, that since the thing was dispensed with, it was to be refered to the judgment of God, and not to be condemned.

The Pope had granted this Dispensation, upon a very weighty Consideration, to keep peace between two great Crowns; it had now stood above Twenty years: it would therefore raise an high scandal, to bring it under debate; besides that it would do much hurt, and bring the Titles to most Crowns into Controversie.

But they Concluded, that whatever Informalities or Nullities were pretended to be in the Bulls or Breves, the Pope was the only com­petent judge of it, and that it was too high a presumption for infe­rior Prelates, to take upon them to examine or discuss it.

The An­wers made to h ese.But to these Arguments it was Answered by the writers for the Kings cause, that it was strange to see men, who pretended to be such Enemies to all Heretical Novelties, yet be guilty of that, which Catholick Doctors hold to be the foundation of all Heresie; which was the setting up of private senses of Scripture, and Reasonings from them, against the Doctrine and Tradition of the Church. It was fully made out, that the Fathers and Doctors of the Church did universally agree in this, that the Levitical Prohibitions of the De­grees of Marriage are Moral, and do oblige all Christians. Against this Authority Cajetan was the first that presumed to write, oppo­sing his private conceits to the Tradition of the Church: which is the same thing, for which Luther and his followers are so severely Condemned. May it not then be justly said of such men, that they plead much for Tradition, when it makes for them, but reject it when it is against them? Therefore all these exceptions are over­thrown, with this one Maxime of Catholick Doctrine, That they are Novelties against the constant Tradition of the Christian Church, in all Ages. But if the force of them be also examined, they will be found as weak, as they are New. That before the Law, these degrees were not observed, proves only, that they are not evidently contra­ry to the Common sense of all men; But as there are some Mo­ral Precepts, which have that natural evidence in them, that all men must discern it, so there are others, that are drawn from publick inconvenience and dishonesty, which are also parts of the Law of nature: These Prohibitions are not of the first, but of the second sort, since the Immorality of them appears in this, that the Fami­liarities and freedoms among near Relations are such, that if an hor­ror were not struck in men at conjunctures in these degrees, Fami­lies would be much defiled. This is the Foundation of the Prohibi­tions of Marriages in these degrees: Therefore it is not strange if men did not apprehend it, before God made a Law concerning it. Therefore all examples before the Law, show only the thing is not so evident, as to be easily collected by the light of Nature. And for the story of Iudah and Tamar, there is so much wickedness in all the [Page 105] parts of it,1531. that it will be very hard to make a President out of any part of it. As for the Provision about Marrying the Brothers wi [...]e, that only proves, the ground of the Law is not of its own Nature Immutable, but may be Dispensed with by God in some cases. And all these Moral Laws, that are founded on publick conveniency and honesty, are Dispensable by God in some cases; but because Moses did it by Divine Revelation, it does not follow, that the Pope can do it by his Ordinary Authority.

For that about Herod, it is not clear from Iosephus, that Philip was alive when Herod Marryed his Wife. For all that Iosephus says, is, that she separated from her Husband, when he was yet alive, and divorced her self from him. But he does not say, that he lived still after she Marryed his Brother. And by the Law of Divorce Marriage was at an end, and broken by it as much, as if the Party had been dead, So that, in that case she might have Marryed any other: Therefore Herods sin in taking her, was from the Relation of having been his Brothers Wife. And for the Incestuous person in Co­rinth, it is as certain, that though some few Instances of a King of Syria and some others, may be brought of Sons Marrying their Step-Mothers, yet these things were generally ill looked on, even where they were practised by some Princes, who made their Pleasure their Law. Nor could the Laws of Leviticus be understood, of not Mar­rying the Brothers wife when he was alive; for it was not Lawful to take any mans Wife from him living. Therefore that cannot be the meaning. And all those Prohibitions of Marriage in other de­grees, excluding those Marriages simply, whether during the life, or after the death of the Father, Son, Uncle, and other such Relations, there is no ground to disjoynt this so much from the rest, as to make it only extend to a Marriage before the Husbands death. And for any Presidents that were brought, they were all in the latter Ages, and were never Confirmed by any publick Authority. Nor must the Practices of later Popes be laid in the Ballance against the Deci­sions of former Popes, and the Doctrine of the whole Church; and as to the Power that was ascribed to the Pope, that began now to be enquired into with great Freedom, as shall appear afterwards.

These Reasons on both sides being thus opened,The Queen still intracta­ble. the Censures of them, it is like, will be as different now, as they were then: for they prevailed very little on the Queen, who still persisted to justifie her Marriage, and to stand to her Appeal.Hall. And though the King carryed it very kindly to her in all outward appearance, and employed eve­ry body that had credit with her, to bring her to submit to him, and to pass from her Appeal, remitting the Decision of the matter to any Four Prelates, and Four Secular men in England, she was still unmovable and would hearken to no Proposition. In the judgments that people passed, the Sexes were divided; the Men generally approved the Kings cause, and the Women favoured the Queen.A Session of Parliament. But now the Session of Parliament came on the Sixteenth of Ianuary, and there the King first brought in to the House of Lords, the Determination of the Universi­ties, and the Books that were written for his cause by Forreigners. After they were read and Considered there, the Lord Chancellor did on the 20th of March, Mor [...]. with Twelve Lords both of the Spiritualty and [Page 106] Temporalty goe down to the House of Commons, and shewed them what the Universities and Learned men beyond Sea, had written for the Divorce, and produced Twelve Original Papers, with the Seals of the Universities to them, which Sr. Brian Tuke took out of his hand, and read openly in the House, Translating the Latine into English. Then about an Hundred Books written by Forreign Divines, for the Divorce, were also showed them; none of which were read, but put off to another time, it being late. When that was done, the Lord Chancellor desired they would report in their Countries, what they had heard and seen, and then all men should clearly perceive, that the King hath not attempted this matter of Will and Pleasure, as strangers say, but only for the Discharge of his Conscience, and the Security of the Succession to the Crown. Having said that, he left the House. The matter was also brought before the Convocation;Convocation. and they having weighed all that was said on both sides, seemed satisfied, that the Marriage was unlaw­ful, and that the Bull was of no force; more not being required at that time.

The whole Clergy sued in a Prem [...]nire.But it is not strange, that this matter went so easily in the Convo­cation, when another of far greater consequence passed there, which will require a [...]ull and distinct account. Cardinal Wolsey by exerci­sing his Legantine Authority had fallen into a Premunire, as hath been already shewn, and now those who had appeared in his Courts, and had sutes there, were found to be likewise in the same guilt by the Law; and this matter, being excepted out of the Pardon that was grant­ed in the former Parliament, was at this time set on foot: Therefore an Indictment was brought into the Kings Bench, against all the Cler­gy of England, for breaking the Statutes against Provisions or Provi­sors. But to open this more clearly,

The Prero­gative of the Kings of En­gland, in Ec­clesiastical af­fairs.It is to be Considered, that the Kings of England having claimed in all Ages, a Power in Ecclesiastical Matters, equal to what the Roman Emperors had in that Empire, they exercised this Authority both o­ver the Clergy and Laity: and did at first erect Bishopricks, grant Investitures in them, call Synods, make Laws, about Sacred as well as Civil Concerns: and in a word, they Governed their whole King­dom. Yet when the Bishops of Rome did stretch their Power beyond either the limits of it in the Primitive Church, or what was after­ward granted them by the Roman Emperors; and came to assume an Authority in all the Churches of Europe; as they found some Resi­stance every where, so they met with a great deal in this Kingdom; and it was with much Difficulty, that they gained the Power of giv­ing Investitures, Receiving Appeals to Rome, and of sending Legates to England, with several other things, which were long contested, but were delivered up at length, either by feeble Princes, or when Kings were so engaged at home or abroad, that it was not safe for them to offend the Clergy. For in the first Contest between the Kings and the Popes, the Clergy were generally on the Popes side, because of the Immunity and Protection they enjoyed from that See, but when Popes became ambitious and warlike Princes, then new Projects and Taxes were every where set on foot, to raise a great Treasure. The Pall, with many Bulls and high Compositions for them,The En­croachment of the Papacy. Annates or first Fruits, and Tenths were the standing Taxes of the Clergy, besides [Page 107] many new ones upon emergent occasions. So that they finding them­selves thus oppressed by the Popes, fled again back to the Crown for Protection, which their Predecessors had abandoned.

From the days of Edward the 1st many Statutes were made to restrain the Exactions of Rome. For then the Popes not satisfied with their o­ther oppressions, (which a Monk of that time lays open fully,Mat. Paris. The Laws made against them. and from a deep sense of them) did by Provisions, Bulls, and other Arts of that See, dispose of Bishopricks, Abbeys, and lesser Benefices to Forreigners, Cardinals, and others that did not live in England. Up­on which the Commonalty of the Realm, did represent to the King in Parliament, That the Bishopricks, Abbeys, and other Benefices were founded by the Kings and people of England,25 Edw. 1st. repeated in the Stat. of Provisors. 25. Edw. 3d. To inform the people of the Law of God, and to make Hospitality, Alms, and other works of Charity, for which end they were endowed by the King and people of England; and that the King, and his other Subjects who endowed them, had, upon Void­ances, the Presentment and Collations of them, which now the Pope had Usurped and given to Aliens, by which the Crown would be disinherited, and the ends of their endowments destroyed, with other great Inconvenien­ces: Therefore it was ordained, that these Oppressions should not be suf­fered in any manner. But notwithstanding this, the abuse went on, and there was no effectual way laid down in the Act, to punish these Trans­gressions. The Court of Rome was not so easily driven out of any thing, that either encreased their Power or their Profits; Therefore by another Act in his Grand-Child Edward the 3ds time, the Commons complained that these abuses did abound, and that the Pope did daily reserve to his Collation, Church-Preferments in England,25. Edward 3d. Statute of Provisors. and raised the first-Fruits with other great Profits, by which the Treasure of the Realm was carried out of it, and many Clerks advanced in the Realm, were put out of their Benefices, by those Provisors, therefore the King being bound by Oath to see the Laws kept, did with the assent of all the great men and the Commo­nalty of the Realm, ordain, that the free Elections, Presentments, and Collations of Benefices, should stand in the Right of the Crown, or of any of his Subjects as they had formerly enjoyed them, notwithstanding any Pro­visions from Rome. And if any did disturb the Incumbents by vertue of such Provisions, those Provisors or others employed by them, were to be put in Prison, till they made Fine and Ransome to the King at his will; or if they could not be apprehended, writs were to be issued out to seize them, and all Benefice [...] possessed by them, were to fall into the Kings hands, except they were [...] or Priories, that fell to the Canons or Colledges. By another Act the Provisors were put out of the Kings Protection, and if any man of­fended against them, in Person or Goods, he was excused, and was never to be impeached for it. And two years after that, upon another Complaint, of their Suing the Kings Subjects in other Courts,27. Edward 3d. cap. 1st. or be­yond Sea, it was Ordained, that any who Sued either beyond Sea, or in any other Court, for things that had been Sued, and about which, judgment had been given in former times, in the Kings Courts, were to be Cited to answer for it in the Kings Courts within two Months; and if they came not, they were to be put out of the Kings Protection, and to forfeit their Lands, Goods, and Chattels to the King, and to be imprisoned and ransomed at the Kings will. Both these Statutes received a new Confirmation Ele­ven years after that. But those Statutes proved ineffectual,38. Edward 3d. cap. 1st. and in the [Page 107] beginning of the Reign of Richard the 2d, the former Acts were Confirm­ed by another Statute, and appointed to be Executed; and not only the Provisors themselves,3. Richard 2d. cap. 3d. but all such as took Procuratories, Letters of Attourney, or Farms from them, were involved in the same Guilt. And in the 7th year of that King, Provisions was made against Aliens, having Benefices without the Kings Licence, and the King promised to abstain from granting them Licences: for this was another Artifice of the Roman Court, to get the King of their side, by accepting his Licence, which by this Act was restrained. This failing, they betook them­selves to another course, which was to prevail with the Incumbents that were presented in England according to Law, to take Provisions for their Benefices from Rome, to Confirm their Titles. This was also forbidden under the former Pains.12 Richard. 2d. cap. 15. As for the Rights of Presen­tations, by the Law they were tryed and judged in the Kings Courts, and the Bishops were to give Institution according to the Title de­clared in these judgments: This the Popes had a mind to draw to themselves, and to have all Titles to Advousons tryed in their Courts; and Bishops were Excommunicated, who proceeded in this matter according to the Law. Of which great Complaint was made in the 16th year of the Reign of Richard the 2d.16. Richard 2d. cap. 5. And it was added to that, that the Pope intended to make many Translations of Bishops, some to be within, and some out of the Realm, which among other Inconveniences reck­oned in the Statute, would produce this effect, That the Crown of England, which had been so free at all times, should be subjected to the Bi­shop of Rome, and the Laws and Statutes of the Realm by him defeated and destroyed, at his Will. They also found those things to be against the Kings Crown, and Regality, used and approved in the time of his Progeni­tors: Therefore all the Commons resolved to live and dye with him and his Crown, and they required him by way of Iustice, to Examine all the Lords, Spiritual and Temporal, what they thought of those things, and whether they would be with the Crown to uphold the Regality of it? To which all the Temporal Lords answered, they would be with the Crown. But the Spiri­tual Lords being asked, said, they would neither deny nor affirm that the Bi­shop of Rome, might, or might not, Excommunicate Bishops, or make Tran­slations of Prelates: But upon that Protestation, they said, that if such things were done, they thought it was against the Crown, and said, they would be with the King, as they were bound by their Leageance; whereupon it was ordained, that if any did purchase Translations, Sentences of Excom­munication, Bulls, or other Instruments from the Court of Rome, against the King or his Crown, or whosoever brought them to England, or did re­ceive, or execute them, they were out of the Kings Protection, and that they should forfeit their Goods and Chattels to the King, and their Persons should be imprisoned. And because the Proceedings were to be upon a writ, called from the most material words of it, Premunire facies, this was called the Statute of Premunire.

When Henry the 4th, had Treasonably Usurped the Crown, all the Bishops (Carlisle only excepted) did assist him in it, and he did very gratefully oblige them again in other things; yet he kept up the force of the former Statutes. For the Cistercian Order hav­ing procured Bulls, discharging them of paying Tithes, and forbid­ing them to let their Farms to any, but to possess them themselves,

[...]

[Page 109]This was complained of in Parliament in the 2d year of his Reign, and those Bulls were declared to be of no force, and if any did put them in Execution, or procured other such Bulls, they were to be proceeded against, 2. Hen. 4. cap. 4. upon the Statutes made in the 13th year of the former Kings Reign, against Provisors. But all this while though they made Laws for the future, yet they had not the Courage to put them in Execution. And this Feebleness in the Government, made them so much despised, and so oft broken; whereas the severe execution of one Law in one Instance would more effectually have preven [...]ed the Mischief, than all these Laws did without Execution. In the 6th year of his Reign,6. Henry 4. cap. 1st. Com­plaints being made of the excessive Rates of Compositions for Arch-Bishopricks and Bishopricks in the Popes Chamber, which were raised to the treble of what had been formerly payed; it was Enacted, That they should pay no more, than had been formerly wont to be payed. 7. Hen. 4. cap. 6.8. In the 7th year of his Reign, the Statu [...]e made in the 2d year was confirmed, and by another Act, the Licences which the King had Granted for the Executing, any of the Popes Bulls are declared of no force, to prejudice any Incumbent in his Right. Yet the abuses and Encroachments of the Court of Rome still encreasing, all former Statutes against Provisors were Confirmed again, and all Elections declared free,17. Hen. 4. cap. 8. and not to be interrupted, either by the Pope, or the King. But at the same time, the King pardoned all the former Transgressions against these Statutes. By those Pardons the Court of Rome was more encouraged, than ter­rified by the Laws, therefore there was a necessity of making another Law in the Reign of Henry 5th, against Provisors, that the Incumbents Lawfully Invested in their Livings, should not be molested by them, though they had the Kings Pardon; and both Bulls and Licences were declared void and of no value, and those who did upon such grounds molest them, 4. Hen. 5. cap. 4. should incur the pains of the Statutes against Provisors.

Our Kings took the best opportunity that ever could have been found, to depress the Papal Power; for from the beginning of Richard the Second's Reign, till the Fourth year of Henry the Fi [...]th, the Pope­dome was broken by a long and great Schism; and the Kin [...]doms of Europe were divided in their Obedience: Some holding for those that sate at Rome, and others for the Popes of Avignon: England in oppo­sition to France, that chiefly supported the Avignon-Popes, did adhere to the Roman Popes. The Papacy being thus divided, the Popes were as much at the mercy of Kings for their Protection, as Kings had for­merly been at theirs; so that they durst not Thunder as they were wont to do, otherwise this Kingdom had certainly been put under Excommunications and Interdicts for these Statutes, as had been done formerly upon less Provocations.

But now that the Schism was healed, Pope Martin the Fifth, be­gan to reassume the Spirit of his Predecessors, and sent over threatn­ing messages to England, in the beginning of Henry the Sixths Reign. None of our Books have taken any notice of this piece of our Histo­ry: The Manuscript out of which I draw it,Ex MSS. D, Petyt. had been written near that time, and contains many of the Letters, that passed between Rome and England, upon this occasion.

The first Letter is to Henry Chichely, then Arch-Bishop of Canterbu­ry, who had been promoted to that See by the Pope, but had made [Page 110] no opposition to the Statute against Provisions in the Fourth year of Henry the Fifth;1530. and afterwards in the Eighth year of his Reign, when the Pope had granted a Provision of the Arch-Bishoprick of York, Reg. Chic [...]el▪ Fol. 39. to the Bishop of Lincoln, the Chapter of York rejected it, and pursuant to the former Statute, made a Canonical Election. Henry the Fifth being then the greatest King in Christendome, the Pope durst not of­fend him: So the Law took place without any further contradiction, till the Sixth year of his Sons Reign, that England was both under an Infant King, and had fallen from its former greatness: Therefore the Pope who waited for a good conjuncture, laid hold on this, and first expostulated severely with the Arch-Bishop for his remisness, that he had not stood up more, for the Right of St. Peter and the See of Rome, that had bestowed on him the Prima [...]y of England; and then says ma­ny things against the Statute of Premunire, and exhorts him to imi­tate the Example of his Predecessor St. Thomas of Canterbury the Mar­tyr, in asserting the Rights of the Church; requiring him, under the pain of Excommunication, to declare at the next Parliament to both Houses, the unlawfulness of that Statute, and that all were under Ex­communication, who obeyed it. But to make sure work among the people, he also commands him, to give orders under the same pains, that all the Clergy of England should preach the same Doctrine to the people.Collect. Numb. 37. This bears date the 5th day of December 1426. and will be found in the Collection of Papers.

But it seems the Pope was not satisfied with his Answer, for the next Letter in that MSS. is yet more severe, and in it, his Legantine Power is suspended. It has no date added to it, but the Paper that follows, bearing date the 6th of April 1427. leads us pretty near the date of it. It contains an Appeal of the Arch-Bishops, from the Popes Sentence, to the next general Council; or if none met, to the Tribu­nal of God and Jesus Christ.

There is also another Letter, dated the 6th of May directed to the Arch-Bishop, and makes mention of Letters written to the whole Cler­gie to the same purpose, Requiring him to use all his Endeavors, for repealing the Statute, and chides him severely because he had said, that the Popes zeal in this matter was only, that he might raise much Mo­ney out of England; which he resents as an high Injury, and Protests that he designed only to maintain these Rights, that Christ himself had granted to his See, which the Holy Fathers, the Councils, and the Catholick Church has always acknowledged. If this does not look like Teaching ex Cathedra it is left to the Readers Judgment.

But the next Letter is of an higher strain▪ It is directed to the two Arch-Bishops only, and it seems, in despite to Chichely, the Arch-Bishop of York is named before Canterbury. By it the Pope annuls the Sta­tutes made by Edward the Third and Richard the Second, and com­mands them to do no Act in pursuance of them: and declares, if they, or any other gave obedience to them, they were ipso facto Ex­communicated, and not to be relaxed, unless at the point of death, by any but the Pope. He charges them also to intimate that his Mo­nitory Letter to the whole nation, and cause it to be affixed in the se­veral places, where there might be occasion for it. This is dated the 8th of Decemb. the tenth year of his Popedom. Then follow Letters [Page 111] from the University of Oxford, the Arch-Bishop of York, 1531. the Bishops of London, Duresm, and Lincoln, to the Pope; all to mitigate his dis­pleasure against the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, in which they gave him the highest testimony possible, bearing date the 10th and the 25th day of Iuly. These the Arch-Bishop sent by an Express to Rome, and wrote the humblest submission possible to the Pope; Protesting that he had done, and would do all that was in his Power, for repealing these Statutes. One thing in this Letter is remarkable, he says, he hears the Pope had proceeded to a Sentence against him, which had never been done from the days of St. Austin to that time: but he knew that only by report, for he had not opened, much less read the Bulls, in which it was contained; being commanded by the King, to bring them with the Seals en­tire, and lay them up in the Paper-Office, till the Parliament was brought together.

There are two other Letters to the King. and one to the Parliament,And to the King and Par­liament. Collect. Numb. 38. for the Repeal of the Statute. In those to the King, the Pope writes, that he had often pressed both King and Parliament to it; and that the King had answered, that he could not repeal it without the Par­liament. But he excepts to that, as a delaying the business, and shews it is of it self unlawful, and that the King was under Excommunica­tion, as long as he kept it; therefore he expects that at the furthest, in the next Parliament, it should be repealed.Collect. Numb. 39. It bears date the 13th of October, in the 10th year of his Popedom. In his Letter to the Par­liament, he tells them, that no Man can be saved, who is for the ob­servation of that Statute: Therefore he requires them, under pain of Damnation to repeal it, and offers to secure them from any abuses, which might have crept in formerly with these Provisions. This is dated the Third of October, Decimo Pontificat. but I believe it is an er­ror of the Transcriber, and that its true date was the 13th of October.

The Parliament sate in Ianuary 1427, being the 6th year of King Henry the 6th, during which on the 30th of Ianuary, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury accompanyed by the Arch-Bishop of York, the Bishops of London, St. Davids, Ely, and Norwich, and the Abbots of Westminster and Reading, went from the House of Lords, to the place where the House of Commons ordinarily sate, which was the Refectory of the Abbey of Westminster, where the Arch-Bishop made a long Speech, in the form of a Sermon, upon that Text; Render to Coesar the things that are Coesars, and to God, the things that are Gods. He began with a Protestation, that he and his Brethren intended not to say any thing, that might derogate from the King, the Crown, or the people of En­gland. Then he alledged many things, for the Popes Power in grant­ing Provisions, to prove it was of Divine Right, and admonished and required them to give the Pope satisfaction in it, otherwise he laid out to them with tears, what mischiefs might follow, if he proceed­ed to censures; which will appear more fully from the Instrument,But to no purpose. Collect. Numb. 40. that will be found in the Collection at the end. But it seems the Par­liament would do nothing for all this, for no Act neither of Repeal nor Explanation was passed.

Yet it appears the Pope was satisfied with the Arch-Bishops carriage in this matter, for he soon after restored him to the Exercise of his Legantine Power, as Godwin has it; only he by a mistake says, he was [Page 112] made Legate, Anno 1428. whereas it was only a Restitution after a Cen­sure.

Thus stood the Law of England in that matter, which was neither Re­pealed nor well Executed;The Clergy excuse them­selves. for the Popes Usurpations still encreasing, those Statutes lay dead among the Records, and several Cardinals had procured and executed a Legantine Power, which was clearly contrary to them. And as Cardinal Wolsey was already brought under the lash for it, so it was now made use of; partly to give the Court of Rome ap­prehensions of what they were to expect from the King, if they went on to use him ill; and partly to proceed severely against all those of the Clergy, who adhared obstinately to the Interests of that Court; and to make the rest compound the matter, both by a full Submission and a con­siderable Subsidy. It was in vain to pretend, it was a publick and al­lowed Error, and that the King had not only connived at the Cardinals Proceedings, but had made him all that while his chief Minister: That therefore they were excusable in submitting to an Authority to which the King gave so great encouragement, and that if they had done other­wise they had been unavoidably ruined. For to all this it was answered, that the Laws were still in force, and that their Ignorance could not ex­cuse them, since they ought to have known the Law; yet since the viola­tion of it was so publick, though the Court proceeded to a Sentence, That they were all out of the Kings protection, and were liable to the pains in the Statutes;Yet they Compound. the King was willing, upon a reasonable Com­position, and a full Submission, to Pardon them.

So in the Convocation of Canterbury, a Petition was brought in to be offered to the King. In the Kings Title, he was called, the Protector and Supreme Head of the Church, And acknow­ledge the King Supreme Head of the Church of England. Lord He [...]bert. and Clergy of England. To this some oppo­sition was made, and it was put off to another day; but by the Interposi­tion of Cromwell, and others of the Kings Council, who came to the Con­vocation, and used arguments to perswade them to it, they were prevailed with to pass it with that Title, at least none speaking against it: For when Warham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury said, That silence was to be taken for consent, They cried out, they were then all silent: Yet it was moved by some to add these words to the Title, in so far as is lawful by the Law of Christ. But Parker says, The King disliked that Clause, since it left his Power still disputable;Antiquit. Britanniae in vita War­ham. therefore it was cast out, and the Petition passed simply, as it was first brought in. Yet in that he was certainly misin­formed, for when the Convocation of the Province of York demurred about the same Petition, and sent their reasons to the King, why they could not acknowledge him Supreme Head, which (as appears by the Kings answer to them,Printed in the Cabala.) were chiefly founded on this, that the term Head was improper, and did not agree to any under Christ; the King wrote a long and sharp answer to them, and showed them, that words were not always to be understood in their strict sense, but according to the common acceptation. And among other things he showed what an Explanation was made in the Convocation of Canterbury, That it was in so far as was agreeable to the Law of Christ; by which it appears, that at that time the King was satisfied to have it pass any way, and so it was agreed to by nine Bishops (the Bishop of Rochester being one) and 52 Abbots and Priors, and the major part of the lower House of Convoca­tion in the Province of Canterbury. Of which number it is very probable [Page 113] Reginald Pool was, for in his Book to the King, he says, he was then in England, and adds, that the King would not accept of the sum the Cler­gy offered, unless they acknowledged him Supreme Head: he being then Dean of Exceter, was of the lower House of Convocation; and it is not likely the King would have continued the Pensions, and other Church-Preferments he had, if he had refused to Signe that Petition and Submission. By it they prayed the King to accept 100000 l. in lieu of all punishments which they had incurred, by going against the Statutes of Provisors, and did promise for the future, neither to make, nor exe­cute any Constitution without the Kings Licence; upon which he grant­ed them a general Pardon: and the Convocation of the Province of York offering 18840 l. with another Submission of the same nature afterwards, though that met with more opposition, they were also Pardoned.

When the King's Pardon for the Clergy was brought in to the House of Commons, they were much troubled to find themselves not included within it; for by the Statutes of Provisors, many of them were also li­able, and they apprehended,The Com­mons desire to be included in the King's Pardon. Hall▪ that either they might be brought in trou­ble, or at least it might be made use of to draw a Subsidy from them: so they sent their Speaker with some of their Members, to represent to the King, the great grief of his Commons to find themselves out of his favour, which they concluded from the Pardon of the pains of Premunire to his Spiritual Subjects, in which they were not included; and therefore pray­ed the King that they might be comprehended within it. But the King answered them, That they must not restrain his Mercy, nor yet force it; it was free to him either to execute, or mitigate the Severity of the Law: That he might well grant his Pardon by his Great-Seal without their as­sent, but he would be well advised before he pardoned them, because he would not seem to be compelled to it. So they went away, and the House was in some trouble: many blamed Cromwell, who was growing in fa­vour, for this rough answer; yet the King's Pardon was passed.

But his other concerns made him judge it very unfit to send away his Parliament discontented,Which th [...] King after­wards grants. and since he was so easie to them as to ask no Subsidy, he had no mind to offend them; and therefore when the thing was over, and they out of hopes of it, he of his own accord sent another Pardon to all his Temporal Subjects, of their Transgressons of the Sta­tutes of Provisors and Premunire; which they received with great joy, and acknowledged there was a just Temperature of Majesty and Clemen­cy in the Kings proceedings.

During this Session of Parliament, an unheard-of Crime was commit­ted by one Richard Rouse a Cook, who on the 16th of February, One Attain [...]ed for Poison­ing. Poison­ed a Vessell of Yest that was to be used in Porridge, in the Bishop of Rochester's Kitchin, with which 17 Persons of his Family were mortally infected, and one of the Gentlemen died of it; and some poor People that were Charitably fed with the remainder of it, were also infected, one woman dying. The Person was Apprehended,22. Hen. 8▪ Act. 16. and by Act of Parlia­ment, Poisoning was declared Treason, and Rouse was attainted, and Sen­tenced to be Boyled to death, which was to be the punishment of Poison­ing for all times to come: That the Terror of this unheard-of Punish­ment might strike a Horror in all Persons at such an unexampled Crime. [...] And the Sentence was Executed in Smithfield soon after.

Of this I take Notice, the rather because of Sander's Malice, who says, [Page 114] this Rouse was set on by Anne Boleyn, to make away the Bishop of Ro­chester, of which there is nothing on Record, nor does any Writer of that time so much as insinuate it. But persons that are set on [...]o commit such Crimes, are usually, either conveighed out of the way, or secretly dispatched, that they may not be brought to an open Trial. And it is not to be imagined, That a man that was employed by them that might have preferred him, and found himself given up and adjudged to such a death, would not have published their names who set him on, to have lessened his own Guilt, by casting the load upon them that had both em­ployed and deserted him. But this must pass among the many other vile Calumnies, of which Sanders has been the inventer, or publisher, and for which he had already answered to his Judg.

When the Session of Parliament was over, the King continued to ply the Queen with all the applications he could think of,Lord Herbert. to depart from her Appeal. He grew very Melancholy, and used no sort of Diversi­on,The King leaves the Queen. but was observed to be very pensive. Yet nothing could prevail with the Queen. She answered the Lords of the Council, when they pressed her much to it, That she prayed God to send the King a quiet Con­science, but that she was his lawful Wife, and would abide by it, till the Court of Rome declared the contrary. Upon which the King forbore to see her, or to receive any Tokens from her, and sent her word, to choose where she had a mind to live, in any of his Mannours. She answered, that to which place soever she were removed, nothing could remove her from be­ing his Wife. Upon this answer the King left her at Windsor, the 14th of Iuly, and never saw her more. She removed first to Moor, then to Easthamstead, and at last to Ampthill, where she stayed longer.

A disorder among the Clergy of Lon­don about the Subsidy. Hall.The Clergy went now about the raising of the 100000 l. which they were to pay in five years; and to make it easier to themselves, the Pre­lates had a great mind to draw in the Inferiour Clergy to bear a part of the burden. The Bishop of London called a meeting of some Priests a­bout London, on the 1st. of September, to the Chapter-House at St. Pauls: He designed to have had at first only a small number, among whom he hoped it would easily pass, and that being done by a few, others would more willingly follow. But the matter was not so secretly carried, but that all the Clergy about the City hearing of it, went thither. They were not a little encouraged by many of the Laity, who thought it no unplea­sant diversion to see the Clergy fall out among themselves. So when they came to the Chapter-House on the day appointed, the Bishop's Officers would only admit some few to enter, but the rest forced the door and rushed in, and the Bishop's Servants were beaten and ill used. But the Bishop seeing the tumult was such, that it could not be easily quieted, told them all, That as the State of men in this life was frail, so the Clergy through frailty and want of wisdom, had misdemeaned themselves towards the King, and had fallen in a Premunire, for which the King of his great Clemen­cy was pleased to Pardon them, and to accept of a little, in stead of the whole of their Benefices, which by the Law had fallen into his hand: Therefore he de­sired they would patiently bear their share in this burden. But they answered, They had never medled with any of the Cardinals Faculties, and so had not fallen in the P remunire; and that their Livings were so small, that they could hardly subsist by them. Therefore since the Bishops and Abbots were only Guilty, and had good Preferments, they only ought [Page 115] to be punished, and pay the Tax; but that for themselves they needed not the Kings Pardon, and so would pay nothing for it. Upon which the Bishop's Officers threatned them, but they on the other hand (being encouraged by some Lay-men that came along with them) persisted in their denyal to pay any thing; so that from high words the matter came to blows, and several of the Bishop's Servants were ill handled by them. But he to prevent a further Tumult, apprehending it might end upon himself, gave them good words, and dismissed the meeting with his bles­sing, and promised that nothing should be brought in Question that was then done. Yet he was not so good as his word, for he complained of it to the Lord Chancellor, who was always a great Favourer of the Clergy; by whose order fifteen Priests and five Lay-men were committed to seve­ral Prisons; but whether the Inferiour Clergy pay'd their proportion of the Tax or not, I have not been able to discover.

This year the State of Affairs beyond-Sea, changed very considerably.The Pope falls off to the French Facti­on. The Pope expected not only to recover Florence to his Family by the Em­perors means, but also to wrest Modena and Reggio from the Duke of Fer­rara, to which he pretended, as being Fiefs of the Papacy; and the Empe­ror having engaged by the former Treatyto restore them to him. But now that the Popes pretensions were appointed to be examined by some Judges delegated by the Emperor, they determined against the Pope, for the Duke of Ferrara: which so disgusted the Pope, that he fell totally from the Emperor, and did unite with the King of France, a Match being also projected between the Duke of Orleance (afterwards Henry the 2d) and his Neece Catharine de Medici; which did work much on the Popes ambition, to have his Family Allied to so mighty a Monarch. So that now he became wholly French.

The French King was also on account of this Marriage,A Match pro­jected be­tween the Pope's Neece and the Duke of Orleance. to resigne all the pretensions he had to any Territory in Italy to his younger Son; which as it would give less-Umbrage to the other Princes of Italy, who li­ked rather to have a King's younger Son among them, than either the Emperor or the French King; so the Pope was wonderfully pleased to raise another great Prince in Italy out of his own Family. On these grounds was the Match at this time designed, which afterwards took effect; but with this difference, that by the Dolphin's death, the Duke of Orleance became King of France, and his Queen made the greatest Figure that any Queen of France had done for many Ages.

This change in the Popes mind might have produced another in the Kings Affairs, if he had not already gone so far, that he was less in fear of the Pope than formerly. He found the Credit of his Clergy was so low, that to preserve themselves from the contempt and fury of the people, they were forced to depend wholly on the Crown. For Luther­anisme was then making a great progress in England, of which I shall say nothing here, being resolved at the end of this Book to give an account of the whole Course of it in those years that fall within this time. But what by the means of the new Preachers, what by the scandals cast on the Clergy, they were all at the Kings Mercy; so he did not fear much from them, especially in the Southern parts, which were the richest and best peopled. Therefore the King went on resolutely. The Pope on the other hand was in great perplexity, he saw England ready to be lost, and knew not what to do to rescue or preserve it. If he gave way to [Page 116] what was lately done in the business of the Premunire, he must thereby lose the greatest advantages he drew from that Nation; and it was not likely that after the King had gone so far, he would undo what was done.

The Emperor was more remiss in prosecuting the Queens Appeal at Rome, for at that time the Turk with a most numerous and powerful Ar­my was making an impression on Hungary, The Emperor is engaged in a War with [...]he Turk. (which to the great scandal of the most Christian King was imputed to his Councils and Presents at the Port) and all the Emperor's thoughts were taken up with this. Therefore as he gave the Protestant Princes of Germany some present satisfaction in Religion and other matters; so he sent over to England, and desired the Kings assistance against that vast Army of 300000 men that was falling in upon Christendom. To this the King made a gene­ral answer, that gave some hopes of assisting him. But at the same time the Protestant Princes, resolving to draw some advantage from that con­juncture of Affairs, and being courted by the French King, entred into a League with him, for the defence of the Rights of the Empire. And to make this firmer, the King was invited by the French King to joyn in it; to which he consented, and sent over to France a sum of Money to be employed [...]or the safety of the Empire. And this provoked the Em­peror to renew his endeavours in the Court of Rome for prosecuting the Queens Appeal.

The French King encouraged the King to go on with his Divorce, that he might totally Alienate him from the Emperor. The French Wri­ters also add another Consideration, which seems unworthy of so great a King, that he himself being at that time so publick a Courtier of Ladies, was not ill pleased to set forward a thing of that nature. ‘But though Princes allow themselves their pleasures, yet they seldom Govern their Affairs by such Maximes.’

1532.In the beginning of the next year a new Session of Parliament was held, in which the House of Commons went on to complain of many other grievances they lay under from the Clergy,The Parlia­ment com­plains of the Ecclesiastical Courts. which they put in a writing, and Presented it to the King. In it they complained of the proceedings in the Spiritual Courts, and especially their calling men before them, ex officio, and laying Articles to their charge, without any Accuser; and then admitting no Purgation, but causing the Party Accused, either to abjure,Hall. or to be burnt; which they found very grievous and intollerable. This was occasioned by some violent proceeding against some reputed Hereticks, of which an account shall be given afterwards. But those complaints were stifled, and great misunderstandings arose between the King and the House of Commons upon this following occasion.

But reject a Bill about Wards.There was a common practice in England of mens making such Setle­ments of their Estates by their Last Wills, or other Deeds, that the King and some great Lords were thereby defrauded of the advantages they made by Wards, Marriages, and Primer Season. For regulating which, a Bill was brought in to the House of Peers, and assented to there; but when it was sent down to the House of Commons, it was rejected by them, and they would neither pass the Bill, nor any other Qualification of that Abuse, This gave the King great offence, and the House when they addressed to him about the proceedings of the Clergy,The Com­mons Petition that they may be Dissolved. also prayed, That he would consider what Cost, Charge, and Pains they had been at since the beginning of the Parliament, and that it would please his Grace of his Prince­ly [Page 117] Benignity to Dissolve his Court of Parliament, 1532. and that his Subjects might return into their Countries. To which the King answered, ‘That for their complaints of the Clergy, he must hear them also before he could give Judgment, since in Justice he ought to hear both Parties; but that their desiring the Redress of such Abuses, was contrary to the other part of their Petition; for if the Parliament were Dissolved,The King's Answer. how could those things they complained of be amended? And as they complain­ed of their long attendance, so the King had stayed as long, as they had done, and yet he had still patience, and so they must have, otherwise their grievances would be without Redress. But he did expostulate severely upon their rejecting the Bill about Deeds in prejudice of the Rights of the Crown. He [...]aid, he had offered them a great mitiga­tion of what by the rigour of the Law he might pretend to; and if they would not accept of it, he would try the outmost severity that the Law allowed, and would not offer them such a favour again.’ Yet all this did not prevail, for the Act was rejected, and their complaint against the Clergy was also laid aside, and the Parliament was Prorogued till April next.

In this Parliament the Foundation of the Breach that afterwards followed with Rome, was laid, by an Act for restraining the payment of Annates to that Court, which since it is not Printed with the other Sta­tutes, shall be found in the end of this Volume: The substance of it is as follows.

‘That great Sums of Money had been conveyed out of the King­dom, under the Title of Annates or first Fruits to the Court of Rome, An Act against Annates. Collect. Numb. 41. which they extorted by restraint of Bulls and other writs; that it happened often by the frequent deaths of Arch-Bishops, and Bishops, to turn to the utter undoing of their Friends, who had advanced those Sums for them. These Annates were founded on no Law, for they had no other way of obliging the Incumbents of Sees to pay them, but by restraining their Bulls. The Parliament therefore considering that these were first begun to be payed, to defend Chri­stendome against Infidels, but were now turned to a duty claimed by that Court against all Right and Conscience, and that vast Sums were carryed away upon that account, which from the Second year of King Henry the 7th to that present time amounted to 800000 Ducats, besides many other heavy Exactions of that Court, did declare that the King was bound by his Duty to Almighty God, as a good Christian Prince to hinder these oppressions. And that the rather, because many of the Prelates were then very Aged, and like to die in a short time, whereby vast Sums of Money should be carryed out of En­gland, to the great Impoverishing of the Kingdom. And therefore all payments of first Fruits to the Court of Rome were put down, and for ever restrained, under the pains of the forfeiture of the Lands, Goods, and Chattels of him that should pay them any more, together with the Profits of his See, during the time that he was vested with it. And in case Bulls were restrained in the Court of Rome, any person presented to a Bishoprick, should be notwithstanding Consecrated by the Arch-Bishop of the Province; or if he were presented to an Arch-Bishoprick, by any two Bishops in the Kingdom, whom the King should appoint for that end; and that being so Consecrated, [Page 118] they should be Invested, and enjoy all the Rights of their Sees in full and ample manner: yet that the Pope and Court of Rome might have no just cause of Complaint, the persons presented to Bishopricks are allowed to pay them 5 lib. for the Hundred, of the clear Profits and Revenues of their several Sees. But the Parliament not willing to go to extremities, Remitted the final ordering of that Act to the King, that if the Pope would either charitably and reasonably put down the payment of Annates, or so moderate them, that they might be a tolerable burden, the King might at any time before Easter 1533. or before the next Session of Parliament, declare by his Letters Pa­tents whether the premises or any part of them should be observed or not, which should give them the full force and Authority of a Law. And that if upon this Act the Pope should vex the King, or any of his Subjects by E xommunications or other Censures, these not­withstanding the King should cause the Sacraments, and other Rites of the Church to be administred, and that none of these Censures might be published or Executed.’

This Bill began in the House of Lords, from them it was sent to the Commons, and being agreed to by them, received the Royal Assent, but had not that final Confirmation mentioned in the Act before the 9th of Iuly 1533. and then by Letters Patents (in which the Act is at length recited) it was confirmed.Parl. Rolls.

But now I come to open the final Conclusion of the Kings Suit at Rome. The Pope writes to the King about the Queens Appeal. ‘On the 25th of Ianuary the Pope wrote to the King, that he heard reports, which he very unwillingly believed, that he had put away his Queen, and kept one Anne about him as his Wife; which as it gave much Scandal, so it was an high Contempt of the Apo­stolick See, to do such a thing while his Suit was still depending, notwithstanding a Prohibition to the contrary. Therefore the Pope remembring his former merits, which were now like to be clouded with his present Carriage, did exhort him to take home his Queen, and to put Anne away; and not to continue to provoke the Empe­ror and his Brother by so high an Indignity, nor to break the Gene­ral peace of Christendome, which was its only security against the Power of the Turk.’ What answer the King made to this I do not find, but instead of that I shall set down the Substance of a Dispatch, which the King sent to Rome about this time, drawn from a Copy of it, to which the date is not added. But it being an answer to a Let­ter he received from the Pope the 7th of October, it seems to have been written about this time, and it concluding with a Credence to an Ambassador, I judge it was sent by Doctor Bennet, who was dispatch­ed to Rome in Ianuary 1532. to shew the Pope the Opinions of Learn­ed men,L. Herbert. and of the Universities, with their Reasons. The Letter will be found in the end of this Volume,Collect. Numb. 42. the Contents of it are to this pur­pose.

‘A Dispatch of the King to the Pope.The Pope had writ to the King, in order to the clearing all his scruples, and to give him quiet in his Conscience; of which the King takes notice, and is sorry that both the Pope and himself were so deceived in that matter; the Pope by trusting to the judgments of others, and writing whatever they suggested; and the King by de­pending so much on the Pope, and in vain expecting remedy from [Page 119] him so long. He imputes the mistakes that were in the Popes Let­ters, (which he says had things in them contrary both to Gods Law and Mans Law,) to the Ignorance and rashness of his Councellors: for which himself was much to be blamed, since he rested on their advice, and that he had not carryed himself as became Christs Vi­car, but had dealt both unconstantly and deceitfully: for when the Kings cause was first opened to him, and all things that Related to it were explained; he had Granted a Commission, with a promise not to recall it, but to confirm the Sentence which the Legates should give: and a Decretal was sent over defining the cause. If these were justly granted, it was unjustice to revoke them, but if they were justly revoked, it was unjust to grant them. So he presses the Pope, that either he could grant these things, or he could not. If he could do it, where was the Faith which became a Friend, much more a Pope since he had broke these promises: But if he said he could not do them, had he not then just cause to distrust all that came from him, when at one time he condemned what he had allowed at another. So that the King saw clearly he did not Consider the ease of his Conscience, but other worldly respects; that had put him on Consulting so many Learned men, whose judgments differed much from those few that were about the Pope, who thought the Prohibition of such Marriages was onely positive, and might be di­spensed with by the Pope: whereas all other Learned men thought the Law was Moral and indispensable. He perceived the Apostolick See was destitute of that Learning, by which it should be directed: and the Pope had oft professed his own Ignorance, and that he spake by other mens mouths; but many Universities in England, France, and Italy had declared the Marriage unlawful, and the Dispensation null. None honoured the Apostolick See more than he had done, and therefore he was sorry to write such things if he could have been silent. If he should obey the Popes Letters, he would offend God and his own Conscience, and give scandal to those who con­demned his Marriage: he did not willingly dissent from him with­out a very urgent cause, that he might not seem to despise the A­postolick See; therefore he desired the Pope would forgive the free­dom that he used, since it was the Truth that drew it from him. And he added, that he intended not to Impugn the Popes Authority fur­ther, except he compelled him; and what he did was only to bring it within its first and Ancient Limits, to which it was better to re­duce it, than to let it always run on headlong and do amiss; therefore he desired the Pope would Conform himself to the opinions of so many Learned men, and do his Duty and Office. The Letter ends with a Credence to the Ambassador.’

The Pope seeing his Authority was declining in England, resolved now to do all he could to recover it, either by force or Treaty: and so ordered a Citation to be made of the King to appear in Person or by Proxie at Rome, to answer to the Queens appeal: upon which Sir Ed­ward Karne was sent to Rome, with a new Character of Excusatour. ‘His Instructions were to take the best Counsel for pleading an Ex­cuse of the Kings appearance at Rome. First,Sir Edward Karne sent to Rome. upon the grounds that might be found in the Canon Law; and these not being sufficient, [Page 120] he was to Insist on the Prerogatives of the Crown of England.’ Do­ctor Bonner went with him, who had expressed much zeal in the Kings cause, though his great zeal was for Preferment, which by the most servile ways he always Courted. He was a forward bold man, and since there were many Threatnings to be used to the Pope and Car­dinals, he was thought fittest for the employment, but was neither Learned nor discreet.

His Negotiati­on there ta­ken from the Original Let­ters. Cott. lib. Viteli. B. 13.They came to Rome in March, where they found great heats in the Consistory about the Kings business. The Imperialists pressed the Pope to proceed, but all the wise and indifferent Cardinals were of another mind. And when they understood what an Act was passed about Annates; they saw clearly, that the Parliament was resolved to adhere to the King in every thing he intended to do against their Interests. The Pope expostulated with the Ambassadors about it, but they told him the Act was still in the Kings Power; and except he provoked him, he did not intend to put it in execution. The Am­bassadors finding the Cardinal of Ravenna of so great reputation, both for Learning and Vertue, that in all matters of that kind his opini­on was heard as an Oracle, and gave Law to the whole Consistory; they resolved to gain him by all means possible. And Doctor Bennet made a secret address to him, and offered him what Bishoprick either in France or England he would desire, if he would bring the Kings matter to a good issue. He was at first very shie, at length he said he had been oft deceived by many Princes, who had made him great Promises, but when their business was ended, never thought of per­forming them; therefore he would be sure: and so drave a Bargain, and got under Doctor Bennets hand a promise, (of which a Copy being sent to the King, written by Bennet himself, will be found at the end of this Volume;) Bearing, that he having Powers from the King for that effect,The Cardinal of Ravenna corrupted by Bribes. Collect. Numb. 43. dated the 29th of December last, did promise the Cardinal for his help in the Kings affair, Monasteries or other Bene­fices in France, to the value of 6000 Ducates a year: and the first Bi­shoprick that fell vacant in England; and if it were not Ely, that when ever that See was vacant, upon his resigning the other, he should be provided with the Bishoprick of Ely; dated at Rome the 7th of Fe­bruary 1532. This I set down as one of the most Considerable Argu­ments that could be used to satisfie the Cardinals Conscience about the justice of the Kings cause. This Cardinal was the fittest to work secretly for the King, for he had appeared visible against him. I find also by other Letters, that both the Cardinals of An [...]ona and Mon­te (afterwards Pope Iulius the 3d) were prevailed with, by arguments of the same nature, though I cannot find cut what the Bargains were. Providellus, that was accounted the greatest Canonist in Italy, was brought from Bononia, and entertained by the Ambassadors, to give Counsel in the Kings cause, and to plead his Excuse from appearing at Rome. The plea was summed up in 28 Articles, which were of­fered to the Pope; and he admitted them to be examined in the Con­sistory, appointing three of them to be opened at a Session. But the Imperialists opposed that, and after fifteen of them had been heard, procured a new order that they should be heard in a Congregation of Cardinals before the Pope;Collect. Numb. 44. pretending that a Consistory sitting [Page 121] but once a week, and having a great deal of other Business, it would be long before the matter could be brought to any issue. So Karne was served with a new order to appear in the Congregation the 3d. of April with this Certification, That if he appeared not they would pro­ceed. Upon which he protested, that he would adhere to the former Order: yet being warned the second time, he went first and protested against it, which he got entered in the Datary. This being considered in the Congregation, they renewed the Order ofhearing it in the Con­sistory on the 10th. of April, and then Providellus opened three Conclusi­ons. Two of them related to Karne's Powers, the third was concerning the Safety of the place to both parties. But the Imperialists and the Queens Council being dissatisfied with this Order would not appear. Upon which Karne complained of their Contumacy, and said, By that it was visible they were distrustful of their Cause. On the 14th. of April a new intimation was made to Karne to appear on the 17th. with his Ad­vocates to open all the rest of the Conclusions, but he according to the first Order would onely plead to three of them, and selected the 19, 20,Collect. Numb. 45. and 21; (what these related to I find not.) Upon which Providellus pleaded and answered the Objections that did seem to militate against them, but neither would the Imperiallists appear that Session.

In Iune news were brought to Rome, which gave the Pope great offence: A Priest had preached for the Popes Authority in Eng­land, and was for that cast into prison. And another Priest being put in prison by the Archbishop of Canterbury, upon suspition of Heresie, had appealed to the King as the Supreme Lord: upon which he was taken out of the Archbishops hands, and being examined in the Kings Courts was set at liberty. This the Pope resented much, but the Em­bassadors said, all such things might have been prevented, if the King had got Justice at the Popes hands.

The King also at this time desired a Bull for a Commission to erect six new Bishopricks,A Bull for erecting new Bishopricks. to be endowed by Monasteries that were to be sup­pressed. This was expedited and sent away at this time: And the old Cardinal of Ravenna was so jealous, that the Embassadors were forced to promise him the Bishoprick of Chester, (one of the new Bishopricks) with which he was well satisfied, having seen by a particular state of the En­dowment that was designed for it, what advantage it would yield him. But he had declared himself so openly before against the Reasons for the Excuse, that he could not serve the King in that matter, but in the main Cause he undertook to do great service, and so did the Cardinals De Monte and Ancona.

Upon the 27th. of Iune the Debate was brought to a Conclusion about the Plea Excusatory; and when it was expected, that the Pope should have given sentence against the Articles, he admitted them all Si & prout de jure. Upon which the Imperiallists made great Complaints: The Cardinals grew weary of the length of the Debate, since it took up all their time; but it was told them, the matter was of great importance, and it had been better for them not to have proceeded so precipitately at first, which had now brought them into this trouble, and that the King had been at much pains and trouble on their account; therefore it was unreasonable for them to complain, who were put to no other trouble, but to sit in their Chairs two or three hours in a week to hear the Kings [Page 122] Defences. The Imperiallists had also occasioned the Delays, though they complained of them; by their Cavils, and Allegations ofLaws and Decisions that never were made, by which much time was spent. But it was objected, That the Kings Excuse for not coming to Rome, be­cause it was too remote from his Kingdom, and not safe, was of no force, since the place was safe to his Proxy. And the Cardinal of Ravenna pressed the Embassadors much to move the King, instead of the Excu­satory Process to send a Proxy, for examining and discussing the Merits of the Cause, in which it would be much easier to advance the Kings matter; and that he having appeared against the King in this Process, would be the less suspected in the other.

The Pope de­sires the King would submit to him. Collect. Numb. 46.The business being further considered in three Sessions of the Consisto­ry, it was resolved, that since the Vacation was coming on, they would neither allow of, nor reject the Kings Excusatory Plea; but the Pope and College of Cardinals would write to the King, intreating him to send a Proxy for judging the Cause against the Winter. And with this Bonner was sent over, with Instructions from the Cardinals that were gained to the King, to represent to him that his Excusatory Plea could not be admitted; for since the Debate was to be, whether the Pope could grant the Dispensation or not, it could not be committed to Le­gats, but must be judged by the Pope and the Consistory. He was al­so ordered to assure the King, that the Pope did now lean so much to the French Faction, that he needed not fear to refer the matter to him.

But while these things were in debate at Rome, there was another Session of Parliament in April;A Session of Parl. and then the King sent for the Speaker of the House of Commons, and gave him the Answer which the Cler­gy had drawn to the Addresses they made in the former Session about their Courts. The King himself seemed not at all pleased with it, but what the House did in it does not appear, further than that they were no way satisfied with it. But there happened another thing that offended the King much: One Temse of the House of Commons moved, that they should address to the King to bring the Queen back to the Court,One moves for bringing the Queen to Court. and ran out upon the Inconveniences that were like to follow if the Queen were put away, particularly the ill consequence of the Illegiti­mation of the Princess. Upon this the King took occasion (when he gave them the Clergies Answer) to tell them,At which the King is offen­ded. that he wondered at that motion made in their House, for the matter was not to be determined there. It touched his Soul; he wished his Marriage were good, but the Doctors and Learned men had determined it to be null and detestable; and therefore he was obliged in Conscience to abstain from her, which he assured them flowed from no Lust nor foolish Appetite. He was then 41 years old and at that Age those Heats abate. But except in Spain or Portugal it had not been heard of, that a man married two Sisters; and that he never heard, that any Christian man before himself had married his Brothers Wife: Therefore he assured them his Conscience was troubled, which he desired them to report to the House. In this Session the Lord Chancellour came down to the Commons, with many of the Nobility about him, and told them the King had considered the Mar­ches between England and Scotland, which were uninhabited on the Eng­lish side, but well peopled on the Scottish; and that laid England open [Page 123] to the Incursion of the Scots; therefore the King intended to build Hou­ses there, for planting the English side. This the Lords liked very well, and thought it convenient to give the King some Aids for the Charges of so necessary a Work, and therefore desired the Commons to consult a­bout it. Upon which the House voted a Subsidy of a Fifteenth:A Subsidy is voted. But before the Bill could be finished the Plague broke out in London, and the Parliament was prorogued till February following. On the 11th of May (three days before the Prorogation) the King sent for the Speak­er of the House of Commons, and told him,The King re­mits the Oaths which the Clergy swore to be consi­dered by the Commons. ‘That he found upon In­quiry, that all the Prelats, whom he had looked on as wholly his Sub­jects, were but half-Subjects; for at their Consecration they swore an Oath quite contrary to the Oath they swore to the Crown; so that it seemed they were the Popes Subjects rather than his. Which he referred to their care, that such order might be taken in it, that the King might not be deluded.’ Upon which the two Oaths that the Clergy swore to the King and the Pope, were read in the House of Commons, but the Consequence of them will be better understood by setting them down.

The Oath to the Pope.

I Iohn Bishop or Abbot of A, from this hour forward shall be faith­ful and obedient to S. Peter, and to the holy Church of Rome, Their Oath to the Pope. and to my Lord the Pope and his Successors canonically entering. I shall not be of counsel nor consent, that they shall lose either Life or Mem­ber, or shall be taken, or suffer any violence or any wrong by any means. Their Counsel to me credited by them, their Messengers or Letters I shall not willingly discover to any person. The Papacy of Rome, the Rules of the holy Fathers, and the Regality of S. Peter, I shall help, and maintain, and defend against all men. The Legat of the See Apostolick going and coming I shall honourably entreat. The Rights, Honours, Privileges, Authorities of the Church of Rome, and of the Pope and his Successors, I shall cause to be conserved, defend­ed, augmented, and promoted. I shall not be in Council, Treaty, or any act in the which any thing shall be imagined against him or the Church of Rome, their Rights, Seats, Honours, or Powers. And if I know any such to be moved or compassed, I shall resist it to my pow­er, and as soon as I can I shall advertise him, or such as may give him knowledge. The Rules of the holy Fathers, the Decrees, Ordinances, Sentences, Dispositions, Reservations, Provisions, and Command­ments Apostolick, to my power I shall keep, and cause to be kept of others. Hereticks, Schismaticks, and Rebels to our Holy Father and his Successors I shall resist and persecute to my power. I shall come to the Synod when I am called, except I be letted by a Canonical Im­pediment. The Thresholds of the Apostles I shall visit yearly perso­nally, or by my Deputy. I shall not alienate or sell my Possessions with­out the Popes counsel. So God help me and the Holy Evange­lists.

The Oath to the King.

Their Oath to the King.I Iohn Bishop of A, utterly renounce and clearly forsake all such Clauses, Words, Sentences, and Grants, which I have or shall have hereafter of the Popes Holiness, of and for the Bishoprick of A, that in any wise hath been, is, or hereafter may be hurtful or prejudicial to your Highness, your Heirs, Successors, Dignity, Privilege, or Estate Royal. And also I do swear, that I shall be faithful and true, and faith and truth I shall bear to you my Sovereign Lord, and to your Heirs Kings of the same, of Life and Limb, and yearly Worship above all Creatures, for to live and die with you and yours against all peo­ple. And diligently I shall be attendant to all your needs and business after my wit and power, and your Counsel I shall keep and hold, know­ledging my self to hold my Bishoprick of you onely, beseeching you of Restitution of the Temporalties of the same; promising as before that I shall be a faithful, true and obedient Subject to your said High­ness, Heirs, and Successors, during my Life; and the Services and other things due to your Highness for the Restitution of the Tempo­ralties of the same Bishopri [...]k, I shall truly do and obediently perform. So God me help and all Saints.

The Contradiction that was in these was so visible, that it had soon produced a severe Censure from the House, if the Plague had not hin­dered both that and the Bill of Subsidy. So on the 14th. of May the Parliament was prorogued.More laid down his Of­fice. Two days after Sir Thomas More Lord Chancellour, having oft desired leave to deliver up the Great Seal, and be discharged of his Office, obtained it; and Sir Thomas Audley was made Lord Chancellour. More had carried that Dignity with great temper, and lost it with much joy. He saw now how far the Kings De­signs went; and though he was for cutting off all the Illegal Jurisdi­ction, which the Popes exercised in England, and therefore went cheer­fully along with the Sute of Praemunire; yet when he saw a t [...]tal Rup­ture like to follow, he excused himself, and retired from Business with a Greatness of Mind, that was equal to what the ancient Philosophers pretended in such cases. He also disliked Anne Boleyne, and was prose­cuted by her Father, who studied to fasten some Criminal Imputations on him about the discharge of his Imployment; but his Integrity had been such, that nothing could be found to blemish his Repu­tation.

In September following the King created Anne Boleyne Marchioness of Pembroke, to bring her by degrees up to the Heighth for which he had designed her.An Enter­veiw with the French King. And in October he passed the Seas, and had an Enterview with the French King; where all the most obliging Complements that were possible passed on both sides with great Magnificence, and a firm Union was concerted about all their Affairs. They published a League that they made to raise a mighty Army next year against the Turk; but this was not much considered, it being generally believed that the French King and the Turk were in a good Correspondence. As for the matter of the Kings Divorce, Francis encouraged him to go on in it, and in his intended Marriage with Anne Boleyne, promising if it were question­ed [Page 125] to assist him in it: And as for his appearance at Rome, as it was cer­tain he could not go thither in Person, so it was not fit to trust the secrets of his Conscience to a Proxie. The French King seemed also resolved to stop the payments of Annates and other Exactions of the Court of Rome, and said he would send an Ambassador to the Pope, to ask Redress of these, and to protest, that if it were not granted, they would seek other remedies by Provincial Councils: And since there was an interview de­signed between the Pope and the Emperor at Bononia in December, the French King was to send two Cardinalsthither to procure Judges for end­ing the business in England. There was also an interview proposed be­tween the Pope and the French King, at Nice or Avignon. To this the King of England had some Inclinations to go for ending all differences, if the Pope were well disposed to it.

Upon this Sir Thomas Eliot was sent to Rome with answer to a message the Pope had sent to the King,Eliot sent to Rome with In­structions. Cott. Lib. Vil. B. 13. from whose Instructions both the sub­stance of the message and of the answer may be gathered. ‘The Pope had offered to the King, that if he would name any indifferent place out of his own Kingdom, he would send a Legate and two Auditors of the Rota thither, to form the Process, reserving only the Sentence to him­self. The Pope also proposed a Truce of three or four years, and pro­mised that in that time he would call a general Council. For this mes­sage the King sent the Pope thanks, but for the Peace he could receive no propositions about it without the concurrence of the French King; and though he did not doubt the justice of a general Council, yet con­sidering the state of the Emperor's Affairs at that time, with the Luthe­rans, he did not think it was then seasonable to call one. That as for sending a Proxy to Rome, if he were a private Person he could do it, but it was a part of the Prerogative of his Crown, and of the Priviledges of his Subjects, That all Matrimonial Causes should be originally judged within his Kingdom by the English Church, which was conso­nant to the general Councils and Customs of the ancient Church, whereunto he hoped the Pope would have regard: And that for keep­ing up his Royal Authority, to which he was bound by Oath, he could not without the consent of the Realm, submit himself to a Forreign Jurisdiction; hoping the Pope would not desire any violation of the Immunities of the Realm, or to bring these into publick Contention, which had been hitherto enjoyed without intrusion or molestation. The Pope had confessed that without an urgent cause, the Dispensation could not be granted. This the King laid hold on, and ordered his Am­bassador to show him that there was no War nor appearance of any between England and Spain when it was granted. To verifie that, he sent an attested Copy of the Treaty between his Father and the Crown of Spain at that time: By the words of which it appeared that it was then taken for granted, that Prince Arthur had Consummated the Marriage, which was also proved by good witnesses. In fine, since the thing did so much concern the Peace of the Realm, it was fitter to judg it within the Kingdom than any where else; therefore he desired the Pope would remit the discussing of it to the Church of England, and then confirm the Sentence they should give. To the obtaining of this, the Ambassador was to use all possible diligence, yet if he found real intentions in the Pope to satisfie the King, he was not to insist on that [Page 126] as the Kings final Resolution: And to let the Cardinal of Ravenna see, that the King intended to make good what was promised in his name, the Bishoprick of Coventry and Litchfield falling vacant, he sent him the offer of it, with a promise of the Bishoprick of Ely when it should be void.’

Soon after this he Married Anne Boleyn, on the 14th of November, up­on his landing in England, The King Married Anne Bo [...]eyn, Nov. 14. Cowper, Holin­s [...]ies and San­ders. but Stow says without any ground, that it was on the 25th of Ianuary. Rowland Lee (who afterward got the Bishop­rick of Coventry and Liechfield) officiate in the Marriage. It was done secretly in the presence of the Duke of Norfolk and her Father, her Mo­ther, and Brother, and Dr. Cranmer. The grounds on which the King did this, were, That his former Marriage being of it self null, there was no need of a Declarative Sentence after so many Universities and Do­ctors had given their judgments against it. Soon after the Marriage she was with-Child, which was looked on as a signalEvidence of her Cha­stity, and that she had till then kept the King at a due distance.

But when the Pope and the Emperor met at Bononia, the Pope ex­pressed great Inclinations to favour the French King,An enterview between Pope and Emperor. from which the Emperor could not remove him, nor engage him to accept of a Match for his Neece Katherine de Medici with Francis Sforza Duke of Milan. But the Pope promised him all that he desired as to the King of England, and so that matter was still carried on.Some over­tures about the Divorce. Lord Herbert. Dr. Bennet made several propositions to end the matter, either that it should be judged in England, according to the Decree of the Council of Nice, and that the Arch-Bishop of Can­terbury with the whole Clergy of his Province should determine it, or that the King should name one, either Sir Thomas More or the Bishop of London, the Queen should name another, the French King should name a third, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to be the fourth; or that the cause should be heard in England, and if the Queen did Appeal, it should be referred to three Delegates, one of England, another of France, and a third to be sent from Rome, who should sit and judge the Appeal in some indifferent place. But the Pope would hearken to none of these Over­tures, since they were all directly contrary to that height of Authori­ty, which he resolved to maintain: Therefore he ordered Capisucci the Dean of the Rota, to cite the King to answer to the Queens Appeal. Kar­ne at Rome protested against the Citation, since the Emperor's Power was so great about Rome, that the King could not expect justice there; and therefore desired they would desist, otherwise the King would Ap­peal to the Learned men in Universities; and said there was a nullity in all their proceedings, since the King was a Soveraign Prince, and the Church of England a free Church, over which the Pope had no just Au­thority.

1533.But while this depended at Rome, another Session of Parliameot was held in England, which began to sit on the 4th of February. In this the Breach with Rome was much forwarded by the Act they passed against all Appeals to Rome. A Session of Parliament. ‘The Preamble bears, that the Crown of England was Imperial,An Act against Appeals to Rome. 24. Hen. 8. Act 22. and that the Nation was a compleat Body within it self, with a full Power to give justice in all cases Spiritual as well as Tem­poral; and that in the Spiritualty as there had beed at all times, so there were them men of that sufficiency and integrity, that they might declare and determine all doubts within the Kingdom; and that seve­ral [Page 127] Kings, as Edward the 1st, Edward the 3d, Richard the 2d,1533. and Henry the 4th, had by several Laws preserved the Liberties of the Realm, both Spiritual and Temporal, from the annoyance of the See of Rome, and other forreign Potentates; yet many inconveniences had arisen by Appeals to the See of Rome in Causes of Matrimony, Divorces, and other cases, which were not sufficiently provided against by these Laws; by which not only the King and his Subjects were put to great charges, but justice was much delayed by Appeals, and Rome being at such a distance, Evidences could not be brought thither nor Witnesses so easily as within the Kingdom: Therefore it was Enacted, that all such Causes, whether relating to the King, or any of his Subjects, were to be determined within the Kingdom in the several Courts to which they belonged, notwithstanding any Appeals to Rome, or Inhi­bitions and Bulls from Rome; whose Sentences should take effect, and be fully Executed by all Inferior Ministers; and if any Spiritual Per­sons refused to Execute them because of Censures from Rome, they were to suffer a years Imprisonment, and fine and ransom at the Kings will; and if any Persons in the Kings Dominions procured or executed any Process or Censures from Rome, they were declared liable to the pains in the Statute of Provisors in the 16th of Rich. the 2d. But that Ap­peals should only be from the Arch-Deacon or his Official to the Bishop of the Diocess, or his Commissary, and from him to the Arch-Bishop of the Province, or the Dean of the Arches, where the final Determi­nation was to be made without any further Process, and in every Pro­cess concerning the King or his Heirs and Successors, an Appeal should lie to the upper House of Convocation, where it should be finally De­termined, never to be again called in question.’

As this Bill passed, the sense of both Houses of Parliament about the Kings Marriage did clearly appear, but in the Convocation the business was more fully debated. The Convocation of the Province of Canter­bury was at this time destitute of its Head and principal Member. For Warham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was dead since August last year.Warhams Death, Aug. 23. He was a great Canonist, an able States-man, a dextrous Courtier, and a favourer of Learned men. He always hated Cardinal Wolsey, and would never stoop to him, esteeming it below the Dignity of his See. He was not so peevishly engaged to the Learning of the Schools as others were, but set up and encouraged a more generous way of Knowledge; yet he was a severe persecutor of them whom he thought Hereticks, and enclin­ed to believe idle and Fanatical people, as will afterwards appear, when the Impostures of the Maid of Kent shall be related.

The King saw well of how great importance it was to the designes he was then forming, to fill that See, with a Learned,The King re­solves to pro­mote Cranmer. Prudent, and reso­lute man; but finding none in the Episcopal Order that was qualified to his mind, and having observed a native simplicity joyned with much cour­age, and tempered with a great deal of wisdom, in Dr. Cranmer, who was then Negotiating his business among the Learned men of Germany, he of his own accord without any adresses from Cranmer, designed to raise him to that Dignity, and gave him notice of it, that he might make hast and come home to enjoy that reward which the King had appointed for him. But Cranmer having received this,Fox. did all he could to excuse him­self from the burden which was coming upon him; and therefore he re­turned [Page 128] very slowly to England, hoping that the Kings thoughts cool­ing, some other person might step in between him and a Dignity, of which having a just and primitive sense, he did look on it with fear and apprehension, rather than joy and desire. This was so far from setting him back, that the King (who had known well what it was to be impor­tuned by ambitious and aspiring Churchmen, but had not found it usual that they should decline and fly from Preferment) was thereby confirm­ed in his high opinion of him; and neither the delays of his Journey, nor his Intreaties to be delivered from a Burden, which his Humility made him imagine himself unable to bear, could divert the King. So that though six moneths elapsed before the thing was settled, yet the King persisted in his Opinion, and the other was forced to yield.

Cranmers Bulls from Rome.In the end of Ianuary the King sent to the Pope for the Bulls for Cranmers Promotion; and though the Statutes were passed against pro­curing more Bulls from Rome, yet the King resolved not to begin the breach till he was forced to it by the Pope. It may be easily imagin­ed, that the Pope was not hearty in this Promotion, and that he appre­hended ill consequences from the Advancement of a Man, who had gone over many Courts of Christendom, disputing against his Power of Dispensing, and had lived in much Familiarity with Osiander and the Lutherans in Germany: Yet on the other hand he had no mind to precipitate a Rupture with England; therefore he consented to it, and the Bulls were expedited, though instead of Annates there was onely 900 Ducats paid for them.

They were the last Bulls that were received in England in this Kings Reign; and therefore I shall give an account of them, as they are set down in the beginning of Cranmers Register. By one Bull he is upon the Kings Nomination, promoted to be Archbishop of Canterbury, which is directed to the King. By a second directed to himself, he is made Archbishop. By a third he is absolved from all Censures. A fourth is to the Suffragans. A fifth to the Dean and Chapter. A sixth to the Clergy of Canterbury. A seventh to all the Laity in his See. An eighth to all that held Lands of it, requiring them to receive and acknowledge him as Archbishop. All these bear Date the 21th. of February, 1533. By a ninth Bull dated the 22th. of February he was ordained to be con­secrated, taking the Oath that was in the Pontifical. By a tenth Bull da­ted the second of March the Pall was sent him. And by an eleventh of the same Date the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of London were required to put it on him. These were the several Artifices to make Compositions high, and to enrich the Apostolick Chamber, for now that about which S. Peter gloried, that he had none of it, (neither silver nor gold) was the thing in the world for which his Successors were most careful.

When these Bulls were brought into England, Thomas Cranmer was on the 13th. of March consecrated by the Bishops of Lincoln, Exeter, and S. Asaph. But here a great Scruple was moved by him concerning the Oath that he was to swear to the Pope, which he had no mind to take; and Writers near that time say, the dislike of that Oath was one of the motives that made him so unwillingly accept of that Dignity. He declared, that he thought there were many things settled by the Laws of the Popes, which ought to be reformed, and that the Obliga­tion [Page 129] which that Oath brought upon him, would bind him up from do­ing his Duty both to God, the King, and the Church. But this being communicated to some of the Canonists and Casuists,His Protesta­tion about his Oath to the Pope. they found a tem­per that agreed better with their Maxims, than Cranmers sincerity; which was, that before he should take the Oath, he should make a good and formal Protestation, That he did not intend thereby to restrain himself from any thing that he was bound to either by his Duty to God, or the King, or the Countrey; and that he renounced every thing in it that was contrary to any of these. This Protestation he made in S. Stephens Chapel at Westminster, in the hands of some Doctors of the Canon Law before he was consecrated, and he afterwards repeated it when he took the Oath to the Pope; by which if he did not wholly save his Integrity, yet it was plain he intended no Cheat, but to act fairly and above board.

As soon as he was consecrated, and had performed every thing that was necessary for his Investiture, he came and sate in the Upper House of Convocation.Antiq. Brit. i [...] vita Cranm [...] ▪ There were there at that time hot and earnest De­bates upon these two Questions; Whether it was against the Law of God, and Indispensable by the Pope, for a man to marry his Brothers Wife, he being dead without Issue, but having consummated the Mar­riage? And whether Prince Arthur had consummated his Marriage with the Queen? As for the first, it was brought first into the Lower House of Convocation, and when it was put to the Vote, 14 were for the Affirmative, 7 for the Negative; one was not clear, and another voted the Prohibition to be Moral, but yet dispensable by the Pope. In the Upper House it was long debated, Stokesly Bishop of London argu­ing for the Affirmative, and Fisher Bishop of Rochester for the Negative. The Opinions of 19 Universities were read for it, and the oneHouse being as full as the other was empty, 216 being present either in person or by Proxy, it was carried in the Affirmative Nemine contradicente; those few of the Queens party that were there it seems going out. For the other Question about the Matter ofFact, it was remitted to the Facul­ty of the Canon Law, (it being a matter that lay within their St [...]dies) whether the Presumptions were violent, and such as in the course of Law must be look'd on as good Evidences of a thing that was secret, and was not capable of formal proof? They all except five or six were for the Affirmative, and all the Upper House confirmed this, the Bishop of Bath and Wells onely excepted.

In this account it may seem strange, that there were but 23 persons in the Lower House of Convocation, and 216 in the Upper House. It is taken from an unquestioned Authority, so the Matter of Fact is not to be doubted. The most Learned Sir Henry Spelman has in no place of his Collection of our Councils, considered the Constitution of the two Houses of Convocation; and in none of our Records have I been able to discover of what persons they were made up in the Times of Pope­ry: and therefore since we are left to conjecture, I shall offer mine to the learned Reader. It is, that none sate in the Lower House, but those who were deputed by the inferiour Clergy; and that Bishops, Abbots Mitered and not Mitered, and Priors, Deans and Archdeacons, sate then in the Upper House of Convocation. To which I am induced by these two Reasons: It is probable that all who were declared Prelates by [Page 130] the Pope,1532. and had their Writ to sit in a General Council, had likewise a right to come to the Upper House of Convocation, and sit with the other Prelates. And we find in the Tomes of the Councils, that not onely Abbots and Priors, but Deans and Archdeacons were summoned to the fourth Council in the Lateran, and to that at Vienna. Another Reason is, that their sitting in two Houses (for in all other Nations they sit together) looks as if it had been taken from the Constitution of our Parliament, in which all that have Writs personally sit in the Lords House; and those who come upon an Election sit in the Lower House. So it is not improbable, that all who were summoned personally sate in the Upper House, and those who were returned with an Election, sate in the Lower House of Convocation.

This Account of that Convocation I take from that Collection of the British Antiquities, which is believed to have been made by Matthew Parker, who lived at that time, and was afterwards Archbishop of Can­terbury. But the Convocation Books being burnt, there are no Records to be appealed to; yet it is not to be supposed, that in a Matter of Fact that was so publick and well known, any man (especially one of that high Rank) would have delivered Falshoods, while the Books were yet ex­tant that would have disproved them.

New Endea­vours to make the Queen submit.The Church of England having in her Representative made such a full Decision, nothing remained but to give Judgment, and to declare the Marriage Null. The thing was already determined, onely the For­mality of a Sentence Declarative was wanting. But before they pro­ceeded to that, a new Message was sent to the Queen, to lay all that had passed before her, and to desire her to acquiesce in the Opinions of so many Universities and Learned Men. But she still persisted in her Re­solution to own her Marriage, and to adhere to her Appeal till the Pope should judge in it. And when it was told her, that the King would set­tle the Joynture that she was to have by his Brother, and that the Ho­nour of Princess of Wales should still be paid her, she rejected it. But the new Queen was now with child,But in vain. and brought forth Queen Eliza­beth the 7th. of September this year; from which looking backwards nine moneths, to the beginning of December, it shews that she must have been married at or before that time: for all the Writers of both sides agree, that she was married before she conceived with child. The King therefore thought not fit to conceal it much longer, so on Easter Eve she was declared Queen of England. It seems it was not thought needful at that time to proceed to any further Sentence about the for­mer Marriage, otherwise I cannot see what made it be so long delay­ed, since the thing was in their power now, as well as after. And it was certainly a preposterous Method to judge the first Marriage Null, after the second was published. So that it seems more probable, they did not intend any Sentence at all, till afterwards perhaps upon Adver­tisements from beyond Sea, they went on to a formal Process. Nor is it unlikely that the King remembering the old Advice that the Pope sent him, once to marry a second Wife, and then to send for a Commissi­on to try the matter, which the Pope was willing to confirm, though he would not seem to allow it originally, resolved to follow this Me­thod; for the Pope was now closing with Francis, from which Union the King had reason to expect great Advantages.

[Page 131]Whatsoever were the Reasons of the Delay,1533. the Process was framed in this Method. First, Cranmer wrote to the King, that the World had been long scandalized with his Marriage, and that it lay on him as his Duty to see it tried and determined; therefore craved his Royal Leave to proceed in it. Which being obtained,Cranmer pro­ceeds to a Sentence of Divorce, ta­ken from the Originals. Cott. lib. Otho C. 1 [...] ▪ both the King and Queen were cited to appear before the Archbishop, at Dunstable the 20th. of May, and the Archbishop went thither with the Bishops of London, Winche­ster (Gardiner,) Bath and Wells, and Lincoln, and many Divines and Ca­nonists. That place was chosen because the Queen lay then very near it at Ampthill, and so she could not pretend ignorance of what was done; and they needed not put many days in the Citation, but might end the Process so much the sooner. On the 10th. of May the Archbishop sate in Court, and the King appeared by Proxy, but the Queen appeared not. Upon which she was declared Contumax, and a second Citation was issu­ed out, and after that a third: But she intended not to appear, and so she was finally declared Contumax. Then the Evidences that had been brought before the Legates, of the Consummation of the Marriage with Prince Arthur, were read. After that the Determinations of the Uni­versities, and Divines, and Canonists, were also produced and read. Then the Judgments of the Convocations of both Provinces were also read, with many other Instruments, and the whole Merits of the Cause were opened. Upon which after many Sessions,Collect. Numb. 47. on the 23th. of May Sentence was given with the Advice of all that were there present, declaring it onely to have been a Marriage de facto, but not de jure, pro­nouncing it Null from the beginning. One thing is to be observed, That the Archbishop in the Sentence is called, The Legate of the Apo­stolick See. Whether this went of course as one of his Titles, or was put in to make the Sentence firmer, the Reader may judge. Sentence being given, the Archbishop with all the rest returned to London; and five days after on the 28th. of May, at Lambeth, by another Judgment he in general words (no Reasons being given in the Sentence) confirm­ed the Kings Marriage with the new Queen Anne, and the first of Iune she was crowned Queen.

When this great Business, which had been so long in agitation,The Censures past at that time. was thus concluded, it was variously censured as men stood affected. Some approved the Kings Proceedings as Canonical and Just, since so many Authorities, which in the intervall of a General Council were all that could be had, (except the Pope be believed Infallible) had concurred to strengthen the Cause; and his own Clergy had upon a full and long exa­mination judged it on his side. Others, who in the main agreed to the Divorce, did very much dislike the Kings second Marriage before the first was dissolved; for they thought it against the common course of Law, to break a Marriage without any publick Sentence; and since one of the chief politick Reasons that was made use of in this Suit, was to settle the Succession of the Crown, this did embroil it more, since there was a fair colour given to except to the Validity of the second Marriage, because it was contracted before the first was annulled. But to this others answered, That the first Marriage being judged by the Interpreters of the Doctrine of the Church, to have been Null from the beginning, there was no need of any Sentence, but onely for Form. And all concluded, it had been better there had been no Sentence at all, than one so late. [Page 132] Some excepted to the Archbishop of Canterbury's being Judge, who by his former Writings and Disputes had declared himself partial. But to this it was answered, That when a man changes his Character, all that he did in another Figure is no just Exception: so Judges decide Causes in which they formerly gave Counsel; and Popes are not bound to the Opinions they held when they were Divines or Canonists. It was also said, That the Archbishop did onely declare in Legal Form, that which was already judged by the whole Convocation of both Provinces. Some wondered at the Popes stifness, that would put so much to hazard, when there wanted not as good Colours to justifie a Bull, as they had made use of to excuse many other things. But the Emperors Greatness, and the fear of giving the Lutherans advantages in disputing the Popes Autho­rity, were on the other hand so prevalent Considerations, that no wonder they wrought much on a Pope, who pretended to no other knowledge but that of Policy; for he had often said, He understood not the matter, and therefore left it in other mens hands. All persons excu­sed Queen Katharine for standing so stifly to her ground; onely her de­nying so confidently that Prince Arthur consummated the Marriage, seems not capable of an Excuse. Every body admired Queen Annes Conduct, who had managed such a Kings Spirit so long, and had nei­ther surfeited him with great freedom, nor provoked him by the other Extreme: for the King, who was extremely nice in these matters, con­ceived still an higher Opinion of her; and her being so soon with child after the Marriage, as it made people conclude she had been chaste till then, so they hoped for a Blessing upon it, since there were such early appearances of Issue. Those that favoured the Reformation expected better days under her Protection, for they know she favoured them: But those who were in their hearts for the Established Religion did much dislike it; and many of the Clergy, especially the Orders of Monks and Friars, condemned it both in their Sermons and Discourses.

But the King little regarding the Censures of the Vulgar, sent Em­bassadors to all the Courts of Europe, to give notice of his new Marri­age, and to justifie it by some of those Reasons, which have been open­ed in the former parts of this History. He also sent the Lord Mountjoy to the Divorced Queen, to let her know what was done, and that she was no more to be treated as Queen, but as Princess Dowager. He was to mix Promises with Threatnings, particularly concerning her Daugh­ters being put next the Queens Issue in the Succession. But the afflict­ed Queen would not yield, and said she would not damn her Soul, nor submit to such an Infamy: That she was his Wife, and would never call her self by any other Name, whatever might follow on it, since the Process still depended at Rome. That Lord having written a Relation of what had passed between him and her,Cott. lib. Otho. C. 10. shewed it to her; but she dashed with a Pen all those places in which she was called Princess Dowager; and would receive no Service at any ones hands, but of those who called her Queen: and she continued to be still served as Queen by all about her. Against which though the King used all the Endeavours he could, not without both threatning and violence to some of the Servants, yet he could never drive her from it: and what he did in that, was thought far below that Height of Mind which ap­peared in his other Actings; for since he had stript her of the real [Page 133] Greatness of a Queen, it seemed too much, to vex her for keeping up the Pageantry of it.

But the news of this made great impressions elsewhere. The Empe­ror received the Kings justification very coldly, and said [...]e would con­sider what he was to do upon it, which was looked on as a D [...]c [...]aration of War. The French King,The Pope u­nites himself to the French King. though he expressed still g [...]eat Friendship to the King, yet was now resolved to link himself to the Pope; for the crafty Pope apprehending that nothing made the King of England so confident, as that he knew his Friendship was necessary to the French King, and fearing they had resolved to proceed at once to the pu [...]ting down the Papal Authority in their Kingdoms, (which it appears they had once agreed to do,) resolved by all means to make sure of the French King, which as it would preserve that Kingdom in his obedience, so would perhaps frighten the King of England from proceeding to such extremities; since that Prince, in whose conjunction he trusted so much, had forsaken him: Therefore the Pope did so vigorously pursue the Treaty with Francis, that it was as good as ended at this time, and an Interview was projected between them at Marseilles. The Pope did also grant him so great Power over his own Clergy, that he could s [...]arce have expected more, if he had set up a Patriarch in France; so that Francis did resolve to go on in the designs, which had been concerted between him and the King of England, no further; but still he considered his alli­ance so much, that he promised to use his most effectual intercession with the Pope to prevent all Censures and Bulls against the King; and if it were possible to bring the matter to an Amicable conclusion. And the Emperor was not ill-pleased to see France and England divided. There­fore though he had at first opposed the Treaty between the Pope and Francis, yet afterwards he was not troubled that it took effect, hoping that it would dis-unite those two Kings, whose conjunction had been so troublesome to him.

But when the news was brought to Rome of what was done in Eng­land, And con­demns the Kings pro­ceedings in England. with which it was also related that Books were coming out against the Popes Supremacy, all the Cardinals of the Imperial Faction pressed the Pope to give a definitive Sentence, and to proceed to Censures against the King. But the more moderate Cardinals thought, England was not to be thrown away with such precipitation: And therefore a temper was found, that a Sentence should be given upon what had been attempt­ed in England, by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury (which in the Stile of the Canon-Law were called the Attentates,) for it was pretended that the matter depending in the Court of Rome, by the Queens Appeal and the other steps that had been made, it was not in the Arch-Bishop's Power to proceed to any Sentence. Therefore in general it was declared, that all that had been attempted or done in England about the Kings Suit of Divorce was null, and that the King by such attempts was liable to Excommunication, unless he put things again in the state they were in, and that before September next, and that then they would proceed fur­ther; and this Sentence was affixed in Dunkirk soon after.

The King resolving to follow the thing as far as it was possible, sent a great Embassy to Francis, who was then on his Journey to Marseilles, to dissuade the Interview and Marriage, till the Pope gave the King satisfacti­on. But the French King was engaged in honour to go forward; yet he pro­tested [Page 134] he would do all that lay in his Power to compose the matter, and that he would take any injury that were done to the King as highly, as if it were done to himself; and he desired the King would send some to Marseilles, who thereupon sent Gardiner and Sir Francis Brian.

But at this time the Queen brought forth a Daughter, who was Chri­stened Elizabeth (the renowned Queen of England, Queen Eliza­beth Born, S [...]p. 7.) the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury being her God-Father. She was soon after declared Prin­cess of Wales; though Lawyers thought that against Law, for she was only Heir presumptive, but not apparent to the Crown, since a Son com­ing after, he must be preferred. Yet the King would justifie what he had done in his Marriage with all possible respect, and having before de­clared the Lady Mary Princess of Wales, he did now the same in favour of the Lady Elizabeth.

An Interview between the Pope and Fr [...]nch King at Mars [...]ill [...]s.The Interview between the Pope and the French King was at Marseilles in October, where the Marriage was made up between the Duke of Orle­ance and Katharine de Medici; to whom besides 100000 Crowns Porti­on, the Principality of many Towns in Italy, as Milan, Reggio, Pisa, Le­gorn, Parma, and Piacenza, and the Dutchy of Urbin were given. To the former, the Pope pretended in the Right of the Popedom, and to the last in the Right of the House of Medici. But the French King was [...]o clear all those Titles by his Sword.The Pope promises to give Sentence for the King of England's Divorce. As for the Kings business, the Pope re­ferred it to the Consistory. But it seems there was a secret Transaction between him and Francis, that if the King would in all other things re­turn to his wonted obedience to the Apostolick See, and submit the mat­ter to the judgment of the Consistory, (excepting only to the Cardinals of the Imperial Faction as partial and incompetent judges,) the Decisi­on should be made to his hearts content. This I collect from what will afterwards appear. The King upon the Sentence that was passed against him,Fidel. serv. Infid [...]. subdit. Responsio. sent Bonner to Marseilles, who procuring an Audience of the Pope, delivered to him the Authentick Instrument of the Kings Appeal from him to the next general Council lawfully called. At this the Pope was much incensed, but said he would consider of it in Consistory; and hav­ing consulted about it there, he answered that the Appeal was unlaw­ful, and therefore he rejected it; and for a general Council, the calling of it belonged to him, and not to the King. About the same time the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury being threatned with a Process from Rome, put in also his Appeal to the next general Council. Upon which Bonner delivered the threatnings that he was ordered to make, with so much vehemency and fury, that the Pope talked of throwing him in a Caul­dron of melted Lead, or of Burning him alive; and he apprehending some danger made his escape. About the middle of November the In­terview ended, the Pope returning to Rome, and the French King to Pa­ris, a firm Alliance being established between them. But upon the Duke of Orleance his Marrying the Pope's Neece, I shall add one observation, that will neither be unpleasant nor impertinent. The Duke of Orleance was then but Fourteen years and Nine Months old, being born on the last of March, Bzovius. 1518. and yet was believed to have consummated his Marriage the very first night after:The French King prevails with the King of England to submit to the Pope. so the Popes Historians tell us with much Triumph; though they represented that improbable, if not im­possible in Prince Arthur, who was nine Months elder when he died.

Upon the French Kings return from Marseilles, the Bishop of Paris [Page 135] was sent over to the King; which (as may be reasonably collected,) followed upon some Agreement made at Marseilles, and he prevailed with the King to submit the whole matter to the Pope and the Consisto­ry, on such terms that the Imperialists should not be allowed a Voice, because they were Parties, being in the Emperor's Power. None that has observed the genius of this King, can think that after he had pro­ceeded so far, he would [...]a [...]e made this Submission without very good assurances; and if there had not been great grounds to expect good effects from it, the Bishop of Paris would not in the middle of Winter have un­dertaken a Journey from England to Rome. But the King, it seems, would not abase himself so far as to send any Submission in writing, till he had fuller assurances. The Lord Herbert has published a Letter (which he transcribed from the Original, written by the Arch-Bishop of York and the Bishop of Duresm [...], to the King the 11th of May, 1534.) giving an account of a Conference they had with Queen Katharine ▪ in which, among other motives they used, this was one, to perswade her to comply with what the King had done: That the Pope had said at Mar­seilles, that if the King would send a Proxy to Rome, he would give the Cause for him against the Queen, because he knew his Cause was good and just. Which is a great presumption, that the Pope did really give some engagements to the French King about the King's business.

When the Bishop of Paris came to Rome, the Motion was liked,Which was well received at Rome. and it was promised, that if the King sent a promise of that under his Hand, with an Order to his Proxies to appear in Court, there should be Judges sent to Cambray to form the Process, and then the matter should be De­termined for him at Rome. This was sent to the King,Hist. Council of Trent by Padre Paule. with the Notice of the day that was prefixed for the return of his answer, and with other Motives which must have been very great, since they prevailed so much. For in answer there was a Courier dispatcht from the King, with a for­mal promise under his Hand. And now the matter seemed at a point, the French Interest was great in the Court of Rome; four new Cardinals had been made at Marseilles, and there were six of that Faction before, which with the Popes Creatures, and the indifferent or venal Voices, ballanced the Imperial Faction, so that a wound that was looked on as fatal, was now almost healed. But God in his wise and unsearchable Providence had designed to draw other great ends out of this Rupture, and therefore suffered them that were the most concerned to hinder it, to be the chief instruments of driving it on.But the Im­perialists op­posed it. For the Cardinals of the Im­perial Faction were now very active, they liked not the President of ex­cluding the Cardinals of the Nations concern'd, out of any business. But above all things they were to hinder a Conjunction between the Pope and the King of England; for the Pope being then allied to France, there was nothing the Emperor feared more than the closing the Breach with Eng­land, which would make the union against him so much stronger. There­fore when the day that had been prefixed for the return of the Courier from England, was elapsed, they all pressed the Pope to proceed to a Sen­tence Definitive and to Censures. Bellay the Bishop of Paris represented the injustice of proceeding with so much Precipitation, since where there were Seas to cross, in such a Season, many accidents might occasion the delay of the Express. The King of England had followed this Suit six years, and had patience so long; therefore he desired the delay of six [Page 136] dayes,1531. and if in that time no return came, they might proceed. But the Imperialists represented, that those were only delays to gain time; and that the King of England was still proceeding in his con­tempt of the Apostolick See, and of the Cardinals, and publishing Books and Libels against them. This so wrought on the angry Pope, that without consulting his ordinary prudence, he brought the business into the Consistory,And with great prepa­ration procure a sentence a­gainst the King. where the Plurality of voices carryed it to pro­ceed to a Sentence. And though the Process had been carryed on all that winter in their usual Forms, yet it was not so ripe, but by the Rules of the Consistory, there ought to have been three Sessions before Sentence was given. But they concluded all in one day, and so on the 23d of March, the Marriage between the King and Queen Katharine was declared good, and the King required to take her as his wife; otherwise Censures were to be denounced against him.

Two days after that, the Courier arrived from England, with the Kings Submission under his hand in due Form, and earnest Letters from the French King to have it accepted, that so the business might be composed. When this was known at Rome ▪ all the indi [...]erent and wise Cardinals (among whom was Farnese, that was afterwards Pope Paul the 3d.) came to the Pope, and desired that it might be again considered before it went fur [...]her. So it was brought again into the Consistory. But the secret reason of the Imperialists opposing it, was now more pressing, since there was such an appearance of a set­tlement, if the former Sentence were once recalled. Therefore they so managed the matter, that it was confirmed a-new by the Pope and the Consistory, and they ordered the Emperor to execute the Sentence.

The King resolves to a­bolish the Popes Power in England.The King was now in so good hope of his business, that he sent Sr. Edward Karne to Rome to prosecute his Suit; who, on his way thither, met the Bishop of Paris, coming back with this Melancho­lick account of his unprosperous Negotiation. When the King heard it, and understood that he was used with so much scorn and contempt at Rome, being also the more vexed, because he had come to such a submission, he resolved then to break totally from Rome. And in this, he was before hand with that Court. For judging it the best way to procure a peace, to manage the War vigorously, he had held a Session of Parliament from the 15th of Ianuary, till the 30th of March, in which he had procured a great Change of the whole Con­stitution of the Government of the Church. But before I give an account of that, I shall first open all the Arguments and reasons, up­on which I find they proceeded in this Matter.

Which had been much disputed thereThe Popes Power had been then for 4 years together much exa­mined and disputed in England; in which they went by these steps, one leading to another. They first controverted his Power of Di­spensing with the Law of God. From that they went to examine what Jurisdiction he had in England, upon which followed the Con­victing the Clergy of a Premunire with their Submission to the King. And that led them to controvert the Popes right to Annates, and o­ther Exactions, which they also condemned. The Condemning all appeals to Rome followed that naturally. And now so many branches of that Power were cut off, the Root was next struck at, and the [Page 137] Foundations of the Papal Authority were examined.1532. For near a year together there, had been many publick debates about it; and both in the Parliament and Convocation the thing was long disputed, [...]elerine In­glese. and all that could be alledged on both sides was Considered. The Rea­der will be best able to judge of their reasons,Hall. (and thereby of the ripeness of their judgments, when they Enacted the Laws that passed in this Parliament,) when he sees a full account of them; which I shall next set down, not drawn from the Writings and Apologies that have been published since, but from these that came out about that time. For then were written the Institution for the Necessary E­rudition of a Christian man, Concluded in the Convocation, and pub­lished by Authority; and another Book, De Differentia Regiae & Ec­clesiasticae Potestatis. The former of these was called the Bishops, and the latter the Kings Book. Gardiner also wrote a Book, De vera Obe­dientia, to which Bonner prefixed a Preface upon the same Subject. Stokesly Bishop of London, and Tonstal Bishop of Duresm, wrote a long Letter in defence of the Kings Proceedings in this matter to Reginald, (soon after, Cardinal) Pool: from these writings, and the Sermons preached by some Bishops at this time, with other Authentick pieces. I have Extracted the Substance of the Arguments upon which they grounded their Laws, which I shall divide in two heads. The one of the reasons for rejecting the Popes pretended Power. The other for setting up the Kings Supremacy with the Explanations and Limi­tations of it.

First, of the Popes Power,The Argu­ments upon which it was rejected. they declared that they found no ground for it in the Scripture. All the Apostles were made equal by Christ, when he committed the Church to their care in Common. And he did often declare, there was no Superiority of one above ano­ther. St. Paul claimed an equality with the chief Apostles both Peter, Iames, and Iohn; and when he thought St. Peter blame­worthy, he withstood him to his face. But whatsoever Preheminence St. Peter might have, that was only Personal, and there was no rea­son to affix it to his Chair at Rome, more than at Antioch. But if any See be to be preferred before another, it should be Ierusalem where Christ dyed, and out of which the Faith was propagated over all Nations, Christ commanding his Disciples to begin their Preach­ing in it; so that it was truly the Mother Church, and is so called by St. Paul, whereas in the Scripture, Rome is called Babylon, according to Tertullian and St. Ierome.

For the places brought from Scripture in favor of the Papacy, they judged that they did not prove any thing for it. That Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock I will build my Church, if it prove any thing in this matter, would prove too much; even that the Church was founded on St. Peter, as he was a private person, and so on the Popes in their Personal Capacity. But both St. Ambrose, St. Ierome, and St. Austin, think, that by the Rock, the Confession he had made was only to be meant. Others of the Fathers thought by the Rock, Christ himself was meant, who is the only true Foun­dation of the Church; though in another sense all the Apostles are also called Foundations by St. Paul. That, Tell the Church, is thought by Gerson and Aeneas Silvius, (afterwards Pope Pius the 2d.) ra­ther [Page 138] to make against the Pope and for a General Council. And the Fathers have generally followed St. Chrysostome and St. Austin, 1533. who thought that, the giving of the keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, and the Charge, Feed my Sheep, were addressed to St. Peter, in behalf of all the rest of the Apostles. And that, I have prayed for thee, that thy Faith sail not, was only Personal, and related to his Fall, which was then Imminent. It is also clear by St. Paul, that every Apostle had his peculiar Province, beyond which he was not to Stretch himself; and St. Peters Province was the Circumci­sion, and his, the Uncircumcision, in which he plainly declares his Equality with him.

This was also clear from the constant Tradition of the Church. St. Cyprian was against Appeals to Rome, and would not submit to P. Stephens definition in the point of Re-baptizing of Hereticks; and expresly says, That all the Apostles were equal in Power, and that all the Bishops were also equal, since the whole Office and Episcopate was one entire thing, of which every Bishop had a compleat and equall share. And though some places are brought out of him concerning the Unity of the Roman Church, and of other Churches with it; yet those places have no relation to any Authority that the Roman Church had over other Churches, but were occasioned by a Schism that Novatian had made there at Rome, being Elected in opposition to the Bishop that was rightly chosen: and of that unity only St. Cyprian writes in those places. But from all his Epistles to the Bi­shops of Rome, it is visible he look't on himself as their Equal, since he calls them Brother, Collegue, and Fellow-Bishop. And what­soever is said by any Ancient Writer of St. Peters Chair, is to be understood of the pure Gospel, which he delivered, as St. Austin observes, that by Moses Chair, is to be understood The delivering of Moses Law. But though St. Peter sate there, the succeeding Popes have no more right to pretend to such Authority, than the Kings of Spain to claim the Roman Empire, because he that is now their King, is Emperor. When Constantine turned Christian, the Digni­ty of the chief City of the Empire made Rome to be accounted the first See, but by the General Council of Nice it was declared, that the Patriarches of Alexandria and Antioch had the same Autho­rity over the Countries round about them, that he of Rome had over those that lay about that City. It is true, at tha [...] time the Arrian Heresie, having spread Generally over the Eastern Churches▪ from which the Western were free; the oppressed Catholick Bishops of the East made Appeals to Rome, and extolled that See by a na­tural Maxime in all men, who magnifie that from which they have Protection. But the Second general Council took care, that that should not grow a President, for they Decreed that every Province should be governed by its own Synod, and that Bishops when they were accused, must first be judged by the Bishops of their own Pro­vince, and from them they might appeal to the Bishops of the Dio­cess but no higher appeal was allowed: and by that Council it ap­pears; what was the Foundation of the greatness of the Bishop of Rome, for when Constantinople was made the Seat of the Empire and New Rome, it had the same Privileges that Old Rome had, and [Page 139] was set next to it in order and dignity.1534. In a Council at Milevi in which St. Austin sate, they appointed that every Clerk, that should appeal to any Bishop beyond the Sea, should be excommunicated. And when Faustianus was sent by the Pope to the African Church­es, to claim the Right of receiving appeals, and pretended a Ca­non of the Council of Nice for it, the Pretension was rejected by the Af [...]ican Fathers, who acknowledged no such Right, and had ne­ver heard of that Canon. Upon which they sent to the East [...]rn Churches, and search was every-where made for the Copies of the Canons of that Council, but it was found that it was a Forgery. From whence two things were observable: The one, that the Church in that Age had no Tradition of any Divine Institution for the Authority of that See, since as the Popes, who claimed it, ne­ver pretended to any such thing; so the African Bishops by their rejecting that Power, shew, that they knew nothing of any Divine Warrant, all the Contest being only about a Canon of the Church. It also appeared how early the Church of Rome aspired to Power, and did not stick at making use of Forged writings to support it. But Pope Agatho more modestly writing to the Emperor in his own name, and in the name of all the Synods that were Subject to his See, calls them a few Bishops in the Northern and Western Parts. When after­wards the Patriarch of Constantinople was declared by the Emperor Mauritius, The Vniversal Bishop, Gregory the great did exclaim against the Ambition of that Title, as being equal to the Pride of Lucifer, and declared, that he who assumed it was the Forerunner of Antichrist; saying, that none of his Predecessors had ever claimed such a Pow­er. And this was the more observable, since the English were Con­verted by those whom he sent over; so that this was the Doctrine of that See, when this Church received the Faith from it.

But it did not continue long within those limits; for Boniface the Third assumed that Title, upon the Grant of Ph [...]as. And as that Boniface got the Spiritual Sword put in his hand, so the Eighth of that name pretended also to the Temporal Sword; but they owe these Powers to the Industry of those Popes, and not to any Do­nation of Christs. The Popes when they are Consecrated promise to obey the Canons of the Eight first General Councils, which if they observe, they will receive no Appeals, nor pretend to any high­er Jurisdiction than these give to them, and the other Patriarchs e­qually.

As for the Decrees of Latter Councils, they are of less Authori­ty. For those Councils consisted of Monks and Friers in great part, whose exemptions obtained from Rome obliged them to support the Authority of that Court; and those who sate in them knew little of the Scriptures, Fathers, or the Tradition of the Church, being only conversant in the Disputes and Learning of the Schools. And for the Florentine Council, the Eastern Churches, who sent the Greek Bishops that sate there, never received their Determination, neither then, nor at any time since.

Many places were also brought out of the Fathers to show, that they did not look on the Bishops of Rome as superior to other Bishops; and that they understood not those places of Scripture, which were [Page 140] afterwards brought for the Popes Supremacy, in that sense; so that if Tradition be the best Expounder of Scripture, those latter glosses must give place to the more ancient. But that passage of St. Ie­rome, in which he equals the Bishops of Eugubium and Constantino­ple to the Bishop of Rome, was much made use of, since he was a Presbyter of Rome, and so likely to understand the Dignity of his own Church best. There were many things brought from the Contests that other Sees had with Rome, to show, that all the Priviledges of that and other Sees, were only founded on the practice and Canons of the Church, but not upon any Divine War­rant. Constantinople pretended to equal priviledges. Ravenna, Mi­lan, and Aquileia, pretended to a Patriarchal Dignity and Exempti­on. Some Arch-Bishops of Canterbury contended, that Popes could do nothing against the Laws of the Church; so Laurence and Dun­stan. Robert Grostest Bishop of Lincoln, asserted the same, and many Popes confessed it. And to this day no Constitution of the Popes is binding in any Church, except it be received by it; and in the daily practice of the Canon Law, the customs of Churches are plead­ed against Papal Constitutions; which shows their Authority can­not be from God, otherwise all must submit to their Laws. And from the latter Contests up and down Europe, about giving Inve­stitures, receiving Appeals, admitting of Legates, and Papal Con­stitutions, it was apparent, that the Papal Authority was a Tyran­ny, which had been managed by cruel and fraudulent Arts, but was never otherwise received in the Church, than as a Conquest to which they were constrained to yield. And this was more fully made out in England, from what passed in William the Conque­ror, and Henry the 2d's time, and by the Statutes of Provisors in many Kings Reigns, which were still renewed, till within an hun­dred years of the present time.

Upon these grounds they Concluded, that the Popes Power in England had no Foundation, neither in the Law of God, nor in the Laws of the Church or of the Land.

The Argu­ments for the Kings Supre­macy.As for the Kings Power over Spiritual persons, and in Spiritual causes, they proved it from the Scriptures. In the old Testament they found the Kings of Israel intermedled in all matters Ecclesia­stical. Samuel, though he had been Judge, yet acknowledged Sauls Authority:From the old Testament. So also did Abimelech the High-Priest, and appeared be­fore him when cited to answer upon an Accusation. And Samuel (1 Sam. 15.18.) sayes, he was made the head of all the Tribes. Aa­ron, in that, was an Example to all the following High-Priests who submitted to Moses. David made many Laws about sacred things, such as, the Order of the Courses of the Priests and their Worship; and when he was dying, he declared to Solomon how far his Au­thority extended. He told him, 1 Chron. 28.21. That the Courses of the Priests and all the people were to be wholly at his commandment: pur­suant to which Solomon, 2 Chron. 8.14, 15. did appoint them their charges in the service of God, and both the Priests and Levites departed not from his commandment in any matter: and though he had turn­ed out Abiathar from the High-Priesthood, yet they made no oppo­sition. Iehosophat, Hezekiah and Iosias made likewise Laws about Eccledsiastical Matters.

[Page 141] In the New Testament, Christ himself was obedient,1533. he payed Taxes, he declared that he pretended to no earthly Kingdom, he charged the people to render to Caesar the things that were Caesars, And the New and his Disciples not to affect temporal dominion, as the Lords of the Nations did. And though the Magistrates were then Hea­thens, yet the Apostles wrote to the Churches to obey Magistrates, to submit to them, to pay Taxes, they call the King Supream and say he is Gods Minister to encourage them that do well, and to pu­nish the evil doors, which is said of all persons without exception, and every Soul is charged to be subject to the Higher Power.

Many passages were cited out of the Writings of the Fathers, to show, that they thought Church-men, were included in these pla­ces as well as other persons, so that the Tradition of the Church was for the Kings Supremacy: and by one place of Scripture the King is called Supream, by another he is called Head, and by a third every Soul must be subject to him, which laid together, make up this conclusion, That the King is the Supream Head over all persons. In the primitive Church, the Bishops in their Councils made rules for ordering their Dioceses, which they only called Canons or Rules, nor had they any compulsive Authority, but what was derived from the Civil Sanctions.

After the Emperors were Christians, they made many Laws a­bout sacred things, as may be seen in the Codes;And the Pra­ctises of the primitive Church. and when Iustinian digested the Roman Law, he added many Novel Constitutions about Ecclesiastical persons and causes. The Emperors called general Coun­cils, presided in them, and confirmed them. And many Letters were cited of Popes to Emperors, to call Councils, and of the Coun­cils to them to Confirm their Decrees. The Election of the Popes themselves, was sometimes made by the Emperors, and some­times confirmed by them. Pope Hadrian in a Synod decreed, that the Emperor should choose the Pope: And it was a late and unheard of thing, before the dayes of Gregory the 7th, for Popes to pretend to depose Princes, and give away their Dominions. This they compared to the pride of Anti-Christ and Lucifer.

They also argued from Reason,And from Reason. that there must be but one Su­pream; and that the King being Supream over all his Subjects, Clergy-men must be included, for they are still Subjects. Nor can their being in Orders, change that former relation, founded upon the Law of Nature and Nations, no more than Wives or Servants, by becoming Christians, were not, according to the Doctrine of the A­postles, discharged from the Duties of their former Relations.

For the great Objection from those Offices that are peculiar to their Functions, It was answered, that these notwithstanding the King might well be Supream Head; for in the Natural body, there were many vital motions that proceeded not from the Head, but from the Heart, and the other inward parts and vessels; and yet the Head was still the chief seat and root of Life: So though there be peculiar functi­ons appropriated to Church-men, yet the King is still Head, having Authority over them, and a Power to direct and coerce them in these.And from the Laws of England.

From that, they proceeded to show, that in England, the Kings [Page 142] have allwayes assumed a Supremacy in Ecclesiastical matters.1534. They began with the most Ancient Writing that relates to the Christian Religion in England then extant, Pope Elentherius Letter to King Lucius, in which he is twice called by him Gods Vicar in his King­dom, and he writ in it, that it belong'd to his Office, to bring his Sub­jects to the Holy Church, and to maintain, protect, and govern them in it. Many Laws were cited, which Canutus, Ethelred, Edgar, Edmond, Athelstan and Ina had Enacted concerning Church-men, many more Laws since the Conquest were also made, both against appeals to Rome, and Bishops going out of the Kingdom without the Kings leave.

The whole business of the Articles of Clarendon, and the Con­tests that followed between King Henry the 2d, and Thomas Becket were also opened. And though a Bishops Pastoral care be of Di­vine Institution, yet as the Kings of England had divided Bishopricks as they pleased, so they also converted Benefices from the Instituti­on of the Founders, and gave them to Cloisters and Monasteries as King Edgar did; all which was done by the Consent of their Clergy and Nobility, without dependance on Rome; They had also granted these Houses Exemption from Episcopal Jurisdiction, so Ina exempted Glastenbury, and Offa, St. Albans, from their Bishops visi­tation: and this continued even till the dayes of William the Con­queror, for he to perpetuate the Memory of the Victory he ob­tained over Harald, and to endear himself to the Clergy, founded an Abbey in the Field where the Battel was fought, and called it Battel-Abbey, and in the Charter he granted them, these words are to be found. It shall be also free and quiet for ever, from all subje­ction to Bishops, or the Dominion of any other persons, as Christs Church in Canterbury is. Many other things were brought out of King Alfreds Laws, and a speech of King Edgars, with several Letters written to the Popes from the Kings, the Parliaments, and the Cler­gy of England, to show, that their Kings did always make Laws a­bout Sacred matters, and that their Power reach't to that, and to the persons of Church-men, as well as to their other Subjects.

The Qualifi­cation of that Supremacy.But at the same time that they pleaded so much for the Kings Su­premacy, and Power of making Laws for restraining and Coercing his Subjects, it appeared that they were far from vesting him with such an absolute Power, as the Popes had pretended to, for they thus defined the extent of the Kings Power. To them specially and princi­pally, Necessary E­rudition upon the Sacrament of Orders. it pertaineth to defend the Faith of Christ and his Religion, to con­serve and maintain the true Doctrine of Christ, and all such as be true Preachers and setters forth thereof; and to abolish Abuses, Heresies, and Idolatries, and to punish with corporal pains such as of malice be the oc­casion of the same. And finally to oversee and cause that the said Bishops and Priests do execute their pastoral office truly and faithfully, and spe­cially in these points, which by Christ and his Apostles was given and Com­mitted to them; and in case they shall be negligent in any part thereof, or would not diligently execute the same, to cause them to redouble and sup­ply their lack: and if they obstinately withstand their Princes kind moniti­on, and will not amend their faults, then and in such case to put others in their rooms and places. And God hath also commanded the said Bi­shops [Page 143] and Priests to obey with all humbleness and Reverence, both Kings, and Princes, and Governors, and all their Laws; not being contrary to the Laws of God, whatsoever they be: and that not only propter Iram but also propter Conscientiam, that is to say, not only for fear of pu­nishment, but also for Discharge of Conscience.

Thus it appears, that they both limited obedience to the Kings Laws, with the due Caution of their not being contrary to the Law of God, and acknowledged the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the dis­charge of the Pastoral Office, committed to the Pastors of the Church by Christ and his Apostles; and that the Supremacy then pretended to, was no such Extravagant Power as some imagine.

‘Upon the whole matter, it was Concluded, that the Popes Pow­er in England had no good Foundation,The necessi­ty of extirpa­ting the Popes Power. and had been managed with as much Tyranny, as it had begun with Usurpation, the Ex­actions of their Courts were every-where heavy, but in no place so intolerable as in England: and though many complaints were made of them in these last 300 years, yet they got no ease, and all the Laws about Provisors were still defeated and made ineffectual; Therefore they saw it was impossible to moderate their proceedings; so that there was no other Remedy, but to extirpate their pre­tended Authority, and thenceforth to acknowledge the Pope only Bishop of Rome, with the jurisdiction about it, defined by the An­cient Canons: and for the King to re-assume his own Authority, and the Prerogatives of his Crown, from which the Kings of England had never formally departed, though they had for this last Hundred years connived at an Invasion and Usurpation upon them, which was no longer to be endured.’

These were the Grounds of casting off the Pope's Power, that had been for two or three years studied,Pains taken to satisfie Fi­sher about it. and enquired into by all the Learn­ed men in England; and had been debated both in Convocation and Par­liament, and except Fisher Bishop of Rochester, I do not find that any Bi­shop appeared for the Popes Power; and for the Abbots and Priors, as they were generally very ignorant, so what the Cardinal had done in suppressing some Monasteries, and what they now heard, that the Court had an eye on their Lands, made them to be as complyant as could be. But Fisher was a man of great reputation, and very ancient, so that much pains was taken to satisfie him. A week before the Parliament sat down, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury proposed to him, that he and any Five Doctors, such as he should choose, and the Bishop of Lon­don, and Five Doctors with him might confer about it, and exa­mine the Authorities of both sides, that so there might be an A­greement among them, by which the scandal might be removed, which otherwise would be taken from their Janglings and Contests a­mong themselves. Fisher accepted of this, and Stokesley wrote to him on the 8th of Ianuary, that he was ready whenever the other pleas­ed, and desired him to name time and place,The Origi [...]nal is in the Cott. lib. [...] C. 10. and if they could not agree the matter among themselves, he moved to refer it to two Learned men whom they should choose, in whose determination they would both acquiesce. How far this overture went, I cannot discover, and perhaps Fishers sickness hindred the progress of it. But now on the 15th of Ianuary, the Parliament sat down: by the Journals I find [Page 144] no other Bishops present but the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Lincoln, Bath and Wells, Landaffe and Carlisle. There were also twelve Abbots present, but upon what pretences the rest excused their attendance, I do not know; perhaps some made a difference between submitting to what was done, and being active and concurring to make the change. During the Session a Bishop preached every Sunday at Pauls-Cross, and declared to the people, That the Pope had no Authority at all in England. In the two former Sessions the Bishops had preached, that the general Council was above the Pope, but now they struck a note higher. This was done to let the people see, what justice and reason was in the Acts that were then pas­sing, to which I now turn, and shall next give an account of this great Session of Parliament, which I shall put rather in the natural Method ac­cording to the matter of the Acts, than in the order of time as they passed.

On the 9th of March a Bill came up from the Commons for discharge­ing the Subjects of all dependance on the Court of Rome, it was read the first time in the House of Lords the 13th of March, Journal, Procer. and on the 14th was read the second time, and Committed. The Committee reported it on the 19th, by which it appears there was no stiff nor long opposi­tion, and he that was likest to make it, was both obnoxious and absent, as will afterwards appear. On the 19th it was read the third time, and on the 20th the fourth time, and then passed without any protestation. Some Proviso's were added to it by the Lords, to which the Commons agreed, and so it was made ready for the Royal assent.

‘In the Preamble the intolerable exactions for Peter-pence, Provisi­ons, Pensions, and Bulls of all sorts are complained of, which were contrary to all Laws,The Act for taking away the Popes Power. and grounded only on the Popes Power of Dis­pensing, which was Usurped. But the King and the Lords and Com­mons within his own Realm had only power to consider, how any of the Laws were to be Dispensed with or Abrogated; and since the King was acknowledged the Supreme Head of the Church of England by the Prelates and Clergy,It is the Act 21 in the Sta­tute Book, 27 in the Record, and 8 in the Journal. in their Convocations, Therefore it was En­acted that all Payments made to the Apostolick Chamber, and all Pro­visions, Bulls, or Dispensations should from thenceforth cease. But that all Dispensations or Licences for things that were not contrary to the Law of God, but only to the Law of the Land, should be granted within the Kingdom, by, and under the Seals of the two Arch-Bishops in their several Provinces; who should not presume to grant any contrary to the Laws of Almighty God, and should only grant such Licences as had been formerly in use to be granted, but give no Licence for any new thing till it were first examined by the King and his Council whether such things might be dispensed with; and that all Dispensations which were formerly taxed at, or above 4 l. should be also confirmed under the Great-Seal. Then many clauses follow about the Rates of Licences and the ways of procuring them. It was also declared, that they did not hereby intend to vary from Christ's Church about the Articles of the Catholick Faith of Christendom, or in any other things declared by the Scriptures, and the word of God necessary for their Salvation; confirming withal the exemptions of Monasteries formerly granted by the Bishop of Rome, exempting them still from the Arch-Bishops Visitations; declaring that such Abbeys [Page 145] whose Elections were formerly confirmed by the Pope, shall be now confirmed by the King; who likewise shall give Commission under his Great-Seal for visiting them, providing also that Licences and o­ther Writs obtained from Rome before the 12 of March in that year should be valid and in force, except they were contrary to the Laws of the Realm; giving also to the King and his Council power to or­der and reform all Indulgences and Priviledges (or the abuses of them) which had been granted by the See of Rome. The offenders against this Act were to be punished according to the Statutes of Provisors and Premunire.’

This Act, as it gave great ease to the Subject,The judg­ments past on that Act. so it cut off that base trade of Indulgences about Divine Laws, which had been so gainful to the Church of Rome, but was of late fatal to it. All in the Religious Houses saw their Priviledges now struck at, since they were to be re­formed as the King saw cause, which put them in no small confusion. Those that favoured the Reformation rejoyced at this Act, not only be­cause the Popes Power was rooted out, but because the Faith that was to be adhered to, was to be taken from those things, which the Scrip­tures declared necessary to Salvation; so that all their fears were now much qualified, since the Scripture was to be the standard of the Ca­tholick Faith. On the same day that this Bill passed in the House of Lords, another Bill was read for confirming the Succession to the Crown in the Issue of the Kings present Marriage with Queen Anne. It was read the second time on the 21 of March, and Committed. It was reported on the 23th, and read the third time and passed, and sent down to the Commons, who sent it back again to them on the 26th, so speedily did this Bill go through both Houses without any opposition.

The Preamble of it was,Act about the Succession to the Crown, 22 in the Sta­tute Books, 34 in the Re [...]ord, 26 in the Journal. ‘The distractions that had been in England about the Succession to the Crown, which had occasioned the effusi­on of much Blood, with many other mischiefs, all which flowed from the want of a clear Decision of the true Title, from which the Popes had Usurped a Power of investing such as pleased them in other Prin­ces Kingdoms, and Princes had often maintained such Donations for their other ends; therefore to avoid the like inconveniences, the Kings former Marriage with the Princess Katharine, is judged con­trary to the Laws of God, and void and of no effect, and the Sentence passed by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury annulling it, is confirmed, and the Lady Katharine is thenceforth to be reputed only Princess Dow­ager and not Queen, and the Marriage with Queen Ann [...] is establi­shed and confirmed: and Marriages within the degrees Prohibited by Moses (which are enumerated in the Statute) are declared to be un­lawful, according to the judgment of the Convocations of this Realm, and of the most famous Universities and Learned men abroad, any Dis­pensations to the contrary notwithstanding, which are also declared null, since contrary to the Laws of God; and all that were Married within these degrees are appointed to be Divorced, and the Children begotten in such Marriages were declared Illegitimate: And all the Issue that should be between the King and the present Queen is de­clared Lawful, and the Crown was to descend on his Issue Male by her, or any other Wife; or in default of Issue Male, to the Issue Female by the Queen; and in default of any such, to the right Heirs of the [Page 146] Kings Highness for ever: and any that after the 1st of May should ma­liciously divulge any thing to the slander of the Kings Marriage, or of the Issue begotten in it, were to be adjudged for misprision of Trea­son, and to suffer Imprisonment at the Kings will, and forfeit all their Goods and Chattels to him: And if the Queen out-lived the King, she is declared Regent till the Issue by her were of Age, if a Son 18, and if a Daughter 16 years of Age; and all the Kings Subjects were to Swear that they would maintain the Contents of this Act, and whoever being required, did refuse it, was to be judged guilty of misprision of Treason, and punished accordingly.’ The Oath it seems was likewise agreed on in the House of Lords, for the Form of it is set down in their Journal as follows.

‘The Oath about the Suc­ces [...]ion.Ye shall Swear to bear Faith, Truth, and Obedience alonely to the Kings Majesty, and to his Heirs of his body of his most dear and en­tirely beloved lawful Wife Queen Anne, begotten and to be begotten. And further, to the Heirs of our said Soveraign Lord according to the limitation in the Statute made for surety of his Succession in the Crown of this Realm mentioned and contained, and not to any other within this Realm, nor Forreign Authority or Potentate. And in case any Oath be made, or hath been made, by you to any Person or Persons, that then ye to repute the same as vain and annihilate. And that to your cunning, wit, and uttermost of your Power, without guile, fraud, or other undue means, ye shall observe, keep, maintain, and defend the said Act of Succession and all the whole Effects and Contents thereof, and all other Acts and Statutes made in Confirma­tion, or for Execution of the same, or of any thing therein contained. And this ye shall do against all manner of Persons of what Estate, Dignity, Degree, or condition soever they be; and in no wise to do or attempt, nor to your power suffer to be done or attempted, direct­ly or indirectly, any thing or things, privily or appartly, to the let, hindrance, damage, or derogation thereof, or of any part of the same, by any manner of means, or for any manner of pretence. So help you God, and all Saints, and the holy Evangelists.’

And thus was the Kings Marriage confirmed. But when the Com­mons returned this Bill to the Lords, they sent them another with it, concerning the proceedings against Hereticks. There had been com­plaints made formerly, as was told before, of the severe and intolerable proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Courts against Hereticks: And on the 4th of F [...]bruary, the Commons sent up a complaint made by one Thomas Philips against the Bishop of London, for using him cruelly in Prison, upon the suspition of Heresie; but the Lords doing nothing in it, on the 1st of March the House of Commons sent some of their number to the Bishop, requiring him to make answer to the complaints exhibited against him,Journal Pro­cer. who acquainted the House of Lords with it the next day: but as they had formerly laid aside the complaint as not worthy of their time, so they all with one consent answered, That it was not fit for any of the Peers to appear or answer at the Barr of the House of Commons. Upon this the House of Commons finding they could do nothing in that particular case, resolved to provide an effectual remedy for such abuses for the future: And therefore sent up a Bill about the punishment of Hereticks, which was read that day for the first time, and the second and third time on the 27th and 28th, in which it passed.

[Page 147] ‘The Act was a repeal of the Statute of the 2d. of Henry the 4th, by which Bishops upon suspition of Heresie might commit any to Prison, as was before told, but in that Act there was no Declaration made,Act about punishing He­reticks, 14 in the St [...]tute Book, 33 in the Record, 31 in the Journal: what was Heresie, except in the general words of what was contrary to Scriptures, or Canonical Sanctions. This was liable to great Ambigu­ity, by which men were in much danger, and not sufficiently in­structed what was Heresie. They also complained of their proceedings without Presentment or Accusation, contrary to what was practised in all other cases, even of Treason it self; and many Canonical Sancti­ons had been established only by Popes without any Divine Precept, therefore they repealed the Act of Henry the 4th, but left the Sta­tutes of Richard the 2d, and Henry the 5th still in force, with the fol­lowing Regulation: That Hereticks should be proceeded against upon Presentments, by two Witnesses at least, and then be Committed, but brought to answer to their Enditements in open Court; and if they were found guilty, and would not abjure, or were relapse, to be ad­judged to death; the Kings Writ De Haeretico comburendo being first obtained. It was also declared, that none should be troubled upon any of the Popes Canons or Laws, or for speaking or doing against them. It was likewise provided that men Committed for Heresie might be Bailed.’

It may easily be imagined how acceptable this Act was to the whole Nation, since it was such an effectual limitation of the Ecclesiastical Power, in one of the uneasiest parts of it; and this Regulation of the Arbitrary proceedings of the Spiritual Courts, was a particular blessing to all that favoured Reformation. But as the Parliament was going on with these good Laws, there came a Submission from the Clergy then sitting in Convocation, to be passed in Parliament. With what opposi­tion it went through the two Houses of Convocation, and the House of Commons, is not known; for as the Registers of the Convocation are burnt, so it does not appear that there were any Journals kept in the House of Commons at that time. On the 27th of March it was sent up to the Lords, and since the Spiritual Lords had already consented to it, there was no reason to apprehend any opposition from the Temporal Lords. The Session was now near an end, so they made haste and read it twice that day, and the third time the next day, and passed it. The Contents of it were: ‘The Clergy acknowledged that all Convocati­ons had been and ought to be assembled by the Kings Writ; and pro­mised in verbo Sacerdotii, The submis­sion made by the Clergy to the King, 19 in the Statute Book, 25 in the Record. that they would never make nor execute any new Canons or Constitutions, without the Royal assent to them; and since many Canons had been received that were found prejudicial to the Kings Prerogative, contrary to the Laws of the Land, and hea­vy to the Subjects, That therefore there should be a Committee of thirty two Persons, sixteen of the two Houses of Parliament, and as many of the Clergy to be named by the King, who should have full power to abrogate or confirm Canons as they found it expedient; the Kings assent being obtained. This was confirmed by Act of Parliament, and by the same Act all appeals to Rome were again condemned. If any party found themselves agrieved in the Arch-Bishops Courts, an appeal might be made to the King in the Court of Chancery; and the Lord-Chancellor was to grant a Commission under the Great-Seal [Page 148] for some Delegates, in whose determination all must acquiesce. All exempted Abbots were also to appeal to the King; and it con­cluded with a Proviso, that till such Correction of the Canons was made, all those which were then received should still remain in force, except such as were contrary to the Laws and Customs of the Realms, or were to the damage or hurt of the Kings Prerogative.’

This Proviso seemed to have a fair colour, that there might still be some Canons in force to govern the Church by; but since there was no day prefixed to the Determination of the Commission, this Proviso made that the Act never took effect; for now it lay in the Preroga­tive, and in the Judges breast, to declare what Canons were contrary to the Laws, or the Rights of the Crown: and it was judged more for the Kings Greatness to keep the matter undetermined, than to make such a Collection of Ecclesiastical Laws as should be fixed and unmove­able. The last of the publick Acts of this Session that related to the Church, was about the Election and Consecration of Bishops. On the 4th of February the Commons sent up a Bill to the Lords about the Consecration of Bishops;Journal Pro­c [...]r. it lay on the Table till the 27th of February, and was then cast out, and a new one drawn. On what reason it was cast out, is not mentioned, and the Journal does not so much as say that it was once read. The new Bill had its second reading the 3d of March, and on the 5th it was ordered to be Engross'd; and on the 9th it was read the third time, and agreed to, and sent down to the Commons, who returned it to the Lords on the 16th of March. ‘The first part of it is a confirmation of their former Act against Annates, to which they ad­ded, that Bishops should not be any more presented to the Bishop of Rome, or sue out any Bulls there, but that all Bishops should be pre­sented to the Arch-Bishop, [...], 26 in the Record. and Arch-Bishops to any Arch-Bishop in the Kings Dominions, or to any four Bishops whom the King should name; and that when any See was vacant, the King was to grant a Licence for a new Election, with a Letter missive, bearing the name of the Person that was to be chosen: and twelve days after these were delivered, an Election was to be returned by the Dean and Chapter, or Prior and Convent, under their Seals. Then the Person Elected was to swear Fealty to the King, upon which a Commission was to be issued out, for Consecrating and Investing him with the usual Ce­remonies; after which he was to do Homage to the King, and be re­stored both to the Spiritualities and Temporalities of his See, for which the King granted Commissions during the vacancy; and whoso­ever refused to obey the Contents of the Act, or acted contrary to it,were declared within the Statute of Premunire. Collect. [...]umb. 48.’ There passed a pri­vate Act for depriving the Bishops of Salisbury and Worcester, who were Cardinal Campegio and Ierome de Ghinuccii; the former deserved great­ter severities at the Kings hand, but the latter seems to have served him faithfully, and was recommended both by the King and the French King about a year before to a Cardinals Hat. ‘The Preamble of the Act bears, that persons promoted to Ecclesiastical Benefices ought to re­side within the Kingdom for preaching the Laws of Almighty God, and for keeping Hospitality; and since these Prelates did not that, but lived at the Court of Rome, and neglected their Diocesses, and made the Revenues of them be carried out of the Kingdoms, contrary to the [Page 149] intentions of the Founders, and to the prejudice of the Realm, 3000 l. being at least carried yearly out of the Kingdom; therefore their Dio­cesses were declared vacant.’

But now I come to the Act of the Attainder of Elizabeth Barton and her Complices, which I shall open fully,The Act about the Maid of K [...]nt ▪ and her Com­plices. since it was the first step that was made to Rebellion, and the first occasion of putting any to death upon this quarrel; and from it one will clearly see, the Genius of that part of the Clergy that adhered to the Interests of the Court of Rome. On the 21th of February the Bill was sent up to the Lords,12 in Statute Book, 31 in the Record, 7 in the Jour­n [...]. and read the first time; on the 26th it was read the second time, and com­mitted; then the Witnesses and other Evidences were brought before them, but chiefly she with all her Complices, who confessed the Crimes charged on her. It was reported and read the 6th of March the third time, and then the Lords addressed to the King to know his pleasure, whether Sir Thomas More, and others mentioned in the Act as Compli­ces, or at least Concealers, might not be heard to speak for themselves in the Star-Chamber: As for the Bishop of Rochester he was sick, but he had written to the House all that he had to say for his own excuse. What presumptions lay against Sir Thomas More, I have not been able to find out, only that he wrote a Letter to the Nun, at which the King took great exceptions; yet it appears he had a mean opinion of her,See his Works, pa [...] ▪ 1435. for in discourse with his beloved Daughter Mistress Roper, he called her commonly the silly Nun. But for justifying himself, he wrote a full account of all the entercourse he had with the Nun and her Complices to Cromwell; but tho by his other printed Letters, both to Cromwell and the King, it seems some ill impressions remained in the Kings mind about it, he still con­tinued to justifie not only his intentions, but his actions in that parti­cular. One thing is not unworthy of observation, that Rastall, who published his Works in Queen Maries time, printed the second Letter he wrote to Cromwell, yet did not publish that account which he sent first to him concerning it, to which More refers himself in all his follow­ing Letters; though it is more like a Copy of that would have been preserved, than of those other Letters that refer to it. But perhaps it was kept up on design; for in Queen Maries time they had a mind to magnifie that story of the Nuns, since she was thought to have suffered on her Mothers account: and among the other things she talked, one was that the Lady Mary should one day Reign in England, for which Sanders has since thought fit to make a Prophetess of her. And it is certain, More had a low opinion of her, which appears in many places of his printed Letters; but that would have been much plainer, if that full account he wrote of that Affair had been published; and there­fore that one of their Martyrs might not lessen the esteem of another, it was fit to suppress it. Whether my conjectures in this be well grounded, or not, is left to the Readers judgment. In conclusion, More's justifications seconded with the good Offices that the Lord Chancellour Audley, and Cromwell did him, (who as appears by his Leters stood his Friends in that matter) did so work on the King, that his name was put out of the Bill, and so the Act was agreed on by both Houses, and the Royal assent followed. The mat­ter was this, ‘Elizabeth Barton of Kent, in the Parish of Aldington, being sick and distempered in her brain, fell in some Trances, (it [Page 150] seems by the Symptoms they were Hysterical fits) and spoke many words that made great impressions on some about her, who thought her Inspired of God, and Richard Master, Parson of the Parish, hoping to draw great advantages from this, went to Warham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and gave him a large account of her Speeches, who ordered him to attend her carefully, and bring him a further report of any new Trances, she might afterwards fall in. But she had forgot all she had said in her fits, yet the crafty Priest would not let it go so, but perswaded her, that what she had said, was by the Inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and that she ought to own that it was so. Upon which he taught her to counterfeit such traunces, and to utter such speeches as she had done before; so that after a whiles Practice, she became very ready at it. The thing was much noised abroad, and many came to see her, but the Priest had a mind to raise the reputation of an Image of the Blessed Virgin, that was in a Chappel within his Parish, that so Pilgrima­ges being made to it, he might draw these advantages from it, that others made from their famed Images, but chose for his Associ­ate one Doctor Bocking, a Canon of Christ-Church in Canterbury: Upon which they instructed her to say in her Counterfeited traun­ces, that the Blessed Virgin had appeared to her, and told her she could never recover, till she went and visited her Image in that Chappel. They had also taught her in her fits to make strange motions with her body, by which she was much diffigured, and to speak many Godly words against Sin, and the new Doctrines, which were called Heresies, as also against the Kings suit of Divorce. It was also noised abroad, on what day she intended to go and visit the Image of the Virgin, so that about 2000 people were gather­ed together, and she being brought to the Chappel, fell into her fits and made many strange Grimaces and alterations of her body, and spake many words of great piety, saying, that by the Inspira­tion of God, she was called to be a Religious Woman, and that Bocking was to be her Ghostly Father. And within a little while she seemed by the intercession of our Lady, to be perfectly recover­ed of her former distempers, and she afterwards professed a Religi­ous Life. There were also violent suspitions of her incontinency, and that Bocking was a Carnal, as well as a Spiritual Father. She fell in many raptures, and pretended she saw strange Visions, heard Heavenly Melody, and had the Revelation of many things that were to come, so that great credit was given to what she said, and people generally looked on her as a Prophetess, and among those the late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was led away with the rest. A Book was writ of her Revelations and Prophecies by one Deer­ing another Monk, who was taken in to the Conspiracy with many others. It was also given out that Mary Magdalen gave her a Let­ter that was writ in Heaven, which was shewed to many, being all writ in Golden Letters. She pretended when the King was last at Calais, that he being at Mass, an Angel brought away the Sacra­ment and gave it to her, being then invisibly present, and that she was presently brought over the Sea to her Monastery again. But the design of all these traunces was to alienate the people from their [Page 151] duty to the King, for the Maid gave it out, that God revealed to her, that if the King went on in the Divorce and Marryed another Wife, he should not be King a Month longer, and in the reputation of Almighty God not one howr longer, but should die a villains Death. This, she said was revealed to her in answer to the prayers she had put up to God, to know whether he approved of the Kings proceed­ings or not? Which coming to the knowledg of the Bishop of Rochester and some others, who adhered to the Queens interests, they had frequent meetings with the Maid, and concealed what she spake concerning the King, and some of them gave such credit to what she said, that they practised on many others to draw them from their allegeance, and prevailed with several of the Fathers and Nuns of Sion, of the Charter-House in London and Shene, and of the Obser­vants of Richmont, Greenwich and Canterbury, with a great many o­ther persons.’

This appeared most signally at Greenwich, The [...] of the [...] ▪ where the King lived most in Summer, for one Peto being to preach in the Kings Chap­pel, denounced heavy judgments upon him to his face, and told him, that many lying prophets had deceived him, S [...]ow. but he as a true Michaja [...] warned him that the dogs should lick his blood as they had done Ahabs (for that prophecy about Ahab was his Text) with many other bit­ter words, and Concluded, that it was the greatest misery of Princes, to be daily so abused by flatterers as they were. The King bore it patient­ly, and expressed no signs of any commotion, but to undeceive the people, he took care that Doctor Corren or Carwin should preach next Sunday, who justified the Kings proceedings, and condemned Peto as a Rebel, a Slanderer, a Dog, and a Traytor. Peto was gone to Can­terbury, but another observant Frier of the same House, Elston inter­rupted him: and said he was one of the lying Prophets, that sought by Adultery to establish the Succession to the Crown, and that he would justifie all that Peto had said, and speak many other things with great vehemency, nor could they silence him, till the King him­self commanded him to hold his peace. And yet all that was done either to him, or Peto, was, that being called before the Privie Coun­cil, they were rebuked for their insolence, by which it appears, that King Henry was not very easily inflamed against them, when a crime of so high a Nature was so slightly passed over.

‘Nor was this all, but the Fathers that were in the Conspiracy, had confederated to publish these Revelations in their Sermons, up and down the Kingdom. They had also given Notice of them to the Popes Ambassadors, and had brought the Maid to declare her Reve­lations to them, they had also sent an account to Queen Katharine for encouraging her to stand out and not submit to the Laws, of which Confederacy Thomas Abel was likewise one.’ The thing that was in so many hands could not be a secret,Stow. therefore the King who had despised it long, ordered that in Nouember the former year the Maid and her Complices, Richard Master, Doctor Bocking, Richard Deer­ing, Henry Gold, a Parson in London, Hugh Rich an observant Frier, Richard Risby, Thomas Gold and Edward Twaites Gentlemen, and Tho­mas Laurence should be brought into the Star-Chamber, where there was a great appearance of many Lords, they were examined upon [Page 152] the premises, and did all without any rack or torture confess the whole Conspiracy, and were adjudged to stand in Pauls all the Sermon time; and after Sermon, the Kings Officers were to give every one of them his Bill of Confession to be openly read before the people, which was done next Sunday, the Bishop of Bangor preaching, they being all set in a Scaffold before him. This publick manner was thought upon good grounds, to be the best way to satisfie the people of the Imposture of the whole matter, and it did very much convince them, that the cause must needs be bad, where such methods were used to support it. From thence they were carryed to the Tower, where they lay till the Session of Parliament, but when they lay there, some of their Complices sent messages to the Nun, to encourage her to deny all that she had said; and it is very probable, that the reports that went abroad of her being forced or cheated into a Confession, made the King think it necessary to proceed more severely against her. The thing being considered in Parliament, it was judged a Conspi­racy against the Kings Life and Crown. So the Nun and Master, Bock­ing, Deering, Rich, Risby and Henry Gold were Attainted of high Treason. And the Bishop of Rochester, Thomas Gold, Thomas Lau­rence, Edward Twaites, Iohn Adeson, and Thomas Abell, were judged guilty of misprision of Treason, and to forfeit their goods and Chattels to the King, and to be imprisoned during his pleasure, and all the Books that were written of her Revelations, were ordered to be sent in, to some of the chief Officers of State, under the pains of Fine and Imprisonment. It had been also found, that the Letter which she pretended to have got from Mary Magdalen e, was written by one Hankherst of Canterbury, and that the door of the Dormitorie, which was given out to be made open by miracle, that she might go into the Chappel for Converse with God, was opened by some of her Complices, for beastly and carnal ends. But in the Conclu­sion of the Act, all others who had been corrupted in their Allegi­ance by these impostures, except the persons before named, were at the earnest intercession of Queen Anne, pardoned.

The two Houses of Parliament (having ended their business) were prorogued on the 29th of March, to the 3d of November, and before they broke up, all the Members of both Houses, that they might give a good example to the Kings other Subjects, swore the Oath of Suc­cession, as appears from the Act made about it in the next Session of Parliament. The Execution of these persons was delayed for some time, it is like, till the King had a return from Rome, of the Mes­senger he had sent thither with his Submission.

Soon after that, on the 20 of April, the Nun and Bocking, Master, Deering, Risby and Gold (Rich is not named being perhaps either dead or pardoned) were brought to Tiburn. The Nun spake these words. Hither I am come to die, and I have not been only the cause of mine own death, The Nuns speech at her death. which most justly I have deserved, but also I am the cause of the death of all those persons, which at this time here suffer. And yet to say the truth, I am not so much to be blamed, considering that it was well known to these learned men, Hall. that I was a poor wench without Learn­ing, and therefore they might easily have perceived, that the things that were done by me, could not proceed in no such sort; but their capacities [Page 153] and Learning could right well judge, from whence they proceeded, and that they were altogether feigned; but because the thing which I feigned was profitable to them, therefore they much praised me, and bore me in hand, that it was the Holy-Ghost and not I, that did them; and then I being pussed up with their praises, fell into a certain pride and foolish fantasie with my self, and thought I might feign what I would, which thing hath brought me to this case: and for the which now, I cry God and the Kings Highness most heartily Mercy, and desire you, all good people, to pray to God to have mercy on me, and on all them that here suffer with me,

On all this I have dwelt the longer, both because these are all cal­led Martyrs by Sanders, and that this did first provoke the King against the Regular Clergy, and drew after it all the severities that were done in the rest of his Reign. The foulness and the wicked designs of this Imposture, did much alienate people from the Interest of Rome, and made the other Acts both pass more easily, and be better receiv­ed by the people. It was also generally believed, that what was now discovered was no new practice, but that many of the Visions and Miracles, by which Religious Orders had raised their Credit so high, were of the same Nature: and it made way for the destroying of all the Monasteries in England, though all the severity which at this time followed on it, was that the Observant Friers of Richmont, Stow▪ Green­wich, Canterbury, Newark, and Newcastle were removed out of their Houses, and put with the other Gray-Friers, and Augustin-Friers were put in their Houses.

But because of the great name of Fisher Bishop of Rochester, and since this was the first step to his ruin, it is necessary to give a fuller account of his carriage in this matter. When the cheat was first discovered, Cromwell then Secretary of State,Fisher gently dealt with. sent the Bishops Brother to him, with a sharp reproof for his carriage in that business; but withal advised him to write to the King, and acknowledge his of­fence, and desire his pardon, which he knew the King, considering his Age and sickness, would grant. But he wrote back, excusing himself, that all he did, was only to try, whether her Revelations were true? He confessed,But is obsti­nate and in­tractable. he conceived a great opinion of her Holi­ness, both from common Fame, and her entring into Religion; from the report of her Ghostly Father, whom he esteemed Learned and Religious, and of many other Learned and Vertuous Priests; from the good opinion the late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had of her, and from what is in the Prophet Amos, That God will do nothing without revealing it to his Servants. That upon these grounds, he was in­duced to have a good opinion of her; and that to try the truth a­bout her, he had sometimes spoken with her, and sent his Chaplains to her, but never discovered any falsehood in her. And for his con­cealing what she had told him about the King, which was laid to his charge, he thought it needless for him to speak of it to the King, since she had said to him, that she had told it to the King her self: She had named no person who should kill the King, which by being known, might have been prevented. And as in Spiritual things, e­very Church-man was not bound to denounce judgments against those that could not bear it; so in temporal things, the case might be the same; and the King had on other occasions spoken so sharply to him, [Page 154] that he had reason to think, the King would have been offended with him for speaking of it, and would have suspected that he had a hand in it; therefore he desired for the passion of Christ to be no more troubled about that matter, otherwise he would speak his Conscience freely. To all which, Cromwell wrote a long Letter, which the Reader will find in the Collection,Collect. Numb. 49. Cott. Lib. Cleo­pat [...]e. E. 4. copied from the rude draught of it, written with his own hand. In which he charges the Matter upon him heavily, and shews him, that he had not proceeded, as a grave Prelate ought to have done; for he had taken all that he had heard of her upon trust, and had examined nothing; that if every person that pretends to Revelations were believed on their own words, all Government would be thereby destroyed. He had no reason to conclude from the Prophecie of Amos, that every thing that is to fall out, must be revealed to some Prophet, since many notable things had fallen out, of which there was no Revelation made before hand. But he told him the true reason that made him give credit to her, was, the matter of her Prophecies: to which he was so addicted, as he was to every other thing in which he once entred, that nothing could come amiss that served to that end. And he appealed to his Conscience, whether if she had prophecied for the King, he would have given such easie credit to her, and not have examined the mat­ter further. Then he showes how guilty he was, in not revealing what concerned the Kings Life, and how frivolous all his excuses were. And after all, tells him, that though his excusing the matter had provoked the King, and that if it came to a Tryal, he would cer­tainly be found guilty; yet again he advises him to beg the Kings pardon for his Negligence, and offence in that matter; and under­takes that the King would receive him into his favour, and that all matters of displeasure pass'd before that time, should be forgiven and forgotten. This shows that though Fisher had in the progress of the Kings cause, given him great offence, yet he was ready to pass it all over, and not to take the advantage, which he now had against him. But Fisher was still obstinate and made no submission, and so was included within the Act for misprision of Treason; and yet I do not find, that the King proceeded against him upon this Act, till by new provocations he drew a heavier storm of indignation upon him­self.

When the Session of Parliament was at an end, Commissioners were sent every-where,The Oath for the Succes­sion generally sworn. Orig. Cott. Lib. Otho. C. [...]. to offer the Oath of the Succession to the Crown, to all, according to the Act of Parliament, which was uni­versally taken by all sorts of persons. Gardiner wrote from Winchester the 6th of May to Cromwell, that in the presence of the Lord Cham­berlain, the Lord Audley, and many other Gentlemen, all Abbots, Pri­ors, Wardens, with the Curates of all Parishes and Chappels with­in the Shire, had appeared and taken the Oath very obediently; and had given in a list of all the Religious persons in their Houses of 14 years of Age and above, for taking whose Oaths some Commissioners were appointed. The forms in which they took the Oath are not known, and it is no wonder, for though they were enrolled, yet in Queen Maries time there was a Commission given to Bonner and o­thers, to examine the Records and raze out of them all things, that [Page 155] were done either in contempt of the See of Rome, or to the defama­tion of Religious Houses, pursuant to which, there are many things taken out of the Rolls, which I shall sometimes have occasion after­wards to take notice of; yet some Writings have escaped their dili­gence, so there remains but two of the Subscriptions of Religious Or­ders, both bearing date the 4th of May 1534. One is by the Prior and Convent of Langley Regis, that were Dominicans, the Franciscans of Ailesbury, the Dominicans of Dunstable, the Franciscans of Bedford, the Carmelites of Hecking and the Franciscans de Mare. The other is by the Prioress and Convent of the Dominican Nuns at Deptford.

‘In these, besides the renewing their allegiance to the King,Collect. Numb. 50. Rot. Claus. they swear the Lawfulness of his Marriage with Queen Anne, and that they shall be true to the Issue begotten in it, that they shall al­ways acknowledge the King, Head of the Church of England: and that the Bishop of Rome has no more Power, than any other Bishop has in his own Diocess, and that they should submit to all the Kings Laws, notwithstanding the Popes censures to the con­trary. That in their Sermons they should not pervert the Scrip­tures,Those last claus [...] [...] not in the other Writing. but preach Christ and his Gospel sincerely according to the Scriptures, and the Tradition of Orthodox and Catholick Doctors, and in their Prayers that they should pray first for the King, as Supreme Head of the Church of England, then for the Queen and her issue, and then for the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and the other ranks of the Clergy.’ To this these Six Priors set their hands with the Seals of their Convents, and in their Subscriptions declared, that they did it freely and uncompelled, and in the name of all the Brethren in the Convent.

But Sir. Thomas More and the Bishop of Rochester, More and Fi­sher refuse the Oath. refused to take the Oath as it was conceived: Whose Fall being so remarkable, I shall shew the steps of it. There was a meeting of the Privy Council at Lambeth, to which many were cited to appear, and take the Oath.See his works▪ p. 1428. Sr. Thomas More was first called, and the Oath was tendred to him under the great Seal, then he called for the Act of Succession, to which it re­lated, which was also shewed him: having considered of them, he said he would neither blame these that made the Act, nor those that Swore the Oath, but for his part, though he was willing to Swear to the Succession, if he might be suffered to draw an Oath concern­ing it, yet for the Oath that was offered him, his Conscience so mo­ved him, that he could not without hazarding his Soul take it. Up­on this, the Lord Chancellour told him, that he was the first who had refused to Swear it, and that the King would be highly offended with him for denying it, and so he was desired to withdraw and con­sider better of it. Several others were called upon, and did all take the Oath, except the Bishop of Rochester, who answered upon the matter as More had done. When the Lords had dispatched all the rest, More was again brought before them: they shewed him how many had taken it, he answered, he judged no man for doing it, on­ly he could not do it himself. Then they asked the reasons why he refused it? He answered, he feared it might provoke the King more against him, if he should offer reasons which would be called a dispu­ting against Law: but when he was further pressed to give his rea­sons, [Page 156] he said if the King would command him to do it, he would put them in Writing.

The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury urged him with this Argument, that since he said he blamed no other person for taking it, it seemed he was not perswaded it was a Sin, but was doubtful in the matter: but he did certainly know, he ought to obey the King, and the Law, so there was a certainty on the one hand, and only a doubt on the o­ther; therefore he was obliged to do that about which he was cer­tain, notwithstanding these his doubtings. This did shake him a lit­tle, especially (as himself writes) coming out of so Noble a Prelates mouth: but he answered, that, though he had examined the matter very carefully, yet his Conscience leaned positively to the other side; and he offered to purge himself by his Oath, that it was purely out of a Principle of Conscience, and out of no light Fantasie or Obsti­nacy that he thus refused it. The Abbot of Westminster pressed him, that however the matter appeared to him, he might see his Con­science was Erroneous, since the great Council of the Realm was of another mind, and therefore he ought to change his Conscience. (A Reasoning very fit for so rich an Abbot, which discovers of what temper his Conscience was) But to this More answered, that if he were alone against the whole Parliament, he had reason to suspect his own understanding; but he thought he had the whole Council of Christendome on his side, as well as the great Council of England was against him. Secretary Cromwell, who (as More writes) tender­ly favoured him, seeing his ruin was now inevitable, was much affe­cted at it; and protested with an Oath, he had rather his own only Son had lost his head, than that he should have refused the Oath. Thus both he and the Bishop of Rochester refused it, but both offer­ed to Swear another Oath for the Succession of the Crown to the is­sue of the Kings present Marriage, because that was in the Power of the Parliament to determine it. Cranmer, who was a moderate and wise man, and foresaw well the ill effects that would follow on contending so much, with persons so highly esteemed over the World, and of such a temper, that severity would bend them to nothing, did by an earnest Letter to Cromwell dated the 27th of April move,Weavers Mo­numents, page 504 and 506. that what they offered might be accepted; for if they once Swore to the Succession, it would quiet the Kingdom, for they acknowledging it, all other persons would acquiesce and submit to their Judgments. But this sage advice was not accepted.

And are pro­ceeded a­gainst.The King was much irritated against them, and resolved to pro­ceed with them according to Law, and therefore they were both in­dicted upon the Statute, and Committed Prisoners to the Tower. And it being apprehended, that if they had Books and Paper given them, they would write against the Kings Marriage or his Supre­macy, these were denyed them. The Old Bishop was hardly used, his Bishoprick was seized on, and all his goods taken from him, on­ly some old rags were left to cover him; and he was neither supply­ed well in diet nor other necessaries, of which he made sad com­plaints to Cromwell. But the remander of this Tragical business, which left one of the greatest blots on this Kings proceedings, falling with­in the limits of the next Book, I haste on to the Conclusion of this.

[Page 157]The Separation from Rome was made in the former Session of Par­liament, but the Kings Supremacy was not yet fully setled. This was reserved for the next Session that sate in November from the 3d of that month, to the 18th of December, Another Ses­sion of Parlia­ment. about which we can have no light from the Journals, they being lost. ‘The first Act Confirm­ed what had been already acknowledged by the Clergy,The Kings Supremacy declared. that the King was the Supream Head in Earth, of the Church of England, which was to be annexed to his other Titles: it was also enacted that the King and his heirs and Successors should have Power to vi­sit and reform all Heresies, Errors, and other Abuses, which in the Spiritual jurisdiction, ought to be reform'd.’

By the Second Act they Confirmed the Oath about the Succession,The Oath a­bout the Suc­cession con­ [...]i [...]med. concerning which some doubts had been made, because there was no Oath specified in the former Act: though both Houses had taken it: it was now Enacted, that all the Subjects were obliged to take it when offered to them, under the pains contained in the Act pass'd in the former Session. By the Third Act, the first Fruits and Tenths of all Ecclesiastical Benefices were given to the King,The first Fruits of Be­nefices given to the King. as the Supream Head of the Church. The Clergy were easily prevailed on, to con­sent to the putting down of the Annates, pay'd to the Court of Rome, for all men readily concur to take off any Imposition; but at that time it had perhaps abated much of their heartiness, if they had imagined that these duties should have been still payed, therefore that was kept up till they had done all that was to be done against Rome. And now as the Commons and the Secular Lords would no doubt easily agree to lay a taxe on the Clergy, so the others having no forreign sup­port, were not in a condition to wrestle against it.

In the Thirteenth Act,Sundry things are declared Treason. among other things that were made Trea­son, one was the denying the King the Dignity, Title or name, of his Estate Royal: or the calling the King Heretick, Schismatick, Ty­rant, Infidel, or Usurper of the Crown. This was done to restrain the Insolencies of some Friars, and all such offenders were to be denyed the Priviledge of Sanctuaries. By the Fourteenth Act,An Act for Suffragan Bi­shops. provision was made for Suffragan Bishops, which as is said, had been accustomed to be had within this Realm, for the more speedy administration of the Sacra­ments, and other good wholesom and devout things, and laudable ceremo­nies, to the encrease of Gods honour, and for the commodity of good and de­vout people, therefore they appointed for Suffragans Sees, the Towns of Thetford, Ipswich, Colechester, Dover, Gilford, Southampton, Taun­ton, Shaftbury, Malton, Marleborough, Bedford, Leicester, Glocester, Shrewsbury, Bristol, Penreth, Bridgewater, Nottingham, Grantham, H [...]ll, Huntington, Cambridge, and the Towns of Pereth and Berwick, St. Germans in Cornwall, and the Isle of Wight. For these Sees the Bi­shop of the Diocess was to present two to the King, who might choose either of them, and present the person so named, to the Arch-Bishop of the Province, to be Consecrated; after which, they might exer­cise such jurisdiction as the Bishop of the Diocess should give to them, or as Suffragans had been formerly used to do, but their Au­thority was to last no longer than the Bishop continued his Commis­sion to them. But that the Reader may more clearly see how this Act was executed, he shall find in the Collection,Collect. Numb. 51. a Writ for making [Page 158] a Suffragan Bishop. These were believed to be the same with the Chor [...]piscopi in the Primitive Church, which as they were begun before the first Council of Nice, so they continued in the Western Church till the Ninth Century, and then a Decretal of Damasus be­ing forged, that condemned them, they were put down every-where by degrees,Act 26. Ro [...]. Parl. A Subsidy granted. and now revived in England. Then followed the grant of a Subsidy to the King: It was now Twelve years since there was any Subsidy granted. A Fiveteenth and a Tenth were given, to be payed in Three years, the final payment being to be at Allhallon­tide, in the year 1537. ‘The Bill began with a most Glorious Pream­ble of the Kings high Wisdom and Policy in the Government of the Kingdom these Twenty Four years in great wealth and quiet­ness, and the great charges he had been at in the last War with Scotland, in fortifying Callais, and in the War of Ireland, and that he intended to bring the wilful, wild, and unreasonable, and savage people of Ireland, to Order and Obedience, and intended to build Forts on the Marches of Scotland, for the security of the Nation, to amend the Haven of Calais, and make a new one at Dover. By all which they did perceive the entire love and zeal which the King bore to his People, and that he sought not their wealth and quietness, on­ly for his own time, being a Mortal man, but did provide for it in all time coming, therefore they thought that of very equity, rea­son, and good Conscience, they were bound to show like corre­spondence of zeal, gratitude and kindness.’ Upon this the King sent a general pardon with some exceptions, ordinary in such cases. But Fisher and More, were not only excluded from this pardon by general Clauses,More and Fi­sher attainted. Act. 3. and 4. Rot. Parl. but by two particular Acts they were attainted of misprision of Treason. By the Third Act according to the Record, Iohn Bishop of Rochester, Christopher Plummer, Nicholas Wilson, Edward Powel, Richard Fetherston, and Miles Willyr Clerks, were attainted for refu­sing the Oath of Succession, and the Bishoprick of Rochester, with the Benefices of the other Clerks were declared void from the 2d of Ia­nuary next, yet it seems few were fond of succeeding him in that See, for Iohn Hilsey the next Bishop of Rochester was not Consecra­ed before the year 1537. ‘By the Fourth Act Sr. Thomas More is by an Invidious Preamble charged with ingratitude, for the great fa­vours he had received from the King, and for studying to sow and make sedition among the Kings Subjects, and refusing to take the Oath of Succession, therefore they declared the Kings Grants to him to be void, and attaint him of misprision of Treason.’

This severity though it was blamed by many, yet others thought it was necessary in so great a Change;The Pro­ceedings a­gainst them variously cen­sured. since the Authority of these two men was such, that if some signal notice had not been taken of them, many might by their endeavors, especially encouraged by that Impunity, have been corrupted in their affections to the King. Others thought the prosecuting them in such a manner, did rather raise their reputation higher, and give them more credit with the people, who are naturally enclined to pity those that suffer, and to think well of those opinions, for which they see men resolved, to endure all extre­mities. But others observed the justice of God, in retaliating thus up­on them their own severities to others, for as Fisher did grievously [Page 159] prosecute the preachers of Luthers Doctrine, so Mores hand had been very heavy on them as long as he had Power, and he had shewed them no mercy, but the extremity of the Law, which himself now felt to be very heavy. Thus ended this Session of Parliament, with which this Book is also to conclude, for now I come to a Third pe­riod of the Kings Reign, in which he did Govern his Subjects with­out any Competitor, but I am to stop a little, and give an account of the Progress of the Reformation in these years that I have past through.

The Cardinal was no great persecutor of Hereticks,The progress of the Refor­mation. which was generally thought to flow from his hatred of the Clergy, and that he was not ill pleased to have them depressed. During the agita­tion of the Kings process, there was no prosecution of the Preach­ers of Luthers Doctrine, whether this flowed from any Intimation of the Kings pleasure to the Bishops or not, I cannot tell, but it is very probable it must have been so, for these opinions were receiv­ed by many, and the Popish Clergy were so inclined to severity, that as they wanted not Occasions, so they had a good mind to use those Preachers cruelly, so that it is likely the King restrained them, and that was always mixed with the other threatnings to work upon the Pope, that Heresie would prevail in England, if the King got not justice done him, so that till the Cardinal fell, they were put to no further trouble.

But as soon as More came into favour, he pressed the King much, to put the Laws against Hereticks in execution, and suggested that the Court of Rome would be more wrought upon, by the Kings sup­porting the Church, and defending the Faith vigorously, than by threatnings: and therefore a long Proclamation was issued out against the Hereticks, many of their Books were prohibited, and all the Laws against them were appointed to be put in execution,Fox. and great care was taken to seize them as they came into England, but many escaped their diligence.

There were some at Antwerp, Tindal, Ioye, Constantine, Tindal and others at An­twerp. with a few more, that were every year writing and printing new Books chiefly against the corruptions of the Clergy, the Superstition of pilgrimages, of worshiping Images, Saints, and Relicks, and against relying on these things, which were then called in the common style, Good works, in opposition to which they wrote much about Faith in Christ with a true Evangelical obedience, as the only mean by which men could be saved. The Book that had the great­est Authority and influence, was Tindals Translation of the new Te­stament, of which the Bishops made great complaints, and said, it was full of errors. But Tonstall then Bishop of London, being a man of invincible moderation, would do no body hurt,Hall. yet endea­voured as he could, to get their Books into his hands: So being at Antwerp in the year 1529. as he returned from his Embassie at the Treaty of Cambray, he sent for one Packington an English Merchant there, and desired him to see how many New Testaments of Tin­dals Translation he might have for Money. Packington, who was a secret favourer of Tindal, told him, what the Bishop proposed. Tin­dal was very glad of it, for being convinced of some faults in his [Page 158] [...] [Page 159] [...] [Page 160] work, he was designing a new and more correct Edition; but he was poor, and the former Impression not being sold off, he could not go about it: so he gave Packington all the Copies that lay in his hands, for which the Bishop payed the price, and brought them over, and burnt them publickly in Cheapside. This had such an hate­ful appearance in it,The New T [...]stament burnt. being generally called a burning of the Word of God, that people from thence concluded there must be a vi­sible contrariety, between that book and the Doctrines of those who so handled it; by which both their prejudice against the Clergy, and their desire of reading the New Testament was encreased. So that next year, when the Second Edition was finished, many more were brought over, and Constantine being taken in England, the Lord Chancel­lor in a private examination, promised him that no hurt should be done him if he would reveal who encouraged and supported them at Antwerp; which he accepted of, and told that the greatest encouragement they had, was from the Bishop of London, who had bought up half the Impression. This made all that heard of it laugh heartily, though more judicious persons discerned the great temper of that Learned Bishop in it. When the Clergy condemned Tindals Translation of the New Testament, they declared they intended to set out a true Translation of it; which many thought, was never truly designed by them, but only pretended, that they might restrain the Curiosity of seeing Tindals work, with the hopes of one that should be Autho­rized: and as they made no progress in it, so at length on the 24th of May, Anno 1530. there was a paper drawn and agreed to by Arch-Bishop Warham, Chancellor More, Bishop Tonstall, and many Canonists and Divines, which every Incumbent was commanded to read to his Parish, as a warning to prevent the Contagion of He­resie.The last Pa­per in Sr. Henry Sp [...]l­mans 2d vol. ‘The Contents of which were, that the King having called together many of the Prelates, with other Learned men out of both Universities, to examine some Books lately set out in the En­glish tongue, they had agreed to condemn them, as containing se­veral points of Heresie in them; and it being proposed to them, whether it was necessary to set forth the Scriptures in the vulgar tongue, they were of opinion, that though it had been sometimes done, yet it was not necessary, and that the King did well, not to set it out at that time in the English tongue. So by this all the hopes of a Translation of the Scriptures vanished.’

There came out another Book which took mightily, it was enti­tuled The Supplication of the Beggars, Supplication of the Beg­gars. written by one Simon Fish of Grayes-Inn. In it the Beggars complained to the King, that they were reduced to great misery, the Alms of the people being intercepted by companies of strong and idle Friars; for supposing that each of the Five Mendicant Orders, had but a Peny a quarter from every hou­shold, it did rise to a vast Sum, of which the Indigent and truly Necessitous Beggars were defrauded. Their being unprofitable to the Common-wealth, with several other things, were also complained of. He also taxed the Pope for Cruelty and Covetousness, that did not deliver all persons out of Purgatory, and that none but the Rich who payed well for it, could be discharged out of that Prison. This was written in a witty and taking Style, and the King had it put in [Page 161] his hands by Anne Boleyn, and lik'd it well, and would not suffer any thing to be done to the Author.

Chancellor More was the most zealous Champion the Clergy had,Mor [...] answer [...] it. for I do not find that any of them wrote much, only the Bishop of Ro­chester wrote for Purgatory; but the rest left it wholly to him, either be­cause few of them could write well, or that he being much esteemed, and a disinteressed person, things would be better received from him, than from them who were look'd on as Parties. So he answered this Supplication by another, in the name of the souls that were in Purgato­ry; representing the miseries they were in, and the great relief they found by the Masses the Friers said for them, and brought in every mans Ancestours calling earnestly upon him to befriend those poor Fri­ars now, when they had so many Enemies. He confidently asserted, it had been the Doctrine of the Church for many Ages, and brought ma­ny places out of the Scriptures to prove it, besides several reasons that seemed to confirm it. This, being writ of a Subject that would allow of a great deal of popular and moving Eloquence, in which he was ve­ry eminent, took with many.

But it discovered to others what was the Foundation of those Re­ligious Orders,Frith replie [...]. and that if the belief of Purgatory were once rooted out, all that was built on that Foundation must needs fall with it. So Iohn Frith wrote an answer to More's Supplication, to shew, that there was no ground for Purgatory in Scripture; and that it was not believed in the Primitive Church. He also answered the Bishop of Rochester's Book, and some Dialogues that were written on the same Subject, by Rastal a Printer, and Kinsman of Mores: He discovered the fallacy of their reasonings, which were built on the weakness, or defects of our Repentance in this Life; and that therefore there must be another state in which we must be further purified. To this he answered, That our sins were not pardoned for our Repentance, or the Perfection of it, but only for the Merits and Sufferings of Christ; and that if our Repentance is sincere, God accepts of it; and sin being once pardoned, it could not be further punished. He shewed the difference between the punish­ments we may suffer in this Life, and those in Purgatory; the one are either Medicinal Corrections for Reforming us more and more, or for giving Warning to others: The other are terrible Punishments with­out any of these ends in them: therefore the one might well consist with the free pardon of sin, the other could not. So he argued from all these places of Scripture, in which we are said to be freely pardoned our sins by the Blood of Christ, that no punishment in another state could con­sist with it: He also argued from all those places in which it is said, that we shall at the day of Judgment receive according to what we have done in the body, that there was no state of Purgatory beyond this life. For the places brought out of the Old Testament, he shewed they could not be meant of Purgatory, since according to the Doctrine of the School-men there was no going to Purgatory before Christ. For the places in the New Testament he appealed to More's great Friend, Erasmus, whose Exposition of these places differed much from his Glos­ses. That place in the Epistle to the Corinthians about the fire, that was to try every mans work, he said, was plainly Allegorical; and since the Foundation, the building of Gold, Silver, and precious Stones; of Wood, [Page 162] Hay and Stubble, were Figuratively taken, there was no reason to take the fire in a literal sense: therefore by fire was to be understood the Per­secution then near at hand; called in other places, the fiery trial.

For the Ancient Doctors, he shewed, that in the fourth Century, St. Ambrose, Ierome, and St. Austin, the three great Doctors of that Age did not believe it, and cited several passages out of their Writings. It is true, St. Austin went further than the rest, for though in some pas­sages he delivered his Opinion against it, yet in other places he spake of it more doubtfully as a thing that might be enquired into, but that it could not be certainly known; and indeed before Gregory the Greats time, it was not received in the Church, and then the Benedictine Monks were beginning to spread and grow numerous, and they to draw advantages from it, told many stories of Visions and Dreams, to possess the world with the belief of it; then the trade grew so profitable, that ever since it was kept up, and improved: and what succeeded so well with one Society and Order, to enrich themselves much by it, was an encou­ragement to others to follow their tract in the same way of traffick. This Book was generally well received, and the Clergy were so offended at the Author, that they resolved to make him feel a real fire whenever he was catched, for endeavoring to put out their imaginary one.

That from which More and others took greatest advantage, was, that the new preachers prevailed only on simple Tradsemen, and wo­men, and other illiterate persons: but to this the others answered, That the Pharisees made the same objection to the followers of Christ, who were Fisher-men, women, and rude Mechanicks; but Christ told them, that to the poor the Gospel was preached; and when the Philosophers and Jews objected that to the Apostles: They said Gods glory did the more appear, since not many rich, wise, or noble, were called, but the poor and despised were chosen: that men who had much to lose, had not that simplicity of mind, nor that disingagement from worldly things, that was a necessary disposition to fit them for a Doctrine, which was like to bring much trouble and persecution on them.

Thus I have opened some of these things, which were at that time disputed by the pen,The cruel proceedings against the Reformers. in which opposition new things were still star­ted and examined. But this was too feeble a weapon for the de­fence of the Clergy, therefore they sought out sharper tools. So there were many brought into the Bishops Courts, some for teach­ing their Children the Lords Prayer, in English, some for reading the forbidden Books, some for harbouring the Preachers, some for speaking against Pilgrimages, or the worshipping and adorning of Ima­ges, some for not observing the Church Fasts, some for not coming to Confession and the Sacrament, and some for speaking against the Vices of the Clergy. Most of these were simple and illiterate men, and the terrour of the Bishops Courts, and Prisons, and of a Faggot in the end, wrought so much on their fears and weakness, that they ge­nerally abjured, and were dismissed. But in the end of the year, 1530. one Thomas Hitton, More. who had been Curate of Maidston, and had left that place, going oft to Antwerp; he bringing over some of the Books that were printed there, was taken at Gravesend, and brought before War­ham and Fisher, Tindal. who, after he had suffered much by a long and cruel Im­prisonment, condemned him to be Burnt.

[Page 163]The most eminent person that suffered about this time, was Tho­mas Bilney, of whose Abjuration an account was given in the first Book: he after that, went to Cambridge, Bilneys Tryal. and was much troubled in his Conscience, for what he had done, so that the rest of that Society at Cambridge, were in great apprehensions of some violent effect, which that desperation might produce,Latimers Ser­mons. and sometimes watched him whole nights. This continued about a year, but at length his mind was more quieted, and he resolved to expiate his Abjuration, by as pub­lick and solemn a Confession of the Truth: and to prepare himself the better both to defend and suffer for the Doctrines, which he had formerly through fear denyed; he followed his Studies for two years. And when he found himself well fortified in this resolution, he took leave of his Friends at Cambridge, and went to his own Countrey of Norfolk, to whom he thought he owed his first endeavours.

He preached up and down the Countrey,The things objected to him. confessing his former sin of denying the Faith, and taught the people to beware of Idolatry, or trusting to Pilgrimages, to the Cowle of St. Francis, to the Prayers of Saints, or to Images; but exhorted them to stay at home,Fox. to give much Alms, to believe in Jesus Christ, and to offer up their hearts, wills, and minds, to him in the Sacrament. This being noised about he was seized on by the Bishops Officers, and put in Prison at Nor­wich, and the Writ was sent for to burn him as a Relapse, he being first condemned and degraded from his Priesthood: while he was in Prison the Friars came oft about him to perswade him to recant again, and it was given out that he did read a Bill of Abjuration.

More not being satisfied to have sent the Writ for his burning,It is given out that he abjured. stu­died also to defame him, publishing this to the World; yet in that he was certainly abused, for if he had signed any such Paper, it had been put in the Bishops Register, as all things of that nature were; but no such writing was ever shewn, only some said they heard him read it, and others who denyed there was any such thing, being questioned for it, submitted and confessed their fault. But at such a time it was no strange thing, if a ly of that nature, was vented with so much Authority, that men were afraid to contradict it; and when a man is a close Prisoner, those who only have access to him, may spread what report of him they please, and when once such a thing is said, they never want officious vouchers to ly and swear for it. But since nothing was ever show'd under his hand, it is clear there was no truth in these reports, which were spread about to take away the honour of Martyrdom from the new Doctrines. It is true he had ne­ver enquired into all the other Tenets of the Church of Rome, and so did not differ from them about the presence of Christ in the Sacrament and some other things. But when men durst speak freely,The falshood of which af­terwards ap­peared. Fox. there were several persons, that witnessed the Constancy and sincerity of Bilney, in these his last Conflicts; and among the rest, Matthew Parker af­terwards Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, was an eye-witness of his suf­ferings, which from his relation were published afterwards: he took his death patiently and constantly, and in the little time that was al­lowed him to live after his Sentence, he was observed to be chear­ful; and the poor Victuals that were brought him, Bread and Ale, he eat up heartily, of which when one took notice, he said he must [Page 162] [...] [Page 163] [...] [Page 164] keep up that ruinous Cottage till it fell; and often repeated that pas­sage in Isaiah, When thou walk'st through the fire thou shall not be burnt; and putting his finger in the flame of the Candle, he told those about him, that he well knew what a pain burning was, but that it should only consume the Stubble of his Body, and that his Soul should be purged by it.

The manner of his Suffer­ing.When the day of Execution came, being the 10th of November, as he was led out, he said to one that exhorted him to be patient and constant, that as the Mariners endured the tossing of the Waves, ho­ping to arrive at their desired Port, so though he was now entring in­to a storm, yet he hop'd he should soon arrive at the Haven, and de­sired their Prayers. When he came to the Stake, he repeated the Creed, to show the People that he dyed in the Faith of the Apostles; then he put up his Prayers to God with great show's of inward devo­tion; which ended, he repeated the 143 Psalm, and paus'd on these words of it, Enter not into Iudgment with thy Servant, for in thy sight shall no man living be justified, with deep recollection: and when Do­ctor Warner, that accompanied him to the Stake, took leave of him with many tears, Bilney with a chearful countenance exhorted him, to feed his flock, that at his Lords coming he might find him so doing. Many of the begging Friars desired him to declare to the people, that they had not procured his death; for that was got among them, and they feared the people would give them no more Alms: so he desired the Spectators not to be the worse to these men for his sake, for they had not procur'd his death. Then the fire was set to, and his Body consum'd to ashes.

Thus it appears, both what Opinion the people had of him, and in what charity he dyed even towards his enemies, doing them good for evil; but this, though it perhaps struck terror in weaker minds, yet it no less encourag'd others to endure patiently all the severities that were us'd to draw them from this Doctrine. Soon after, one Rich­ard Byfield suffered,Byfield's Suf­ferings. he was a Monk of St. Edmundsbury, and had been instructed by Doctor Barnes, who gave him some Books; which be­ing discovered, he was put in Prison, but through fear abjured; yet afterward he left the Monastery and came to London: He went oft over to Antwerp, and brought in forbidden Books, which being smell'd out, he was seized on, and examined about these Books; he justified them, and said, he thought they were good and profitable, and did openly exclaim against the dissolute lives of the Clergy; so being judged Heretick, he was burnt in Smithfield, the 11th of Novem­ber.

And Tewks­buries.In December, one Iohn Tewksbury a Shop-keeper in London, who had formerly abjured, was also taken and tryed in Sr. Thomas Mores house at Chelsey, where Sentence was given against him by Stokesley Bishop of London, (for Tonstall was translated the former year to Du­resm) and was burnt in Smithfield. There were also three Burnt at York this year, two men and one woman.

These proceedings were complain'd of in the following Session of Parliament, as was formerly told, and the Ecclesiastical Courts being found both Arbitrary and Cruel, the House of Commons desired a redress of that from the King; but nothing was done about it till [Page 165] Three years after, that the new Act against Hereticks was made, as was already told. The Clergy were not much moved at the address which the House of Commons made, and therefore went on in their extreme Courses, and to strike a Terror in the Gentry, they resolved to make an Example of one Iames Bainham a Gentleman of the Tem­ple: he was carryed to the Lord Chancellors House,Bainham's Suf­ferings. where much pains was taken to perswade him to discover such as he knew in the Temple, who favour'd the new Opinions;Fox. but fair means not prevail­ing, More made him be whipt in his own presence, and after that, sent him to the Tower, where he look't on, and saw him put to the Rack. Yet it seems nothing could be drawn from him, that might be made use of, to any other persons hurt; yet he himself afterwards overcome with fear, abjured and did penance, but had no quiet in his Conscience, till he went publickly to Church, with a New Testa­ment in his hand, and confess'd with many tears, that he had de­nyed God, and prayed the people not to do as he had done, and said, that he felt an Hell in his own Conscience, for what he had done. So he was soon after carryed to the To [...]er, (for now the Bi­shops, to avoid the Imputation of using men cruelly in their Prisons, did put Hereticks in the Kings Prisons) he was charged for having said, ‘That Thomas a Becket was a Murderer, and damned in Hell if he did not repent; and for speaking contemptously of praying to Saints, and saying that the Sacrament of the Altar was only Christs Mysti­cal Body, and that his Body was not chew'd with the Teeth, but received by Faith.’ So he was judged an obstinate and relaps'd Heretick, and was burnt in Smithfield about the end of April 1532. There were also some others burnt a little before this time, of whom a particular account could not be recovered by Fox with all his Indu­stry. But with Bainham, Mores persecution ended, for soon after he laid down the great Seal, which set the poor Preachers at ease.

Crome and Latimer were brought before the Convocation and ac­cus'd of Heresie. They both Subscribed the Articles offered to them,Regist. Tonst▪ ‘That there was a Purgatory: That the Souls in it were profited by Masses said for them; That the Saints are now in Heaven,Articles which some abjured. and as Mediators pray for us: That men ought to pray to them and ho­nour them: That Pilgrimages were Pious and Meritorious: That men who vowed Chastity might not Marry without the Popes Dis­pensation: That the Keys of binding and loosing were given to St. Peter, and to his Successors, though their lives were bad, and not at all to the Laity: That men merited by Prayers, Fasting, and other good Works: That Priests prohibited by the Bishop, should not preach, till they were purged and restored: That the Seven Sacra­ments conferr'd Grace: That Consecrations and Benedictions used by the Church were good: That it was good and profitable to set up the Images of Christ and the Saints in the Churches, and to adorn them and burn Candles before them; and that Kings were not ob­liged to give their people the Scriptures in a vulgar tongue.’ By these Articles it may be easily Collected, what were the Doctrines then preach'd by the Reformers. There was yet no dispute about the presence of Christ in the Sacrament, which was first called in que­stion by Frith; for the Books of Zuinglius and Oecolampadius came [Page 166] later into England, and hitherto they had only seen Luthers works with those written by his followers.

But in the year 1532. there was another memorable instance of the Clergies cruelty against the dead bodies of those whom they suspect­ed of Heresie. [...] Te­stament. The Common style of all Wills and Testaments at that time was, First ‘I bequeath my Soul to Almighty God, and to our Lady St. Mary, Regist Fitz- [...]. and to all the Saints in Heaven: but one William Tra­cie of Worcestershire dying, left a Will of a far different strain, for he bequeathed his Soul only to God through Jesus Christ, to whose intercession alone he trusted, without the help of any other Saint, therefore he left no part of his goods to have any pray for his Soul.’ This being brought to the Bishop of Londons Court, he was condemn­ed as an Heretick,Regist. Stok [...]s. Fol. 72. and an order was sent to Parker Chancellor of Wor­cester to raise his Body. The Officious Chancellor went beyond his or­der and burn't the Body; but the Record bears, that though he might by the Warrant he had, raise the body according to the Law of the Church, yet he had no Authority to burn it. So two years after Tra­cies heirs sued him for it, and he was turn'd out of his Office of Chan­cellor, and fined in 400 Pound.

There is another Instance of the Cruelty of the Clergy this year. One Thomas Harding of Buckinghamshire, Harding's Suf­ferings. an Ancient man, who had abjured in the year 1506. was now observed to go often into woods, and was seen sometimes reading. Upon which his house was search'd, and some parcels of the New Testament in English were found in it. So he was carryed before Longland Bishop of Lincoln, who as he was a cruel Persecutor, so being the Kings Confessor, acted with the more Authority. This Aged man was judged a Relapse, and sent to Chesham, where he lived, to be burn't, which was Executed on Corpus Christi Eve. At this time there was an Indulgence of 40 dayes pardon pro­claimed to all that carryed a Faggot to the burning of an Heretick: So dextrously did the Clergy endeavor to infect the Laity with their own cruel Spirit; and that wrought upon this occasion a signal ef­fect, for as the fire was kindled, one flung a Faggot at the old mans head,Fox. which dash't out his brains.

1533.In the year 1533. it was thought fit by some signal evidence to convince the World, that the King did not design to change the esta­blish'd Religion, though he had then proceeded far in his breach with Rome; and the crafty Bishop of Winchester, Gardiner, as he complyed with the King in his second Marriage and separation from Rome, Friths Suffer­ings. so being an inveterate Enemy to the Reformation, and in his heart addicted to the Court of Rome, did by this argument often prevail with the King, to punish the Hereticks, That it would most effectually justifie his other proceedings, and convince the World that he was still a good Catholick King; which at several times drew the King to what he desired. And at this time, the steps the King had made in his Separation from the Pope, had given such heart to the new Preachers, that they grew bolder and more publick in their Assemblies.

Iohn Frith, as he was an excellent Schollar, which was so taken no­tice of, some years before, that he was put in the list of those whom the Cardinal intended to bring from Cambridge, and put in his Col­ledge [Page 167] at Oxford; so he had offended them by several writings, and by a discourse which he wrote against the Corporal presence of Christ, in the Sacrament, had provoked the King, who continued to his death to believe that firmly. ‘The substance of his Arguments was, that Christ in the Sacrament gave eternal life,His Argu­ments against the Corporal presence. but the receiving the bare Sacrament did not give eternal life, since many took it to their damnation; therefore Christs presence there, was only felt by Faith. This he further proved by the Fathers before Christ, who did eat the same spiritual food, and drink of the Rock, which was Christ, according to St. Paul: since then, they and we communicate in the same thing, and it was certain that they did not eat Christs Flesh Corporally, but fed by Faith on a Messias to come, as Christi­ans do on a Messias already come: therefore we now do only com­municate by Faith. He also insisted much on the signification of the word Sacrament, from whence he concluded, that the Elements must be the Mystical Signs of Christs Body and Blood; for if they were truly the Flesh and Blood of Christ, they should not be Sacra­ments: he concluded, that the ends of the Sacrament were these three, by a visible action to knit the Society of Christians together in one body, to be a means of conveighing Grace upon our due participa­ting of them, and to be Remembrances to stir up men to bless [...]od for that unspeakable love, which in the death of Christ appeared to mankind. To all these ends the Corporal presence of Christ availed nothing, they being sufficiently answered by a Mystical pre­sence: yet he drew no other Conclusion from these Premisses, but that the belief of the Corporal presence in the Sacrament, was no necessary Article of our Faith.’ This either flowed from his not having yet arrived at a sure perswasion in the matter, or that he chose in that modest style, to encounter an opinion of which the World was so fond, that to have opposed it in down-right words, would have given prejudices against all that he could say.

Frith upon a long conversation with one upon this Subject, was desired to set down the heads of it in writing, which he did. The Paper went about and was by a false Brother conveyed to Sr. Thomas More's hands, who set himself to answer it in his ordinary style, treating Frith with great contempt, calling him alwayes the young man. Frith was in Prison before he saw Mores Book, yet he wrote a reply to it, which I do not find was then published; but a Copy of it was brought afterwards to Cranmer, who acknowledged when he wrote his Apology against Gardiner, that he had received great light in that matter from Friths Books, and drew most of his Ar­guments out of it. It was afterwards Printed with his works Anno 1573. and by it may appear, how much Truth is Stronger than Error. For though More wrote with as much Wit and Eloquence as any man in that Age did, and Frith wrote plainly without any Art; yet there is so great a difference between their Books, that whoever com­pares them, will clearly perceive the one to be the Ingenious defend­er of an ill cause, and the other a simple asserter of Truth. Frith wrote with all the disadvantage that was possible, being then in the Jayl, where he could have no Books, but some Notes he might have collected formerly: he was also so loaded with Irons, that he could [Page 168] scarce sit with any ease. He began with confirming what he had deli­vered about the Fathers before Christ, their feeding on his Body in the same manner that Christians do since his death: This he proved from Scripture, and several places of St. Austins works; he proved also from Scripture, that after the Consecration, the Elements were still Bread and Wine, and were so called both by our Saviour and his Apostles; that our Senses shew they are not changed in their Na­tures, and that they are still subject to Corruption, which can no way be said of the body of Christ. He proved that the eating of Christs Flesh in the 6th of St. Iohn, cannot be applyed to the Sacra­ment; since the wicked receive it, who yet do not eat the Flesh of Christ, otherwise they should have eternal life. He shewed also, that the Sacrament coming in the room of the Jewish Paschal Lamb, we must understand Christs words, This is my Body, in the same sense in which it was said, that the Lamb was the Lords Passover. He confirmed this by many passages, cited out of Tertullian, Athanasius, Chrysostome, Ambrose, Ierome, Austin, Fulgentius, Eusebius, and some later Writers, as Beda, Bertram and Druthmar, who did all assert that the Elements retained their former Natures, and were only the Myste­ries, Signs, and Figures of the Body and Blood of Christ. But Ge­lasius's words seemed so remarkable, that they could not but deter­mine the Controversie, especially considering he was Bishop of Rome: he therefore writing against the Eutichians, who thought the humane nature of Christ was changed into the Divine, says, that as the E­lements of Bread and Wine being Consecrated to be the Sacraments of the Body and Blood of Christ, did not cease to be Bread and Wine in Substance, but continued in their own proper natures; so the humane nature of Christ continued still, though it was united to the Divine nature: this was a manifest Indication of the belief of the Church in that Age, and ought to weigh more than a hundred high Rhetorical Expressi­ons. He brought likewise several testimonies out of the Fathers to shew that they knew nothing of the Consequences that follow Tran­substantiation; of a Body being in more places at once, or being in a place after the manner of a Spirit, or of the worship to be given to the Sacrament. Upon this he digresses, and says, that the German Divines believed a Corporal presence; yet since that was only an O­pinion that rested in their minds, and did not carry along with it any Corruption of the worship, or Idolatrous practise, it was to be born with, and the peace of the Church was not to be broken for it: but the case of the Church of Rome was very different, which had set up gross Idolatry, building it upon this Doctrine.

Thus I have given a short Abstract of Friths Book, which I thought fit, the rather to do, because it was the first Book that was written on this Subject in England by any of the Reformers. And from hence it may appear, upon what solid and weighty reasons they then began to shake the received Opinion of Transubstantiation: and with how much learning this Controversie was managed by him, who first un­dertook it.

One thing was singular in Friths Opinion, that he thought there should be no contest made about the manner of Christs presence in the Sacrament; for what-ever Opinion men held in Speculation, if [Page 169] it went not to a practical error (which was the Adoration of it, for that was Idolatry in his Opinion) there were no disputes to be made about it, therefore he was much against all heats between the Luthe­rans and Zuinglians, for he thought in such a matter that was whol­ly speculative, every man might hold his own Opinion without mak­ing a breach of the Unity of the Church about it.

He was apprehended in May 1533. and kept in Prison till the 20th of Iune, and then he was brought before the Bishop of London, Gardiner, and Longland sitting with him.Register Sto­k [...]s. Fol. 71. and a Letter of his in Fox ▪ They objected to him his Opinions about the Sacrament and Purgatory; he answered, that for the first he did not find Transubstantiation in the Scriptures, nor in any approved Authors; and therefore he would not admit any thing as an Article of Faith, without clear and certain grounds: for he did not think the Authority of the Church reached so far. They argued with him upon some passages out of St. Austin and St. Chry­sostome, to which he answered, by opposing other places of the same Fathers, and shew'd how they were to be reconciled to themselves; when it came to a Conclusion, these words are set down in the Register as his Confession.

‘Frith thinketh and judgeth that the natural Body of Christ, is not in the Sacrament of the Altar, but in one place only at once.His Opinio [...] of the Sacra­ment. Item he saith, that neither part is a necessary Article of our Faith, whether the natural Body be there in the Sacrament or not.’

As for Purgatory, he said a man consisted of two parts, his Body and Soul; his Body was purged by sickness and other pains, and at last by death, and was not by their own Doctrine sent to Purgatory. And for the Soul, it was purged through the word of God received by Faith. So his Confession was written down in these words. ‘Item Frith thinketh and judgeth that there is no Purgatory for the Soul after that it is departed from the Body, and as he thinketh herein,And of Pur­gatory. so hath he said, written, and defended, howbeit he thinketh neither part to be an Article of Faith, necessarily to be believed under pain of Damnation.’

The Bishops with the Doctors that stood about them, took much pains to make him change; but he told them, that he could not be induced to believe, that these were Articles of Faith. And when they threatned to proceed to a Final Sentence, he seemed not moved with it, but said, Let judgment be done in righteousness. The Bishops, though none of them were guilty of great tenderness, yet seem'd to pity him much; and the Bishop of London professed, he gave Sen­tence with great grief of heart. In the end he was judged an Obsti­nate Heretick, and was delivered to the Secular Power:He is Con­demned. there is one clause in this Sentence, which is not in many others, therefore I shall set it down.

‘Most earnestly requiring in the Bowels of our Lord Jesus Christ, that this Execution and punishment worthily to be done upon thee, may be so moderate, that the rigor thereof be not too extreme, nor yet the gentleness too much mitigated, but that it may be to the Salvation of thy Soul, to the extirpation, terror, and conversi­on of Hereticks, and to the Unity of the Catholick Faith.’ This was thought a scorning of God and men, when those, who knew [Page 170] that he was to be burnt, and intended it should be so, yet used such an Obtestation by the Bowels of Jesus Christ, that the rigor might not be extreme. This being certified, the Writ was issued out, and as the Register bears, he was burnt in Smithfield the 4th of Iuly, and one Andrew Hewet with him, who also denyed the Presence of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar. This Hewet was an Apprentice, and went to the meetings of these Preachers, and was twice betrayed by some spies whom the Bishops Officers had among them, who disco­vered many. When he was examined, he would not acknowledge the Corporal Presence, but was illiterate, and resolved to do as Frith did, so he was also condemned and burnt with him.

His Constan­cy in his Suf­ferings.When they were brought to the Stake, Frith expressed great joy, at his approaching Martyrdom, and in a Transport of it, hugged the [...]aggots in his Arms, as the Instruments that were to send him to his eternal rest. One Doctor Cook a Parson of London called to the people, that they should not pray for them any more than they would do for a Dog. At which Frith smiled, and prayed God to forgive him; so the fire was set to, and they were consum'd to Ashes.

This was the last Act of the Clergies Cruelty against mens lives, and was much condemned: it was thought an unheard-of barbarity, thus to burn a moderate and learned young man, only because he would not acknowledge some of their Doctrines to be Articles of Faith; and though his private judgment was against their tenet, yet he was not positive in it, any further, than that he could not believe the contrary to be necessary to Salvation. But the Clergy were now so bathed in blood, that they seemed to have strip't themselves of those impressions of pity and compassion, which are natural to mankind; they therefore held on in their severe courses, till the Act of Parlia­ment did effectually restrain them.

In the Account that was given of that Act, mention was made of one Thomas Philips, P [...]il [...]ip's Suf­ferings. who put in his complaint to the House of Com­mons against the Bishop of London. The proceedings against him, had been both extreme and illegal; he was first apprehended, and put in the Tower upon suspition of Heresie, and when they searched him, a Copy of Tracy's Testament was found about him, and Butter and Cheese were found in his Chamber, it being in the time of Lent. There was also another Letter found about him, exhorting him to be ready to suffer constantly for the Truth. Upon these presumptions the Bishop of London proceeded against him, and required him to abjure. But he said, he would willingly swear to be obedient as a Christian man ought, and that he would never hold any Heresie du­ring his life, nor favour Hereticks; but the Bishop would not accept of that, since there might be Ambiguities in it: therefore he requir­ed him to make the Abjuration in common form, which he refused to do, and appealed to the King as the Supreme Head of the Church. Yet the Bishop pronounced him Contumax, and did excommunicate him; but whether he was released on his Appeal, or not, I do not find; yet perhaps this was the man of whom the Pope complained to the En­glish Ambassadors 1532. that an Heretick having appealed to the King as the Supreme Head of the Church, was taken out of the Bishops hands, and judged and acquitted in the Kings Courts. It is probable [Page 169] this was the man, only the Pope was informed, that it was from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury that he Appealed, in which there might be a mistake for the Bishop of London. But whatever ground there may be for that conjecture, Philips got his liberty, and put in a Complaint to the House of Commons, which produced the Act about Hereticks.

And now that Act being passed,A stop is pu [...] to these crue [...] proceedings. together with the extirpation of the Popes Authority, and the Power being lodged in the King to correct and reform Heresies, Idolatries, and Abuses, the Standard of the Catho­lick Faith being also declared to be the Scriptures, the Persecuted Preachers had ease and encouragement every-where. They also saw that the necessity of the Kings Affairs, would constrain him to be gentle to them, for the Sentence which the Pope gave against the King, was committed to the Emperor to be executed by him, who was then as­piring to an universal Monarchy; and therefore as soon as his other Wars gave him leisure to look over to England and Ireland, he had now a good colour to justifie an Invasion both from the Popes Sentence, and the interests and honour of his Family in protecting his Aunt and her Daughter: Therefore the King was to give him work elsewhere, in order to which his interest obliged him to joyn himself to the Princes of Ger­many, who had at Smalcald entred into a League offensive and defensive, for the liberty of Religion and the Rights of the Empire. This was a thorn in the Emperor's side, which the Kings Interest would oblige him by all means to maintain. Upon which the Reformers in England concluded, that either the King, to recommend himself to these Princes, would re­lax the severities of the Law against them; or otherwise, that their Friends in Germany would see to it: for in these first fervours of Reforma­tions, the Princes made that always a condition in their Treaties, that those who favoured their Doctrine, might be no more persecuted.

But their chief encouragement was from the Queen,The Queen favoured the Reformers. who Reigned in the Kings heart, as absolutely as he did over his Subjects; and was a known favourer of them. She took Shaxton and Latimer to be her Chaplains, and soon after promoted them to the Bishopricks of Salisbury and Worcester, then vacant by the deprivation of Campegio and Ghinuccii; and in all other things cherished and protected them, and used her most effectual endeavours with the King to promote the Reformation. Next to her,Cranmer pro­moted the Reformation. Cranmer Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was a professed favourer of it, who besides the Authority of his Character and See, was well-fit­ted for carrying it on, being a very Learned and Industrious man. He was at great pains to collect the sense of Ancient Writers, upon all the Heads of Religion, by which he might be well-directed in such an Im­portant matter. I have seen two Volumns in Folio written with his own Hand, containing upon all the Heads of Religion, a vast heap both of places of Scripture, and Quotations out of Ancient Fathers, and later Doctors, and School-men; by which he governed himself in that work. There is also an original Letter of the Lord Burghly's ex­tant, which I have seen, in which he writes that he had six or seven Volumns of his Writings, all which, except two other, that I have seen, are lost, for ought I can understand. From which it will appear in the se­quel of this work, that he neither Copied form Forreign Writers, nor proceeded rashly in the Reformation. He was a man of great temper, and as I have seen in some of his Letters to Osiander, and some of Osian­der's [Page] answers to him, he very much disliked the violence of the German Divines. He was gentle in his whole behaviour, and though he was a man of too great candour and simplicity to be refined in the Arts of Po­licy, yet he managed his Affairs with great prudence; which did so much recommend him to the King, that no ill Offices were ever able to hurt him. It is true, he had some singular opinions about Ecclesi­astical Functions and Offices, which he seemed to make wholly depen­dent on the Magistrate, as much as the Civil were; but as he never studied to get his opinion in that made a part of the Doctrine of the Church, reserving only to himself the freedom of his own thoughts, which I have reason to think he did afterwards, either change, or at least was content to be over-ruled in it: So it is clear that he held not that opinion, to get the Kings favour by it, for in many other things, as in the business of the six Articles, he boldly and freely argued, both in the Convocation and the House of Peers, against that which he knew was the Kings mind, and took his life in his hands, which had certain­ly been offered at a stake, if the Kings esteem of him had not been proof against all attempts.

Assisted by Cromwell.Next him, or rather above him, was Cromwell, who was made the Kings Vice-gerent in Ecclesiastical matters. A man of mean Birth, but Noble Qualities, as appeared in two signal Instances, the one being his Plead­ing in Parliament so zealously and successfully for the fallen and disgrac'd Cardinal, whose Secretary he was, when Gardiner, though more obli­ged by him, had basely forsaken him. This was thought so just and generous in him, that it did not at all hinder his Preferment, but raised his Credit higher: Such a Demonstration of gratitude and friendship, in misfortune, being so rare a thing in a Court. The other was his remem­bring the Merchant of Lucca, that had pitied and relieved him, when he was a poor stranger there, and expressing most extraordinary acknow­ledgements and gratitude, when he was afterwards in the top of his Greatness, and the other did not so much as know him, much less pre­tend to any returns for passed favours, which shew'd that he had a noble and generous temper; only he made too much haste to be great and rich. He joyned himself in a firm friendship to Cranmer, and did pro­mote the Reformation very vigorously.

The Duke of Norfolk and Gardiner Op­posed it.But there was another Party in the Court, that wrestled much a­gainst it; the head of it was the Duke of Norfolk, who though he was the Queens Uncle, yet was her mortal enemy. He was a dextrous Courtier and complied with the King, both in his Divorce and Sepa­ration from Rome, yet did upon all occasions perswade the King to innovate nothing in Religion: His great friend that joyned all along with him in those Counsels, was Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, who was a crafty and politick man, and understood the King well, and com­plied with his temper in every thing; he despised Cranmer, and hated all Reformation. Longland that had been the Kings Confessor, was also managed by them, and they had a great Party in the Court, and almost all the Church-men were on their side.

Reasons a­gainst the Re­formation.That which prevailed most with the King, was, that himself had writ a Book in Defence of the Faith, and they said, would he now retract that, which all Learned men admired so much? or would he encourage Lu­ther and his Party, who had treated him with so little respect? If he [Page 173] went to change the Doctrines that were formerly received, all the world would say he did it in spite to the Pope, which would cast a great dishonour on him, as if his passion govern'd his Religion. Forreign Princes, who in their hearts, did not much blame him for what he had hitherto done, but rather wished for a good opportunity to do the like, would now condemn him if he medled with the Faith: And his own Subjects, who complied with that which he had done, and were glad to be delivered from Forreign Jurisdiction, and the Exactions of the Court of Rome, would not bear a change of the Religion, but might be thereby easily set on, by the Emissaries of the Pope or Emperor, to break out in Rebellion. These things being managed skilfully, and agreeing with his own private opinion, wrought much on him; and particularly, what was said about his own Book, which had been so much commen­ded to him, that he was almost made believe, it was written by a spe­cial Inspiration of the Holy Ghost.

But on the other side Cranmer represented to him,Reasons for it. that since he had put down the Popes Authority, it was not fit to let those Doctrines be still taught, which had no other Foundation, but the Decrees of Popes: And he offered upon the greatest hazard to prove, that many things, then received as Articles of Faith, were no better grounded; therefore he pressed the King to give order, to hear and examine things freely, that when the Popes power was rejected, the people might not be obliged to believe Doctrines, which had no better warrant. And for Political Counsels, he was to do the duty of a good Christian Prince, and leave the event to God; and things might be carried on with that due care, that the justice and reasonableness of the Kings proceedings should appear to all the world. And whereas it was objected, that the Doctrines of the Catholick Church ought not to be examined by any particular Church. It was answered, that when all Christendom were under one Empe­ror, it was easie for him to call general Councils, and in such circum­stances it was fit to stay for a one; and yet even then, particular Churches did in their National Synods condemn Heresies, and reform Abuses. But the State of Christendom was now altered, it was under many Princes, who had different Interests, and therefore they thought it a vain expectation to look for any such Council. The Protestants of Germany had now for above ten years desired the Emperor to procure one, but to no effect; for sometimes the Pope would not grant it, and at other times the French King protested against it. The former year the Pope had sent to the King to offer a general Council,Hall. to be held at Mantua this year, but the King found that was but an illusion; for the Marquess of Mantua protested, he would not admit such a number of strangers, as a Council would draw together into his Town: yet the King promised to send his Ambassadors thither, when the Council met. But now the King consulting his Prelates, whether the Emperor might by his Authority summon a general Council, as the Roman Emperors had done: some of them gave the following answer, Copied from the O­riginal that is yet extant,A resolution of some Bi­shops about the calling of a general Council. which might have been written any time be­tween the year, 1534. in which Thomas Goodrick was made Bishop of Ely, and the year, 1540. in which Iohn Clark, Bishop of Bath and Wells, died; but I incline to think from other circumstances, that it was writ­ten about the end of the year, 1534.

For the General Council.

Ex MSS.D.D. S [...]llingfleet.Though that in the Old time, when the Empire of Rome had his ample dominion over the most part of the World, the First Four General Councils (the which at all times have been of most esti­mation in the Church of Christ) were called and gathered by the Emperors Commandment, and for a Godly intent: That Heresies might be extinct, Schisms put away, good Order and Manners in the Ministers of the Church and the people of the same established. Like as many Councils more were called: till now of late by the negligence, as well of the Emperor, as other Princes, the Bishop of Rome hath been suffered to usurp this Power; yet now, for so much that the Empire of Rome, and the Monarchie of the same, hath no such general Dominion; but many Princes have absolute Power in their own Realms, and a whole and entire Monarchie, no one Prince may by his Authority call any General Council, but if that any one or moe of these Princes for the establishing of the Faith, for the extirpation of Schisms, &c. Lovingly, Charitably, with a good sincere Intent, to a sure place, require any other Prince, or the rest of the great Princes, to be content to agree, that for the Wealth, Quietness, and Tranquillity of all Christen people, by his or their free consent, a General Council might be assembled: that Prince, or those Princes so required, are bound by the Order of Cha­rity, for the good Fruit that may come of it, to condescend and agree thereunto, having no lawful Impediment, nor just Cause moving to the contrary. The chief Causes of the General Councils are before expressed.

In all the Ancient Councils of the Church, in matters of the Faith and interpretation of the Scripture, no man made definitive Subscription, but Bishops and Priests, forsomuch as the Declarati­on of the Word of God pertaineth unto them.

  • T. Cantuarien.
  • Cuthbertus Dunelmen.
  • Io. Bath. wellen.
  • Tho. Elien.

But besides this Resolution, I have seen a long speech of Cran­mers, written by one of his Secretaries. It was spoken soon after the Parliament had passed the Acts formerly mentioned, for it relates to them as lately done; it was delivered either in the House of Lords, the upper House of Convocation, or at the Council Board; but I ra­ther think,A Speech of Cranmers, a­bou [...] [...] Gene­ [...]al Council. it was in the House of Lords, for it begins, My Lords? The matter of it does so much concern the business of Reformation, [Page 165] that I know the Reader will expect I should set down the heads of it. It appears he had been Ordered to Inform the House about these things. The Preamble of his Speech runs upon this conceit.Ex MSS.D.D Stillingfleet.

That as Rich men flying from their Enemies, carry away all they can with them, and what they cannot take away, they either hide or destroy it; so the Court of Rome had destroyed so many Ancient writings. and hid the rest, having carefully preserved every thing that was of advantage to them, that it was not easie to discover what they had so artificially concealed: Therefore in the Canon-Law, some honest truths were yet to be found, but so mislay'd that they are not placed where one might expect them, but are to be met with in some other Chapters▪ where one would least look for them. And many more things said by the Ancients, of the See of Rome, and against their Authority were lost, as appears by the Fragments yet remaining. He show'd that many of the Ancients called every thing which they thought well done, of Divine In­stitution, by a large extent of the Phrase, in which sense the pas­sages of many Fathers that magnified the See of Rome, were to be understood.

Then he show'd for what end General Councils were called, to declare the Faith and reform Errors, not that ever any Council was truly General, for even at Nice there were no Bishops almost, but out of Egypt, Asia, and Greece, but they were called General be­cause the Emperor Summon'd them, and all Christendome did a­gree to their Definitions, which he prov'd by several Authorities: therefore though there were many more Bishops in the Council of Arimini, than at Nice or Constantinople, yet the one was not receiv­ed as a General Council, and the others were: so that it was not the number, nor Authority of the Bishops, but the matter of their Decisions, which made them be received with so general a Sub­mission.

As for the Head of the Council. St. Peter and St. Iames had the chief direction of the Council of the Apostles, but there were no Contests then about Head-ship. Christ named no Head, which could be no more called a defect in him, than it was one in God, that had named no Head to Govern the World. Yet the Church found it convenient to have one over them, so Arch-Bishops were set over Provinces. And though St. Peter had been Head of the Apostles, yet as it is not certain that he was ever in Rome, so it does not appear, that he had his Headship for Romes sake, or that he left it there; but he was made Head for his Faith, and not for the Dignity of any See: Therefore the Bishops of Rome could pre­tend to nothing from him, but as they followed his Faith; and Liberius and some other Bishops there, had been condemned for Heresie; and if according to St. Iames, Faith be to be tryed by Works, the Lives of the Popes for several Ages gave shrewd pre­sumptions, that their Faith was not good. And though it were granted, that such a Power was given to the See of Rome, yet by many instances, he show'd that positive precepts in a matter of that nature, were not for ever Obligatory. And therefore Gerson wrote a Book, De Auferibilitate Papae. So that if a Pope with the [Page 176] Cardinals be corrupted, they ought to be tryed by a General Coun­cil, and submit to it. St. Peter gave an account of his Baptizing Cornelius, when he was questioned about it. So Damasus, Sixtus, and Leo, purged themselves of some scandals.

Then he showed how Corrupt the present Pope was, both in his person and Government, for which he was abhorred, even by some of his Cardinals, as himself had heard and seen at Rome. It is true there was no Law to proceed against a vitious Pope, for it was a thing not foreseen, and thought scarcely possible, but new diseases required new remedies, and if a Pope that is an Heretick may be judged in a Council, the same reason would hold against a Symoniacal, Covetous and Impious Pope, who was Salt that had lost its favour. And by several Authorities, he proved, that every man who lives so, is thereby out of the Communion of the Church; and that as the Preheminence of the See of Rome flowed only from the Laws of men, so there was now good cause to repeal these, for the Pope, as was said in the Council of Basil, was only Vicar of the Church, and not of Christ, so he was accountable to the Church. The Council of Constance and the Divines of Paris had, according to the Doctrine of the Ancient Church, declared the Pope to be subject to a General Council, which many Popes in former Ages had confessed. And all that the Pope can claim even by the Canon-Law, is only to call and preside in a General Council, but not to overrule it, or have a Negative vote in it.

The Power of Councils did not extend to Princes, Dominions, or Secular Matters, but only to points of Faith, which they were to declare, and to Condemn Hereticks: nor were their Decrees Laws, till they were Enacted by Princes. Upon this, he enlarged much to show, that though a Council did proceed against a King (with which they then Threatned the King) that their Sentence was of no force, as being without their Sphere. The determination of Councils ought to be well considered and examined by the Scrip­tures, and in matters indifferent, men ought to be left to their freedom, he taxed the severity of Victors, Proceedings against the Churches of the East, about the day of Easter. And concluded that as a Member of the Body is not cut off, except a Gangrene comes in it, so no part of the Church ought to be cut off, but upon a great and inevitable cause. And he very largely show­ed, with what moderation and charity the Church should pro­ceed even against those that held errors. And the Standard of the Councils definitions, should only be taken from the Scriptures, and not from mens Traditions.

He said, some General Councils had been rejected by others, and it was a tender point, how much ought to be deferred to a Coun­cil; some Decrees of Councils were not at all obeyed. The Di­vines of Paris held, that a Council could not make a new Article of Faith, that was not in the Scriptures. And as all Gods Pro­mises to the people of Israel, had this condition implyed within them, If they kept his Commandments; so he thought the Pro­mises to the Christian Church, had this condition in them, If they kept the Faith. Therefore he had much doubting in himself as to [Page] General Councils, and he thought that only the word of God was the Rule of Faith, which ought to take place in all Controversies of Religion. The Scriptures were called Canonical, as being the on­ly Rules of the Faith of Christians; and these by appointment of the Ancient Councils, were only to be read in the Churches. The Fathers SS. Ambrose, Ierome, and Austin, did in many things differ from one another, but always appealed to the Scriptures as the common and certain standard. And he cited some remarkable pas­sage out of St. Austin, to show, what difference he put between the Scriptures, and all the other Writings even of the best and holiest Fa­thers. But when all the Fathers agreed in the Exposition of any place of Scripture, he acknowledged, he looked on that as flowing from the Spirit of God, and it was a most dangerous thing to be wise in our own Conceit: Therefore he thought Councils ought to found their decisions on the word of God, and those expositions of it, that had been agreed on by the Doctors of the Church.

Then he discoursed very largely what a person a Judge ought to be, he must not be Partial, nor a Judge in his own Cause, nor so much as sit on the Bench when it is tryed, lest his presence should over­awe others. Things also done upon a common error cannot bind, when the error upon which they were done, comes to be disco­vered; and all human Laws ought to be changed, when a publick visible inconvenience follows them. From which he concluded, that the Pope being a Party, and having already passed his Sen­tence, in things which ought to be examined by a General Council, could not be a Judge, nor sit in it. Princes also, who upon a common mistake, thinking the Pope Head of the Church, had sworn to him, finding that this was done upon a false ground, may pull their Neck out of his Yoke, as every man may make his escape out of the hands of a Robber. And the Court of Rome was so corrupt, that a Pope, though he mean't well, as Hadrian did, yet could never bring any good design to an issue; the Cardinals and the rest of that Court being so engaged to maintain their Cor­ruptions.

These were the Heads of that Discourse, which it seems he gave them in writing after he had delivered it; but he promi­sed to entertain them with another Discourse, of the Power the Bi­shops of the Christian Church have in their Sees, and of the Pow­er of a Christian Prince to make them do their duty; but that I could never see, and I am afraid it is lost.

All this I thought necessary to open, to show the State of the Court, and the Principles that the several Parties in it went up­on, when the Reformation was first brought under Consideration, in the third Period of this Kings Reign, to which I am now advanced.

The end of the Second Book.
[Page]
EFFIGIES VERA REVERENDISSIMI D. THOMAE CRANMERI ARCHIEPISCOPI CANTUARI [...]NSIS

HHolbein pinxit

Natus 1489 Iuly 2. Consecratus 1533 Mar. 30. Martyrio Coronatus 1556 Mar. 21.

[...]


[Page 179]THE HISTORY OF THE REFORMATION OF THE Church of England. BOOK III.

Of the other Transactions about Religion and Reformation, du­ring the rest of the Reign of King Henry the 8th.

THe King having passed through the Traverses and tos­sings of his Sute of Divorce,1535. and having with the concurrence, both of his Clergy and Parliament,Th [...] r [...] of the King [...] Reign [...] troublesome. brought about what he had projected, seem'd now at ease in his own Dominions. But though matters were carryed in Publick Assemblies smoothly and successfully, yet there were many secret discontents, which being fomented, both by the Pope, and the Emperors Agents, wrought him great trouble; so that the rest of his life, was full of vexation and disquiet.

All that were zealously addicted to that which they called the Old Religion, did conclude, that what-ever firmness the King expressed to it now, was either pretended out of Policy, for avoiding the Incon­veniences, which the fears of a Change might produce: or though he really intended to perform what he professed; yet the Interests in which he must embarque, with the Princess of Germany against the Pope and the Emperor, together with the Power that the Queen had over him, and the credit Cranmer and Crom [...]ell had with him, would prevail on him to change some things in Religion. And they look'd on these things, as so complicated together, that the change of any one must needs make way for change in more, since that struck at the Authority of the Church, and left people at liberty to dispute the Articles of Faith. This they thought was a Gate opened [Page 180] to Heresie. And therefore they were every-where meeting together, and consulting, what should be done for suppressing Heresie, and pre­serving the Catholick Faith.

That zeal was much inflamed by the Monks and Friers, who clear­ly saw the Acts of Parliament,By the pra­ctises of the Monks and Friars. were so levelled at their Exemptions and Immunities, that they were now like to be at the Kings mercy. They were no more to plead their Bulls, nor claim any Priviledges, further than it pleased the King to allow them. No new Saints from Rome could draw more Riches or Honour to their Orders. Priviled­ges and Indulgences were out of doors; so that the Arts of drawing in the people, to enrich their Churches and Houses, were at an end. And they had also secret Intimations, that the King and the Courti­ers, had an eye on their Lands, and they gave themselves for lost, if they could not so embroyl the Kings Affairs, that he should not adventure on so invidious a thing: Therefore both in Confessions and Conferences, they infused into the people a dislike of the Kings Pro­ceedings; which though for some time it did not break out into an open Rebellion, yet the humor still fermented, and people only waited for an opportunity: So that if the Emperor had not been o­therwise distracted, he might have made War upon the King▪ with great Advantages. For many of his discontented Subjects, would have joyned with the Enemy. But the King did so dextrously ma­nage his Leagues with the French King, and the Princes of the Empire, that the Emperor could never make any impressions on his Dominions.

Which pro­voked the King to great severities.But those factious Spirits, seeing nothing was to be expected from any forreign Power, could not contain themselves, but broke out in­to open Rebellion. And this provoked the King to great severities; His Spirit was so fretted, by the tricks the Court of Rome had put on him, and by the Ingratitude and seditious practises of Reginald Pool; that he thereby lost much of his former temper and patience, and was too ready upon slight grounds, to bring his Subjects to the Bar. Where though the matter was always so ordered, that accord­ing to Law they were Endicted and Judged; yet the severity of the Law bordering sometimes on rigor and cruelty, he came to be cal­led a cruel Tyrant. Nor did his severity lie only on one side: but be­ing addicted to some Tenets of the Old Religion; and impatient of Contradiction, or perhaps blown up, either with the vanity of his new Title, of Head of the Church, or with the praises which Flatter­ers bestowed on him; he thought all persons were bound, to regulate their Belief by his Dictates, which made him prosecute Protestants, as well as proceed against Papists. Yet it does not appear, that Cru­elty was Natural to him. For in Twenty five years Reign, none had suffered for any Crime against the State; but Pool Earl of Suffolk, and Stafford, Duke of Buckingham. The former he prosecuted in O­bedience to his Fathers last Commands at his death. His severity to the other was imputed to the Cardinals Malice. The Proceedings were also legal. And the Duke of Buckingham, had by the knavery of a Priest, to whom he gave great credit, been made believe he had a Right to the Crown; and practises of that nature, touch Princes so nearly, that no wonder the Law was executed in such a case. This [Page 181] showes, that the King was not very jealous, nor desirous of the Blood of his Subjects. But though he always proceeded upon Law; yet in the last Ten years of his Life, many instances of Severity occur­red, for which he is rather to be pityed, than either imitated or sharp­ly censured.

The former Book was full of Intrigues and forreign Transactions; the greatest part of it being an account of a tedious Negotiation, with the subtlest and most refined Court in Christendome, in all the Arts of humane Policy. But now my work is confined to this Na­tion; and except in short touches by the way, I shall meddle no fur­ther with the Mysteries of State; but shall give as clear an account of those things that relate to Religion and Reformation, as I could possibly recover. The Suppression of Monasteries, The advance and declension of Reformation, and the Proceedings against those, who adhered to the Interests of the Court of Rome, must be the chief Subjects of this Book. The two former shall be opened, in the se­ries of time as they were Transacted. But the last shall be left to the end of the Book, that it may be presented in one full view.

After the Parliament had ended their Business,The Bishops swear the Kings supre­macie. the Bishops did all renew their Allegeance to the King, and swore also to maintain his Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Matters; acknowledging that he was the Supreme Head of the Church of England, though there was yet no Law for the requiring of any such Oath. The first act of the Kings Supremacy was, his naming Cromwell Vicar-General, and Ge­neral Visitor of all the Monasteries and other Priviledged places. This is commonly confounded with his following Dignity of, Lord Vice-Gerent in Ecclesiastical matters; but they were two diffe­rent Places, and held by different Commissions. By the one he had no Authority over the Bishops, nor had he any Precedence; but the other, as it gave him the Precedence next the Royal Family, so it cloathed him with a compleat Delegation of the Kings whole Power in Ecclesiastical Affairs. For Two years he was only Vicar-General. But the tenour of his Commissions, and the nature of the Power de­volved on him by them, cannot be fully known. For neither the one, nor the other are in the Rolls, though there can be no doubt made, but Commissions of such Importance were enrolled; therefore the loss of them can only be charged, on that search and rasure of Re­cords made by Bonner, upon the Commission granted to him by Queen Mary, of which I have spoken in the Preface of this work. In the Prerogative-Office there is a subalterne Commission granted to Do­ctor (afterwards Secretary) Petre, on Ian. 13. in the Twenty Seventh year of the Kings Reign, by which it appears, that Cromwells Com­mission was at first conceived in very General words, for he is called the Kings Vice-Gerent, in Ecclesiastical causes, his Vicar-General, and Official-Principal. But because he could not himself attend upon all these affairs, therefore Doctor Petre is deputed under him, for receiv­ing the Probates of Wills; from thence likewise it appears, that all Wills, where the Estate was 200 lib. or above, were no more to be tryed or proved in the Bishops Courts, but in the Vicar-Generals Court. Yet though he was called Vice-Gerent in that Commission, he was spoken of, and writ to, by the Name of Vicar-General; but [Page 182] after the second Commission, seen and mentioned by the Lord Her­bert, in Iuly 1536. he was alwayes designed Lord Vice-Gerent.

The next thing that was every-where laboured with great indu­stry, was, to engage all the rest of the Clergy, chiefly the Regu­lars, to own the Kings Supremacy; To which they generally submit­ted.Anti [...]. Oxon. Lib. 1. Pag. 258 The Origi­nal Letter is in Cutt. Lib. Cl [...]. E. 4. F [...]b. 15. The Francis can Friars re­fuse it. In Oxford the Question being put whether the Pope had any other Jurisdiction in England, than any other forreign Bishop, it was re­ferred to Thirty Doctors and Batchelors, who were impowered to set the University-Seal to their Conclusion, they all agreed in the Ne­gative, and the whole University being examined about it man by man assented to their determination. All the difficulty that I find made, was at Richmond, by the Franciscan Friers, where the Bishop of Coven­try and Lichfield (Rowland Lee) and Thomas Bedyl, tendred some Con­clusions to them, among which, this was one. That the Pope if Rome, has no greater jurisdiction in this Kingdom of England, by the Law of God, than any other Forreign Bishop. This they told them was alrea­dy subscribed, by the two Arch-Bishops, the Bishops of London, Win­chester, Duresm, Bath, and all the other Prelates, and Heads of Hou­ses, and all the famous Clerks of the Realm. And therefore they desired that the Friers, would refer the matter, to the Four Seni­ors of the House, and acquiesce in what they should do. But the Friers said, it concerned their Consciences, and therefore they would not submit it to a small part of their House, they added, that they had sworn to follow the Rule of St. Francis, and in that they would live and dy; and cited a Chapter of their Rule, ‘That their Or­der should have a Cardinal for their Protector, by whose dire­ctions they might be governed in their obedience to the Holy See.’ But to this the Bishop answered, That St. Francis lived in Italy, where the Monks and other Regulars that had Exemptions, were subject to the Pope, as they were in England, to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbu­ry. And for the Chapter which they cited, it was showed them, that it was not written by St. Francis, but made since his time; and though it were truly a part of his Rule, it was told them that no particular Rule, ought to be preferred to the Laws of the Land, to which all Subjects were bound to give Obedience, and could not be excused from it, by any voluntary Obligation under which they brought themselves. Yet all this could not prevail on them, but they said to the Bishop, they had professed St. Francis's Rule, and would still continue in the Observance of it.

But though I do not find such resistance made elsewhere, yet it appears, that some secret practises of many of those Orders against the State were discovered,A General vi­sitation of Monasteries, is designed. therefore it was resolved, that some effectual means, must be taken for lessening their credit and Authority with the people; and so a general Visitation of all Monasteries and other Religious Houses was resolved on. This was chiefly advised, by Doctor Leigh­ton, Orig. Cott. Lib. E. 4. who had been in the Cardinals service with Cromwell, and was then taken notice of by him, as a dextrous and diligent man, and therefore was now made use of on this Occasion. He by a Letter to Cromwell advertised him, that upon a long Conference with the Dean of the Arches, he found the Dean was of Opinion, that it was not fit to make any Visitation in the Kings name yet, for Two or [Page 183] Three years, till his Supremacy were better received; and that he apprehended a severe Visitation so early, would make the Clergy more averse to the Kings Power. But Leighton on the other hand, thought nothing would so much recommend the Supremacy, as to see such good effects of it, as might follow upon a strict and exact Visitation. And the Abuses of Religious persons were now so great and visible, even to the Laity, That the Correcting and Reforming these, would be a very popular thing. He writ further, That there had been no Visitation in the Northern parts, since the Cardinal Ordered it: There­fore he advised one, and desired to be employed in York-shire. And by another Letter, dated the 4th of Iune, he wrote to Cromwell, desiring, that Doctor Lee, and he, might be imployed in Visiting all the Monasteries, from the Diocess of Lincoln Northwards; which they could Manage better, than any body else, having great kindred, and a large acquaintance in those parts: so that they would be a­ble to discover, all the disorders or seditious practises in these Hou­ses. He complained, that former Visitations had been slight and in­significant, and promised great faithfulness and diligence both from himself and Doctor Lee.

The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was now making his Metropoliti­cal Visitation, having obtained the Kings Licence for it, which says,Cranmer make [...] his Metropo­litical visita­tion. That he having desired, that according to the Custom, and the Pre­rogative of his Metropolitical See, he might make his Visitation; The King granted him Licence to do it, and required all to assist and obey him; dated the 28th of April. Things were not yet ripe for doing great matters; so that which he now look'd to,Rot. Pat. Regn. 26. Part. 1st. was to see that all should submit to the Kings Supremacy; and renounce any dependance on the Pope, whose name was to be struck out of all the Publick Offices of the Church. This was begun in May 1535. Stokesly Bishop of London, submitted not to this Visitation,Regist. Stoks, Folio 44. till he had entered Three Protestations, for keeping up of Priviledges.

In October, began the great Visitation of Monasteries, which was committed to several Commissioners. Leighton, The Kings Visitation be­gun. Lee and London were most imployed. But many others were also empowered to Visit. For I find Letters from Robert Southwell, El [...]ice Price, Iohn Ap-price, Rich­ard Southwell, Iohn [...]age, Richard Bellasis, Walt [...]r Hendle, and several others, to Cromwell: giving him an account of the Progress they made in their several Provinces. Their Commissions, if they were passed under the great Seal, and enrolled, have been taken out of the Rolls; for there are none of them to be found there. Yet I encline to think, they were not under the great Seal.In MSS. D▪ G. Pierpoint. For I have seen an Original Commission for the Visitation, that was next year, which was only under the Kings hand and Signet. From which it may be inferred, that the Commissions this year, were of the same nature: yet whe­ther such Commissions, could Authorize them, to grant Dispensati­ons, and Discharge men out of the Houses they were in, I am not skill'd enough in Law to determine. And by their Letters to Crom­well, I find they did assume Authority for these things. So what their Power was, I am not able to discover. But besides their Powers and Commissions, they got Instructions to direct them in their Visitati­ons, and Injunctions to be left in every House, of which, though I [Page 184] could not recover the Originals, yet Copies of very good Authority I have seen, which the Reader will find in the Collection at the end of this Book.Cott. Lib. C [...]op. E. 4. The Instructions contain 86 Articles. The substance of them was, to try,

Whether Divine Service, was kept up day and night, in the right hours?Instructions for the Visita­tion. And how many were commonly present, and who were fre­quently absent?

Whether the full number, according to the Foundation, was in eve­ry House?See Collect. N [...]b. 1st. Who were the Founders? What additions have been made since the Foundation? And what were their Revenues? Whether it was ever changed from one Order to another? By whom? And for what Cause?

What Mortmains they had? And whether their Founders were suf­ficiently Authorized to make such Donations?

Upon what suggestions, and for what Causes they were exempted from their Diocesans?

Their Local Statutes were also to be seen and examined.

The Election of their Head was to be enquired into. The Rule of every House was to be considered. How many professed? And how many Novices were in it? And at what time the Novices Professed?

Whether they knew their Rule and observed it? Chiefly the three Vows of, Poverty, Chastity and Obedience? Whether any of them kept any money without the Masters knowledge? Whether they kept company with women, within or without the Monastery? Or if there were any back-doors, by which women came within the precinct? Whether they had any boys lying by them?

Whether they observed the Rules of Silence, Fasting, Abstinence, and Hair-shirts? Or by what warrant they were dispenced with, in any of these?

Whether they did Eat, Sleep, wear their Habit, and stay within the Monastery, according to their Rules?

Whether the Master was too cruel, or too remiss? And whether he used the Brethren without partiality or malice?

Whether any of the Brethren were incorrigible?

Whether the Master made his accompts faithfully once a year? Whether all the other Officers made their accompts truely? And whether the whole Revenues of the House were imployed according to the intention of the Founders?

Whether the Fabrick was kept up, and the Plate and Furniture were carefully preserved?

Whether the Covent-Seal, and the Writings of the House were well kept? And whether Leases were made by the Master to his Kindred and Friends, to the damage of the House? Whether Hospi­tality was kept, and whether at the receiving of Novices, any mo­ney or reward was demanded or promised? What care was taken to instruct the Novices?

Whether any had entred into the House, in hope to be once the Master of it?

Whether in giving Presentations to Livings, the Master had re­served a Pension out of them? Or what sort of Bargains he made con­cerning them?

[Page 185] An account was to be taken, of all the Parsonages and Vicarages belonging to every House, and how these Benefices were disposed of, and how the Cure was served.

All these things were to be inquired after in the Houses of Monks or Friars. And in the Visitation of Nunneries, they were to Search.

Whether the House had a good Enclosure, and if the Doors and Windows were kept shut, so that no man could enter at inconvenient hours?

Whether any men conversed with the Sisters alone, without the Abbesses leave?

Whether any Sister was forced to profess, either by her Kindred, or by the Abbess?

Whether they went out of their precinct without leave? And whe­ther they wore their Habit then?

What employment they had out of the times of Divine Service? What familiarity they had with Religious men? Whether they wrote Love-Letters? Or sent and received Tokens or Presents?

Whether the Confessor was a discreet and learned man, and of good reputation? And how oft a year the Sisters did Confess and Commu­nicate?

They were also to visit all Collegiate Churches, Hospitals and Ca­thedrals, and the Order of the Knights of Ierusalem. But if this Copy be compleat, they were only to view their Writings and Papers, to see what could be gathered out of them, about the Reformation of Mona­stical Orders. And as they were to visit, according to these Instructi­ons, so they were to give some Injunctions in the Kings Name.

That they should endeavour, all that in them lay,Injunctions for all Religi­ous Houses. that the Act of the Kings Succession should be observed, (where it is said, that they had under their Hands and Seals confirmed it. This showes, that all the Religi­ous Houses of England had acknowledged it:See Collect. Numb. 2d.) and they should teach the people, that the Kings Power was Supreme on Earth, under God, and that the Bishop of Rome's Power was Usurped by Craft and Po­licy, and by his ill Canons and Decretals, which had been long tole­rated by the Prince, but was now justly taken away.

The Abbot and Brethren were declared to be absolved from any Oath, they had Sworn to the Pope, or to any Forreign Potentate; and the Satutes of any Order, that did bind them to a Forreign Subjection, were abrogated and ordered to be razed out of their Books.

That no Monk should go out of the precinct, nor any woman enter within it, without leave from the King or the Visitor, and that there should be no entry to it, but one.

Some Rules were given about their Meals, and a Chapter of the Old or New Testament was ordered to be read at every one, The Abbots Table was to be served with common Meats, and not with de­licate and strange Dishes; and either he, or one of the Seniors, were to be always there to entertain strangers.

Some other Rules follow about the distribution of their Alms, their accommodation in Health and Sickness. One or two of every House, was to be kept at the University; that when they were well Instru­cted, they might come and teach others: And every day, there was to be a Lecture of Divinity for a whole hour: The Brethren must all be well employed.

[Page 184] [...] [Page 185] [...] [Page 186] The Abbot or Head was every day to explain some part of the Rule, and apply it according to Christ's Law; and to shew them, that their Ceremonies were but Elements, introductory to true Christianity; and that Religion consisted not in Habits, or in such like Rites, but in cleanness of Heart, pureness of Living, unfeigned Faith, Brotherly Charity, and true honouring of God in Spirit and Truth: That there­fore they must not rest in their Ceremonies, but ascend by them to true Religion.

Other Rules are added about the Revenues of the House, and a­gainst Wastes, and that none be entred into their House, nor admit­ted under twenty four years of Age.

Every Priest in the House was to say Mass daily; and in it, to pray for the King and Queen.

If any brake any of these Injunctions, he was to be denounced to the King, or his Visitor-general. The Visitor had also Authority to punish any, whom he should find guilty of any Crime, and to bring the Visitor-general, such of their Books and Writings as he thought fit.

But before I give an account of this Visitation, I presume it will not be ingrateful to the Reader,An account of the Pro­gress of the Monastical state in Eng­land. to offer him some short view of the Rise and Progress of Monastick Orders in England, and of the state they were in at this time. What the Ancient British Monks were, or by what Rule they were Governed; whether it was from the Eastern Churches, that this Constitution was brought into Britain, and was either suited to the Rule of St. Anthony, St. Pachon, or St. Basil; or whether they had it from France, where Sulpitius tells us, St. Martin set up Monasteries, must be left to conjecture. But from the little that remains of them, we find they were very numerous, and were obedient to the Bishop of Caerleon, as all the Monks of the Primitive times were to their Bishops, according to the Canons of the Council of Chalcedon.

But upon the confusions which the Gothick Wars brought into Italy, Be [...]edict and others set up Religious Houses; and more artificial Rules and Methods were found out for their Government. Not long after that, Austin the Monk came into England; and having Baptized Ethel­bert, he perswaded him to Found a Monastery at Canterbury, which the King,The Ex­emptions of Monasteries. See Monasti­con. by his Charter, exempted from the Jurisdiction of the Arch-Bishop and his Successors. This was not only done by Austins consent, but he by another Writing confirms this Foundation; and exempted both the Monastery and all the Churches belonging to it, from his, or his Successors Jurisdictions; and most earnestly conjures his Successors, never to give any trouble to the Monks, who were only to be subject to their own Abbot. And this was granted, that they might have no disturbance in the Service of God. But (whether this, with many o­ther Ancient Foundations, were not latter Forgeries, which I vehe­mently suspect, I leave to Criticks to discuss) the next Exemption, that I find, was granted in the year 680, to the Abby of Peterborough, by Pope Agatho, and was Signed by Theodore, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, called the Popes Legate (this I doubt was Forged afterwards.) In the year 725, King Ina's Charter to the Abbey of Glassenbury, relates to their Ancient Charters, and exempts them from the Bishops Jurisdi­ction. King Offa Founded, and exempted the Monastery of St. Albans, [Page 187] in the year 793, which Pope Honorius the 3d Confirmed, Anno 1218, Kenulph King of Mercia founded and exempted Abington, in the year 821. Knut Founded and exempted St. Edmundsbury in the year 1020.

About the end of the Eighth Century, the Danes began to make their descents into England, and made every-where great depredations;Monasteries generally wasted and deserted. and finding the Monks had possessed themselves, of the greatest part of the Riches of the Nation, they made their most frequent in­roads upon these places where they knew the Richest spoyl was to be found. And they did so wast and ruine these Houses,Antiquit. Bri­tan. that they were generally abandon'd by the Monks, who as they loved the ease and wealth they had enjoyed formerly in their Houses, so had no mind to expose themselves, to the persecutions of those hea­thenish Invaders. But when they had deserted their Seats, the Se­cular Clergy came and possessed them; so that in King Edgars time, there was scarce a Monk in all England. But are again set up by King Edgar. He was a most dissolute and lewd Prince, but being perswaded by Dunstan and other Monks, that what he did towards the restoring of that decayed State, would be a matter of great Merit, became the great Promoter of the Mo­nastical State in England; For he converted most of the Chapters into Monasteries; and by his Foundation of the Priory of Worcester, it appears, he had then founded no fewer then Fourty Seven, which he intended to encrease to Fifty, the number of Pardon. Yet in his Foundations, he only exempted the Monasteries, from all exactions or dues, which the Bishops claim'd. There are Exemptions of several rates and sizes: Some Houses were only Exempted from all Exa­ctions; others from all Jurisdiction or Visitations; others had only an Exemption for their precinct; others for all the Churches that be­longed to them. Edward the Confessor exempted many of these Houses, which Edgar had founded, as Ramsey &c. He also founded and Exempted Coventry and Westminster, and the Exemption of the last, was likewise confirmed by Pope Nicolas, in a Bull to King Edward. Wil­liam the Conqueror Founded and Exempted the Abbey of Battel from all Episcopal Jurisdiction.

But after that time I do not find, that our Kings exempted Ab­beys from any thing, but Episcopal Exactions; for though former­ly Kings had made Laws, and given Orders about Ecclesiastical mat­ters, yet now the claim to an Immunity from the Civil Jurisdiction, and also the Papal Authority, were grown to that height, that Prin­ces were to meddle no more with sacred things. And henceforth all Exemptions were granted by the Popes, who claimed a Jurisdiction over the whole Church; and assumed that Power to themselves with many other Usurpations.

All the Ancient Foundations were subscribed by the King,Arts used by the Monks for enriching their Houses. the Queen, and Prince, with many Bishops and Abbots, and Dukes and Earls consenting. The Abbeys being exempted from all jurisdiction, both Civil and Spiritual, and from all Impositions; and having gene­rally the Priviledge of Sanctuary for all that fled to them, were at ease, and accountable to none, so they might do what they pleased. They found also means to enrich themselves, First by the belief of Purgatory. For they perswaded all people, that the Souls departed, [Page 188] went generally thither; few were so Holy, as to go straight to Hea­ven; and few so bad, as to be cast to Hell. Then people were made believe, that the saying of Masses for their Souls, gave them great relief in their Torments, and did at length deliver them out of them. This being generally received, it was thought by all a piece of pie­ty to their Parents, and of necessary care for themselves, and their families, to give some part of their Estates towards the enriching of these Houses, for having a Mass said every day for the Souls of their Ancestors, and for their own, after their death. And this did so spread, that if some Laws had not restrained their profuseness, the greater part of all the Estates in England, had been given to those Houses. But the Statutes of Mortmain were not very effectual re­strains; for what King soever had refused to grant a Mortmain, was sure to have an uneasie reign ever after.

Yet this did not satisfie the Monks, but they fell upon other contri­vances, to get the best of all mens Jewels, Plate, and Furniture. For they perswaded them, that the protection and intercession of Saints, were of mighty use to them; so that whatsoever respect they put on the Shrines and Images, but chiefly on the Relicks of Saints, they would find their account in it, and the Saints would take it kindly at their hands, and intercede the more earnestly for them. And peo­ple who saw Courtiers much wrought on by presents, imagined the Saints were of the same temper; only with this difference, that Cour­tiers love to have Presents put in their own hands, but the Saints were satisfied, if they were given to others. And as in the Courts of Prin­ces, the new Favourite commonly had greatest credit, so every new Saint was believed to have a greater force in his Addresses; and therefore every body was to run to their Shrines, and make great Presents to them. This being infused into the credulous Multitude, they brought the richest things they had, to the places where the bo­dies or Relicks of those Saints were laid. Some Images were also believed, to have a peculiar Excellencie in them; and Pilgrimages and Presents to these, were much magnified. But to quicken all this, the Monks found the means, either by dreams and visions, or strange Mi­raculous stories, to feed the devotion of the people. Relicks with­out number, were every-where discovered; and most wonderful rela­tions of the Martyrdome, and other miracles of the Saints, were made and read in all places to the people; and new Improvements were daily made in a Trade, that through the craft of the Monks, and the simplicity of the people, brought in great advantages. And though there was enough got to enrich them all, yet there was strange rival­ling, not only among the several Orders, but the Houses of the same Order. The Monks, especially, of Glassenbury, St. Albans, and St. Ed­mundsbury, vied one with another, who could tell the most extrava­gant stories, for the honour of their House, and of the Relicks in it.

The Monks in these Houses abounding in wealth, and living at [...]ase and in idleness,They became generally cor­rupted. did so degenerate, that from the Twelfth Century downward, their reputation abated much; and the Priviledges of Sanctuaries, were a general Grievance, and oft complained of in Par­liaments: For they received all that fled to them, which put a great stop to Justice, and did encourage the most criminal offenders. They [Page 189] became lewd and dissolute, and so impudent in it, that some of their farms were let, for bringing in a yearly tribute to their Lusts: nor did they keep Hospitality and relieve the poor; but rather encouraged Vagabonds and Beggars, against whom Laws were made, both in Edward the 3d, King Henry the 7th, and this Kings Reign.

But from the Twelfth Century,Upon which the Begging Friars grew much in cre­dit. the Orders of Begging Friers were set up, and they by the appearance of Severity and Mortification, gained great esteem. At first they would have nothing, no real e­states, but the ground on which their House stood. But afterwards distinctions were found, for satisfying their Consciences in larger Pos­sessions. They were not so idle and lazy as the Monks, but went about and Preached, and heard Confessions, and carryed about Indul­gences, with many other pretty little things, Agnus Del's, Rosaries, and Pebles, which they made the World believe, had great vertue in them. And they had the esteem of the people, wholly engrossed to themselves. They were also more formidable to Princes, than the Monks, because they were poorer, and by consequence, more hardy and bold. There was also a firmer union of their whole Order, they having a General at Rome, and being divided into many Provinces, subject to their Provincials. They had likewise the Schooll-Learning wholly in their hands, and were great Preachers, so that many things concurred, to raise their esteem with the people very high, yet great Complaints lay against them, for they went more abroad than the Monks did, and were believed guilty of Corrupting Families. The Scandals that went on them, upon their relaxing the primitive strict­ness of their Orders, were a little rectified by some Reformations of these Orders. But that lasted not long; for they became liable to much Censure, and many visitations had been made, but to little purpose. This Concurring with their secret practices against the King, both in the matter of his Divorce and Supremacy, made him more willing to examine the truth of these reports; that if they were found guilty of such scandals, they might lose their credit with the people, and occasions be ministred to the King, to justifie the Sup­pression of them.

There were also two other Motives, that enclined the King to this Counsel. The one was,The Kings secret motives for dissolv­ing these Hou­ses. that he apprehended a War from the Em­peror, who was then the only Prince in the World, that had any considerable force at Sea; having both great Fleets in the Indies, and being Prince of the Netherlands, where the greatest trade of these parts was driven. Therefore the King judged it necessary to fortifie his Ports, and seeing the great advantages of Trade, which began then to rise much, was resolved to encourage it: For which end he intend­ed to build many Havens and Harbors. This was a matter of great charge, and as his own revenue could not defray it, so he had no mind to lay heavie Taxes on his Subjects, therefore the Suppression of Monasteries, was thought, the easiest way of raising Money.

He also intended to erect many more Bishopricks, to which Cranmer advised him much, that the vastness of some Diocesses, being reduced to a narrower compass, Bishops might better discharge their duties, and oversee their Flocks, according to the Scriptures and the Primi­tive Rules.

[Page 190]But Cranmer did on another reason, press the Suppression of Mo­nasteries. He found that their Foundations, and whole State, was inconsistent with a full and true Reformation.C [...]anmers de­sign in it. For among the things to be reform'd, were these Abuses, which were essential to their Con­stitution; (such as the Belief of Purgatory, of Redeeming Souls by Masses, the worship of Saints and Images, and Pilgrimages, and the like.) And therefore those Societies, whose interest it was to op­pose the Reformation, were once to be suppressed: and then he hoped, upon new Endowments and Foundations, new Houses should have been erected at every Cathedral, to be Nurseries for that whole Diocess; which he thought would be more suitable, to the primi­tive use of Monasteries, and more profitable to the Church. This was his Scheme, as will afterwards appear; which was in some mea­sure effected, though not so fully as he projected, for Reasons to be told in their proper place.

First Mona­stery that was dissolved.There had been a Bull sent from Rome, for dissolving some Mona­steries, and Erecting Bishopricks out of them, as was related in the former Book, in the year 1532. And it seems it was upon that Au­thority, that in the year 1533. the Priory of Christs Church near Al­gate in London, was dissolved, and given to the Lord Chancellor Sir Thomas Audley; (not to make him speak shriller for his Master in the House of Commons, as Fuller mistakes it; for he had been Lord Chan­cellor a year before this was given him.) The Popes Authority not being at that time put down, nor the Kings Supremacy set up, I conjecture it was done, pursuant to the Bull for the Dissolution of some Religious Houses; but I never saw the Dissolution, and so can only guess,Act. 10. Rot. Parl. Regn. 25. on what ground it was made. But in the Parliament held the former year, in which the Kings Grant of that House, to the Lord Chancellor was confirmed, it is said in the Preamble, ‘That the Prior and Convent, had resigned that House to the King the 24th of February 23d Regni. and had left their House;’but no mention is made, upon what Reason they did it.

The Pro­ceedings of the Visitors.But now I come to Consider, how the Visitors carryed on their Visitations. Many severe things are said of their Proceedings, nor is it any wonder, that men who had traded so long in lies, as the Monks had done; should load those whom they esteemed the In­struments of their Ruin,Cott. Lib. Cleop. E. 4. with many Calumnies. By their Letters to Cromwell it appears, that in most Houses, they found Monstrous dis­orders. That many fell down on their knees, and prayed they might be discharged, since they had been forced to make vows against their wills; with these the Visitors dispensed, and set them at liberty. They found great Factions in the Houses, and Barbarous Cruelties exercis­ed by one Faction, against another, as either of them prevailed. In many places, when they gave them the Kings injunctions, many cry­ed out, that the severity of them was intolerable, and they desired rather to be suppressed, than so reformed. They were all extreme­ly addicted to Idolatry and Superstition. In some they found the in­struments, and other tools for multiplying and coyning.

But for the Lewdness of the Confessors of Nunneries, and the great Corruption of that State, whole Houses being found almost all with Child; for the dissoluteness of Abbots and the other Monks and Fri­ars, [Page 191] not only with whores, but Marryed Women; and for their un­natural Lusts and other brutal practices; these are not fit to be spo­ken of, much less enlarged on, in a work of this Nature. The full report of this Visitation is lost,Ibid. yet I have seen an Extract of a part of it, concerning 144 Houses, that contains Abominations in it, equal to any that were in Sodom.

One passage that is more remarkable, I shall only set down; be­cause upon it followed the first Resignation of any Religious House,Some House [...] resigned up to the King. that I could ever find. Doctor Leighton beset the Abbot of Lang­dens House, and broke open his door of a sudden, and found his whore with him; and in the Abbots Coffer, there was an habit for her, for she went for a young Brother. Whether the shame of this discovery, or any other consideration prevailed with him, I know not; but on the 13th of November, he, and Ten Monks Signed a Resignation, which hath an odd kind of Preamble, to be found in the Collection. ‘It sayes, that the revenue of the House, was so much endamaged, and engaged in so much debt,Collect. Numb. 3. Sect. 1. that they Consi­dering this, and what remedies might be found for it, saw, that ex­cept the King, of whose Foundation the House was, did speedily relieve them, it must be very quickly ruined, both as to its Spiri­tual and Temporal concerns; therefore they surrender up their House to the King.’ They were of the Order of Premonstre, and their House was dedicated, to the honor of the Blessed Virgin, and St. Thomas Becket. This precedent was followed, by the like surren­der, with the same Preamble, on the 15th of November, The Original of these Resig­nations are in the Augmen­tation Office, and enrolled, Rot. Claus. Part. [...]st. Regn. 27. by the Pri­or of Folkeston a Benedictin, aand on the 16th, by the Prior of Do­ver, with Eight Monks. These were all of them in the County of Kent. But neither among the Original Surrenders, nor in the Clause Rolls, are there any other Deeds, in this year of our Lord, there are indeed in the same year of the King, (which runs till April 1536.) four other Surrenders, with the same Preambles. Of Merton in York­shire, a Covent of Augustinians, signed by the Prior and Five Monks, the 9th of February, of Bilsingtoun in Kent, Signed by the Prior and Two Monks, the 21st of February, of Tilty in Essex, a Covent of Cistercians, Signed by the Prior and Five Monks, and of Hornby in York-shire, a Covent of the Premonstre, Signed by the Prior and Two Monks the 23d of March. These were all the Surrenders, that I can discover to have been made, before the Act of Parliament, for sup­pressing the lesser Monasteries, passed in the next Session that was assembled in February.

But before that, the afflicted and unfortunate Queen Katharine di­ed, at Kimbolton; She had been much disquieted,1536. because she would not lay down her Title of Queen.The death of Queen Ka­tharine. Many of her servants were put from her, on that account; but she would accept of no Service, from any that did not use her as a Queen, and call her so. The King sent oft to her, to perswade her, to more Complyance. But she stood her ground, and said, since the Pope had judged her Marriage good,Originals. Otho. C. 10. Cott. Lib. she would lose her life, before she did any thing in prejudice of it. She became more cheerful, than she had wont to be; and the Coun­trey people came much to her, whom she received, and used very Obligingly. The King had a mind she should go to Fotheringhay-Ca­stle. [Page 192] But when it was proposed to her, she plainly said, she would never go thither, unless she were carryed as a Prisoner, bound with Ropes. She desired leave to come nearer London; but that was not granted. She had the jointure that was assigned her, as Princess Dowager; and was treated with the respect due to that Dignity, but all the Women about her, still called her Queen. I do not find she had any thoughts of going out of England; though her Life in it was but Melancholy. Yet her care to support her Daughters Title, made her bear all the Disgraces, she lay under. The Officious and practising Clergy, that were for the Court of Rome, look'd on her as the Head of their Party, and asserted her Interests much. Yet she was so watched, that she could not hold any great Correspondence with them; though in the matter of the Maid of Kent, she had some Medling.

When she sicken'd, she made her Will; and appointed her Body to be buryed, in a Convent of Observant Friars, (who had done and suffered most for her;) and Ordered Five Hundred Masses to be said for her Soul; and that one should go a Pilgrimage, to our Lady of Walsingham, and give Two Hundred Nobles by the way to the poor. Some other small Legacies, she left to her Servants. When the King heard she was sick, he sent a kind Message to her; and the Em­perors Ambassador went to see her, and to chear her up, but when she found her sickness like to prove Mortal; she made one about her, write a Letter in her name, to the King. In the Title she call'd him, ‘Her dear Lord, King and Husband. She advised him to look to the health of his Soul. She forgave him, all the Troubles he had cast her into. She recommended their Daughter Mar [...] to him, and de­sired he would be a Loving Father to her. She also desired, that he would provide Matches for her Maids, who were but Three; and that he would give her Servants one years Wages, more than was due to them And Concluded lastly, I make this Vow, That mine eyes desire you above all things.’ By another Letter, she recommended her Daughter to the Emperors care. On the 8th of Ianuary she dyed, in the Fiftyeth year of her Age, Thirty Three years after she came to England. She was a devout and pious Princess, and led a severe and mortified Life. In her Greatness, she wrought much with her own hands, and kept her Women, well employed about her; as appear­ed, when the Two Legates came once to speak with her. She came out to them with a Skein of silk about her Neck, and told them, she had been within, at work with her Women. She was most pas­sionately devoted, to the Interests of the Court of Rome, they being so interwoven with her own. And in a word, she is represented as a most wonderful good Woman. Only I find on many occasions, that the King complained much, of her uneasiness and peevishness. But whether the fault was in her humor, or in the Provocations, she met with, the Reader may conjecture. The King received the news of her death, with some regrett. But he would not give leave to bu­ry her, as she had ordered; but made her body be laid in the Ab­bey Church of Peterborough, which he afterwards Converted to an Episcopal Cathedral. But Queen Anne did not carry her death so de­cently; for she express'd too much joy at it, both in her Carriage and dress.

[Page 193]On the 4th of February the Parliament sate,1536. upon a Prorogation of 14th Months, (for in the Record there is no mention of any intermedi­al Prorogation,) where a great many Laws, relating to Civil concerns,A new Sessi­on of Parlia­ment. were passed. By the 15th Act, the Power that had been given by a former Act to the King, for naming thirty two Persons, to make a Col­lection of Ecclesiastical Laws, was again confirmed; for nothing had been done upon the former Act. But there was no limitation of time in this Act, and so there was nothing done in pursuance of it.

The great business of this Session of Parliament,The lesser Monasteries are suppres­sed. was the suppres­sing the lesser Monasteries. How this went thorough the two Houses, we cannot know from the Journals, for they are lost. But all the Hi­storians of that time, tell us, that the report which the Visitors made to the King, was read in Parliament; which represented the manners of these Houses so odiously, that the Act was easily carried. The Pre­amble bears, ‘That small Religious Houses, under the number of twelve Persons, had been long and notoriously guilty of vicious and abominable Living; and did much consume and waste, their Churches, Lands, and other things belonging to them; and that for above two hundred years, there had been many Visitations for reforming these Abuses, but with no success; their vicious living encreasing daily: So that except small Houses were dissolved, and the Religious put into greater Monasteries, there could no Reformation be expected in that matter. Whereupon the King having received a full infor­mation of these Abuses, both by his Visitors and other credible ways; and considering that there were divers great Monasteries, in which Religion was well kept and observed, which had not the full number in them, that they might and ought to receive, had made a full Declaration of the Premisses in Parliament. Whereupon it was Enacted, That all Houses which might spend yearly 200 l. or with­in it, should be suppressed, and their Revenues converted to better uses, and they compelled to reform their Lives.’ The Lord Herbert thinks it strange, that the Statute in the printed Book, has no Pre­amble, but begins bluntly. Fuller tell us, that he wonders, that Lord did not see the Record; and he sets down the Preamble, and says, The rest follow as in the printed Statute, Chap. 27th. by a mistake for the 28th. This shews, that neither the one, nor the other, ever look'd on the Record. For there is a particular Statute of Dissolution, distinct from the 28th Chap. And the Preamble which Fuller sets down, be­longs not to the 28th Chapter, as he says, but to the 18th Chapter, which was never printed: and the 28th relates in the Preamble, to that other Statute, which had given these Monasteries to the King.

The reasons, that were pretended for dissolving these Houses, were:Reasons for doing it. That whereas there was but a small number of persons in them, they entred into Confederacies together, and their Poverty set them on, to use many ill arts to grow Rich. They were also much abroad, and kept no manner of Discipline in their Houses. But those Houses were generally much richer, than they seemed to be: For the Abbots raising great Fines out of them, held the Leases still low; and by that means they were not obliged to entertain a greater number in their House, and so enriched themselves and their Brethren by the Fines that were raised: For many Houses then rented at two hundred pounds, [Page 194] were worth many thousands, as will appear to any that compares, what they were then valued at, (which is Collected by Speed,) with what their Estates are truely worth. When this was passing in Parlia­ment, Stokesl [...]y, Bishop of London said, ‘These lesser Houses were as Thorns soon pluck't up, but the great Abbots were like putrified old Oaks; yet they must needs follow, and so would others do in Chri­stendom, before many years were passed.’

By another Act, all these Houses, their Churches, Lands, and all their Goods were given to the King, and his Heirs and Successors, to­gether with all other Houses, which within a year before the making of the Act, had been dissolved or suppressed: And for the gathering the Revenues that belonged to them, a new Court was Erected, called the Court of the Augmentations of the Kings Revenue; which was to consist of a Chancellor, a Treasurer, an Attourney and Sollicitor, and ten Auditors, seventeen Receivers, a Clerk, an Usher, and a Messenger. This Court was to bring in the Revenues of such Houses as were now dissolved, excepting only such as the King by his Letters-Patents, con­tinued in their former state, appointing a Seal for the Court, with full Power and Authority to dispose of these Lands so as might be most for the Kings Service.

Thus [...]ell the lesser Abbeys, to the number of 376, and soon after, this Parliament, which had done the King such eminent Service, and had now sate six years, was dissolved, on the 14th of April.

In the Convocation, a motion was made of great consequence; That there should be a Translation of the Bible in English, The Tran­slation of the Bible in Eng­lish designed. to be set up in all the Churches of England. The Clergy, when they procured Tindalls Translation to be condemned, and suppressed it, gave out that they in­tended to make a Translation into the Vulgar-Tongue: Yet it was afterwards, upon a long Consultation, Resolved, that it was free for the Church to give the Bible in a Vulgar-Tongue, or not, as they plea­sed; and that the King was not obliged to it, and that at that time it was not at all expedient to do it. Upon which, those that promo­ted the Reformation, made great complaints, and said, it was visible, the Clergy knew there was an opposition between the Scriptures and their Doctrine. That they had first condemned Wickliffs Translation, and then Tindalls; and though they ought to teach men the Word of God, yet they did all they could to suppress it.

In the times of the Old Testament, the Scriptures were writ in the Vulgar-Tongue, and all were charged to read and remember the Law.The reasons for it. The Apostles wrote in Greek, which was then the most com­mon Language in the World. Christ did also appeal to the Scriptures, and sent the people to them. And by what St. Paul says of Timothy, it appears, that children were then early trained up in that study. In the Primitive Church, as Nations were converted to the Faith, the Bible was Translated into their Tongue. The Latine Translation was very Ancient; the Bible was afterwards put into the Scythian, Dalma­tian and Gothick Tongues. It continued thus for several Ages, till the state of Monkery rose; And then, when they engrossed the riches, and the Popes assumed the Dominion of the World, it was not consistent with these Designs, nor with the Arts used to promote them, to let the Scrip­tures be much known: Therefore Legends and strange stories of Visi­ons, [Page 195] with other devices, were thought more proper for keeping up their Credit, and carrying on their Ends.

It was now generally desired, that if there were just exceptions against what Tindal had done, these might be amended in a New Translation. This was a plausible thing, and wrought much on all that heard it; who plainly concluded, that those who denyed the people the use of the Scriptures in their vulgar tongues, must needs know their own Doctrine and practices to be inconsistent with it. Upon these grounds Cranmer, who was projecting the most effectu­al means for promoting a Reformation of Doctrine, moved in Con­vocation, that they should Petition the King for leave to make a Translation of the Bible. But Gardiner and all his party opposed it, both in Convocation, and in secret with the King. It was said, that all the Heresies and extravagant Opinions, which were then in Germany, and from thence coming over to England, The Opposi­tion made to it. sprang from the free use of the Scriptures. And whereas in May the last year, Nine­teen Hollanders were accused of some Heretical Opinions; ‘denying Christ to be both God and man, or that he took Flesh and Blood of the Virgin Mary, or that the Sacraments had any effect on those that received them;’in which opinions Fourteen of them remain­ed Obstinate, and were burnt by pairs in several places; it was com­plained, that all those drew their Damnable errors from the indiscreet use of the Scriptures. And to offer the Bible in the English tongue to the whole Nation, during these distractions, would prove, as they pretended, the greatest Snare that could be. Therefore they pro­posed, that there should be a short exposition of the most useful and necessary Doctrines of the Christian Faith, given to the people in the English tongue, for the Instruction of the Nation, which would keep them in a certain Subjection to the King and the Church, in Matters of Faith.

The other party, though they liked well the publishing such a Treatise in the vulgar tongue, yet by no means thought that suffici­ent; but said, the people must be allowed to search the Scripture, by which they might be convinced that such Treatises were accord­ing to it. These Arguments prevailed with the Two Houses of Con­vocation. So they petitioned the King, that he would give order to some, to set about it. To this, great Opposition was made at Court. Some, on the one hand, told the King, that a diversity of o­pinions would arise out of it; and that he could no more Govern his Subjects, if he gave way to that. But on the other hand, it was represented, that nothing would make his Supremacy so acceptable to the Nation, and make the Pope more hateful, than to let them see, that whereas the Popes had Governed them by a blind obedience, and kept them in darkness, the King brought them into the light, and gave them the free use of the word of God. And nothing would more effectually extirpate the Popes Authority, and discover the Im­postures of the Monks, than the Bible in English; in which all peo­ple would clearly discern, there was no Foundation for those things. These Arguments, joyned with the Power that the Queen had in his affections, were so much considered by the King, that he gave order for setting about it immediately. To whom that work was commit­ted, [Page 196] or how they proceeded in it, I know not. For the Account of these things has not been preserved, nor conveighed to us, with that care that the Importance of the thing required. Yet it appears that the work was carryed on at a good rate: for Three years after this, it was Printed at Paris; which shows they made all convenient hast, in a thing that required so much deliberation.

The fall of Queen Anne.But this was the last publick good Act of this unfortunate Queen; who, the nearer she drew to her end, grew more full of good works. She had distributed, in the last Nine Moneths of her Life, between Fourteen and Fifteen Thousand Pounds to the poor, and was design­ing great and publick good things. And by all appearance, if she had lived, the Money that was raised by the Suppression of Religious Houses, had been better employed than it was. In Ianuary, she brought forth a dead Son. This was thought to have made ill Im­pressions on the King: and that, as he concluded from the death of his Sons by the former Queen, that the Marriage was displeasing to God; so he might upon this misfortune, begin to make the like Judg­ment of this Marriage. Sure enough the Popish party were earnest­ly set against the Queen, looking on her as the great supporter of Heresie. And at that time, Fox then Bishop of Hereford was in Germa­ny at Smalcald, treating a League with the Protestant Princes, who in­sisted much on the Ausburg Confession. There were many Conferen­ces between Fox and Doctor Barnes, The whole Popish party drove it on. and some others, with the Lutheran Divines, for accommodating the differences between them, and the thing was in a good forwardness. All which was imputed to the Queen. Gardiner was then Ambassador in France, and wrote earnestly to the King, to dissuade him from entring into any Religi­ous League with these Princes: for that would alienate all the World from him, and dispose his own Subjects to Rebel. The King thought the German-Princes and Divines should have submitted all things to his Judgment, and had such an Opinion of his own Learning, and was so puft up with the flattering praises that he daily heard, that he grew impatient of any opposition, and thought that his Dictates should pass for Oracles. And because the Germans would not receive them so, his mind was alienated from them.

But the Duke of Norfolk at Court, and Gardiner beyond Sea, thought there might easily be found a mean to accommodate the King, both with the Emperor and the Pope, if the Queen were once out of the way; for then he might freely Marry any one whom he pleased, and that Marriage, with the Male Issue of it, could not be disputed: Whereas, as long as the Queen lived, her Marriage, as being judged Null from the beginning, could never be allowed by the Court of Rome, or any of that Party: with these reasons of State, others of affection concurred. The Queen had been his Wife Three years; but at this time he entertained a secret Love for Iane Seimour, who had all the charmes both of Beauty and Youth in her person; and her humor was tempered, between the severe gravity of Queen Katharine, and the gay pleasantness of Queen Anne. The Queen perceiving this Alienation of the Kings heart, used all possible Arts to recover that affection, of whose decay she was sadly sensible. But the Success was quite contrary to what she designed. For the [Page 197] King saw her no more with those eyes,1535. which she had formerly cap­tivated; but grew jealous, and ascribed these caresses to some other criminal affections, of which he began to suspect her. This being one of the most memorable passages of this Reign, I was at more than ordinary pains to learn all I could concerning it, and have not only seen a great many Letters that were writ, by those that were set about the Queen, and catcht every thing that fell from her, and sent it to Court, but have also seen an account of it, which the Learned Spelman, who was a Judge at that time, writ with his own hand in his Common-place Book, and another account of it writ by one Anthony Anthony a Surveyor of the Ordnance of the Tower. From all which I shall give a just and faithful relation of it, without conceal­ing the least circumstance, that may either seem favourable or unfa­vourable to her.

She was of a very cheerful temper,The Kings jealousie of her. which was not always limited within the bounds of exact decency and discretion. She had rallied some of the Kings Servants, more than became her. Her Brother, the Lord Rochford, was her Friend as well as Brother; but his spite­ful Wife was jealous of him: and being a Woman of no sort of Vertue, (as will appear afterwards by her serving Queen Katharine Howard in her beastly practices, for which she was attainted and ex­ecuted,) she carryed many Stories to the King, or some about him, to perswade, that there was a familiarity between the Queen and her Brother, beyond what so near a Relation could justifie. All that could be said for it, was only this; that he was once seen leaning upon her Bed, which bred great suspition. Henry Norris, that was Groom of the Stole, Weston, and Brereton, that were of the Kings Privy-Chamber, and one Mark Smeton, a Musician, were all observ­ed to have much of her favour. And their zeal in serving her, was thought too warm and diligent to flow from a less active Principle than Love. Many circumstances were brought to the King, which working upon his aversion to the Queen, together with his affection to Mistress Seimour, made him conclude her guilty. Yet somewhat which himself observed, or fancied, at a Tilting at Greenwich, is be­lieved to have given the Crisis to her Ruin. It is said, that he spi­ed her let her Handkerchief fall to one of her Gallants to wipe his face, being hot after a Course. Whether she dropt it carelesly, or of design; or whether there be any truth in that story, the Let­ters concerning her fall, making no mention of it, I cannot deter­mine; for Spelman makes no mention of it, and gives a very different account of the discovery in these words. As for the evidence of this matter, it was discovered by the Lady Wingfield, who had been a Ser­vant to the Queen, and becoming on a sudden infirm sometime before her death, did swear this matter to one of her ..... and here unluckily the rest of the Page is torn off. By this it seems, there was no legal evi­dence against the Queen, and that it was but a Witness at second hand, who deposed what they heard the Lady Wingfield swear. Who this person was we know not, nor in what temper of mind the La­dy Wingfield might be, when she swore it. The safest sort of forgery, to one whose Conscience can swallow it, is to lay a thing on a dead per­sons name, where there is no fear of discovery before the great day: and [Page 198] when it was understood that the Queen had lost the Kings heart, many, either out of their zeal to Popery, or design to make their fortune, might be easily induced to carry a story of this Nature. And this it seems was that which was brought to the King at Greenwich, who did thereupon immediately return to Whitehall, it being the 1st of May. The Queen was immediately restrained to her Chamber, the other Five were also seized on: But none of them would confess a­ny thing, but Mark Smeton, as to any actual thing, so Cromwell writ. Upon this they were carryed to the Tower. The Letters about this Cott. Lib. Otho C. 10. The poor Queen was in a sad condition; she must not only fall under the Kings displea­sure, but be both defam'd and destroyed at once. At first she smiled and carryed it cheerfully; and said, she believed the King did this on­ly to prove her. But when she saw it was in earnest; she desired to have the Sacrament in her Closet, and expressed great devotion, and seemed to be prepared for death.

The surprize and confusion she was in, raised fits of the Mother, which those about her did not seem to understand: But Three or Four Letters, which were, writ concerning her to Court, say, that she was at some times very devout, and cryed much; and of a sud­den would burst out in Laughter, which are evident signs of Vapours. When she heard that those who were accused with her, were sent to the Tower, she then concluded her self lost; and said, she should be sent thither next; and talked idlely, saying, ‘That if her Bishops were about the King, they would all speak for her. She also said, That she would be a Saint in Heaven, for she had done many good deeds; and that there should be no Rain, but heavy judgments on the Land, for what they were now doing to her.’ Her Enemies had now gone too far, not to destroy her. Next day she was carryed to the Tower, and some Lords, that met her on the River, declared to her what her Offences were. Upon which, she made deep Pro­testations of her Innocence, and begged leave to see the King; but that was not to be expected.She is put in the Tower, and pleads her Innocency. When she was carryed into the Tow­er, ‘She fell down on her knees, and prayed God to help her, as she was not guilty of the thing for which she was accused.’ That same day the King wrote to Cranmer, to come to Lambeth; but or­dered him not to come into his presence. Which was procured by the Queens Enemies, who took care, that one who had such credit with the King, should not come at him, till they had fully perswad­ed him that she was guilty. Her Uncles Lady, the Lady Boleyn, was appointed to lye in the Chamber with her. Which she took ve­ry ill; for, upon what reason I know not, she had been in very ill terms with her. She engaged her into much discourse, and studied to draw Confessions from her. Whatsoever she said, was presently sent to the Court. And a Woman full of Vapours, was like enough to tell every thing that was true, with a great deal more; for persons in that condition, not only have no command of themselves, but are apt to say any thing that comes in their fancy.

The Duke of Norfolk, and some of the Kings Council, were with her; but could draw nothing from her, though they made her be­lieve, that Norris and Mark had accused her. But when they were gone, she fell down on her knees and wept, and prayed often, Iesu [Page 199] have Mercy on me; and then fell a-laughing: when that fit was over, she desired to have the Sacrament still by her, that she might cry for Mercy. And she said to the Lieutenant of the Tower, she was as clear of the company of all men, as to sin, as she was clear from him; and that she was the Kings true wedded Wife. And she cryed out, ‘O Norris, hast thou accused me? thou art in the Tower with me, and thou and I shall dye together; and Mark, so shall thou too.’ She apprehended they were to put her in a Dungeon;But confes­sed some in­discreet words. and sadly bemoaned her own, and her Mothers misery; and asked them, whether she must dye without Justice. But they told her, the poorest Subjects had Justice, much more would she have it. The same Letter sayes, that Norris had not accused her; and that he said to her Almoner, that he could swear for her, she was a good Wo­man. But she being made believe that he had accused her, and not being then so free in her thoughts, as to consider that ordinary Ar­tifice for drawing out Confessions, told all she knew, both of him and Mark. Which though it was not enough to destroy her, yet certainly wrought much on the jealous and alienated King. ‘She told them, that she once asked Norris, why he did not go on with his Marriage? who answered her, that he would yet tarry some time. To which she replyed, you look for dead mens shoes; for if ought come to the King but good, you would look to have me. He an­swered, if he had any such thought, he would his head were cut off. Upon which, she said, she could undoe him if she pleased, and thereupon she fell out with him. As for Mark, who was then laid in Irons, she said, he was never in her Chamber, but when the King was last at Winchester; and then he came in to play on the Virginals: she said, that she never spoke to him after that, but on Sa­turday before May day, when she saw him standing in the Window, and then she asked him, why he was so sad; he said, it was no matter: she answered, you may not look to have me speak to you, as if you were a Nobleman, since you are an inferior person. No, no, Madam, said he, a Look sufficeth me. She seemed more ap­prehensive of Weston, than of any body. For on Whitsun-Munday last he said to her, that Norris came more to her Chamber upon her account, than for any body else that was there. She had observed, that he loved a Kinswoman of hers, and challenged him for it, and for not loving his Wife. But he answered her, that there were Wo­men in the House, whom he loved better than them both; she ask­ed who is that; your self said he; upon which, she said, she de­fied him.’

This Misery of the Queens, drew after it the common effects that follow persons under such a disgrace, for now all the Court was a­gainst her, and every one was courting the rising Queen. But Cran­mer had not learned these Arts, and had a better Soul in him, than to be capable of such baseness and ingratitude. He had been much obliged by her, and had conceived an high opinion of her, and so could not easily receive ill impressions of her; yet he knew the Kings temper, and that a down-right Justification of her would provoke him: therefore he wrote the following Letter, on the 3d of May, with all the softness that so tender a point required; in which he justi­fied [Page 200] her,1536. as far as was consistent with Prudence and Charity. The Letter showes of what a Constitution he was that wrote it; and contains so many things that tend highly to her honour, that I shall insert it here, as I copied it from the Original.

Pleaseth it your most Noble Grace, to be advertised, that at your Graces Commandment by Mr. Secretary his Letters,Cranmers Let­ter to the King about her. Cott. Lib. written in your Graces name, I came to Lambeth yesterday, and do there re­main to know your Graces further pleasure. And forsomuch as without your Graces Commandment, I dare not, contrary to the Contents of the said Letters, presume to come unto your Graces Presence; nevertheless of my most bounden duty, I can do no less than most humbly to desire your Grace, by your great Wisdom, and by the Assistance of Gods help, somewhat to suppress the deep sorrows of your Graces heart, and to take all Adversities of Gods hands both patiently and thankfully. I cannot deny, but your Grace hath great causes many ways of lamentable heaviness: and also that in the wrongful estimation of the World, your Graces honour of every part is so highly touched (whether the things that commonly be spoken of, be true or not,) that I remember not that ever Almighty God sent unto your Grace, any like occasion to try your Graces constancy throughout, whether your Highness can be content to take off Gods hand, as well things displeasant, as plea­sant. And if he find in your most Noble heart such an Obedi­ence unto his Will, that your Grace, without murmuration and o­vermuch heaviness, do accept all adversities, not less thanking him, than when all things succeed after your Graces Will and Pleasure, nor less procuring his Glory and Honour; then I suppose your Grace did never thing more acceptable unto him, since your first Governance of this your Realm. And moreover, your Grace shall give unto him occasion to multiply and encrease his Graces and benefits unto your Highness, as he did unto his most faithful Ser­vant Iob; unto whom, after his great Calamities and heaviness, for his obedient heart, and willing acceptation of Gods scourge and rod, Addidit ei Dominus cuncta duplicia. And if it be true, that is openly reported of the Queens Grace, if men had a right estimati­on of things, they should not esteem any part of your Graces Ho­nour to be touched thereby, but her Honour only to be clearly disparaged. And I am in such a perplexity, that my mind is clean amazed. For I never had better opinion in Woman, than I had in her; which maketh me to think, that she should not be culpa­ble. And again, I think your Highness would not have gon so far, except she had surely been culpable. Now I think that your Grace best knoweth, that next unto your Grace, I was most bound unto her of all creatures living. Wherefore I most humbly beseech your Grace, to suffer me in that, which both Gods Law, Nature, and also her kindness, bindeth me unto; that is, that I may with your Graces favour wish and pray for her, that she may declare her self inculpable and innocent. And if she be found culpable, considering your Graces goodness towards her, and from what con­dition your Grace of your only meer goodness took her, and set [Page 201] the Crown upon her head; I repute him not your Graces faith­ful Servant and Subject, nor true unto the Realm, that would not desire the offence without mercy to be punished, to the example of all other. And as I loved her not a little, for the Love which I judged her to bear towards God and his Gospel; so if she be prov­ed culpable, there is not one that loveth God and his Gospel, that ever will favour her, but must hate her above all other; and the more they favour the Gospel, the more they will hate her: For then there was never creature in our time that so much slan­dered the Gospel. And God hath sent her this punishment, for that she feignedly hath professed his Gospel in her mouth, and not in heart and deed. And though she have offended so, that she hath deserved never to be reconciled unto your Graces favour; yet Almighty God hath manifoldly declared his goodness towards your Grace, and never offended you. But your Grace, I am sure, knowledgeth that you haue offended him. Wherefore I trust that your Grace will bear no less entire favour unto the truth of the Gospel, than you did before: Forsomuch as your Graces favour to the Gospel, was not led by affection unto her, but by zeal unto the truth. And thus I beseech Almighty God, whose Gospel he hath ordained your Grace to be Defender of, ever to preserve your Grace from all evil, and give you at the end, the promise of his Gospel.

From Lanbeth, the 3d day of May.

After I had written this Letter unto your Grace, my Lord Chan­cellor, my Lord of Oxford, my Lord of Sussex, and my Lord Cham­berlain of your Graces House, sent for me to come unto the Star-Chamber; and there declared unto me such things as your Graces pleasure was they should make me privie unto. For the which I am most bounden unto your Grace. And what Communication we had together, I doubt not but they will make the true report thereof unto your Grace. I am exceedingly sorry, that such faults can be proved by the Queen, as I heard of their relation. But I am, and ever shall be, Your faithful Subject,

Your Graces most humble Subject, and Chaplain. T. Cantuariensis.

But Jealousie, and the Kings new affection, had quite defaced all the remainders of esteem for his late beloved Queen. Yet the Mini­sters continued practising, to get further evidence for the Tryal; which was not brought on, till the 12th of May; and then Norris, She is brought to a Tryal. Weston, Brereton, and Smeton, were tryed by a Commission of Oyer and Terminer in Westminster-Hall. They were twice indicted, and the indictments were found by two Grand Juries, in the Counties of Kent and Middlesex: The Crimes with which they were charged, being [Page 202] said to be done in both these Counties. Mark Smeton confessed, he had known the Queen Carnally Three times: The other Three plead­ed not Guilty, but the Jury upon the evidence formerly mentioned, found them all Guilty; and Judgment was given, that they should be drawn to the place of Execution, and some of them to be hang­ed, others to be beheaded, and all to be quartered, as Guilty of high Treason. On the 15th of May, the Queen and her Brother the Lord Rochford (who was a Peer, having been made a Viscount when his Father was Created Earl of Wiltshire) were brought to be Tryed by their Peers: The Duke of Norfolk being Lord high Stew­ard for that occasion. With him sate the Duke of Suffolk, the Mar­quess of Exeter, the Earl of Arundel, and Twenty Five more Peers, of whom their Father the Earl of Wiltshire was one. Whether this unnatural complyance was imposed on him by the Imperious King, or officiously submitted to by himself, that he might thereby be pre­served from the Ruin that fell on his Family, is not known. Here the Queen of England by an unheard-of president was brought to the Bar, and Indicted of high Treason. The Crimes charged on her were, that she had procured her Brother and the other Four to lye with her, which they had done often; that she had said to them, that the King never had her heart, and had said to every one of them by themselves, that she loved them better than any person whatsoever. Which was to the slander of the issue that was begotten between the King and her. And this was Treason, according to the Statute made in the 26th year of this Reign (so that the Law that was made for her and the issue of her Marriage, is now made use of to destroy her). It was also added in the Indictment, that she, and her complices, had conspired the Kings death; but this it seems was only put in to swell the charge, for if there had been any evidence for it, there was no need of stretch­ing the other Statute, or if they could have proved the violating of the Queen, the known Statute of the Twenty Fifth year of the Reign of Edward the Third had been sufficient. When the Indictment was read, she held up her hand, and Pleaded not Guilty, and so did her Brother, and did answer the evidence was brought against her discreetly. One thing is remarkable that Mark Smeton, who was the only person that confessed any thing, was never confronted with the Queen, nor was kept to be an evidence against her, for he had re­ceived his Sentence Three dayes before, and so could be no witness in Law: but perhaps, though he was wrought on to confess, yet they did not think he had confidence enough to aver it to the Queens face; therefore the evidence they brought, as Spelman says, was the Oath of a Woman that was dead, yet this, or rather the Terror of offend­ing the King, so wrought on the Lords, that they found her and her Brother Guilty: and Judgment was given, that she should be Burnt, or Beheaded at the Kings pleasure. Upon which Spelman observes, that whereas Burning is the death which the Law appoints for a Woman that is attainted of Treason, yet since she had been Queen of England, they left it to the King to determine, whether she should dye so in­famous a death, or be Beheaded; but the Judges complained of this way of proceeding, and said, such a disjunctive in a Judgment of Treason, had never been seen. The Lord Rochford was also Condemn­ed [Page 203] to be Beheaded and Quartered. Yet all this did not satisfie the enraged King, but the Marriage between him and her must be an­nulled, and the issue illegitimated. The King remembred an Intrigue that had been between her and the Earl of Northumberland, which was mentioned in the former Book; and that the then Lord Piercy had said to the Cardinal, 'That he had gone so far before witnesses, "that it lay upon his Conscience, so that he could not go back: this it's like might be some promise he made to Marry her, per verba de futuro, which though it was no Precontract in it self, yet it seems the poor Queen was either so ignorant or so ill-advised, as to be perswad­ed afterwards it was one, though it's certain that nothing, but a Contract per verba de praesenti, could be of any force to annul the subsequent Marriage. The King and his Council, reflecting upon what it seems the Cardinal had told him, resolved to try what could be made of it, and pressed the Earl of Northumberland to confess a Contract between him and her. But he took his Oath before the Two Arch-Bishops, that there was no Contract, nor promise of Marriage ever between them, and received the Sacrament upon it, before the Duke of Norfolk, and others of the Kings Privy Council; wishing it might be to his Damnation, if there was any such thing, (concerning which I have seen the Original Declaration under his own hand.) Nor could they draw any Confession from the Queen, before the Sentence, for cer­tainly if they could have done that, the Divorce had gone before the Tryal; and then she must have been tryed only, as Marchioness of Pembroke. But now she lying under so terrible a Sentence, it is most probable, that either some hopes of Life were given her;Upon an ex­torted Con­fession is di­vorced. or at least, she was wrought on by the Assurances of mitigating that cruel part of her judgment, of being Burnt, into the milder part of the Sentence, of Having her head cut off; so that she confessed a Pre-contract, and on the 17th of May was brought to Lambeth; and in Court, the afflicted Arch-Bishop sitting Judge, some persons of Quality being present, she confessed some just and lawful impe­diments; by which it was evident, that her Marriage with the King was not valid. Upon which Confession, the Marriage between the King and her was judged to have been null and void. The Record of the Sentence is burnt; but these particulars are repeated in the Act that passed in the next Parliament, touching the Succession to the Crown. It seems this was secretly done, for Spelman writes of it thus; It was said, there was a Divorce made between the King and her, upon her confessing a Precontract with another before her Marriage with the King: so then it was then only talkt of, but not generally known.

The two Sentences that were past upon the Queen, the one of At­taindor for Adultery, the other of Divorce because of a Precontract, did so contradict one another, that it was apparent, one, if not both of them must be unjust; for if the Marriage between the King and her was null from the beginning, then since she was not the Kings wedded Wife, there could be no Adultery: and her Marriage to the King was either a true Marriage, or not; if it was true, then the annulling of it was unjust, and if it was no true Marriage, then the Attainder was unjust; for there could be no breach of that Faith which was ne­ver [Page] [...]: So that it is plain, the King was resolved to be rid of her, and [...] her Daughter, and in that transport of his fury, did not [...] ▪ that the very method he took, discovered the unjustice of his [...]eedings against her. Two days after this, she was ordered to be Executed in the Green on Tower-Hill. How she received these tidings, and how stedfast she continued in the protestations of her Innocence, will best appear by the following circumstances. The day before she suffered, upon a strict search of her past Life, she called to mind, that she had played the Step-Mother too severely to Lady Mary, and had done her many injuries. Upon which, she made the Lieutenant of the Tower's Lady sit down in the Chair of State;Her Pr [...]pa­ration for Death. which the other, after some Ceremony, doing, she fell down on her knees, and with many tears charged the Lady, as she would answer it to God, to go in her name, and do, as she had done, to the Lady Mary, and ask her for­giveness for the wrongs she had done her. And she said, she had no quiet in her Conscience till she had done that. But though she did in this what became a Christian, the Lady Mary could not so easily par­don these injuries; but retained the resentments of them her whole life.

This ingenuity and tenderness of Conscience about lesser matters, is a great presumption, that if she had been guilty of more eminent faults, she had not continued to the last denying them, and making protestations of her Innocency. For that same night she sent her last message to the King, and acknowledged her self much obliged to him, that had continued still to advance her. She said, he had, from a pri­vate Gentlewoman, first made her a Marchioness, and then a Queen; and now, since he could raise her no higher, was sending her to be a Saint in Heaven: She protested her Innocence, and recommended her Daughter to his care. And her carriage that day she died, will appear from the following Letter writ by the Lieutenant of the Tower, copied from the Original, which I insert, because the Copier imployed by the Lord Herbert has not writ it out faithfully; for I cannot think that any part of it was left out on design.

The Lieu­tenant of the Towers Letter.Sir, These shall be to advertise you, I have received your Letter, wherein you would have strangers conveyed out of the Tower, and so they be by the means of Richard Gressum, and William Cooke, and Wytspoll. But the number of strangers past not thirty, and not ma­ny of those; and the Ambassador of the Emperor had a Servant there, and honestly put out: Sir, If we have not an hour certain, as it may be known in London, I think here will be but few, and I think a rea­sonable number were best, for I suppose she will declare her self to be a good woman, for all men but for the King, at the hour of her death. For this morning she sent for me, that I might be with her at such time as she received the Good Lord, to the intent I should hear her speak as touching her Innocency alway to be clear. And in the writing of this, she sent for me, and at my coming she said: Mr. Kingston, I hear say I shall not die aforenoon, and I am very sor­ry therefore, for I thought to be dead by this time, and past my pain. I told her, it should be no pain, it was so sottel. And then she said, I heard say the Executioner was very good, and I have a little Neck, [Page] [Page]

ANNA BVLLEN REGINA ANGLIAE ELIZABETHAE REGINAE MATER

Nata Ano. 1507 Nupsit Ano 1532 Nov 14 Elix Filian peperit Ano 1533 Sept. 7 Capite plexa Ano. 1536 May 19.

Printed for Rich: Chiswell at ye Rose and Crown in St. Pauls Church yard

[Page 205] and put her hands about it, laughing heartily. I have seen many men, and also women, Executed; and that they have been in great sorrow, and to my knowledge this Lady has much joy and pleasure in death. Sir, her Almoner is continually with her, and had been since two a Clock after midnight. This is the effect of any thing that is here at this time, and thus Fare you well,

Yours William Kingston.

A little before Noon, being the 19th of May, she was brought to the Scaffold,Her Execu­tion. where she made a short Speech to a great company that came to look on the last Scene of this fatal Tragedy: The chief of whom, were the Dukes of Suffolk and Richmond, the Lord Chancellor, and Secretary Cromwell, with the Lord Mayor, the Sheriffs and Al­dermen of London. ‘She said, She was come to die, as she was Judg­ed by the Law; she would accuse none, nor say any thing of the ground upon which she was judged. She prayed heartily for the King; and called him a most merciful and gentle Prince, and that he had been always to her, a good, gentle, Soveraign Lord: and if any would meddle with her cause, she required them to judge the best. And so she took her leave of them, and of the world; and heartily desired they would pray for her.’ After she had been some time in her Devotions, being her last words, To Christ I commend my Soul; her Head was cut off by the Hangman of Calais, who was brought over as more expert at Beheading than any in England: her Eyes and Lips were observed to move after her Head was cut off, as Spelman writes; but her Body was thrown into a common Chest of Elme-tree that was made to put Arrows in, and was buried in the Chappel within the Tower before twelve a Clock.

Her Brother with the other four did also suffer; none of them were Quartered, but they were all Beheaded, except Smeton, who was Hanged. It was generally said, that he was corrupted into that Confes­sion, and had his Life promised him; but it was not fit to let him live to tell Tales. Norris had been much in the Kings favour, and an offer was made him of his life, if he would confess his guilt, and ac­cuse the Queen. But he generously rejected that un-handsome pro­position, and said, ‘That in his Conscience he thought her Innocent of these things laid to her charge; but whether she was or not, he would not accuse her of any thing, and he would die a thousand times, rather than ruin an Innocent Person.’

These proceedings occasioned as great variety of Censures,The several Censures that were then passed on those pro­ceedings. as there were diversity of Interests. The Popish Party said, the justice of God was visible, that she who had supplanted Queen Katharine, met with the like, and harder measure, by the same means. Some took notice of her faint justifying her self on the Scaffold, as if her Conscience had then prevailed so far, that she could no longer deny a thing, for which she was so soon to answer at another Tribunal. But others thought her care of her Daughter made her speak so tenderly; for [Page 206] she had observed, that Queen Katharines obstinacy had drawn the Kings indignation on her Daughter; and therefore that she alone might bear her misfortunes, and derive no share of them on her Daugh­ter, she spake in a stile, that could give the King no just offence: And as she said enough to justifie her self, so she said as much for the Kings honour, as could be expected. Yet in a Letter that she wrote to the King from the Tower, Collect. Numb. 4th. (which will be found in the Collection,) she pleaded her Innocence, in a strain of so much Wit, and moving passi­onate Eloquence, as perhaps can scarce be paralelled: certainly her spirits were much exalted when she wrote it, for it is a pitch above her ordinary stile. Yet the Copy I take it from, lying among Cromwells other papers, makes me believe it was truely written by her.

Her carriage seemed too free, and all people thought that some freedoms and levities in her had encouraged those unfortunate persons to speak such bold things to her, since few attempt upon the Chastity, or make declarations of Love, to persons of so exalted a quality, except they see some invitations, at least in their carriage. Others thought that a free and jovial temper might, with great Innocence, though with no dis­cretion, lead one to all those things that were proved against her; and therefore they concluded her chast, though indiscreet. Others bla­med the King, and taxed his cruelty in proceeding so severely against a person whose Chastity he had reason to be assured of, since she had re­sisted his addresses near five years, till he Legitimated them by Mar­riage. But others excused him. It is certain her carriage had given just cause of some jealousie, and that being the rage of a man, it was no wonder if a King of his temper, conceiving it against one whom he had so signally obliged, was transported into unjustifiable excesses.

Others condemned Cranmer, as a man that obsequiously followed all the Kings appetites; and that he had now Divorced the King a second time, which shewed that his Conscience was governed by the Kings pleasure as his Supreme Law. But what he did was unavoidable. For whatever motives drew from her the Confession of that Precontract, he was obliged to give Sentence upon it: And that which she confes­sed, being such as made her incapable to contract Marriage with the King, he could not decline the giving of Sentence upon so formal a Confession. Some loaded all that favoured the Reformation: and said, It now appeared what a woman, their great Patroness and Sup­porter had been. But to those it was answered, That her faults, if true, being secret, could cast no reflection on those, who being igno­rant of them, made use of her Protection. And the Church of Rome thought not their Cause suffered, by the enraged Cruelty and Ambi­tion, of the cursed Irene, who had convened the second Council of Nice, and set up the worship of Images again in the East; whom the Popes continued to court and magnifie, after her barbarous murder of her Son, with other acts of unsatiated spite and ambition. Therefore they had no reason to think the worse of persons for claiming the Pro­tection of a Queen, whose faults (if she was at all criminal,) were unknown to them when they made use of her.

Some have since that time concluded it a great evidence of her Guilt, that during her Daughters long and glorious Reign, there was no full nor compleat vindication of her published. For the Writers of [Page 207] that time thought it enough to speak honourably of her; and in ge­neral, to call her, Innocent. But none of them ever attempted a clear discussion of the particulars laid to her charge. This had been much to her Daughters honour, and therefore, since it was not done, others concluded it could not be done; and that their knowledge of her guilt restrained their Pens. But others do not at all allow of that Inference, and think rather, that it was the great wisdom of that time not to suffer such things to be called in question; since no wise Government will admit of a debate about the clearness of the Princes Title. For the ve­ry attempting to prove it weakens it more, than any of the proofs that are brought can confirm it; therefore it was prudently done of that Queen and her great Ministers, never to suffer any Vindication or Apo­logy to be written. Some indiscretions could not be denied, and these would all have been catched hold of, and improved by the busie Emis­saries of Rome and Spain.

But nothing did more evidently discover the secret cause of this Queens ruin, than the Kings Marrying Iane Seimour; the day after her Execution. She of all King Henries Wives, gained most on his esteem and affection: But she was happy in one thing, that she did not out-live his love; otherwise she might have fallen as signally as her Predecessor had done. Upon this turn of Affairs a great change of Counsels followed.

There was nothing now,The Lady Mary en­deavours a reconciliati­on with her Father. that kept the Emperor and the King at a distance, but the Illegitimation of the Lady Mary, and if that mat­ter had been adjusted, the King was in no more hazard of trouble from him: Therefore it was proposed, that she might be again re­stored to the Kings favour. She found this was the best opportunity she could ever look for, and therefore laid hold on it, and wrote an humble submission to the King, and desired again to be admitted to his presence. But her Submissions had some reserves in them, there­fore she was pressed to be more express in her acknowledgments. At this she stuck long, and had almost embroyled her self again with her Father. She freely offered to submit to the Laws of the Land about the Succession, and confessed the fault of her former Obstina­cy. But the King would have her acknowledge, that his Marriage to her Mother was incestuous and unlawful; and to renounce the Popes Authority, and to accept him, as Supream Head of the Church of England. These things were of hard digestion with her, and she could not easily swallow them; so she wrote to Cromwell, to befriend her at the Kings hands. Upon which many Letters passed between them. He wrote to her, that it was impossible to recover her Fa­thers favour, without a full and clear Submission in all points. So in the end she yielded, and sent the following Paper, all written with her own hand, which is set down, as it was Copied from the Ori­ginal yet extant.

The Confession of me the Lady Mary, Her submis­sion under her own hand. Cott. Lib. Otho. C. 10. made upon certain points and Articles under written; in the which, as I do now plainly, and with all mine heart, confess and declare mine inward Sentence, Belief, and Judgment, with a due conformity of Obedience to the Laws of the Realm; so minding for ever to persist and continue in [Page 208] this determination, without change, alteration, or variance, I do most humbly beseech the Kings Highness my Father, whom I have obstinately and inobediently offended in the denial of the same here­tofore, to forgive mine offences therein, and to take me to his most gracious Mercy.

First, I confess and knowledg the Kings Majesty, to be my So­veraign Lord and King in the Imperial Crown of this Realm of England; and do submit my self to his Highness, and to all and singular Laws and Statutes of this Realm, as becometh a true and faithful Subject to do; which I shall also obey, keep, observe, ad­vance, and maintain, according to my bounden duty, with all the power, force, and qualities, that God hath endued me with, du­ring my Life.

Item, I do recognize, accept, take, repute, and knowledg, the Kings Highness to be Supream Head in Earth under Christ of the Church of England, and do utterly refuse the Bishop of Romes pretended Authority, Power, and Jurisdiction within this Realm heretofore usurped, according to the Laws and Statutes made in that behalf, and of all the Kings true Subjects humbly received, admitted, obey­ed, kept, and observed; and also do utterly renounce and forsake all manner of Remedy, Interest and advantage, which I may by any means claim by the Bishop of Rome's Laws, Process, Jurisdiction, or Sentence, at this present time, or in any wise hereafter, by a­ny manner of title, colour, mean, or case, that is, shall, or can be devised for that purpose.

Mary.

Item, I do freely, frankly, and for the Discharge of my duty to­wards God, the Kings Highness, and his Laws, without other re­spect, recognize and knowledg, that the Marriage heretofore had between his Majesty, and my Mother the late Princess Dowager, was by Gods Law, and Mans Law, incestuous and unlawful.

Mary.

She is restor­ed to his fa­vour.Upon this she was again received into favour. One circumstance I shall add, that shows the frugality of that time. In the Esta­blishment that was made for her Family, there was only 40 l. a quar­ter assigned for her privy purse. I have seen a Letter of hers to Cromwell, at the Christsmas - quarter, desiring him to let the King know, that she must be at some Extraordinary expence that season, that so he might encrease her allowance, since the 40 l. would not defray the Charge of that quarter.

The Lady Elizabeth well used by the King and Queen.For the Lady Elizabeth, though the King devested her of the Title of Princess of Wales, yet he continued still to breed her up in the Court, with all the care and tenderness of a Father. And the [Page 209] new Queen, what from the sweetness of her disposition, and what out of compliance with the King, who loved her much, was as kind to her, as if she had been her Mother. Of which I shall add one pretty evidence, though the childishness of it may be thought be­low the Gravity of a History: Yet by it the Reader will see, both the kindness that the King and Queen had for her, and that they al­lowed her to subscribe, Daughter. There are two Original Letters of hers yet remaining, writ to the Queen when she was with Child of King Edward: the one in Italian, the other in English; both writ in a fair hand, the same that she wrote all the rest of her life. But the conceits in that writ in English, are so pretty, that it will not be unacceptable to the Reader, to see this first Blossome of so great a Princess, when she was not full Four years of Age; She being born in September 1533. and this writ in Iuly 1537.

Although your Highness Letters be most joyful to me in absence,Her Letter to the Queen when not Four years of Age. yet considering what pain it is to you to write, your Grace being so great with Child, and so sickly, your Commendation were e­nough in my Lords Letter. I much rejoyce at your health, with the well liking of the Countrey; with my humble thanks that your Grace wished me with you till I were weary of that Countrey. Your Highness were like to be combered, if I should not depart till I were weary being with you: although it were in the worst soil in the World, your presence would make it pleasant. I cannot reprove my Lord for not doing your Commendations in his Let­ter, for he did it; and although he had not, yet I will not com­plain on him, for that he shall be diligent to give me knowledg from time to time, how his busie child doth; and if I were at his birth, no doubt I would see him beaten, for the trouble he has put you to. Mr Denny, and my Lady, with humble thanks pray­eth most entirely for your Grace, praying the Almighty God to send you a most lucky deliverance. And my Mistress wisheth no less, giving your Highness most humble thanks for her commen­dations. Writ with very little leisure, this last day of Iuly.

Your Humble Daughter Elizabeth.

But to proceed to more serious matters.A new Par­liament called▪ A Parliament was Sum­moned to meet the 8th of Iune. If full Forty days be necessary for a Summons, then the Writs must have been issued forth the day before the late Queens disgrace; so that it was designed before the Justs at Greenwich, and did not flow from any thing that then ap­peared. When the Parliament met, the Lord Chancellor Audley, Iournal Pro­cerum. in his speech, told them, ‘That when the former Parliament was dis­solved, the King had no thoughts of Summoning a new one so soon. But for two reasons, he had now called them. The one was, that he finding himself subject to so many infirmities, and considering that he was Mortal, (a rare thought in a Prince) he de­sired [Page 210] to settle an apparent heir to the Crown, in case he should die without Children lawfully begotten. The other was, to repeal an Act of the former Parliament, concerning the Succession of the Crown, to the issue of the King by Queen Anne Boleyn. He de­sired them to reflect on the great troubles and vexation the King was involved in, by his first unlawful Marriage, and the dangers he was in by his second; which might well have frighted any body from a third Marriage. But Anne, and her Conspirators, being put to death, as they well deserved; the King at the humble request of the Nobility, and not out of any Carnal concupiscence, was pleas­ed to Marry again, a Queen, by whom there were very probable hopes of his having children: Therefore he recommended to them, to provide an heir to the Crown by the Kings direction, who if the King dyed without children lawfully begotten, might Rule over them. He desired they would pray God earnestly, that he would grant the King issue of his own body; and return thanks to Almigh­ty God, that preserved such a King to them out of so many emi­nent dangers, who imployed all his care and endeavours, that he might keep his whole people in quiet, peace, and perfect charity, and leave them so to those that should succeed him.’

But though this was the chief cause of calling the Parliament, it seems the Ministers met with great difficulties,The Act of Succession. and therefore spent much time, in preparing mens minds. For the Bill about the Succes­sion to the Crown, was not brought into the House of Lords before the 30th day of Iune, that the Lord Chancellor offered it to the House. It went through both Houses without any Opposition. ‘It contained first, a repeal of the former Act of Succession, and a Confirmation of the two Sentences of Divorce, the issue of both the Kings for­mer Marriages being declared illegitimate, and for ever excluded from claiming the inheritance of the Crown, as the Kings Lawful heirs by lineal descent. The Attainder of Queen Anne and her Com­plices is confirmed. Quen Anne is said, to have been inflamed with pride, and Carnal desires of her body; and, having confederated her self with her complices, to have committed divers Treasons, to the danger of the Kings Royal person; (with other aggrava­ting words,) for which she had justly suffered death, and is now attainted by Act of Parliament. And all things that had been said or done against her, or her Daughter, being contrary to an Act of Parliament then in force, are pardoned; and the inheritance of the Crown is established, on the issue of Queen Iane, whether Male or Female, or the Kings issue by any other Wife whom he might Mar­ry afterwards.’

‘But since it was not fit to declare, to whom the Succession of the Crown belonged after the Kings death lest the person, so de­signed, might be thereby enabled to raise trouble and Commotions; therefore they considering the Kings wise and excellent Govern­ment, and confiding in the love and affection which he bore to his Subjects, did give him full Power to declare the Succession to the Crown, either by his Letters Patents under the great Seal, or by his last will, Signed with his hand; and promised all faithful o­bedience to the persons named by him. And if any, so designed [Page 211] to succeed in default of others, should endeavor to usurp upon those before them, or to exclude them, they are declared Traytors, and were to forfeit all the Right they might thereafter claim to the Crown. And if any should maintain the Lawfulness of the former Marriages, or that the issue by them was legitimate, or refused to swear to the Kings issue by Queen Iane, they were also declared Traytors.’

By this Act it may appear how absolutely this King Reigned in England. Many question'd much the validity of it, and (as shall af­terwards appear,) the Scots said, that the Succession to the Crown was not within the Parliaments Power to determine aboutit, but must go by inheritance to their King, in default of issue by this King. Yet by this, the King was enabled to settle the Crown on his Children whom he had now declared Illegitimate, by which he brought them more absolutely to depend upon himself. He neither made them desperate, nor gave them any further Right, than what they were to derive purely from his own good pleasure. This did also much pacifie the Emperor, since his Kinswoman was, though not restored in blood, yet put in a capacity to succeed to the Crown.

At this time there came a new Proposition from Rome, to try if the King would accommodate matters with the Pope.The Pope endeavoured a reconciliati­on with the King. Pope Clement the Seventh dyed two years before this, in the year 1534. and Cardinal Farnese succeeded him, called Pope Paul the Third. He had before this made one unsuccessful attempt upon the King; but, upon the be­heading of the Bishop (and declared Cardinal) of Rochester, he had Thundered a most terrible Sentence of Deposition against the King, and designed to commit the Execution of it to the Emperor: Yet now, when Queen Katharine and Queen Anne, who were the occasions of the Rupture, were both out of the way, he thought it was a pro­per conjuncture to try if a Reconciliation could be effected. This he proposed to Sir Gregory Cassali, who was no more the Kings Ambassa­dor at Rome, but was still his Correspondent there. The Pope de­sired he would move the King in it, and let him know that he had ever favoured his Cause in the former Popes time, and though he was forced to give out a Sentence against him, yet he had never any intention to proceed upon it to further Extremities.

But the King was now so entirely alienated from the Court of Rome, But in vain. that to cut off all hopes of reconciliation, he procured two Acts to be passed in this Parliament. The one was for the utter extinguishing the Authority of the Bishop of Rome. It was brought into the House of Lords on the 4th of Iuly: And was read the first time the 5th, and the second time on the 6th of Iuly, and lay at the Committee till the 12th. And on the 14th, it was sent down to the Commons; who, if there be no mistake in the Journal, sent it up that same day: They certainly made great haste, for the Parliament was dissolved with­in Four days.

‘The Preamble of this first Act contains severe Reflections on the Bishop of Rome, (whom some called the Pope,) who had long dark­ned Gods word, that it might serve his Pomp, Glory, Avarice, Am­bition, and Tyranny; both upon the Souls, Bodies, and Goods, of all Christians; excluding Christ out of the Rule of mans Soul, and Princes out of their Dominions: And had exacted in England [Page] great Sums, by dreams, and vanities, and other Superstitious ways. [...]pon these reasons his Usurpations had been by Law put down in this Nation; yet many of his Emissaries were still practising up and down the Kingdom, and perswading people to acknowledg his pre­tended Authority. Therefore every person so offending after the last of I [...]ly next to come, was to incur the pains of a Premunire; and all Officers, both Civil, and Ecclesiastical, were commanded to make enquiry about such offences, under several penalties.’

On the 12th of Iuly, a Bill was brought in, concerning Priviledg­es obtained from the See of Rome, and was read the First time. And on the 17th it was agreed to, and sent down to the Commons, who sent it up again the next day. ‘It bears, that the Popes had, during their Usurpation, granted many Immunities to several Bodies and Societies in England, which upon that Grant had been now long in use: Therefore all these Bulls, Breves, and every thing depend­ing on, or flowing from them, were declared void and of no force. Yet all Marriages celebrated by vertue of them, that were not other­wise contrary to the Law of God, were declared good in Law; and all Consecrations of Bishops by vertue of them, were confirmed. And for the future, all who enjoyed any Priviledges by Bulls, were to bring them in to the Chancery, or to such persons as the King should appoint for that end. And the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was Lawfully to grant anew the effects contained in them, which [...]rant was to pass under the great Seal, and to be of full force in Law.’

This struck at the Abbots Rights. But they were glad to bear a Diminution of their Greatness, so they might save the whole, which now lay at stake. By the Thirteenth Act, they corrected an Abuse which had come in, to evade the force of a Statute made in the Twen­ty First year of this King, about the Residence of all Ecclesiastical persons in their Livings. One qualification, that did excuse from Re­sidence, was their staying at the University for the compleating of their Studies. Now it was found, that many dissolute Clergymen went and lived at the Universities, not for their Studies, but to be excused from serving their Cures. So it was Enacted, that none above the Age of Forty, that were not either Heads of Houses, or Publick Readers, should have any Exemption from their Residence, by vertue of that Clause in the former Act. And those under that Age should not have the Benefit of it, except they were present at the Lectures, and perform'd their Exercises in the Schools.

By another Act, there was Provision made against the prejudice the Kings Heirs might receive, before they were of Age, by Parliaments held in their Non-Age; That whatsoever Acts were made before they were Twenty Four years of Age, they might at any time of their lives after that, Repeal and Annul, by their Letters Patents, which should have equal force with a Repeal by Act of Parliament. From these Acts it appears, that the King was absolute Master, both of the affections and fears of his Subjects; when in a new Parliament cal­led on a sudden, and in a Session of six weeks, from the 8th of Iune, to the 18th of Iuly, Acts of this Importance were passed without any Protest or publick Opposition.

[Page 213]But having now opened the business of the Parliament, as it re­lates to the State, I must next give an account of the Convocation, which sate at this time, and was very busie,The Pro­ceedings in the Convoca­tion. as appears by the Journal of the House of Lords, in which this is given for a reason of many Ad­journments, because the Spiritual Lords were busie in the Convocati­on. It sate down on the 9th of Iune, according to Fullers Extract, it being the Custom of all this Reign, for that Court to meet two or three days after the Parliament. Hither Cromwell came as the Kings Vicar-General: But he was not yet Vice-Gerent. For he sate next the Arch-Bishop; but when he had that Dignity he sate above him. Nor do I find him Stiled in any Writing Vice-gerent for some time after this; though the Lord Herbert says, he was made Vice-gerent the 18th of Iuly this year, the same day in which the Parliament was Dissolved.

Latimer, Bishop of Worcester, preached the Latine Sermon, on these words. The Children of this World are wiser in their Generation, than the Children of Light. He was the most Celebrated Preacher of that time. The simplicity and plainness of his matter, with a serious and fervent Action that accompanied it, being preferred to more learned and elaborate Composures. On the 21st of Iune, Cromwell moved, that they would Confirm the Sentence of the Invalidity of the Kings Marriage with Queen Anne, which was accordingly done by both Houses of Convocation. But certainly Fuller was asleep when he wrote; That Ten days before that, the Arch-Bishop had passed the Sen­tence of Divorce, on the day before the Queen was beheaded. Whereas if he had considered this more fully, he must have seen that the Queen was put to death a Month before this, and was Divorced two days before she dyed. Yet, with this animadversion, I must give him my thanks for his pains in copying out of the Journals of Con­vocation many remarkable things, which had been otherwise irreco­verably lost.

On the 23d of Iune, the lower House of Convocation sent to the upper House a Collection of many opinions, that were then in the Realm; which, as they thought, were abuses, and errors, worthy of special Reformation. But they began this Representation with a Protestation: ‘That they intended not to do, or speak any thing,Fuller. which might be unpleasant to the King; whom they acknowledg­ed their Supream Head, and were resolved to obey his Commands, renouncing the Popes usurp'd Authority, with all his Laws and In­ventions, now extinguisht and abolisht, and did addict themselves to Almighty God, and his Laws, and unto the King, and the Laws made within this Kingdom.’

There are Sixty Seven opinions set down, and are either the Tenets of the Old Lollards, or the New Reformers, together with the Ana­baptists opinions. Besides all which, they complained of many unsavo­ry and indiscreet expressions, which were either feigned on design to disgrace the New Preachers, or were perhaps the extravagant Reflex­ions of some illiterate and injudicious persons; who are apt upon all occasions, by their heat and folly, rather to prejudice, than advance their party; and affect some petulant jeers, which they think witty, and are perhaps well entertained by some others, who though they [Page 214] are more judicious themselves, yet imagining that such jests on the contrary opinions will take with the people, do give them too much Encouragement. Many of these jests, about Confession, praying to Saints, Holy Water, and the other Ceremonies of the Church, were complained of. And the last Articles contained sharp reflexions on some of the Bishops, as if they had been wanting in their Duty to suppress such things. This was clearly levelled at Cranmer, Latimer, and Shaxton, who were noted as the great Promoters of these opi­nions. The first did it prudently and solidly. The second zealously and simply. And the third with much indiscreet pride and vanity. But now that the Queen was gone, who had either raised or support­ed them, their Enemies hoped to have advantages against them, and to lay the growth of these opinions to their charge. But this whole Project failed, and Cranmer had as much of the Kings favour as e­ver; for in stead of that which they had projected, Cromwell, by the Kings order, coming to the Convocation, Declared to them, that it was the Kings pleasure, that the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church, should be Reformed by the Rules of Scripture, and that nothing was to be maintained which did not rest on that Authority, for it was absurd, since that was acknowledged to contain the Laws of Religi­on, that recourse should rather be had to Glosses, or the Decrees of Popes, than to these. There was at that time one Alexander Alesse, a Scotch-man, much esteemed for his Learning and Piety, whom Cranmer entertained at Lambeth. Antiq. Britt. in vita Cranm. Him Cromwell brought with him to the Convocation, and desired him to deliver his opinion about the Sa­craments. He enlarged himself much to Convince them, that only Baptism and the Lords Supper were Instituted by Christ.

Stokesley Bishop of London answered him in a long Discourse, in which he shewed he was better acquainted with the Learning of the Schools, and the Canon-Law, than with the Gospel; He was Seconded by the Arch-Bishop of York, and others of that Party.

But Cranmer in a long and learned Speech, shewed how useless these niceties of the Schools were, and of how little Authority they ought to be; and discoursed largely of the Authority of the Scriptures, of the use of the Sacraments, of the uncertainty of Tradition, and of the Corruption which the Monks and Friars had brought into the Christi­an Doctrine. He was vigorously seconded by the Bishop of Hereford, who told them, the world would be no longer deceived with such So­phisticated stuff as the Clergy had formerly vented: The Laity were now in all Nations studying the Scriptures, and that, not only in the vulgar Translations, but in the original Tongues; and therefore it was a vain imagination to think they would be any longer governed by those arts which in the former Ages of Ignorance had been so effectual. Not many days after this, there were several Articles brought in to the upper House of Convocation, devised by the King himself, about which there were great debates among them. The two Arch-Bishops, head­ing two Parties, Cranmer was for a Reformation, and with him joyned Thomas Goodrich, Bishop of Ely, Shaxton, of Sarum, Latimer, of Wor­cester, Fox, of Hereford, Hilsey, of Rochester, and Barlow, of St. Davids.

But Lee, Arch-Bishop of York, was a known favourer of the Popes Interests; which, as it first appeared in his scrupling so much, with [Page 115] the whole Convocation of York, the acknowledging the King to be Supreme Head of the Church of England; so he had since discovered it on all occasions, in which he durst do it without the fear of losing the Kings favour: So he, and Stokesley, Bishop of London, Tonst [...]ll, of Du­resm, Gardiner, of Winchester, Longland, of Lincoln, Sherburn, of Chichester, Nix, of Norwich, and Kite, of Carlisle, had been still against all changes. But the King discovered, that those did in their hearts love the Papal Authority, though Gardiner dissembled it most artificially. Sherburn, Bishop of Chichester, upon what inducement I cannot understand, re­signed his Bishoprick, which was given to Richard Sampson, Dean of the Chappel; a Pension of 400 l. being reserved to Sherburn for his Life, which was confirmed by an Act of this Parliament. Nix, of Nor­wich, had also offended the King signally, by some correspondence with Rome, and was kept long in the Marshalsea, and was convicted and found in a Premunire: The King considering his great Age, had upon his humble submission discharged him out of Prison, and pardon'd him. But he died the former year; though Fuller, in his slight way, makes him fit in this Convocation: For by the 17th Act of the last Parliament,Act 17.27. Regni. it appears that the Bishoprick of Norwich being vacant, the King had recommended William Abbot of St. Bennets to it; but took into his own hands all the Lands and Manours of the Bishoprick, and gave the Bishop several of the Priories in Norfolk in exchange, which was confirmed in Parliament.

I shall next give a short abstract of the Articles about Religion, which were after much consultation and long debating agreed to.

First, Articles a­greed on a­bout Religion. Printed by Fuller. All Bishops and Preachers must instruct the people to be­lieve the whole Bible, and the three Creeds, that made by the Apo­stles, the Nicene, and the Athanasian; and interpret all things ac­cording to them, and in the very same words, and condemn all He­resies contrary to them, particularly those condemned by the first four general Councils.

Secondly, Of Baptism the people must be instructed; That it is a Sacrament instituted by Christ, for the Remission of sins, without which none could attain Everlasting Life: And that, not only those of full Age, but Infants, may, and must be Baptized, for the pardon of Original sin, and obtaining the gift of the Holy Ghost, by which they became the Sons of God. That none Baptized, ought to be Bap­tized again. That the opinions of the Anabaptists and Pelagians, were detestable Heresies: And that those of ripe Age, who desired Bap­tism, must with it joyn Repentance and Contrition for their sins, with a firm Belief of the Articles of the Faith.

Thirdly, Concerning Penance, they were to instruct the people, that it was instituted by Christ, and was absolutely necessary to Salvati­on. That it consisted of Contrition, Confession and Amendment of Life; with exterior works of Charity, which were the worthy Fruits of Pennance. For Contrition, it was an inward shame and sorrow for sin, because it is an offence of God, which provokes his displea­sure. To this must be joyned, a Faith of the mercy and goodness of God, whereby the penitent must hope, that God will forgive him, and repute him justified, and of the number of his Elect Chil­dren, not for the worthiness of any merit or work done by him, but [Page 116] for the only Merits of the Blood and Passion of our Saviour Jesus Christ. That this Faith is got and confirmed, by the Applicati­tion of the Promises of the Gospel, and the use of the Sacraments: And for that end, Confession to a Priest is necessary, if it may be had, whose Absolution was instituted by Christ, to apply the promises of Gods Grace to the penitent: Therefore the people were to be taught, That the Absolution is spoken by an Authority given by Christ in the Gospel to the Priest, and must be believed, as if it were spoken by God himself, according to our Saviours words; and therefore none were to condemn auricular Confession, but use it for the com­fort of their Consciences. The people were also to be instructed, that though God pardoned sin, only for the satisfaction of Christ; yet they must bring forth the Fruits of Penance, Prayer, Fasting, Almsdeeds, with restitution and satisfaction for wrongs done to o­thers, with other works of Mercy and Charity, and Obedience to Gods Commandments, else they could not be saved; and that by do­ing these, they should both obtain Everlasting Life, and mitigation of their Afflictions in this present life, according to the Scriptures.

Fourthly, As touching the Sacrament of the Altar, people were to be instructed, that under the Forms of Bread and Wine, there was truly and substantially given, the very same Body of Christ, that was born of the Virgin Mary; and therefore it was to be received with all Reverence, every one duly Examining himself, according to the words of St. Paul.

Fifthly, The people were to be instructed, That Justification signifieth Remission of sins, and acceptation into the favour of God; that is to say, a perfect Renovation in Christ. To the at­taining which, they were to have, Contrition, Faith, Charity, which were both to concur in it, and follow it; and that the good works necessary to Salvation, were not only outward Civil works, but the inward motions and graces of Gods Holy Spirit, to dread, fear, and love him, to have firm confidence in God, to call upon him, and to have patience in all adversities, to hate sin, and have purposes and wills not to sin again; with such other motions and vertues, con­senting and agreeable to the Law of God.

The other Articles were about the Ceremonies of the Church. First, of Images. The people were to be instructed, That the use of them was warranted by the Scriptures, and that they served to re­present to them good Examples, and to stir up Devotion; and there­fore it was meet that they should stand in the Churches. But that the people might not fall into such Superstition as it was thought they had done in time past, they were to be taught, to reform such Abuses, lest Idolatry might ensue, and that in censing, kneeling, offering, or worshipping them, the people were to be instructed, not to do it to the Image, but to God and his honour.

Secondly, For the honouring of Saints, they were not to think to attain these things at their hands, which were only obtained of God, but that they were to honour them, as persons now in glory, to praise God for them, and imitate their vertues, and not fear to die for the Truth, as many of them had done.

Thirdly, For praying to Saints, The people were to be taught, [Page 217] that it was good to pray to them, to pray for, and with us. And to correct all Superstitious Abuses in this matter, they were to keep the days appointed by the Church for their Memories, unless the King should lessen the number of them, which if he did, it was to be obeyed.

Fourthly, Of Ceremonies. The people were to be taught, That they were not to be condemned and cast away, but to be kept as good and laudable, having mystical significations in them, and being useful to lift up our minds to God. Such were the Vestments in the worship of God: The sprinkling holy-water to put us in mind of our Baptism and the Blood of Christ: Giving holy Bread, in sign of our Union in Christ, and to remember us of the Sacrament: Bearing Candles on Candlemas-day, in remembrance, that Christ was the spi­ritual Light: Giving Ashes on Ash-wednes-day, to put us in mind of Penance, and of our Mortality: Bearing Palms on Palm-sunday, to show our desire to receive Christ in our hearts, as he entred into Ie­rusalem: Creeping to the Cross on Good-friday, and kissing it, in memory of his death, with the setting up the Sepulchre on that day: The Hallowing the Font, and other Exorcisms and Benedictions.

And lastly, As to Purgatory, They were to declare it good and cha­ritable to pray for the Souls departed, which was said to have con­tinued in the Church from the beginning: And therefore the people were to be instructed, That it consisted well with the due order of Charity, to pray for them, and to make others pray for them, in Masses and Exequies, and to give Alms to them for that end. But since the place they were in, and the pains they suffered, were uncertain by the Scripture, we ought to remit them wholly to Gods mercy: Therefore all these Abuses were to be put away, which, under the pretence of Purgatory, had been advanced, as if the Popes pardons did deliver Souls out of it, or Masses said in certain places, or before certain Images, had such efficiency: with other such-like Abuses.

These Articles being thus conceived, and in several places corrected, and tempered by the Kings own hand, were signed by Cromwell, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and seventeen other Bishops, forty Ab­bots and Priors, and fifty Arch-Deacons and Proctors of the lower House of Convocation. Among whom, Polidor Virgil and Peter Van­nes, signed with the rest, as appears by the Original yet extant.Published by the Kings Au­thority. They being tendered to the King, he confirmed them, and ordered them to be published with a Preface in his name. ‘It is said in the Preface, that he, accounting it the chief part of his Charge, that the Word and Commandments of God should be believed and observed, and to maintain unity and concord in opinion; and understanding, to his great regret, that there was great diversity of opinion arisen among his Subjects, both about Articles of Faith and Ceremonies, had in his own Person taken great pains and study about these things, and had ordered also the Bishops, and other Learned men of the Clergy, to examine them; who after long deliberation had concluded on the most special Points, which, the King thought, proceeded from a good, right, and true judgment, according to the Laws of God; these would also be profitable, for establishing unity in the Church of England: Therefore he had ordered them to be published, requi­ring [Page 218] all to accept of them, praying God so to illuminate their hearts, that they might have no less zeal and love to unity and concord in reading them, than he had in making them to be devised, set forth, and published; which good acceptance should encourage him to take further pains for the future, as should be most for the honour of God, and the profit, and the quietness of his Subjects.’

This being published, occasion'd great variety of Censures. Those that desired Reformation,And variously censured. were glad to see so great a step once made; and did not doubt, but this would make way for further Changes. They rejoyced to see the Scriptures, and the ancient Creeds, made the Standards of the Faith, without mentioning Tradition, or the De­crees of the Church. Then the Foundation of Christian Faith was truly stated, and the terms of the Covenant between God and man in Christ were rightly opened, without the niceties of the Schools of either side. Immediate worship of Images and Saints was also remov­ed, and Purgatory was declared uncertain by the Scripture. These were great advantages to them, but the establishing the necessity of Auricular Confession, the Corporal presence in the Sacrament, the keeping up and doing reverence to Images, and the praying to Saints, did allay their joy, yet they still counted it a victory, to have things brought under debate, and to have some Grosser abuses taken a­way.

The other Party were unspeakably troubled. Four Sacraments were passed over, which would encourage ill-affected people to neg­lect them. The gainful trade by the Belief of Purgatory was put down; for though it was said to be good to give Alms for praying for the dead, yet since both the dreadful Stories of the Miseries of Purgatory, and the Certainty of Redeeming Souls out of them by Masses, were made doubtful, the peoples Charity and bounty that way would soon abate. And in a word, the bringing matters un­der dispute, was a great Mortification to them, for all concluded, that this was but a Preamble to what they might expect after­wards.

When these things were seen beyond Sea, the Papal party made every-where great use of it, to show the Necessity of adhering to the Pope; since the King of England, though, when he broke off from his Obedience to the Apostolick See, he pretended, he would maintain the Catholick Faith entire, yet was now making great Changes in it. But others, that were more moderate, acknow­ledged that there was great temper and prudence in contriving these Articles. And it seems, the Emperor, and the more Learned Di­vines about him, both approved of the Precedent, and liked the par­ticulars so well, that not many years after, the Emperor published a work not unlike this, called, The Interim; because it was to be in force in that Interim, till all things were more fully debated and de­termined by a General Council, which, in many particulars, agreed with these Articles. Yet some stricter persons censured this work much, as being a Political dawbing, in which, they said, there was more pains taken to gratifie persons, and serve particular ends, than to assert Truth in a free and un-biassed way, such as became Divines. This was again excused, and it was said, that all things, could not [Page 219] be attained on a sudden: that some of the Bishops and Divines, who afterwards arrived at a clearer understanding of some matters, were not then so fully convinced about them, and so it was their igno­rance, and not their Cowardice or Policy, that made them compliant in some things. Besides, it was said, that as our Savior did not re­veal all things to his Disciples, till they were able to bear them; and as the Apostles did not of a sudden abolish all the Rites of Judaisme, but for some time, to gain the Jews, complyed with them, and went to the Temple, and offered Sacrifices: so the people were not to be over driven in this Change. The Clergy must be brought out of their ignorance by degrees, and then the people were to be better instructed; but to drive furiously, and do all at once, might have spoiled the whole design, and totally alienated those who were to be drawn on by degrees; it might have also much endangered the peace of the Nation, the people being much disposed by the pra­ctices of the Friers to rise in Arms: Therefore these slow steps were thought the surer and better method.

On the last day of the Convocation, there was another Writing brought in by Fox Bishop of Hereford, The Convo­cation de­clares against the Council called by the Pope. occasioned by the Summons for a General Council to sit at Mantua, to which the Pope had cited the King to appear. The King had made his appeal from the Pope to a General Council, but there was no reason to expect any Ju­stice in an assembly so constituted, as this was like to be. There­fore it was thought fit to publish somewhat of the Reasons why the King could not submit his matter to the Decision of such a Coun­cil, as was then intended. And it was moved, that the Convoca­tion should give their sense of it.

The Substance of their Answer, (which the Reader will find in the Collection,) was,Collect Numb. 5. ‘That as nothing was better Instituted by the Ancient Fathers, for the Establishment of the Faith, the Extirpa­tion of Heresies, the Healing of Schisms, and the Unity of the Christian Church, than General Councils, gathered in the Holy Ghost, duely called to an indifferent place; with other necessary requisites: So on the other hand nothing could produce more pe­stiferous effects, than a General Council called upon private malice, or Ambition, or other carnal respects; which Gregory Nazianzen so well observed in his time, that he thought all Assemblies of Bi­shops were to be eschewed, for he never saw good come of any of them, and they had encreased, rather than healed the distempers of the Church. For the appetite of vain-glory, and a contentious humor bore down rea­son: Therefore they thought Christian Princes ought to employ all their endeavors to prevent so great a mischief. And it was to be considered, First, who had Authority to call one. Secondly, If the Reasons for calling one were weighty. Thirdly, who should be the Judges. Fourthly, what should be the manner of Proceeding. Fifth­ly, what things should be treated of in it. And as to the first of these, they thought neither the Pope, nor any one Prince of what dignity soever, had Authority to call one, without the Consent of all other Christian Princes: especially such as had entire and su­pream Government over all their Subjects.’ This was Signed on the 20th of Iuly, by Cromwell, and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, [Page 220] with 14 Bishops, and 40 Abbots, Priors, and Clerks, of the Convo­cation of Canterbury. Whether this and the former Articles were al­so Signed by the Convocation of the Province of York, does not ap­pear by any Record, but that I think is not to be doubted. This be­ing obtained, the King published a long and sharp Protestation a­gainst the Council now Summoned to Mantua. The King publishes his reasons against it. In which he shewes, that the Pope had no Power to call one; ‘for as it was done by the Emperors of old; so it pertained to Christian Princes now. That the Pope had no Jurisdiction in England, and so could Summon none of this Nation to come to any such meeting. That the place was neither safe nor proper: That nothing could be done in a Coun­cil to any purpose,Fox. if the Pope sate Judge in chief in it, since one of the true ends, why a Council was to be desired, was to reduce his Power within its old limits. A free General Council was that which he much desired; but he was sure this could not be such: And the present distractions of Christendom, and the Wars between the Emperor and the French King, shewed this was no proper time for one. The Pope who had long refused or delayed to call one, did now choose this Conjuncture of affairs, knowing that few would come to it, and so they might carry things as they pleased. But the World was now awake; the Scriptures were again in mens hands, and people would not be so tamely couzen'd as they had been. Then he shewes how unsafe it was, for any English man to go to Mantua, how little regard was to be had to the Popes safe Conduct, they having so oft broken their Oaths and Promises. He also shew's how little reason he had to trust him­self to the Pope, how kind he had been to that See formerly, and how basely they had requited it: And that now these Three years past, they had been stirring up all Christian Princes against him, and using all possible means to create him trouble. Therefore he declared, he would not go to any Council called by the Bishop of Rome; but when there was a General peace among Christian Prin­ces, he would most gladly hearken to the motion of a true Ge­neral Council: and in the mean-while, he would preserve all the Articles of the Faith in his Kingdom, and sooner lose his Life and his Crown, than suffer any of them to be put down. And so he protested against any Council to be held at Mantua, or any where else, by the Bishop of Romes Authority: That he would not ac­knowledg it, nor receive any of their Decrees.’

At this time Reginald Pool, who was of the Royal Blood, being by his Mother descended from the Duke of Clarence, Brother to King Edward the Fourth,Cardinal Pool opposes the Kings pro­ceedings. and in the same degree of kindred with the King by his Fathers side, was in great esteem for his Learning, and other Excellent vertues. It seems the King had determined to breed him up to the greatest dignity in the Church; and to make him as E­minent in Learning, and other acquired parts, as he was for Qua­lity, and a Natural Sweetness and Nobleness of temper. Therefore the King had given him the Deanery of Excester, with several o­ther dignities, towards his maintenance beyond Sea; and sent him to Paris, where he stayed several years: There he first incurred the Kings displeasure. For, being desired by him to concur with his A­gents, [Page 221] in procuring the Subscriptions and Seals of the French Uni­versities, he excused himself; yet it was in such terms, that he did not openly declare himself against the King: After that, he came over to England, and as he writes himself, was present when the Cler­gy made their Submission, and acknowledged the King Supream Head: In which, since he was then Dean of Exeter, and kept his Dean­ry several years after that, it is not to be doubted, but that, as he was by his place obliged to sit in the Convocation, so he concurred with the rest in making that Submission. From thence he went to Padua, where he lived long, and was received into the Friendship and Society of some celebrated persons, who gave themselves much to the Study of Eloquence and of the Roman Authors. These were Centareno, Bembo, Caraffa, Sadoletti, with a great many more, that became afterwards well known over the World: But all those gave Pool the Preheminence, and that justly too, for he was accounted one of the most Eloquent men of his time.

The King called him oft home to assist him in his affairs, but he still declined it; at length finding delays could prevail no longer, he wrote the King word, that he did not approve of what he had done, neither in the matter of his Divorce, nor his separation from the A­postolick See. To this the King answered, desiring his reasons why he disagreed from him, and sent him over a Book which Doctor Samp­son had writ in defence of the Proceedings in England. Upon which he wrote his Book De unione Ecclesiastica, and sent it over to the King; and soon after Printed it this year.And writes his Book a­gainst him. In which Book he condemn­ed the Kings Actions, and pressed him to return to the obedience he ow­ed the See of Rome, with many sharp reflections; but the Book was more considered for the Author, and the Wit and Eloquence of it, than for any great Learning, or deep reasoning in it. He did also very much depress the Royal, and exalt the Papal Authority: He compared the King to Nebuchadonosor, and addressed himself in the Conclusion to the Emperor, whom he conjured to turn his Arms ra­ther against the King than the Turk. And indeed the indecencies of his expressions against the King, not to mention the scurrilous Language he bestows on Sampson, whose Book he undertakes to an­swer, are such, that it appears how much the Italian Air had chang­ed him; and that his Converse at Padua had for some time defac'd that generous temper of mind, which was otherwise so natural to him.

Upon this, the King desired him at first to come over, and explain some passages in his Book: But when he could not thus draw him in­to his toyles, he proceeded severely against him, and devested him of all his Dignities; but these were plentifully made up to him by the Popes bounty, and the Emperors. He was afterwards rewarded with a Cardinals hat, but he did not rise above the degree of a Deacon. Some believe that the Spring of this opposition he made to the King was a secret affection he had for the Lady Mary. The publishing of this Book, made the King set the Bishops on work to write Vindi­cations of his Actions: which Stokesley and Tonstal did in a long and Learned Letter, that they wrote to Pool. Many Books are written for the King. And Gardiner publish­ed his Book of true obedience: To which Bonner, who was hot on [Page] the scent of Preferment, added a Preface. But the King designed sharp­er tools for Pool's punishment: Yet an Attaindor in absence was all he c [...]uld do against himself. But his Family and kindred felt the weight of the Kings displeasure very sensibly.

But now I must give an account of the dissolution of the Monaste­ries pursuant to the Act of Parliament, though I cannot fix the ex­act time in which it was done. I have seen the Original Instructions with the Commission, given to those who were to visit the Mona­steries in and about Bristol. All the rest were of the same kind: They bear date the 28th of April, after the Session of Parliament was over; and the report was to be made in the Octaves of St. Micha­el the Arch-Angel. But I am inclined to think that the great con­cussion and disorder things were in by the Queens death, made the Commissioners unwilling to proceed in so invidious a matter, till they saw the Issue of the new-Parliament. Therefore I have delay­ed giving any account of the Proceedings in that matter till this place. The Instructions will be found in the Collection. The Substance of them was as follows.

‘Collect [...]. 6. Inst [...]uctions about the dis­ [...]tion of Monasteries.The Auditors of the Court of Augmentations, were the persons that were employed. Four, or any Three of them, were Commis­sioned to execute the Instructions in every particular Visitation. One Auditor, or Receiver, and one of the Clerks of the former Visita­tion, were to call for Three discreet persons in the County, who were also named by the King. They were to signifie to every House the Statute of Dissolution, and shew them their Commission. Thenthey were to put the Governor, or any other officer of the House, to declare upon Oath the true State of it: And to require him speedily to appear before the Court of Augmentations, and in the mean time not to meddle with any thing belonging to the House. Then to examine how many Religious persons were in the House, and what lives they led; how many of them were Priests, how ma­ny of them would go to other Religious Houses, and how many of them would take Capacities and go into the World. They were to estimate the State and Fabrick of the House, and the number of the Servants they kept: and to call for the Covent-Seal, and Wri­tings, and put them in some sure place, and take an Inventory of all their Plate, and their Movable goods, and to know the value of all, that before the 1st of March last belonged to the House, and what debts they owed. They were to put the Covent-Seal, with the Jewels and Plate in safe keeping, and to leave the rest (an Inven­tory being first taken) in the Governors hands, to be kept by them till further Order. And the Governors were to meddle with none of the Rents of the House, except for necessary Sustenance, till they were another way disposed of. They were to try what Leas­es and Deeds had been made for a whole year before the 4th of February last. Such as would still live in Monasteries, were to be recommended to some of the great Monasteries that lay next: and such as would live in the world, must come to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, or the Lord Chancellor, to receive Capacities. (From which it appears that Cromwell was not at this time Lord Vice-ge­rent, for he granted these Capacities when he was in that Power.) [Page 223] And the Commissioners were to give them a reasonable allowance for their Journey, according to the distance they lived at. The Governor was to be sent to the Court of Augmentations, who were to assign him a yearly pension for his Life.’

What Report those Commissioners made, or how they obeyed their Instructions, we know not; for the Account of it is razed out of the Records. The Writers that lived near that time represent the matter very odiously, and say; about ten Thousand persons were set to seek for their Livings; only Forty Shillings in Money, and a Gown, being given to every Religious man. The Rents of them all, rose to about Thirty Two Thousand Pound: And the Goods, Plate, Jewels, and other movables, were valued at an Hundred Thousand Pound: And it is ge­nerally said, and not improbably, that the Commissioners were as careful to enrich themselves, as to encrease the Kings Revenue. The Churches and Cloysters were for the most part pulled down; and the Lead, Bells, and other Materials were sold; and this must needs have raised great discontents every-where.

The Religious persons that were undone, went about complaining of the Sacriledge and Injustice of this Suppression; That what the piety of their Ancestors had dedicated to God and his Saints,Great discon­tents among all sorts of people. was now invaded and converted to secular ends. They said, the Kings severity fell first upon some particular persons of their Orders, who were found delinquents; but now, upon the pretended miscarriages of some Individual persons, to proceed against their Houses, and sup­press them, was an unheard-of practice. The Nobility, and Gen­try, whose Ancestors had founded or enriched these Houses, and who provided for their younger Children, or empoverished Friends, by put­ting them into these Sanctuaries, complained much of the prejudice they sustained by it. The people, that had been well entertained at the Abbots Tables, were sensible of their loss: for generally, as they Travelled over the Countrey, the Abbies were their Stages, and were Houses of Reception to Travellers and Strangers. The De­vouter sort of people of their perswasion, thought their friends must now lie in Purgatory without relief, except they were at the charge to keep a Priest, who should daily say Mass for their Souls. The poor, that fed on their daily Alms, were deprived of that supply.

But to compose these discontents,Endeavors are used to quiet these. first many Books were publish­ed, to shew what Crimes, Cheats, and Impostures, those Religious persons were guilty of. Yet that wrought not much on the peo­ple; for they said, why were not these Abuses severely punished and reformed? But must whole Houses, and the Succeeding Generations, be punished for the faults of a few? Most of these reports were al­so denyed, and even those who before envyed the ease and plenty in which the Abbots and Monks lived, began now to pity them, and condemned the proceedings against them. But to allay this Gene­ral discontent; Cromwell advised the King to sell their Lands at very easie rates to the Gentry in the several Counties, obliging them, since they had them upon such terms, to keep up the wonted Hos­pitality. This drew in the Gentry a-pace both to be satisfied with what was done; and to Assist the Crown for ever in the defence of these Laws: their own interest being so enterwoven with the Rights [Page 224] of the Crown. The commoner sort, who, like those of old that fol­lowed Christ for the Loaves, were most concerned for the loss of a good dinner on a Holy-day, or when they went over the Countrey about their business, were now also in a great measure satisfied, when they heard that all to whom these Lands were given, were obliged under heavy Forfeitures to keep up the Hospitality; and when they saw that put in practice, their discontent, which lay chiefly in their Stomach, was appeased.

And to quiet other people, who could not be satisfied with such things, the King made use of a Clause in the Act that gave him the lesser Monasteries, which Empowered him to continue such as he should think fit. Therefore on the 17th of August, he by his Let­ters Patents, did of new give back in perpetuam Eleemosynam for per­petual Alms,Collect Numb. 3. sect. 2. Five Abbies. The first of these, was the Abbey of St. Mary of Betlesden of the Cistercian order in Bedfordshire, ten more were afterwards confirmed. Sixteen Nunneries, were also confirmed; In all Thirty one Houses. The Patents (in most of which some man­nors are excepted, that had been otherwise disposed of,) are all en­rolled, and yet none of our Writers have taken any notice of this. It seems these Houses had been more regular than the rest: So that in a General Calamity they were rather reprieved than excepted: for two years after this, in the Suppression of the rest of the Monaste­ries, they fell under the common fate of other Houses. By these new Endowments, they were obliged to pay Tenthes and first-Fruits, and to obey all the Statutes and Rules that should be sent to them from the King, as Supream Head of the Church. But it is not unlike, that some presents, to the Commissioners, or to Cromwell, made these Houses outlive this ruin: for I find great trading in Bribes at this time, which is not to be wondred at, when there was so much to be shared.

Yet people generally en­cline to Rebel.But great disorders followed upon the Dissolution of the other Houses. People were still generally discontented. The Suppression of Religious Houses occasioned much out-crying, and the Articles then lately published about Religion, encreased the distaste they had con­ceived at the Government. The old Clergy were also very watch­ful to improve all opportunities, and to blow upon every spark. And the Popes Power of deposing Kings had been for almost five hundred years received as an Article of Faith. The same Council that esta­blished Transubstantiation, had asserted it: and there were many Pre­cedents, not only in Germany, France, Spain, and Italy, but also in England, of Kings that were Deposed by Popes, whose Dominions were given to other Princes. This had begun in the Eighth Centu­ry, in two famous Deprivations. The one in France, of Childeric the 3d, who was deprived, and the Crown given to Pepin: and about the same time, those Dominions in Italy which were under the Eastern Emperors, renounced their alleagance to them. In both these the Popes had a great hand, yet they rather confirmed and approved of those Treasonable Mutations, than gave the first rise to them. But after Pope Gregory the 7th's time, it was clearly assumed, as a Right and Prerogative of the Papal Crown, to Depose Princes, and absolve Subjects from the Oaths of Alleagance, and set up others in their [Page 225] stead. And all those Emperors or Kings, that contested any thing with Popes, sat very uneasie and unsafe in their Thrones, ever after that. But if they were tractable to the demands of the Court of Rome, then they might oppress their Subjects, and Govern as unjust­ly as they pleased: for they had a mighty support from that Court. This made Princes more easily bear the Popes usurpations, because they were assisted by them in all their other Proceedings. And the Friers, having the Consciences of people generally in their hands as they had the word given by their General at Rome, so they disposed people, either to be obedient, or seditious, as they pleased.

Now, not only their own Interests, mixed with their zeal for the ancient Religion, but the Popes Authority, gave them as good a War­rant to encline the people to Rebel, as any had in former times, of whom some were Canonized for the like practices. For in August the former year, the Pope had Summoned the King to appear with­in Ninety days, and to answer for putting away his Queen, and tak­ing another Wife; and for the Laws he had made against the Church, and putting the Bishop of Rochester and others to death for not o­beying these Laws: and if he did not reform these faults, or did not appear to answer for them, the Pope Excommunicated him, and all that favoured him, deprived the King, put the Kingdom under an In­terdict, forbade all his Subjects to obey, and other States to hold Com­merce with him, dissolved all his Leagues with forreign Princes, commanded all the Clergy to depart out of England, and his Nobi­lity to rise in Arms against him. But now, the force of those Thun­ders, which had formerly produced great Earth-quakes and Commo­tions, was much abated; yet some storms were raised by this, though not so violent as had been in former times.

The people were quiet till they had reaped their Harvest.The Kings injunctions a­bout Religion. And though some Injunctions were published a little before, to help it the better forward, most of the Holy days in Harvest being abolished by the Kings Authority; yet that rather Inflamed them the more. O­ther Injunctions were also published in the Kings name by Cromwell his Vice-gerent, which was the first Act of pure Supremacy done by the King. For in all that went before, he had the Concurrence of the two Convocations. But these, it is like, were penned by Cranmer. The Reader is referred to the Collection of Papers for them, as I transcribed them out of the Register.

The Substance of them was, that first, all Ecclesiastical Incum­bents were for a quarter of an year after that, once every Sunday,Collect Numb. 7. and ever after that, twice every quarter, to publish to the people: That the Bishop of Romes usurped Power, had no ground in the Law of God: and therefore was on good reasons abolished in this Kingdom: And that the Kings Power was by the Law of God, Su­pream over all persons in his Dominions. And they were to do their uttermost endeavour, to extirpate the Popes Authority, and to establish the Kings.

Secondly, They were to declare the Articles lately published, and agreed to, by the Convocation: and to make the people know which of them were Articles of Faith, and which of them Rules for the decent and politick Order of the Church.

[Page 226] Thirdly, They were to declare the Articles lately set forth, for the Abrogation of some superfluous Holy days, particularly in Har­vest time.

Fourthly, They were no more to extol Images or Relicks, for su­perstition or gain; nor to exhort people to make Pilgrimages, as if blessings and good things were to be obtained of this or that Saint or Image. But in stead of that, the people were to be instru­cted to apply themselves to the keeping of Gods Commandments, and doing works of Charity; and to believe that God was better served by them, when they stayed at home and provided for their Families, than when they went Pilgrimages: and that the Moneys laid out on these, were better given to the poor.

Fifthly, They were to exhort the people to teach their Children the Lords Prayer, the Creed, and the ten Commandments, in En­glish: and every Incumbent was to explain these, one Article a day, till the people were Instructed in them. And to take great care, that all Children were bred up to some trade or way of Living.

Sixthly,, They must take care that the Sacraments and Sacra­mentals be reverently administred in their Parishes, from which when at any time they were absent, they were to Commit the Cure to a Learned and expert Curate; who might instruct the peo­ple in wholsome Doctrine: that they might all see, that their Pa­stors did not pursue their own profits or interests, so much as the Glory of God, and the good of the Souls under their Cure.

Seventhly, They should not, except on urgent occasion, go to Taverns or Ale-houses: nor sit too long at any sort of Games after their Meals: but give themselves to the Study of the Scripture, or some other honest exercise; and remember that they must excel others in purity of life, and be examples to all others to live well and Christianly.

Eighthly, Because the goods of the Church, were the goods of the poor; every Beneficed person that had twenty Pound or above, and did not reside, was yearly to distribute the Fortieth part of his Benefice to the poor of the Parish.

Ninthly, Every Incumbent that had an hundred Pound a year, must give an Exhibition for one Schollar at some Grammar School, or University; who after he had compleated his Studies, was to be Partner of the Cure and Charge, both in Preaching, and other du­ties: And so many hundred Pounds as any had, so many Students he was to breed up.

Tenthly, Where Parsonage or Vicarage-Houses were in great de­cay, the Incumbent was every year to give a fifth part of his pro­fits to the repairing of them, till they were finished; and then to maintain them in the State they were in.

Eleventhly, All these Injunctions were to be observed, under pain of suspension and sequestration of the mean profits till they were ob­served.

These were equally ingrateful to the Corrupt Clergy, and to the Laity that adhered to the old Doctrine.Which were much censur­ed. The very same opinions, a­bout Pilgrimages, Images, and Saints departed, and instructing the people in the Principles of Christian Religion in the Vulgar tongue, [Page 227] for which the Lollards were not long ago, either burnt or forced to abjure them, were now set up by the Kings Authority. From whence they concluded, that whatsoever the King said of his maintaining the old Doctrine, yet he was now changing it. The Clergy also were much troubled at this Precedent, of the Kings giving such Injuncti­ons to them, without the consent of the Convocation: From which they concluded, they were now to be slaves to the Lord Vice-gerent. The matter of these Injunctions was also very uneasie to them. The great profits they made by their Images, and Relicks, and the Pilgri­mages to them, were now taken away: and yet severe Impositions and heavy Taxes were laid on them; a fifth part for Repairs, a tenth at least for an Exhibitioner, and a fortieth for Charity, which were cryed out on as intolerable burdens. Their Labour was also increased, and they were bound up to many severities of Life: All these things touched the Secular Clergy to the quick, and made them concur with the Regular Clergy in disposing the people to Rebel.

This was secretly fomented by the great Abbots. For though they were not yet struck at, yet the way was prepared to it; and their Houses were oppressed with crouds of those who were sent to them from the suppressed Houses. There was some pains taken to remove their fears. For a Letter was sent to them all in the Kings name, to silence the reports that were spread abroad, as if all Monasteries were to be quite suppressed. This they were required not to believe but to serve God according to their Order, to obey the Kings Injun­ctions, to keep Hospitality, and make no wastes nor dilapidations. Yet this gave them small comfort; and as all such things do, ra­ther encreased than quieted their jealousies and fears. So many se­cret causes concurring, no wonder the people fell into mutinous and seditious practices.

The first rising was in Lincolnshire in the beginning of October, A Rebellion in Lincolnshire. where a Church-man, disguised into a Cobler, and directed by a Monk, drew a great body of men after him. About 20000 were gathered together. They swore to be true, to God, the King, and the Com­mon-wealth, and digested their Grievances into a few Articles, which they sent to the King, desiring a redress of them.

‘They complained of some things that related to secular concerns, and some Acts of Parliament that were uneasie to them:Their De­mands. They also complained of the suppression of so many Religious Houses: that the King had mean persons in high places about him, who were ill Councellors: They also complained of some Bishops who had subverted the Faith; and they apprehended the Jewels and Plate of their Churches, should be taken away. Therefore they desired the King would call to him the Nobility of the Realm, and by their advice redress their Grievances: Concluding with an acknowledg­ment of the Kings being their Supream Head, and that the Tenthes and first Fruits of all Livings, belonged to him of Right.’

When the King heard of this Insurrection,The Kings answer. he presently sent the Duke of Suffolk with a Commission to raise forces for dispersing them: But with him he sent an answer to their Petition. ‘He began with that about his Councellors, and said; It was never before heard of that the Rabble presumed to Dictate to their Prince, what Coun­cellors [Page 228] he should choose. That was the Princes work and not theirs. The Suppression of Religious Houses was done pursuant to an Act of Parliament, and was not set forth by any of his Counsellors. The Heads of these Religious Houses, had under their own hands confessed those horrid scandals, which made them a reproach to the Nation. And in many Houses there were not above Four or Five Religious persons. So it seemed they were better pleased, that such dissolute persons should consume their Rents in riotous and idle living, than that their Prince should have them for the Common good of the whole Kingdom. He also answered their other Demands in the same high and commanding strain; and required them to sub­mit themselves to his mercy, and to deliver their Captains and Lieu­tenants into the hands of his Lieutenants; and to disperse, and car­ry themselves as became good and obedient Subjects, and to put an hundred of their number into the hands of his Lieutenants, to be ordered as they had deserved.’

When this answer was brought to them, it raised their Spirits higher. The practising Clergy-men continued to inflame them. They perswaded them that the Christian Religion would be very soon defaced, and taken away quite, if they did not vigorously de­fend it: That it would come to that, that no man should marry a Wife, receive any of the Sacraments, nor eat a piece of rost meat, but he should pay for it: That it were better to live under the Turk, than under such oppression. Therefore there was no cause in which they could with more honour and a better conscience hazard their Lives, than for the Holy Faith. This encouraged and kept them to­gether a little longer. They had forced many of the Gentry of the Countrey to go along with them. These sent a secret Message to the Duke of Suffolk, letting him know what ill effects the Kings rough answer had produced: That they had joyned with the people only to moderate them a little, and they knew nothing that would be so effectual as the offer of a general pardon. So the Duke of Suffolk, as he moved towards them with the forces which he had drawn toge­ther,It's quieted by the Duke of Suffolk. sent to the King to know his pleasure, and earnestly advised a gentle composing of the matter without blood. At that same time the King was advertised from the North, that there was a general and formidable Rising there. Of which he had the greater apprehen­sions, because of their neighbourhood to Scotland; [...] new Re­ [...]on in the [...] whose King, being the Kings Nephew, was the Heir presumptive of the Crown, since the King had Illegitimated both his Daughters. And though the Kings firm Alliance with France made him less apprehensive of trou­ble from Scotland, and their King was at this time in France, to mar­ry the Daughter of Francis; yet he did not know how far a ge­neral Rising might invite that King, to send orders to head and assist the Rebels in the North. Therefore he resolved first to quiet Lin­colnshire. And as he had raised a great force about London, with which he was marching in person against them; so he sent a new Proclamation, Requiring them to return to their obedience, with se­cret assurances of mercy. By these means they were melted away. Those who had been carryed in the Stream, submitted to the Kings mercy, and promised all obedience for the future: Others, that were [Page 229] obstinate, and knew themselves unpardonable, fled Northward, and joyned themselves to the Rebels there: Some of their other Leaders were apprehended, in particular the Cobler, and were Executed.

But for the Northern Rebellion, as the parties concerned, being at a greater distance from the Court, had larger opportunities to gather themselves into a huge Body; so the whole Contrivance of it was better laid. One Ask Commanded in chief. He was a Gentleman of an ordinary condition, but understood well how to draw on and Govern a Multitude. Their march was called the Pilgrimage of Grace. And to inveigle the people, some Priests marched before them with Crosses in their hands. In their Banners they had a Crucifix with the Five wounds, and a Chalice: and every one wore on his sleeve, as the badge of the Party, an Emblem of the Five wounds of Christ, with the name Iesus wrought in the midst. All that joyned to them took an Oath, ‘That they entered into this Pilgrimage of Grace, for the love of God, the preservation of the Kings person, and issue, the purifying the Nobility, and driving away all base born and ill Counsellors; and for no particular profit of their own, nor to do displeasure to any, nor to kill any for envy; but to take before them the Cross of Christ, his Faith, the Restitution of the Church, and the Suppression of Hereticks, and their opinions.’ These were specious pretences,Which grew very formida­ble. and very apt to work upon a giddy and discontent­ed multitude. So people flocked about their Crosses and Standards in great numbers; and they grew to be 40000 strong. They went over the Countrey without any great opposition. The Arch-Bishop of York and the Lord Darcy were in Pomfret Castle; which they yielded to them, and were made to swear their Covenant. They were both suspected of being secret Promoters of the Rebellion: the latter suf­fered for it, but how the former excused himself I cannot give any ac­count. They also took York, and Hull; but though they summoned the Castle of Skipton, yet the Earl of Cumberland, who would not degenerate from his Noble Ancestors, held it out against all their force: and though many of the Gentlemen, whom he had entertained at his own cost, deserted him, yet he made a brave resistance. Scarbo­rough Castle was also long besieged; but there Sir Ralph Evers, that Commanded it, gave an un-exampled instance of his fidelity and cou­rage; for though his provisions fell short, so that for twenty days he and his men had nothing but bread and water, yet they stood out till they were relieved.

This Rising in Yorkshire encouraged those of Lancashire, the Bishoprick of Duresm, and Westmoreland, to Arm. Against these the Earl of Shrewsbu­ry, that he might not fall short of the Gallantry and Loyalty of his renownd Ancestors, made head: though he had no Commission from the King. But he knew his zeal and fidelity would easily procure him a pardon, which he modestly asked for the service he had done. The King sent him not only that, but a Commission to command in chief all his forces in the North. To his Assistance he ordered the Earl of Derby to march; and sent Courtney Marquess of Exeter, and the Earls of Huntington, and Rutland, to joyn him. He also order­ed the Duke of Suffolk, with the force that he had led into Lincoln­shire, to lye still there; lest they, being but newly quieted, should [Page 230] break out again, and fall upon his Armies behind; when the Yorkshire men met them before.

The Duke of Norfolk and others sent a­gainst them.On the 20th of October, he sent the Duke of Norfolk with more forces to joyn the Earl of Shrewsbury: But the Rebels were very nu­merous and desperate. When the Duke of Norfolk understood their strength, he saw great reason to proceed with much caution: for if they had got the least advantage of the Kings Troops, all the discon­tents in England would upon the report of that have broken out. He saw their numbers were now such, that the gaining some time was their ruin: for such a great Body could not subsist long together, without much provisions; and that must be very hard for them to bring in: So he set forward a Treaty. It was both honourable for the King to offer mercy to his distracted Subjects, and of great ad­vantage to his affairs: for as their numbers did every day lessen; so the Kings forces were still encreasing. He wrote to the King, that considering the season of the year, he thought the offering some fair conditions might perswade them to lay down their Arms, and disperse themselves: Yet when the Earl of Shrewsbury sent a Herald with a Proclamation, ordering them to lay down their Arms, and submit to the Kings mercy; Ask received him sitting in State, with the Arch-Bishop on the one hand, and the Lord Darcy on the other, but would not suffer any Proclamation to be made, till he knew the Contents of it. And when the Herauld told what they were, he sent him away without suffering him to publish it. And then the Priests used all their endeavours, to engage the people to a firm resolution of not dispersing themselves, till all matters about Religion were fully setled.

As they went forward, they every-where repossessed the ejected Monks of their Houses; and this encouraged the rest, who had a great mind to be in their old Nests again. They published also ma­ny stories among them of the growing burdens of the [...] Go­vernment, and made them believe that Impositions would be laid on every thing that was either bought or sold. But the King hearing how strong they were, sent out a general Summons to all the Nobili­ty to meet him at Northampton the 7th of November. And the for­ces sent against the Rebels advanced to Doncaster, They advance to Doncaster. to hinder them from coming further southward; and took the Bridge, which they fortifi­ed, and laid their forces along the River to maintain that Pass.

The Writers of that time say, that the day of Battel was agreed on; but that the night before, excessive Rains falling, the River swel­led so, that it was unpassable next day, and they could not force the Bridge. Yet it is not likely the Earl of Shrewsbury, having in all but 5000 men about him, would agree to a pitched Battel with those who were Six times his number, being then 30000. Therefore it is more likely that the Rebels only intended to pass the River the next day, which the Rain that fell hindred: But the Duke of Norfolk continued to press a Treaty, which was hearkned to by the other side; who were reduced to great straits; for their Captain would not suffer them to spoyl the Countrey, and they were no longer a­ble to subsist without doing that. The Duke of Norfolk directed some that were secretly gained, or had been sent over to them as [Page] Deserters, to spread reports among them; that their Leaders were making Terms for themselves, and would leave the rest to be un­done. This joyned to their necessities, made many fall off every day. The Duke of Norfolk finding his Arts had so good an operation of­fered to go to Court,The [...] them by de­lays. with any whom they would send with their de­mands, and to intercede for them. This he knew would take up some time, and most of them would be dispersed before he could return. So they sent two Gentlemen, whom they had forced to go with them, to the King to Windsor. Upon this, the King discharg­ed the Rendezvous at Northampton, and delayed the sending an an­swer as much as could be: But at last, hearing that though most of them were dispersed; yet they had engaged to return upon warning▪ and that they took it ill that no answer came; he sent the Duke of Norfolk to them with a general pardon, six only excepted by name, and four others that were not named. But in this the Kings Counsels were generally censured, for every one was now in fear, and so the Re­bels rejected the Proposition. ‘The King also sent them word by their own Messenger That he took it very ill at their hands, that they had chosen rather to rise in Arms against him, than to Petition him about these things which were uneasie to them.’ And to appease them a little, the King by new Injunctions, commanded the Cler­gy to continue the use of all the Ceremonies of the Church. This, it is like, was intended for keeping up the four Sacraments, which had not been mentioned in the former Articles. The Clergy, that were with the Rebels, met at Pomfret to draw up Articles to be offered at the Treaty that was to be at Doncaster: where three hundred were or­dered to come from the Rebels to treat with the Kings Commissio­ners. So great a number was called, in hopes that they would disa­gree about their Demands, and so fall out among themselves. On the 6th of December they met to treat, and it seems had so laid their matter before, that they agreed upon these following Demands.

‘A general Pardon to be granted: a Parliament to be held at York; and Courts of justice to be there; that none on the North of Trent might be brought to London upon any Law-sute. They desired a Repeal of some Acts of Parliament:Their De­mands. Those for the last Subsidy, for uses, for making words misprision of Treason, and for the Clergies paying their Tenthes and first Fruits to the King. They desired the Princess Mary might be restored to her right of Succes­sion; the Pope to his wonted Jurisdiction and the Monks to their Houses again: that the Lutherans might be punished, that Audley the Lord Chancellor, and Cromwell the Lord Privy-Seal, might be ex­cluded from the next Parliament; and Lee and Leighton, that had visited the Monasteries, might be imprisoned for Bribery and Ex­tortion.’

But the Lords, who knew that the King would by no means agree to these Propositions, rejected them. Upon which the Rebels took heart again, and were growing more enraged and desperate; so that the Duke of Norfolk wrote to the King, that if some content were not given them, it might end very ill, for they were much stronger than his Forces were: And both he, and the other Commanders of the Kings Forces, in their hearts wished that most of their Demands were [Page] granted; being persons, who though they complied with the King, and were against that Rebellion, yet were great Enemies to Lutheranism, and wished a Reconciliation with Rome; of which the Duke of Nor­folk was afterwards accused by the Lord Darcy, as if he had secretly encouraged them to insist on these Demands. The King seeing the humour was so obstinate, resolved to use gentler Remedies; and so sent to the Duke of Norfolk a general Pardon, with a promise of a Par­liament, ordering him not to make use of these, except in extremity. This was no easie thing to that Duke, since he might be afterwards made to answer for it, whether the extremity was really such, as to justifie his granting these things. But the Rebels were become again as numerous as ever, and had resolved to cross the River, and to force the Kings Camp, which was still much inferiour to theirs in num­ber. But Rains falling the second time, made the Foords again un­passable. This was spoken of by the Kings Party, as little less than a a Miracle, that Gods Providence had twice so opportunely interposed for the stopping of the progress of the Rebels: And it is very probable that on the other side, it made great impression on the Superstitious multitude; and both discouraged them, and disposed them, to accept of the offer of Pardon, and a Parliament to be soon called, for consider­ing their other Demands. The King signed the Pardon at Richmond, the 9th of December: by which all their Treasons and Rebellion to that day, were pardoned, provided they made their submission to the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Shrewsbury, and lived in all due obedience for the future. ‘The King sent likewise a long answer to their De­mands,The Kings answer to them. as to what they complained about the subversion of the Faith; He protested his zeal for the true Christian Faith, and that he would live and die in the defence and preservation of it. But the ignorant multitude were not to instruct him what the true Faith was, nor to presume to correct what he and the whole Convocation had agreed on. That as he had preserved the Church of England in her true Li­berties, so he would do still; and that he had done nothing that was so oppressive, as many of his Progenitours had done upon lesser grounds. But that he took it very ill of them, who had rather one Churl or two should enjoy the Profits of their Monasteries, to support them in their dissolute and abominable course of living, than that their King should have them for defraying the great Charge he was at for their defence against Forreign Enemies. For the Laws, it was high presumption in a rude multitude to take on them to judge what Laws were good, and what not. They had more reason to think, that he after twenty eight years Reign should know it better than they could. And for his Government, he had so long preserved his Sub­jects in Peace and Justice, had so defended them from their Enemies, had so secured his Frontier, had granted so many general Pardons, had been so unwilling to punish his Subjects, and so ready to receive them into mercy; that they could shew no paralel to his Govern­ment among all their former Kings. And whereas it was said, That he had many of the Nobility of his Council, in the beginning of his Reign, and few now; he shewed them in that one instance how they were abused by the lying slanders of some disaffected Persons: For when he came to the Crown, there were none that were born [Page 233] Noble, of his Council, but only the Earl of Surrey, and the Earl of Shrewsbury; whereas now, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Mar­quess of Exeter, the Lord Steward, the Earls of Oxford and Sussex, and the Lord Sands, were of the Privy-Council: And for the Spiri­tuality, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Winchester, Hereford and Chichester, were also of it: And he and his whole Coun­cil judging it necessary to have some at the board who understood the Law of England, and the Treaties with Forreign Princes; he had by their Unanimous advice brought in his Chancellor, and the Lord Privy-Seal. He thought it strange, that they who were but brutes, should think they could better judg who should be his Coun­sellors than himself and his whole Council: Therefore he would bear no such thing at their hands; it being inconsistent with the duty of good Subjects, to meddle in such matters. But if they or any of his other Subjects, could bring any just complaint against any about him, he was ready to hear it; and if it were proved, he would punish it according to Law. As for the complaints against some of the Prelates for preaching against the Faith, they could know none of these things but by the report of others; since they lived at such a distance, that they themselves had not heard any of them preach. Therefore he required them not to give credit to Lies, nor be misled by those who spread such Calumnies and ill reports: And he concluded all with a severe Expostulation; adding that such was his love to his Subjects, that imputing this Insurrection, rather to their folly and lightness, than to any malice or rancour, he was willing to pass it over more gently, as they would perceive by his Proclamation.’

Now the people were come to themselves again, and glad to get off so easily; and they all chearfully accepted the Kings offers,1537. and went home again to their several dwellings.The Rebelli­on is quieted. Yet the Clergy were no way satisfied, but continued still to practise amongst them, and kept the Rebellion still on foot; so that it broke out soon after. The Duke of Norfolk, and the Earl of Shrewsbury, were ordered to lie still in the Country with their Forces, till all things were more fully composed. They made them all come to a full submission; and first, to revoke all Oaths and Promises made, during the Rebellion, for which they asked the Kings Pardon on their knees; 2ly, To swear to be true to the King, and his Heirs and Successors; 3ly, To obey and maintain all the Acts of Parliament made during the Kings Reign. 4ly, Not to take Arms again but by the Kings Authority. 5ly, To apprehend all Seditious persons. 6ly, To remove all the Monks, Nuns, and Fri­ars, whom they had placed again in the dissolved Monasteries. There were also Orders given to send Ask their Captain, and the Lord Dar­cy, to Court. Ask was kindly received, and well used by the King. He had shewed great conduct in Commanding the Rebels; and it seems the King had a mind, either to gain him to his service, or, which I suspect was the true Cause, to draw from him a discovery of all those, who, in the other parts of the Kingdom, had favoured or relieved them. For he suspected, not without cause, that some of the great Abbots had given secret supplies of Money to the Rebels: For which many of them were afterwards tryed and attainted. The Lord Darcy was under great apprehensions, and studied to purge [Page 234] himself,1537. that he was forced to a Compliance with them; but plead­ed, that the long and important services, he had done the Crown for fifty years, he being then fourscore, together with his great Age and Infirmity, might mitigate the Kings displeasure. But he was made Prisoner. Whether this gave those who had been in Arms, new jealousies, that the Kings Pardon would not be inviolably observed; or whether the Clergy had of new, prevailed on them to rise in Arms, I cannot determine: But it broke out again, though not so dan­gerously as before.New risings but soon dis­persed. Two Gentlemen of the North, Musgrave and Til­by, raised a body of 8000 men; and thought to have surprised Car­lisle; but were repulsed by those within. And in their return the Duke of Norfolk fell upon them, and routed them. He took many prisoners, and by Martial Law hanged up all their Captains, and Se­venty other Prisoners on the Walls of Carlisle. Others at that same time thought to have surprised Hull; but it was prevented, and the leaders of that Party were also taken and Executed.

Many other Risings were in several places of the Countrey, which were all soon repressed; the ground of them all was, that the Parlia­ment which was promised, was not called: But the King said, they had not kept conditions with him, nor would he call a Parliament till all things were quieted. But the Duke of Norfolks vigilance every-where, prevented their gathering together in any great Body. And after several un-succesful attempts, at length the Countrey was absolutely quieted in Ianuary following. And then the Duke of Nor­folk proceeded according to the Martial Law against many whom he had taken. Ask had also left the Court without leave, and had gone amongst them, but was quickly taken. So he and many others were sent to several places, to be made publick Examples. He suffered at York, others at Hull, and in other Towns in Yorkshire. But the Lord Darcy, and the Lord Hussy, were arraigned at Westminster, and attaint­ed of Treason▪ The former for the Northern, and the other for the Lincolnshire Insurrection. The Lord Darcy was beheaded at Towerhill; and was much lamented.The chief of the Rebels ex­ecuted. Every body thought that considering his Merits, his Age, and former services, he had hard measure. The Lord Hussy was beheaded at Lincoln. The Lord Darcy in his Tryal, accused the Duke of Norfolk; that in the Treaty at Doncaster, he had encouraged the Rebels to continue in their demands. This the Duke denyed, and desired a Tryal by Combate, and gave some pre­sumptions to shew that the Lord Darcy bore him ill-will, and said this out of Malice. The King either did not believe this, or would not seem to believe it: And the Dukes great diligence in the Suppres­sion of these Commotions set him beyond all jealousies. But after those Executions, the King wrote to the Duke in Iuly next, to Pro­claim an absolute Amnesty over all the North; which was received with great joy, every body being in fear of himself: and so this threatning storm was dissipated without the effusion of much blood, save what the sword of justice drew. At the same time the King of Scotland returning from France with his Queen, and touching on the Coast of England; many of the people fell down at his feet, praying him to assist them, and he should have all. But he was, it seems, bound up by the French King: and so went home without giving them [Page 235] any encouragement. And thus ended this Rebellion, which was chief­ly carryed on by the Clergy, under pretence of Religion.

And now the King was delivered of all his apprehensions that he had been in, for some years in fear of Stirs at home.A new Visi­tation of Mo­nasteries. But they be­ing now happily composed; as he knew it would so overawe the rest of his discontented Subjects, that he needed fear nothing from them for a great while; so it encouraged him to go on in his other designs, of suppressing the rest of the Monasteries, and reforming some other Points of Religion. Therefore there was a new Visitation appointed for all the Monasteries of England. And the Visiters were ordered, to Examine all things that related either to their Conversation, to their affection to the King, and the Supremacy, or to their Superstition, in their several Houses: To discover what Cheats and Impostures there were, either in their Images, Relicks, or other miraculous things, by which they had drawn people to their Houses on Pilgrimages, and gotten from them any great Presents. Also to try how they were affected during the late Commotions, and to discover every thing that was amiss in them, and report it to the Lord Vice-gerent. In the Records of the whole Twenty Eighth year of the Kings Reign, I find but one Original Surrender of any Religious House. The Abbot of Furnese in Lincolnshire valued at 960 lib. with Thirty Monks resigning up that House to the King, on the 9th of April, which was very near the end of the year of the Kings Reign, for it commenced on the 22d of April. Two other Surrenders are enrolled that year. The one was of Ber­mondsey in Surrey, the first of Iune in the twenty eighth of the Kings Reign. The Preamble was, that they Surrendred in hopes of greater Benevolence from the King. But this was the effect of some secret practice, and not of the Act of Parliament. For it was valued at 548 lib. and so fell not within the Act. The other was of Bushlisham or Bishtam in Berkshire, made by Barlow Bishop of St. Davids, that was Commendator of it, and a great Promoter of the Reformation. It was valued at 327 lib. But in the following year they made a quicker Progress, and found strange Enormities in the greater Houses. It seems all the Houses under 200 lib. of Rent were not yet suppressed. For I find many within that value afterwards resigning their Houses. So that I am enclined to believe, that the first visitation being made to­wards the Suppression of the lesser Monasteries, and that (as appears by their Instructions) being not to be finished till they had made a report of what they had done to the Court of Augmentations, who were after the report made to determine what pensions were to be reserved to the Abbot and other Officers; (which report was to be made in the Octaves of St. Michael, and after that, a new Com­mission was to be given for their Suppression;) when that was done, they went no further at that time, that so I cannot think there were many Houses Suppressed when these Stirres began: and after their first rising, it is not likely that great Progress would be made in a business that was like to inflame the people more, and encrease the number of the Rebels. Neither do I find any Houses suppressed by vertue of the former Act of Parliament till the twenty ninth year of the Kings Reign.Some of the great Abbots surrender their Houses.

And yet they made no great hast this year. For there are but [Page 236] twenty one Surrenders all this year, either in the Rolls, or Augmen­tation-Office. And now, not only small Abbeys, but greater ones, were surrendred to the King. The Abbots were brought to do it up­on several Motives. Some had been faulty during the late Rebelli­on, and were liable to the Kings displeasure: and these, to redeem themselves, compounded the matter by a Resignation of their House. Others began to like the Reformation, and that made them the more willing to surrender their Houses: such as Barlow Bishop of St. Da­vids, who not only surrendered up his own House of Bushlisham, but prevailed on many others to do the like: Others were convicted of great disorders in their Conversation; and these not daring to stand a Tryal, were glad to accept of a Pension for life, and deliver up their House. Others were guilty of making great wastes and Dilapi­dations. For they all saw the Dissolution of their Houses approach­ing, and so every one was induced to take all the care he could to provide for himself, and his kindred; so that the Visitors found in some of the Richest Abbies of England, as St. Albans, and Battell, such de­predations made, that at St. Albans an Abbot could not subsist any lon­ger, the rents were so low; and in Battell, as all their furniture was old and torn, not worth an 100 lib. so both in House and Chappel, they had not 400 Marks worth of Plate. In other Houses they found not above twelve or fifteen Ounces of Plate, and no furniture at all, but only such things as they could not embezel; as the Walls, and Windows, Bells, and Lead. In other Houses, the Abbot and Monks were glad to accept of a Pension for themselves during life: and so being only concerned for their own particular interest, resigned their House to the King. Generally, the Monks had eight Marks a year Pension, till they were provided for. The Abbots Pensions were proportioned to the Value of their House, and to their Innocence. The Abbots of St. Albans, and Tewksbury, had 400 Marks a year a piece. The Abbot of St. Edmundsbury was more Innocent, for the Vi­sitors wrote from thence, that they could find no scandals in that House: So he (it seems) was not easily brought to Resign his House, and had 500 Marks Pension reserved to him. And for their in­ferior Officers some had 30. some 10. or 8. and the lowest 6 lib. Pension.

In other places, upon a vacancy, either by death, or deprivation, they did put in an Abbot only to resign up the House. For after the Kings Supremacy was established, all those Abbots that had been for­merly confirmed by the Pope, were placed in this manner. The King granted a Conge d'elire to the Prior and Convent, with a Mis­sive Letter, declaring the name of the person whom they should choose: then they returned an election to the King, who, upon that, gave his assent to it by a Warrant under the great Seal, which was certified to the Lord Vice-gerent; who thereupon Confirmed the E­lection, and returned him back to the King, to take the Oaths: upon which, the Temporalities were restored. Thus all the Abbots were now placed by the King, and were generally pickt out to serve this turn. Others, in hope of advancement to Bishopricks, or to be Suffragan Bishops, as the inferior sort of them were made generally, were glad to recommend themselves to the Kings favour, by a quick and cheerful Surrender of their Monasterie. Upon some of these in­ducements [Page 237] it was,1538. that the greatest number of the Religious Hou­ses were resigned to the King, before there was any Act of Parlia­ment made for their Suppression. In several Houses, the Visitors, who were generally, either Masters of Chancery, or Auditors of the Court of Augmentations, studied not only to bring them to resign their Houses, but to Sign Confessions of their passed lewd and dis­solute lives. Of these, there is only one now extant, which (it is like) escaped the general rasure and destruction of all Papers of that kind, in Queen Maries time. But from the Letters that I have seen, I perceive there were such Confessions made by many other Houses. That Confession of the Prior and Benedictins of St. Andrews in Northamp­ton is to be seen in the Records of the Court of Augmentations. ‘In which,Confessions of horrid Crimes made in several Houses. with the most aggravating expressions that could be devised, they ac­knowledged their past ill life, for which the Pitt of Hell was ready to swallow them up. They confessed that they had neglected the Wor­ship of God, lived in Idleness, Gluttony, and Sensuality, with many other woful expressions to that purpose.’

Other Houses, as the Monastery of Betlesden, Collect Numb. 3. sect. 4. resigned with this Pre­amble, ‘That they did profoundly consider, that the manner and trade of living, which they, and others of their pretended Religi­on, had for a long time followed, consisted in some dumb ceremo­nies, and other Constitutions, of the Bishops of Rome, and other forreign Potentates; as the Abbot of Cisteaux, by which they were blindly led, having no true knowledg of Gods Laws; procuring exemptions from their Ordinary and Diocesan, by the Power of the Bishop of Rome, and submitting themselves wholly to a forreign Power, who never came hither to reform their abuses, which were now found among them. But that now knowing the most per­fect way of living is sufficiently declared by Christ and his Apo­stles; and that it was most fit for them to be Governed by the King, who was their Supream Head on earth; they Submitted them­selves to his Mercy, and surrendered up their Monastery to him on the 25th of September in the 30th year of his Reign.’ This writing was signed by the Abbot, the Sub-prior, and nine Monks. There are five other Surrenders to the same purpose; by the Gray, and White Fri­ars of Stamford, the Gray-Friars of Coventry, Bedford, and Ailesbury, yet to be seen. Some are resigned upon this Preamble, ‘That they hoped the King would of new found their House; which was o­therwise like to be ruined, both in Spirituals and Temporals.’ So did the Abbot of Chertsey in Surrey, with fourteen Monks, on the 14th of Iuly in the 29th year of this Reign, whose House was valued at 744 lib. I have some reason to think that this Abbot was for the Reformation, and intended to have had his House new founded to be a House of true and well regulated devotion: And so I find the Pri­or of great Malverine in Worcestershire offered such a Resignation. He was recommended by Bishop Latimer to Cromwell, with an earnest de­sire that his House might stand, not in Monkery, but so as to be con­verted to Preaching, Study, and Prayer. And the good Prior was wil­ling to compound for his House by a Present of 500 Marks to the King, and of 200 to Cromwell. He is commended, for being an old wor­thy man, a good Housekeeper, and one that daily fed many poor [Page 238] people. To this Latimer adds; Alas my good Lord! Shall we not see Two or Three in every shire changed to such remedy?

But the Resolution was taken once to extirpate all. And therefore though the Visitors interceded earnestly for one Nunnery in Oxford­shire, Godstow, where there was great strictness of life; and to which were most of the young Gentlewomen of the County were sent to be bred; so that the Gentrey of the Country desired the King would spare the House, yet all was uneffectual.

The form of most surren­ders. Coll [...]ct. Numb. 3. Sect. 1.The General Form, in which most of these Resignations begins, is, ‘That the Abbot and Brethren, upon full deliberation, certain know­ledg, of their own proper motion, for certain just and reasonable causes, specially moving them in their Souls and Consciences, did freely, and of their own accord, give and grant their Houses to the King.’ Others (it seems) did not so well like this preamble; and therefore did, without any reason or preamble, give away their Hou­ses to the Visitors, as Feofees in trust for the Kings use. And thus they went on, procuring daily more surrenders. So that in the thir­tieth year of the Kings Reign there were 159 Resignations enrolled, of which the Originals of 155 do yet remain. And for the Readers further satisfaction,Collect. Numb. 3. Sect. 3. he shall find, in the Collection at the end of this Book, the names of all these Houses so surrendred, with other par­ticulars relating to them, which would too much weary him, if in­serted in the thread of this Work. But there was no Law to force any to make such Resignations. So that many of the great Abbots would not comply with the King in this matter, and stood it out till after the following Parliament that was in the 31th year of his Reign.

It was questioned by many, whether these surrenders could be good in Law, since the Abbots were but Trustees and Tenants for Life. It was thought they could not absolutely alienate, and give away their House for ever. But the Parliament afterwards declared the Resignations were good in Law. For by their Foundations all was trusted to the Abbot and the Senior Brethren of the House; who putting the Covent-Seal to any Deed, it was of force in Law. It was also said,Divers opi­nions about these. that they thus surrendering, had forfeited their Charters and Foundations; and so the King might seize and possess them with a good Title, if not upon the Resignation, yet upon Forfeiture. But o­thers thought, that, whatsoever the Nicety of Law might give the King, yet there was no sort of equity in it, that a few Trustees, who were either bribed, or frighted, should pass away that which was none of theirs, but only given them in Trust and for Life. Other Abbots were more roughly handled.Some Abbots attainted of Treason. The Prior of Wooburn was suspected of favouring the Rebels, of being against the Kings Supremacy, and for the Popes; and of being for the General Council then summoned to Mantua. And he was dealt with to make a submission and acknowledgment. In an account of a long Conference which he had with a Privy Counsellor under his own hand, I find that the great thing which he took of­fence at, was, That Latimer and some other Bishops preached against the Veneration of the Blessed Virgin, and the other Saints: and that the English Bible then set out, differed in many things from the Latin; with several lesser matters. So that they looked on their Religion as [Page 239] changed, and wondered that the Judgments of God upon Queen Anne had not terrified others from going on to subvert the Faith: yet he was prevailed with, and did again submit to the King, and ac­knowledg his Supremacy; but he afterwards joyned himself to the Rebels and was taken with them, together with the Abbot of Wha­ley, and two Monks of his House; and the Abbot of Gervanx, with a monk of his House; and the Abbot of Sawley in Lancashire, with the Prior of that House; and the Prior of Burlington; who were all at­tainted of High Treason, and Executed. The Abbots of Glastenbury and Reading, were men of great power and Wealth. The one was rated at 3508. lib. and the the other at 2116. lib. They seeing the storm like to break out on themselves, sent a great deal of the Plate and Money that they had in their House, to the Rebels in the North. Which being afterwards discovered, they were attainted of High Treason a year after this; but I mention it here for the affinity of the matter: Further particulars about the Abbot of Reading I have not yet discovered. But there is an account given to Cromwel of the procee­dings against the Abbot of Glastenbury in two Letters which I have seen, the one was writ by the Sheriff of the County, the other by Sir Iohn Russell, who was present at his Trial, and was reputed a man of as great Integrity and Virtue as any in that time; which he seems to have left as an inheritance to that Noble Family that has descended from him. These inform, that he was indicted of Burglary, as well as Treason; for having broken the House in his Monastery where the Plate was kept, and taken it out, which as Sir William Thomas says, was sent to the Rebels. The evidence being brought to the Jury, who (as Sir Iohn Russel writes,) were as good and worthy men as had ever been on any Jury in that County; they found him guilty. He was carried to the place of Execution, near his own Mo­nastery; where (as the Sheriff writes) he acknowledged his guilt, and begged God and the King pardon for it. The Abbot of Colchester was also attainted of High Treason. What the particulars were I cannot tell. For the Record of their Attainders was lost; But some of our own Writers deservs a severe censure, who Write it was for denying the King Supremacy; whereas, if they had not undertaken to write the History without any information at all, they must have seen that the whole Clergy, but most particularly the Abbots, had over and over again acknowledged the Kings Supremacy.

For clearing which and discovering the Impudence of Sanders Re­lation of this matter, I shall lay before the Reader, the Evidences that I find of the Submission of these and all the other Abbots to the Kings Supremacy: First, in the Convocation, in the 22d year of this Reign, they all acknowledged the King, Supream Head of the Church of England. They did all also swear to maintain the Act of the Succession of the Crown, made in the 25th year of his Reign, in which the Popes Power was plainly condemned. For in the pro­ceedings against More and Fisher, it was frequently repeated to them, that all the Clergy had sworn it. It is also entred in the Journal of the House of Lords, that all the members of both Houses swore it at their breaking up: And the same Journals inform us, that the Abbots of Colchester and Reading sate in that Parliament, and as [Page 240] there was no Protestation made against any of the Acts passed in that Session,1537. so it is often entred, that the Acts were agreed to by the Unanimous consent of the Lords. It appears also by several Origi­nal Letters, that the heads of all the Religious Houses in England had Signed that Position, that the Pope had no more Iurisdiction in this Kingdom, than any forreign Bishop whatsoever. And it was re­jected by none but some Carthusians, and Franciscans of the Obser­vance, who were proceeded against, for refusing to acknowledg it: When they were so pressed in it, none can imagine that a Parlia­mentary Abbot would have been dispenced with. And in the last Parliament, in which the second Oath about the Succession to the Crown was enacted, it was added, that they should also swear the King to be the Supream head of the Church. The Abbots of Glassenbury and Reading were then present, as appears by the Journals, and con­sented to it: So little reason there is for Imagining that they refus­ed that, or any other Complyance that might secure them in their Abbies.

In particular, the Abbot of Reading had so got into Cromwels good opinion, that in some differences between him and Shaxton Bishop of Salisbury, that was Cromwels creature, he had the better of the Bishop. Upon which, Shaxton, who was a proud ill-natured man, wrote an high expostulating Letter to Cromwell, ‘Complaining of an Injun­ction he had granted against him at the Abbots desire. He also shewed that in some contests between him and his Residentiaries, and between him and the Major of Salisbury, Cromwel was always against him: he likewise challenged him, for not answering his Letters. He tells him, God will judge him for abusing his Power as he did; he prays God to have pity on him, and to turn his heart, with a great deal more provoking Language.’ He also adds many insolent praises of himself; and his whole Letter is as ex­travagant a piece of vanity and insolence, as ever I saw. To this Cromwel wrote an answer, that shews him to have been indeed a great man. The Reader will find it in the Collection, and see from it how modestly and discreetly he carryed his Greatness.Collect. Numb. 8.

But how justly soever these Abbots were attainted, the seizing on their Abbey-Lands, pursuant to those Attainders, was thought a great stretch of Law; since the Offence of an Ecclesiastical Incumbent is a Personal thing, and cannot prejudice the Church; no more than a secular man, who is in an Office, does by being Attainted, bring a­ny diminution of the Rights of his Office on his successors. It is true there were some words cast into the thirteenth Act of the Par­liament, in the 26th year of this Reign, by which divers Offences were made Treason, that seemed to have been designed for such a purpose. The words are, that whatsoever Lands any Traytor had of any Estate of Inheritance in use or possession, by any Right, Title or Means, should be forfeited to the King. By which, as it is cer­tain, Estates in Tayl were comprehended, so the Lands that any Traytor had in Possession or use, seem to be included; and that the rather, because by some following words their heirs and Successors are for ever excluded. This either was not thought on when the Bishop of Rochester was Attainted, or perhaps was not claimed, since [Page 243] the King intended not to lessen the number of Bishopricks, but rather to increase them. Besides, the words of the Statute seem only to belong to an Estate of Inheritance: within which, Church-Benefices could not be included, without a great force put on them. 'Tis true the word Successor favoured these seisures, except that be thought an expletory word put in, out of form, but still to be limited to an E­state of Inheritance. That word does also import, that such Cri­minals might have successors. But if the whole Abbey was forfeit­ed, these Abbots could have no successors: Yet it seems the seizures of these Abbeys were founded on that Statute, and this stretch of the Law occasioned that Explanation, which was added of the words Estate of Inheritance, in the Statute made in Edward the Sixth's Reign about Treasons: Where it is expressed, that Traitors should forfeit to the Crown, what Lands they had of any Estate of Inheritance, to which is added in their own Right, it seems, on design to cut off all Pretence for such Proceedings for the future, as had been in this Reign. But if there was any Illegality in these seizures, the following Parliament did at least tacitly Justifie them. For they excepted out of the Pro­visos made concerning the Abbies that were suppressed, such as had been forfeited and seized on by any Attaindors of Treason.

Another Surrender is not unlike these, but rather less Justifiable. Many of the Carthusian Monks of London were executed for their open denying of the Kings Supremacy, and for receiving Books from forreign parts against his Marriage and other proceedings; divers also of the same House, that favoured them, but so secretly, that clear proof could not be found to convict them, were kept Prisoners in their Cells, till they dyed. But the Prior was a worthy man, of whom Thomas Bedyl, one of the Visitors, writes, that he was a man of such Charity that he had not seen the like, and that the eyes of the people were much on that House, and therefore he advised that the House might be con­verted to some good use. But the Prior was made to resign, with this Preamble, ‘That many of that House had offended the King, so that their goods might be justly confiscated, and themselves adjudged to a severe death: which they desired to avoid, by an humble Submission, and Surrender of their House to the King.’ But there were great Complaints made of the Visitors, as if they had practised with the Abbots and Priors to make these Surrenders: and that they had conspired with them to cheat the King, and had private­ly embezeled most of the Plate and furniture. The Abbess of Cheap­stow complained in particular of Doctor London one of the Visitors, that he had been corrupting her Nuns: and generally it was cryed out on, that under-hand and ill practices were used. Therefore to quiet these reports, and to give some colour to justifie what they were about, all the foul Stories that could be found out were published to defame these Houses. Battel-Abbey was represented to be a little Sodom; so was Christ Church in Canterbury, with several other Houses. But for Whoredom and Adultery they found Instances without number; and of many other unnatural practices and secret Lusts, with arts to hinder Conceptions and make Abortions. But no story became so publick, as a discovery made of the Prior of the Crossed Friars in Lon­don; who on a Friday at eleven a Clock in the day was found in [Page 240] [...] [Page 243] [...] [Page 242] bed with a Whore.1536. He fell down on his knees, and prayed those who surprised him, not to publish his shame: But they had a mind to make some advantage by it, and asked him Money. He gave them 30 lib. which he protested was all he had, but he promised them 30 lib. more: yet failing in the payment, a Sute followed on it: and in a Bill which I have seen given to Cromwel, then Master of the Rolls, the case is related.

But all stories of this Kings served only to disgrace those Abbots or Monks that were so faulty.The Super­stition and cheats of these Houses disco­vered. And the people generally said, these were personal crimes which ought to be punished: but they were no way satisfied with the Justice of the Kings proceedings, against whole Houses for the faults of a few. Therefore another way was thought on, which indeed proved more effectual, both for recover­ing the people out of the Superstitious fondness they had for their Images and Relicks, and for discovering the secret Impostures that had been long practised in these Houses. And this was, to order the Visitors to examine well all the Relicks, and feigned Images, to which Pilgrimages were wont to be made. In this, Doctor London did great service. From Reading he writes, ‘That the chief Relicks of Idolatry in the Nation was there: an Angel with one wing, that brought over the Spears head that pierced our Saviors side. To which he adds a long Inventory of their other Relicks, and says there were as many more as would fill Four Sheets of Paper. He also writes from other places that he had every-where taken down their Images and Trinkets.’ At St. Edmundsbury, as Iohn ap Rice In­formed, they found some of the Coals that Roasted St. Laurence, the Parings of St. Edmunds Toes, St. Thomas Becket's Penknife, and Boots; with as many pieces of the Cross of our Savior, as would make a large whole Cross. They had also Relicks against Rain, and for hindring weeds to spring. But to pursue this further were endless, the Re­licks were so innumerable. And the value which the people had of them may be gathered from this; that a piece of St. Andrews finger set in an ounce of silver, was laid to pledge by the House of Westacre for 40 lib. but the Visitors, when they suppressed that House, did not think fit to redeem it at so high a rate.

For their Images, some of them were brought to London, and were there at St. Paul's Cross in the sight of all the people,Images pub­lickly broken. broken; that they might be fully convinced of the jugling Impostures of the Monks. And in particular, the Crucifix of Boxley in Kent, commonly cal­led the Rood of Grace; to which many Pilgrimages had been made, because it was observed sometimes to bow, and to lift it self up, to shake, and to stir head, hands, and feet, to roul the eyes, move the lips, and bend the brows: All which were looked on by the a­bused multitude, as the effects of a Divine Power. These were now publickly discovered to have been cheats: For the Springs were shew­ed, by which all these motions were made. Upon which Iohn Hil­sey then Bishop of Rochester, made a Sermon, and Broke the Rood in pieces. There was also another famous Imposture discovered at Hales in Glocestershire; where the Blood of Christ was shewed in a viol of Christal, which the people sometimes saw but sometimes they could not see it: So they were made believe, that they were [Page 243] not capable of so signal a favour,1538. as long as they were in Mortal sin; and so they continued to make presents, till they bribed Hea­ven to give them the sight of so Blessed a Relick.Pelerine [...] ­glese. This was now discovered to have been the Blood of a Duck, which they renewed every week: and the one side of the Viol, was so thick that there was no seeing through it, but the other was clear and transparent: And it was so placed near the Altar, that one in a secret place be­hind, could turn either side of it outward. So when they had drain­ed the Pilgrims that came thither, of all they had brought with them, then they afforded them the favour of turning the clear side outward; who upon that went home very well-satisfied with their journey and the expence they had been at. There was brought out of Wales a huge Image of wood, called Darvel Gatheren, of which one Ellis Price Visitor of the Diocess of St. Asaph gave this account. On the 6th of April 1537. ‘That the people of the Countrey had a great Superstition for it, and many Pilgrimages were made to it: so that the day before he wrote, there were reckoned to be above five or six hundred Pilgrims there: Some brought Oxen and Cattel, and some brought Money; and it was generally believed, that if any offered to that Image, he had Power to deliver his Soul from Hell.’ So it was ordered to be brought to London, where it serv­ed for fewel to burn Friar Forrest. There was an huge Image of our Lady at Worcester, that was had in great reverence; which when it was stript of some veils that covered it, was found to be the Statue of a Bishop.

Barlow Bishop of St. Davids did also give many advertisements of the Superstition of his Countrey, and of the Clergy and Monks of that Diocess, who were guilty of Heathenish Idolatry, gross Impiety, and Ignorance, and of abusing the people with many evident forge­ries: about which he said, he had good evidence when it should be called for. But that which drew most Pilgrims and presents in those parts, was an Image of our Lady with a Taper in her hand; which was believed to have burnt nine years, till one forswearing himself up­on it, it went out: and was then much Reverenced and Worshipped. He found all about the Cathedral so full of Superstitious conceits, that there was no hope of working on them; therefore he propo­sed the Translating the Episcopal Seat from St. Davids to Caermaerden; which he pressed by many Arguments, and in several Letters, but with no success. Then many rich Shrines of our Lady of Walsingham, of Ipswich, and Islington, with a great many more, were brought up to London, and burnt by Cromwels Orders.

But the richest Shrine of England, was that of Thomas Becket, Thomas Bec­k [...]t's shrine broken. cal­led St. Thomas of Canterbury the Martyr: who being raised up by King Henry the ad, to the Arch-Bishoprick of Canterbury, did afterwards give that King much trouble; by opposing his Authority, and exalt­ing the Popes. And though he once consented to the Articles agreed on at Clarendon, for bearing down the Papal, and securing the Regal Power; yet he soon after repented, of that only piece of Loyalty, of which he was guilty all the while he was Arch-Bishop. He fled to the Pope, who received him as a Confessor for the dearest Arti­cle of the Roman Belief: The King and Kingdoms were Excommuni­cated, [Page 244] and put under an Interdict upon his Account. But afterwards, upon the Intercession of the French King, King Henry and he were reconciled, and the Interdict was taken off. Yet his unquiet Spirit could take no rest, for he was no sooner at Canterbury, than he be­gan to Embroyl the Kingdom again: and was proceeding by Censures against the Arch-Bishop of York, and some other Bishops, for Crown­ing the Kings Son in his Absence. Upon the news of that, the King being then in Normandy, said, If he had faithful Servants he would not be so troubled with such a Priest; whereupon some zealous or offici­ous Courtiers, came over and killed him: For which, as the King was made to undergoe a severe pennance, so the Monks were not wanting in their ordinary Arts to give out many miraculous stories concerning his Blood. This soon drew a Canonization from Rome; and he being a Martyr for the Papacy, was more extolled than all the Apostles or Primitive Saints had ever been. So that for 300 years, he was accounted one of the greatest Saints in Heaven, as may appear from the accounts in the leger-Books, of the offerings made to the three greatest Altars in Christs Church in Canterbury. The one was to Christ, the other to the Virgin, and the third to St. Tho­mas. In one year there was offered at Christ's Altar, 3 lib. 2 s. 6 d. To the Virgins Altar, 63 lib. 5s. 6d. But to St. Thomas's Altar 832lib. 12s. 3d. But the next year the odds grew greater; for there was not a penny offered at Christs Altar, and at the Virgins, only 4 lib. 1 s. 8 d. But at St. Thomas's 954 lib. 6 s. 3 d. By such offerings it came, that his Shrine was of inestimable value. There was one Stone offered there by Lewis the 7th of France, who came over to visit it, in a Pilgrimage, that was believed the Richest in Europe. Nor did they think it enough to give him one day in the Calendar the 29th of December; but unusual honours were devised, for this Martyr of the liberties of the Church greater than any that had been given to the Martyrs for Christianity. The day of raising his body, or as they called it, of his Translation, being the 7th of Iuly, was not only a holy-day, but every 50th year, there was a Jubilee for 15 days to­gether, and Indulgence was granted, to all that came to visit his shrine:So [...]me [...]s An­tiquities of Canterbury. as appears from the Record of the sixth Jubilee, after his Translation, Anno. 1420; which bears, that there were then about an hundred thousand strangers come to visit his Tomb. The Jubilee began at twelve a clock on the Vigil of the feast, and lasted 15 days, by such Arts they drew an incredible deal of wealth to his shrine. The Riches of that, together with his disloyal practices, made the King resolve both to un-shrine and un-Saint him at once. And then his skull, which had been much worshipped, was found an Im­posture. For the true skull was lying with the rest of his bones in his grave. The shrine was broken down, and carryed away; the Gold that was about it, filling two Chests, which were so heavy that they were a load to Eight strong men to carry them out of the Church. And his bones were as some say burnt, so it was understood at Rome, but others say they were so mixed with other dead bones, that it would have been a Miracle indeed to have distinguished them afterwards. The King also ordered his name to be struck out of the Kalendar, and the office for his Festivity to be dasht out of all Breviaries. [Page 245] And thus was the Superstition of England to Images and Relicks ex­tirpated.

Yet the King took care to qualifie the distaste which the Articles published the former year had given.New Arti­cles about Re­ligion pub­lished. And though there was no Par­liament in the year 1537. yet there was a Convocation; upon the Conclusion of which, there was Printed an Explanation of the chief points of Religion, Signed by nineteen Bishops, eight Arch-Deacons, and seventeen Doctors of Divinity and Law. In which there was an Exposition of the Creed, the seven Sacraments, the ten Command­ments, the Lords Prayer, and the Salutation of the Virgin, with an Account of Justification and Purgatory. But this work was put in a better Form afterwards, where the Reader will find a more particu­lar account of it. When all these Proceedings of the Kings were known at Rome, all the Satyrical Pens there were employed to paint him out, as the most Infamous Sacrilegious Tyrant that ever was.Invectives a­gainst the King Printed at Rome. They represented him as one that made War with Heaven, and the Saints that were there: That committed outrages on the bodies of the Saints, which the Heathenish Romans would have punished severely for any that committed the like on those that were dead, how mean or bad soever they had been. All his proceedings against the Priests or Monks that were Attainted and Executed for high Treason, were represented as the effects of savage and barbarous Cruelty. His suppressing the Monasteries, and devouring what the Devotion of former Ages had Consecrated to God, and his Saints, was called Ravenous and Impi­ous Sacrilege; nor was there any thing omitted that could make him appear to posterity, the blackest Tyrant that ever wore a Crown. They compared him to Pharaoh, Nabuchadonosor, Belshazar, Nero, Do­mitian, and Dioclesian; but chiefly to Iulian the Apostate. This last Paralel liked them best, and his Learning, his Apostacy, and pretence of Reforming, were all thought copied from Iulian; only they said his manners were worse. These things were every day Printed at Rome, and the Informations that were brought out of England were generally addressed to Cardinal Pool, whose style was also known in some of them: All which possest the King with the deepest and most implacable hatred to him that ever he bore to any person, and did provoke him to all these severities that followed on his Kindred and Family.

But the malice of the Court of Rome did not stop there.Collect. Numb. 9. For now the Pope published all these Thunders which he had threatned three years before. The Bull of Deposition is Printed in Cherubins Bulla­rum Romanum, which since many have the confidence to deny mat­ters of fact; the Most publickly acted, shall be found in the Collection of Papers, the substance of it is as follows. ‘The Pope being Gods Vicar on Earth; and according to Ieremy's Prophecy,The Popes Bulls against the King. set over Na­tions and Kingdoms, to root out and destroy; and having the supream power over all the Kings in the whole World; was bound to proceed to due correction, when milder courses were ineffectual; therefore since King Henry, who had been formerly a Defender of the Faith, had fallen from it; had contrary to an Inhibition made, put away his Queen, and marryed one Anne Bollein, and had made impious and hurtful Laws; denying the Pope to be the Supream Head of [Page 246] the Church, but assuming that Title to himself; and had required all his Subjects under pain of death to swear it; and had put the Cardinal of Rochester to death, because he would not consent to these Heresies; and by all these things had rendred himself unwor­thy of his Regal Dignity; and had hardened his heart (as Pharoah did) against all the Admonitions of Pope Clement the 7th; there­fore since these his crimes were so notorious, he in imitation of what the Apostle did to Elimas the Magician, proceeds to such Censures as he had deserved; and with the advice of his Cardinals, does first exhort him and all his Complices, to return from their errours, to annull the Acts lately made; and to proceed no farther upon them: which he requires him and them to do, under the pains of Excommunication and Rebellion, and of the Kings losing his King­dom; whom he required within 90 dayes, to appear at Rome, by himself or Proxy, and his Complices within 60 dayes, to give an account of their Actions; otherwise he would then proceed to a fur­ther sentence against them. And Declares, that if the King and his Complices do not appear, he has fallen from the right to his Crown, and they from the right to their Estates; and when they die, they were to be denied Christian Burial. He puts the whole Kingdom under an Interdict; and declares all the Kings Children by the said Anne, and the Children of all his Complices, to be under the same pains, though they be now under age; and Incapacitates them for all honours or employments; and declares all the Subjects or Vassals of the Kings or his Complices, absolved from all Oaths or Obligations to them, and requires them to acknowledg them no more. And declares him and them Infamous, so that they might nei­ther be witnesses nor make Wills. He requires all other persons to have no dealings with him or them, neither by Trading, nor any other way, under the pain of Excommunication; the annulling their Contracts, and the exposing goods so Traded in, to all that should catch them. And that all Clergymen should within five dayes after the expiration of the time prefixed, go out of the Kingdom; (lea­ving only so many Priests as would be necessary for Baptizing In­fants, and giving the Sacrament to such as died in Penitence) un­der the pains of Excommunication and Deprivation. And Charges all Noble-men and others in his Dominions, under the same pains, to rise up in Arms against him, and to drive him out of his King­dom; and that none should take Arms for him, or any way assist him: and Declares all other Princes absolved from any Confede­racies made, or to be made, with him; and earnestly obtests the Em­perour and all Kings, and requires other Princes under the former pains, to trade no more with him; and in case of their disobedience he puts their Kingdomes under an Interdict. And requires all Princes and Military persons, in the vertue of Holy Obedience, to make War upon him, and to force him to return to the Obedience of the Apostolick See; and to seize on all Goods, or Merchandizes belonging to the King or his Complices, where-ever they could find them; and that such of his Subjects that were seized on, should be made Slaves. And requires all Bishops, Three dayes after the time that was set down was elapsed, to intimate this Sentence in all [Page 247] their Churches, with putting out of Candles, and other Ceremonies that ought to be used, in the most solemn and publick manner that might be. And all who hindered the Publication of this Sentence, are put under the same Pains. He ordained this Sentence to be affixed at Rome, Tournay, and Dunkirk; which should stand for a sufficient publication; and concludes, that if any should endeavour to oppose, or enervate any of the premises, he should incur the indignati­tion of Almighty God, and the Holy Apostles, St. Peter and Paul. Dated at Rome the 30th of August, 1635.’ But the Pope found the Princes of Christendom liked the precedent, of using a King in that manner, so ill, that he suspended the Execution of this Bull till this time, that the suppression of Abbies, and the burning of Thomas Beckets Bones (for it was so represented at Rome, though our writers say they were buried;) did so inflame the Pope, that he could forbear no longer; and therefore by a new sentence he did all he could to shake him in his Throne.

The Preamble of it was, ‘That as our Saviour had pity on St. Peter after his fall, so it became St. Peters successors to imitate our Saviour in his Clemency; and that therefore though he having heard of King Henry's crimes, had proceeded to a sentence against him; (Here the former Bull was recited.) Yet some other Princes who hoped he might be reclaimed by gentler methods, had interposed for a suspen­sion of the Sentence: and he being easie to believe, what he so ear­nestly desired, had upon their Intercession suspended it. But now he found they had been deceived in their hopes, and that he grew worse and worse; and had done such dishonour to the Saints, as to raise St. Thomas of Canterburies body, to arraign him of High Trea­son, and to burn his Body, and Sacrilegiously to rob the Riches that had been offered to his Shrine, as also to suppress St. Austins Abbey in Canterbury; and that having thrust out the Monks, he had put in wild Beasts into their grounds, having transformed himself into a Beast. Therefore he takes off the Suspension, and publishes the Bull, commanding it to be executed: Declaring that the affix­ing it at Diepe or Bulloign in France, at St. Andrews or Callistren, (that is Callstream, a Town near the border of England,) in Scotland or Tuam, or Artifert in Ireland, or any two of these, should be a sufficient Publication. Dated the 7th of December, Anno Dom. 1538.’

No man can read these Bulls, but he must conclude that if the Pope be the Infallible and Universal Pastor of the Church, whom all are bound to obey, he has a full authority over all Kings, to proceed to the highest Censures possible: and since the matters of fact, enumerated in the Sentence as the grounds of it, were certainly true; then [...] the Pope is either cloathed with the powers of Deposing Princes, or if o­therwise, he lied to the world when he pretended to it thus, and taught false Doctrine, which cannot stand with Infallibility: And the preten­ded grounds of the sentence as to matter of fact, being evidently true, this must be a just Sentence; and therefore all that acknowledged the Infallibility of that See, were bound to obey it, and all the Rebel­lions that followed, during the reign of the King or his Children, were founded on this sentence, and must be justified by it; otherwise the [Page 248] Popes Infallibility must fall to the ground. But this was to be said for the Pope, that though he had raised the several branches of this Sentence, higher than any of his Predecessors had ever done; yet as to the main, he had very good and Authentick Precedents for what he did, from the Depositions of Emperours or Kings, that were made by former Popes for about 500 years together. This I thought need­ful to be more fully opened, because of the present Circumstances we are now in; since hereby every one that will consider things, must needs see that the belief of the Popes Infallibility does neces­sarily infer the acknowledgment of their power of deposing Here­tical Kings. For it is plain, the Pope did this ex Cathedra, and as a Pastor Feeding and Correcting his Flock.

But not content with this he also wrote to other Princes, in­flaming them against the King; Particularly to the Kings of France, and Scotland. To the last of these he sent a Breve; declaring King Henry a Heretique, a Schismatique, a manifest Adulterer, a publick Murtherer,Lesley, Hist. Scot. a Rebel, and convict of High Treason against him, the Pope his Lord; for which Crimes he had deposed him, and offered his Dominions to him, if he would go and invade them. And thus the breach between him and the Pope was past reconciling: and at Rome it was declared equally meritorious to fight against him, as against the Turk. But Card. Pool made it more meritorious in his Book. Yet the Thunders of the Vatican had now lost their force; so that these had no other effect but to enrage the King more against all such as were suspected to favour their interests, or to hold any correspondence with Cardinal Pool. Therefore he first procured a Declaration against the Popes pretensions, to be Signed by all the Bishops of England: In which, after they declared against the Popes Ecclesiastical Juris­diction,The Clergy in England de­clared against these. upon the grounds formerly touched, they concluded, ‘That the People ought to be Instructed, that Christ did expresly forbid his Apostles or their Successors to take to themselves the power of the Sword, or the authority of Kings. And that, if the Bishop of Rome, or any other Bishop assumed any such power, he was a Ty­rant and Usurper of other mens Rights, and a subverter of the Kingdom of Christ.’ This was subscribed by 19 Bishops, (all that were then in England,) and 25 Doctors of Divinity and Law. It was at some time before May 1538. For Edward Fox Bishop of Hereford, who was one that signed it died the 8th. of May that year. There was no Convocation called by Writ for doing this. For as there is no men­tion of any such Writ in the Registers, so if it had been done by Con­vocation, Cromwell had signed it first; but his hand not being at it, it is more probable that a meeting of the Clergy was called by the Kings Missive Letters; or that, as was once done before, the Paper was drawn at London, and sent over the Kingdom to the Episcopal Sees, for the Bishops hands to it.

There is another original Paper extant, Signed at this time by eight Bishops: from which I conjecture those were all that were then about London. It was to shew, ‘That by the Commission which Christ gave to Church-men,Collect. Numb. 10. they were only Ministers of his Gos­pel, to instruct the people in the purity of the Faith: But that by other places of Scripture, the Authority of Christian Princes over [Page 249] all their Subjects, as well Bishops and Priests, as others, was also clear. And that the Bishops and Priests have charge of Souls with­in their Cures, Power to administer Sacraments, and to teach the word of God: To the which word of God, Christian Princes ac­knowledg themselves subject; and that in case the Bishops be neg­ligent, it is the Christian Princes Office to see them do their du­ty.’ This, being Signed by Iohn Hilsey Bishop of Rochester, must be after the year 1537. in which he was consecrated; and Latimer and Shaxton also Signing, it must be before the year 1539. in which they resigned. But I believe it was Signed at the same time that the other was: And the design of it was to refuse those Calumnies spread at Rome, as if the King had wholly Suppressed all Ecclesia­stical Offices, and denyed them any divine Authority, making them wholly dependent on the Civil Power, and Acting by Commission only from him. And therefore they explained the limits of both these Powers, in so clear and moderate a way, that it must have stopt the Mouths of all Opposers. But whether there was any pub­lick use made of this Paper, I can by no means discover.

The King did also set forward the Printing of the English Bible, which was finished this year, at London, by Grafton the Printer, who Printed 1500 of them at his own Charge.The Bible Printed in English. This Bible Crom­wel presented to the King, and procured his Warrant, allowing all his Subjects in all his Dominions to read it, without controul or hazard. For which, the Arch-Bishop wrote Cromwel a Letter of most hearty thanks, dated the 13th of August. ‘Who did now rejoyce that he saw this day of Reformation, which he concluded was now risen in England, since the Light of Gods word did shine over it with­out any Cloud.’ The Translation had been sent over to France to be Printed at Paris: the workmen in England not being judged able to do it, as it ought to be. Therefore in the year 1537. it was re­commended to Bonners care, who was then Ambassador at Paris, and was much in Cromwels favour, who was setting him up against Gardiner. He procured the King of France's leave to Print it at Pa­ris, in a large Volume: but upon a complaint made by the French Clergy, the Press was stopt, and most of the Copies were seized on and publickly burnt: but some Copies were conveyed out of the way, and the work-men and fourms were brought over to England:New injun­ctions set out by the King. where it was now finished and published. And Injunctions were giv­en out in the Kings name, by Cromwel to all Incumbents, ‘to pro­vide one of these Bibles, and set it up publickly in the Church,Collect. Numb. 11. and not to hinder or discourage the reading of it, but to encourage all persons to peruse it, as being the true lively word of God, which every Christian ought to believe, embrace, and follow, if he expected to be saved. And all were exhorted, not to make contests about the Exposition or sense of any difficult place, but to refer that to men of higher judgment in the Scriptures. Then some other Rules were added, about the Instructing the people in the Principles of Religion, by teaching the Creed, the Lords Prayer, and ten Com­mandments in English: And that in every Church there should be a Sermon, made every quarter of an year, at least, to declare to the people the true Gospel of Christ, and to exhort them to the [Page 250] works of Charity, Mercy, and Faith: and not to trust in other mens works, or Pilgrimages, to Images, or Relicks, or saying o­ver Beads, which they did not understand; since these things tend­ed to Idolatry and Superstition, which of all offences did most pro­voke Gods Indignation. They were to take down all Images, which were abused by Pilgrimages, or offerings made to them; and to suffer no Candles to be set before any Image; only there might be Candles before the Cross, and before the Sacrament, and about the Se­pulchre: And they were to Instruct the people, that Images serv­ed only as the Books of the un-learned, to be remembrances of the Conversations of them whom they represented: but if they made any other use of Images, it was Idolatry: for remedying whereof, as the King had already done in part, so he intended to do more for the abolishing such Images, which might be a great offence to God, and a danger to the Souls of his Subjects. And if any of them had formerly Magnified such Images, or Pilgrimages, to such purposes; They were ordered openly to recant, and acknowledg, that in saying such things they had been led by no ground in Scrip­ture; but where deceived by a vulgar error, which had crept in­to the Church, through the Avarice of those who had profit by it. They were also to discover all such as were Letters of the read­ing of Gods word in English, or hindred the Execution of these Injunctions. Then followed orders for keeping of Registers in their Parishes, for Reading all the Kings Injunctions once every quarter at least: That none were to alter any of the Holy-days without di­rections from the King: And all the Eves of the Holy-days for­merly abrogated, were declared to be no Fasting-days: The Commemoration of Thomas Becket was to be clean omitted: The kneeling for the Avies after Sermon were also forbidden; which were said in hope to obtain the Popes Pardon. And whereas in their Processions they used to say so many Suffrages with an Ora pro nobis to the Saints, by which they had not time to say the Suf­frages to God himself, they were to teach the people, that it were better to omit the Ora pro nobis, and to sing the other Suffrages which were most necessary and most effectual.’

These Injunctions struck at three main Points of Popery: contain­ing encouragements to the vulgar, to Read the Scriptures in a known tongue, and putting down all worship of Images, and leaving it free for any Curate to leave out the Suffrages to the Saints. So that they were looked on as a deadly blow to that Religion. But now those of that party did so Artificially comply with the King, that no advantages could be found against any of them for their disobe­dience. The King was Master at home, and no more to be diso­beyed. He had not only broken the Rebellion of his own Subjects, and secured himself by Alliance from the dangers threatned him by the Pope; but all their expectations from the Lady Mary were now clouded: For on the 12th of October 1537. Queen Iane had born him a Son; who was Christned Edward; the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury be­ing one of his God-Fathers.Prince Ed­ward born. This very much encouraged all that were for Reformation, and disheartned those who were against it. But the joy for this young Prince was qualified by the Queens death, [Page 251] two days after; which afflicted the King very much: for of all his Wives, she was the dearest to him. And his grief for that loss is given as the reason, why he continued two years a Widower. But others thought he had not so much tenderness in his Nature, as to be much or long troubled for any thing. Therefore the slowness of his Marrying was ascribed to some reasons of State. But the Birth of the Prince was a great disappointment to all those whose hopes re­sted on the Lady Maries succeeding her Father: Therefore they sub­mitted themselves with more than ordinary Compliance to the King.

Gardiner was as busie as any in declaiming against the Religious Houses,Great Com­pliances by the Popish party. and took occasion in many of his Sermons to commend the King for suppressing them: The Arch-Bishop of York had recovered himself at Court: And I do not find that he interposed in the Sup­pression of any of the Religious Houses, except Hexham, about which he wrote to Cromwel, that it was a great Sanctuary when the Scots made Inroads: And so he thought that the continuing of it might be of great use to the King. He added in that Letter, ‘that he did carefully silence all the Preachers of Novelties. But some of these boasted, that they would shortly have Licences from the King, as he heard they had already from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; but he desired Cromwel to prevent that mischief.’ This is all that I find of him.

There is a Pardon granted to Stokesly Bishop of London, on the 3d of Iuly, in the 30th year of his Reign being this year, for having Acted by Commission from Rome, and sued out Bulls from thence. If these crimes were done before the Separation from Rome, they were re­mitted by the General Pardon. If he took a particular Pardon, it seems strange that it was not enrolled till now. But I am apt to believe it was rather the Omission of a Clerk, than his being guil­ty of such a Transgression about this time; for I see no cause to think the King would have Pardoned such a Crime in a Bishop in those days. All that Party had now by their complyance and Sub­mission gained so much on the King, that he began to turn more to their Councils, than he had done of late years. Gardiner was return­ed from France, where he had been Ambassador for some years: He had been also in the Emperors Court, and there were violent pre­sumptions that he had secretly reconciled himself to the Pope, and entred into a Correspondence with him. For one of the Legates Ser­vants discoursed of it at Ratisbone, to one of Sir Henry Knevets reti­nue (who was joyned in the Embassy with Gardiner,) whom he took to be Gardiners Servant, and with whom he had an old acquaintance. The matter was traced, and Knevet spoke with the Italian that had first let it fall, and was perswaded of the truth of the thing: But Gardiner smelling it out, said, That Italian upon whose Testimony the whole matter depended, was corrupted to ruine him; and complain­ed of it to the Emperors Chancellor Granvel: Upon which Ludovico (that was the Italian name) was put in Prison. And it seems the King either looked on it as a Contrivance of Gardiners enemies, or at least seemed to do so, for he continued still to employ him. Yet on many occasions he expressed great contempt of him, and used him [Page 252] not as a Councellor, but as a slave. But he was a man of great cunning, and had observed the Kings temper exactly, and knew well to take a fit occasion for moving the King in any thing, and could improve it dextrously. He therefore represented to the King, that nothing would so secure him both at home, and abroad, against all the mischief the Pope was contriving,Gardiner stirs up the King against those called Sacramenta­ries. as to shew great zeal against Hereticks, chiefly the Sacramentaries, (by that name they branded all that denied the Corporal presence of Christ in the Eucharist.) And the King being all his life, zealous for the belief of the Corporal pre­sence▪ was the more easily perswaded to be severe on that Head: And the rather because the Princes of Germany, whose friendship was necessary to him, being all Lutherans, his proceedings against the Sacramentaries would give them no offence.

An occasion at that time presented it self as opportunely as they could have wished, one Iohn Nicolson, alias Lambert, was then que­stioned by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury for that opinion.And Lamb [...]rt in particular. He had been Minister of the English Company at Antwerp; where being ac­quainted with Tindal and Frith, he improved that knowledg of Re­ligion, which was first infused in him by Bilney: But Chancellor More ordered the Merchants to dismiss him; so he came over to England, and was taken by some of Arch-Bishop Warhams officers, and many Articles were objected to him. But Warham died soon after, and the change of Counsels that followed occasioned his Liberty. So he kept a School at London, and hearing Doctor Taylor, afterwards Bishop of Lincoln, Preach of the presence of Christ in the Sacrament, he came to him upon it, and offered his reasons why he could not believe the Doctrine he had Preached: Which he put in Writing, digesting them into ten Arguments. Taylor shewed this to Doctor Barnes, who as he was bred among the Lutherans, so had not only brought over their opinions, but their temper with him: He thought that no­thing would more obstruct the progress of the Reformation than the venting that Doctrine in England. Therefore Taylor and he carryed the Paper to Cranmer, who was at that time also of Luthers opinion, which he had drunk in from his friend Osiander. Latimer was of the same belief. So Lambert was brought before them, and they studyed to make him retract his Paper: But all was in vain, for Lambert by a fatal resolution appealed to the King.Who had ap­pealed to the King.

This Gardiner laid hold on, and perswaded the King to proceed so­lemnly and severely in it. The King was soon prevailed with, and both Interest and Vanity concurred to make him improve this opportuni­ty, for shewing his zeal and Learning. So Letters were written to many of the Nobility and Bishops, to come and see this Tryal; in which the King intended to sit in Person, and to manage some part of the Argument. In November, on the day that was prefixed, there was a great appearance in Westminster-Hall, of the Bishops, and Cler­gy, the Nobility, Judges, and the Kings Council; with an incredible number of Spectators. The Kings Guards were all in White, and so was the Cloth of State.

And was pub­lickly tryed at Westminster.When the Prisoner was brought to the Barr. The Tryal was opened by a Speech of Doctor Dayes, which was to this effect: ‘That this Assembly was not at all convened to dis­pute [Page 253] about any Point of Faith; but that the King being Supream Head, intended openly to condemn and confute that mans Heresie in all their presence.’ Then the King commanded him to declare his opinion about the Sacrament. To which Lambert began his an­swer with a Preface, acknowledging the Kings great goodness, that he would thus hear the Causes of his Subjects, and commending his great Judgment and Learning. In this the King interrupted him, telling him in Latine, that he came not there to hear his own praises set forth, and therefore commanded him to speak to the matter. This he uttered with a stern Countenance; At which Lambert being a little disordered, the King asked him again, whether was Christ's body in the Sacrament or not? He answered in the Words of St. Austine, It was his Body in a certain manner. Arguments brought a­gainst him. But the King bade him answer plain­ly, whether it was Christs Body or not? So he answered, That it was not his Body. Upon which the King urged him with the words of Scripture, This is my Body; and then he commanded the Arch-Bishop to confute his Opinion, who spoke only to that part of it, which was grounded on the Impossibility of a Bodies being in two places at once. And that he confuted from Christs appearing to St. Paul; shewing that though he is alwayes in Heaven, yet he was seen by St. Paul in the Air. But Lambert affirmed, that he was then only in Heaven; and that St. Paul heard a Voice, and saw a Vision, but not the very body of Christ. Upon this they disputed for some time: in which it seems the Bishop of Winchester thought Cranmer argued but faintly, for he in­terposed in the Argument.

Tonstals arguments run all upon Gods Omnipotency, that it was not to be limited by any appearances of difficulties, which flowed from our want of a right understanding of things; and our Faculties being weak, our notions of Impossibilities were proportioned to these. But Stokesley thought he had found out a Demonstration that might put an end to the whole Controversie; for he shewed, that in Nature we see one substance changed into another, and yet the accidents remain. So when Water is boyled, till it evaporates into Air, one substance is changed into another, and moysture that was the accident remains, it being still moist. This (as one of the eye-witnesses relates) was received with great applause, and much joy appeared in the Bishops looks upon it. But whether the Spectators could distinguish well between Laughter for Joy, and a scornful smile, I cannot tell: For certainly this Crotchet must have provoked the latter rather; since it was a Sophisme, not to be forgiven any above a Junior Sophister; thus from an accidental conversion, where the substance was still the same, only altered in its Form and Qualities, (according to the Language of that Philosophy, which was then most in vogue,) to infer a sub­stantial mutation, where one substance was annihilated, and a new one produced in its place. But these arguments it seems disorder'd Lam­bert somewhat; and either the Kings stern looks, the variety of the Disputants, ten, one after another, engaging with him, or the great­ness of the presence, with the length of the action, which continued five hours, put him in some confusion; it is not improbable but they might in the end bring him to be quite silent. This one that was pre­sent said, flowed from his being spent and wearied; and that he saw [Page 254] what he said was little considered: but others ascribed it to his being confounded with the arguments that were brought against him. So the general applause of the Hall, gave the victory on the Kings side. When he was thus silent, the King asked him if he was convinced by these arguments, and whether he would live or die? He answered, That he committed his Soul to God, and submitted his Body to the Kings Clemency. But the King told him, if he did not recant he must die, for he would not be a Patron of Hereticks; and since he would not do that, the King ordered Cromwel to read the Sentence, (which he as "the Kings Vice-gerent did,He is condem­ned.) declaring him an Incorrigible Heretick, and condemning him to be burnt. Which was soon after executed in Smithfield, in a most barbarous manner; for when his Legs and Thighs were burnt to the Stumps, there not being fire enough to consume the rest of him suddenly, two of the Officers raised up his body on their Halberds, he being yet alive, and crying out, None but Christ, none but Christ; and then they let him fall down into the Fire, where he was quickly consumed to ashes.And Burned. He was a learned and good man. His answers to the Articles objected to him by Warham, and a Book which in his Imprisonment he wrote for justifying his opinion, which he directed to the King; do shew both great Learning for those times, and a very good Judgment.

This being done, the party that opposed the Reformation, perswa­ded the King that he had got so much reputation to himself by it, that it would effectually refute all aspersions, which had been cast on him, as if he intended to change the Faith: neither did they forget to set on him in his weak side, and magnifie all that he had said, as if the Oracle had uttered it: By which they said it appeared he was indeed a Defender of the Faith, and the Supream Head of the Church. And he had so good a conceit of what was then done, that he intended to pursue these severities further; and therefore soon after he resolved on Summoning a Parliament, partly for confirming what he had done, and compleating what remained to be done fur­ther, in the suppression of the Monasteries; and likewise for ma­king a new Law for punishing some Opinions, which were then sprea­ding about the Sacrament, and some other Articles, as will soon ap­pear.

Now the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Interest at Court, suffered a great diminution.The Popish party gain ground at Court. His chief friend among the Bishops, was Fox Bi­shop of Hereford, who was much esteemed, and imployed by the King. He was a Privy-Councellor, and had been imployed in a Ne­gotiation with the Princes of Germany, to whom he was a very ac­ceptable Minister. They proposed, That the King would receive the Ausburg Confession, except in such things as should be altered in it by common Consent, and defend it in a free Council, if any such were called; and that neither of them should acknowledg any Coun­cil called by the Pope: That the King should be called the Patron of their League, and they should mutually assist one another, the King giving 100000 Crowns a year towards the defence of the League.

The Bishop of Winchester being then in France, did much disswade the King from making a Religious League with them; against which [Page 255] he gave some plausible politick reasons, for his Conscience never strugled with a maxim of State. But the King liked most of the pro­positions;The Kings correspon­dence with the German Princes. only he would not accept the Title of Defender of their League, till some differences in the Doctrine were agreed. So they were to have sent over Sturmius as their Agent; and Melancthon, Bucer, and George Draco, to confer with the Kings Divines. But upon Queen Anne's fall this vanished; and though the King entered into a Civil League with them, and had frequently a mind to bring over Melan­cthon, for whom he had a great value, yet it never took effect. There were three things in which the Germans were more positive than in any other point of Reformation. These were, the Communion in both kinds, the worship in a known Tongue, and an allowance for the marriage of the Clergy. All the people had got these things in their heads; so that it was generally believed, that if the Pope had in time consented to them, the Progress of the Reformation had been much stopped. The express words of the Institution, and the Novelty of the contrary practice, had engaged that Nation very early for Commu­nion in both kinds. Common sense made them all desire to un­derstand what they did and said in the Worship of God; and the lewd and dissolute practices of the unmarried Clergy, were so publick, that they thought the honour of their Families, of which that Na­tion is extremely sensible, could not be secured, unless the Clergy might have Wives of their own. But at these the King stuck more, than at other things that were more disputable. For in all other points that were material, he had set up the Doctrine of the Ausburg Con­fession; and there was good ground to hope that the Evidence of at least two of these would have brought over the King to a fuller Agreement, and firmer Union with them. But the Bishop of Here­ford's death gave a great blow to that design. For though that party thought they had his room well filled,Bonners dissi­mulation. when they had got Bonner to be his Successor; yet they found afterwards what a fatal mistake they committed, in raising him now to Hereford, and translating him with­in a few months to London, vacant by Stokesleys death. But during the vacancy of the See of Hereford, Cranmer held a Visitation in it, where he left some Injunctions (to be found in the Collection) which chiefly related to the encouraging of reading the Scriptures,Coll. Numb. [...]2. and giving all due obedience to the Kings Injunctions. For the other Bi­shops that adhered to Cranmer, they were rather clogs than helps to him. Latimers simplicity and weakness made him be despised: Shax­tons proud and litigious humour drew hatred on him: Barlow was not very discreet; and many of the Preachers whom they cherished, whe­ther out of an unbridled forwardness of temper, or a true zeal that would not be managed and governed by politick and prudent mea­sures, were flying at many things that were not yet abolished. Many complaints were brought of these to the King. Upon which, letters were sent to all the Bishops in the Kings name, to take care that as the People should be instructed in the truth, so they should not be unwarily charged with too many novelties; since the publishing these, if it was not tempered with great discretion, would raise much con­tention, and other inconveniencies that might be of dangerous conse­quence. But it seems this Caveat did not produce what was designed [Page 256] by it, or at least the opposite party were still bringing in new Com­plaints: for I have seen an original Letter of Cromwels to the Bishop of Landaffe, Coll. Numb. 13. bearing date the 6th of Ianuary: In which he makes men­tion of the Kings Letters sent to that purpose, and requires him to look to the Execution of them, both against the violence of the new Preachers, and against those that secretly carried on the pretended authority of the Bishop of Rome; otherwise he threatens to proceed against him in an other manner. All these things concurred to lessen Cranmers interest in the Court; nor had he any firm friend there but Cromwel, who was also careful to preserve himself: There was not a Queen now in the Kings bosome to favour their motions. Queen Iane had been their friend, though she came in Anne Bolleyns room that had supported them most. The King was observed to be much guided by his Wives, as long as they kept their interest with him. Therefore Cromwel thought the only way to retrieve a design that was almost lost, was to engage the King in an Alliance with some of the Princes of Germany; from whence he had heard much of the Beauty of the Lady Anne of Cleve, the Duke of Cleve's Sister, whose elder sister was married to the Duke of Saxony.

A new Parli­ament.But while he was setting this on foot, a Parliament was summoned to meet the 28th of April. To which all the Parliamentary Abbots had their Writs. The Abbots of Westminster, St. Albans, St. Edmunds­bury, St Mary York, Glassenbury, Glocester, Ramsey, Evesham, Peterbor­rough, Reading, Malmesbury, Croyland, Selby, Thorny, Winchelcomb, Wal­tham, Cirencester, Teukesbury, Colchester and Tavestoke, sate in it. On the 5th of May, the Lord Chancellour acquainted them, that the King being most desirous to have all his Subjects of one mind in Re­ligion; and to quiet all Controversies about it, had commanded him to move to them, that a Committee might be appointed for examining these different opinions, and drawing up Articles for an agreement, which might be reported and considered by the House. To this the Lords agreed, and named for a Committee, Cromwel the Vice-gerent, the two Arch-Bishops, the Bishops of Duresme, Bath and Wells, Ely, Bangor, Carlisle and Worcester: Who were ordered to go about it with all haste, and were dispenced with for their attendance in the House, till they had ended their business. But they could come to no agree­ment; for the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, having the Bishops of Ely and Worcester to second him, and being favoured by Cromwel, the o­ther five could carry nothing against them: Nor would either party yeeld to the other, so that 11 dayes passed in these debates.

On the 16th of May, the Duke of Norfolk told the Lords, That the Committee that was named had made no progress,The 6 Arti­cles are pro­posed. for they were not of one mind; which some of the Lords had objected, when they were first named. Therefore he offered some Articles to the Lords consideration, that they might be examined by the whole House, and that there might be a perpetual Law made for the observation of them, after the Lords had freely delivered their minds about them. The Ar­ticles were.

First, Whether in the Eucharist, Christs real Body was present without any Transubstantiation? (so it is in the Journal absque Transubstantiatione) it seems so the Corporal Presence had been [Page 257] established, they would have left the manner of it indefinite.1539.

Secondly, Whether that Sacrament was to be given to the Laity in both kinds?

Thirdly, Whether the Vows of Chastity, made either by Men or Women, ought to be observed, by the Law of God?

Fourthly, Whether by the Law of God private Masses ought to be celebrated?

Fifthly, Whether Priests by the Law of God might marry?

Sixthly, Whether Auricular Confession were necessary by the Law of God?

Against these the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury argued long. For the first, he was then in his opinion a Lutheran, so he was not like to say much against it. But certainly he opposed the second much; since there was not any thing for which those with whom he held corre­spondence were more earnest, and seemed to have greater advantages,Reasons a­gainst them. both from Christs own words in the Institution, and the constant practice of the Church for 12 ages.

For the Third, It seemed very hard to suppress so many Monasteries, and set the Religious persons at liberty, and yet bind them up to Cha­stity. That same Parliament by another Act, absolved them from their vow of Poverty, giving them Power to purchase Lands: now it was not reasonable to bind them up to some parts of their Vow, when they absolved them from the rest. And it was no ways pru­dent to bind them up from Marriage, since, as long as they continu­ed in that State, they were still capable to re-enter into their Mo­nasteries, when a fair occasion should offer; whereas they, upon their Marrying, did effectually lay down all possible pretentions to their former Houses.

For the Fourth, The Asserting the Necessity of private Masses, was a plain Condemnation of the Kings proceedings in the Suppression of so many Religious Houses, which were Societies chiefly dedicated to that purpose. For if these Masses did profit the Souls departed, the destroying so many Foundations could not be justified. And for the living, these private Masses were clearly contrary to the first In­stitution, by which that which was blessed and consecrated was to be distributed: And it was to be a Communion, and so held by the Primitive Church, which admitted none, so much as to see the Ce­lebration of that Sacrament, but those who received it: Laying Cen­sures upon such as were present at the rest of that office, and did not stay and Communicate.

For the Fifth, it touched Cranmer to the quick, for he was then Marryed. The Scripture did in no place enjoyn the Celibate of the Clergy. On the contrary Scripture speaks of their Wives; and gives the Rules of their living with them. And St. Paul in express words condemns all mens leaving their Wives, without exception, saying That the man hath not Power over his own body but the Wife. In the Primitive Church, though those that were in orders did not Marry, yet such as were Marryed before Orders kept their Wives, of which there were many Instances; and when some moved in the Council of Nice, that all that had been Marryed, when they entred into Orders, should put away their Wives, it was rejected, and ever since the [Page 258] Greek Churches have allowed their Priests to keep their Wives. Nor was it ever commanded in the Western Church, till the Popes be­gan their Usurpation. Therefore the prohibition of it being only grounded on the Papal Constitutions, it was not reasonable to keep it up, since that Authority on which it was built was now over­thrown.

What was said concerning Auricular Confession, I cannot so easily recover. For though Cranmer argued three days against these Arti­cles, I can only gather the substance of his Arguments from what himself wrote on some of these Heads afterwards. For nothing re­mains of what passed there, but what is conveyed to us in the Jour­nal, which is short and defective.

On the 24th of May the Parliament was Prorogued to the 30th, upon what reason it does not appear. It was not to set any of the Bills backward; for it was agreed, that the Bills should continue in the State in which they were then, till their next meeting. When they met again; on the 30th of May being Friday, the Lord Chancel­lor intimated to them, that not only the Spiritual Lords, but the King himself, had taken much pains to bring things to an agreement which was effected. Therefore he moved in the Kings name, that a Bill might be brought in for punishing such as offended against these Articles. So the Lords appointed the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of Ely, and St. Davids, and Doctor Petre, a master of Chancery, (afterwards Secretary of State,) to draw one Bill; and the Arch-Bishop of York, the Bishop of Duresin, and Winchester, and Doctor Tregonnel, another Master of Chancery, to draw another Bill about it; and to have them both ready, and to offer them to the King by Sunday next. But the Bill that was drawn by the Arch-Bishop of York, and those with him, was best liked: yet it seems the Matter was long contested, for it was not brought to the House be­fore the 7th of Iune; and then the Lord Chancellor offered it, and it was read the first time. On the 9th of Iune it had the second reading, and on the 10th it was engrossed and read the third time. But when it passed, the King desired the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to go out of the House, since he could not give his consent to it; but he humbly excused himself, for he thought he was bound in con­science to stay and vote against it. It was sent down to the House of Commons, where it met with no great opposition; for on the 14th it was agreed to, and sent up again: And on the 28th it had the force of a Law by the Royal Assent.

The Title of it was, an Act for abolishing Diversity of opinions in certain Articles concerning Christian Religion. It is said in the Preamble, ‘that the King,An Act past for them. considering the blessed effects of union, and the mischiefs of discord, since there were many different opinions, both among the Clergy and Laity, about some points of Religion, had called this Parliament, and a Synod at the same time, for removing these differences, where six Articles were proposed, and long debated by the Clergy: And the King himself had come in person to the Par­liament, and Council, and opened many things of high Learning and great knowledg about them: And that he, with the Assent of both Houses of Parliament, had agreed on the following Articles. [Page 259] First, That in the Sacrament of the Altar after the Consecration there remained no Substance of Bread and Wine, but under these forms, the Natural Body and Blood of Christ were present. Secondly, That Communion in both kinds was not necessary to Salvation to all persons by the Law of God; but that both the Flesh and Blood of Christ were together in each of the kinds. Thirdly, That Priests after the order of Priesthood might not Marry by the Law of God. Fourthly, That vows of Chastity ought to be observed by the Law of God. Fifthly, That the use of private Masses ought to be con­tinued; which as it was agreeable to Gods Law, so men received great benefit by them. Sixthly, That Auricular Confession was ex­pedient, and necessary, and ought to be retained in the Church. The Parliament thanked the King, for the pains he had taken in these Articles: And Enacted, that if any after the 12th of Iuly, did speak, preach, or write against the first Article, they were to be judged Hereticks, and to be burnt without any abjuration; and to forfeit their real and personal Estates to the King. And those who preached or obstinately disputed against the other Articles, were to be judged Felons; and to suffer death as Felons, without benefit of Clergy. And those, who either in word or writing, spake against them, were to be Prisoners during the Kings pleasure, and forfeit their goods and Chattels to the King, for the first time: And if they offended so the second time, they were to suffer as Felons. All the Marriages of Priests are declared void; and if any Priest did still keep any such woman, whom he had so Marryed, and lived familiarly with her, as with his Wife, he was to be judged a Fe­lon: And if a Priest lived carnally with any other woman, he was upon the first Conviction to forfeit his Benefices, Goods, and Chat­tels, and to be Imprisoned during the Kings pleasure; and upon the second Conviction, was to suffer as a Felon. The women so of­fending, were also to be punished in the same manner, as the Priests; and those who contemned, or abstained from Confession, or the Sa­crament, at the accustomed times, for the first offence were to for­feit their Goods and Chattels, and be Imprisoned; and for the se­cond, were to be adjudged of Felony. And for the Execution of this Act, Commissions were to be issued out to all Arch-Bishops and Bishops, and their Chancellors and Commissaries, and such o­thers in the several shires as the King should name, to hold their Sessions quarterly, or oftner; and they were to proceed upon pre­sentments, and by a Jury. Those Commissioners were to swear, that they should execute their Commission indifferently, without favour, affection, corruption, or malice. As Ecclesiastical Incumbents were to read this Act in their Churches once a quarter. And in the end a Proviso was added, concerning vows of Chastity. That they should not oblige any, except such as had taken them at or above the Age of 21 years; or had not been compelled to take them.’

This Act was received, by all that secretly favoured Popery,which is va­riously cen­sured. with great joy; for now they hoped to be revenged on all those who had hitherto set forward a Reformation. It very much quieted the Bi­gots; who were now perswaded that the King would not set up He­resie, [Page 260] since he passed so severe an Act against it; and it made the to­tal Suppression of Monasteries go the more easily thorough. The Po­pish Clergy liked all the Act very well, except that severe branch of it against their unchast practices. This was put in by Cromwel to make it cut with both edges. (Some of our inconsiderate Writers, who never perused the Statutes, tell us it was done by a different Act of Parliament; but greater faults must be forgiven them who write upon hearsay.) There was but one comfort that the poor Re­formers could pick out of the whole Act, that they were not left to the Mercy of the Clergy, and their Ecclesiastical Courts, but were to be tryed by a Jury; where they might expect more candid and gentle dealing. Yet the denying them the benefit of Abjuration, was a severity beyond what had ever been put in practise before: So now they began to prepare for new storms and a heavy persecution.

An Act about the Suppressi­on of the greater Mo­nasteries.The other chief business of this Parliament was the Suppression of Monasteries. It is said in the Preamble of that Act, ‘That divers Abbots. Priors, and other Heads of Religious Houses, had, since the 4th of February in the 27th year of the Kings Reign, without con­straint, of their own accord, and according to the due course of the Common Law, by sufficient writings of Record, under their Covent-Seals, given up their Houses and all that belonged to them to the King. Therefore all Houses that were since that time sup­pressed, dissolved, relinquished, forfeited, or given up, are Confirm­ed to the King and his Successors for ever: And all Monasteries that should thereafter be suppressed, forfeited, or given up, are also Con­firmed to the King and his Successors. And all these Houses, with the Rents belonging to them, were to be disposed of by the Court of Augmentations for the Kings profit; excepting only such as were come into the Kings hands by Attaindors of Treason, which be­longed to the Exchequer. Reserving to all persons, except the Patrons, Founders, and Donors of such Houses, the same right to any parts of them, or jurisdiction in them, which they could have claim­ed if that Act had never been made. Then followed many clauses for Annulling all Deeds and Leases, made within one year before the Suppression of any Religious House, to the prejudice of it, or different from what had been granted formerly. And all Church­es or Chappels, which belonged to these Monasteries, and were for­merly exempted from the Visitation or Jurisdiction of their Ordina­ry, are declared to be within the Jurisdiction of the Bishop, of the Diocess, or of any other that should be appointed by the King.’

This Act passed in the House of Peers, without any Protestation made by any of the Abbots, though it appears by the Journal that at the first reading of it, there were eighteen Abbots present, at the second reading twenty, and seventeen at the third reading, and the Abbots of Glastenbury Colchester and Reading, were among those who were present; so little reason there is to think they were attainted for any open withstanding the Kings proceedings, when they did not pro­test against this Act, which was so plainly levelled at them. It was soon dispatched by the Commons; and offered to the Royal Assent. By it, no Religious Houses were suppressed, as is generally taken for granted; but only the Surrenders, that either had been, or were to [Page 261] be made, were Confirmed. The last Proviso for Annulling all Ex­emptions of Churches and Chappels, had been a great happiness to the Church, if it had not been for that Clause; That the King might appoint others to visit them; which in a great degree did enervate it. For many of those who afterwards purchased these Lands with the Impropriated Tithes, got this likewise in their Grants, that they should be the Visitors of the Churches and Chappels formerly exempted: from whence great disorders have since followed in these Churches, which not falling within the Bishops Jurisdiction, are thought not lia­ble to his Censures; so that the Incumbents in them, being under no restraints, have often been scandalous to the Church; and given oc­casion to those who were disaffected to the Hierarchy, to censure the Prelates, for these offences which they could not punish; since the offenders were thus excepted out of their Jurisdiction. This a­buse, which first sprang from the Ancient Exemptions that were Con­firmed or Granted by the See of Rome, has not yet met with an ef­fectual Remedy.

Upon the whole matter, this Suppression of Abbies was universal­ly censured, and besides the common Exceptions which those that favoured the old Superstition, made, it was questioned whether the Lands that formerly belonged to Religious Houses, ought to have re­turned to the Founders and Donors by way of Reverter, or to have fallen to the Lords of whom the Lands were holden by way of Es­cheat, or to have come to the Crown. It is true, by the Roman Law, or at least by a Judgment of the Senate in Theodosius's time, the Endowments of the Heathenish Temples were upon a full de­bate, whether they should return to the right Heirs, or be Confis­cated, in the end adjudged to the Fisc or the Emperors Exchequer; upon this reason, that by the will of the Donors, they were total­ly alienated from them and their Heirs. But in England it went o­therwise. And when the Order of the Knights-Templers was dissolv­ed, it was then judged in favour of the Lord by Escheat. For though the Founders and Donors had totally alienated these Lands from themselves and their heirs, yet there was no reason from thence to conclude any thing that might wrong the Superior Lord of his Right in the case of an Escheat. And this must have held good, if those alienations and Endowments had been absolute without any con­dition. But the Endowments being generally rather of the Nature of Covenants and Contracts, and made in Consideration of so many Masses to be said for their Souls, then it was most just, that, upon a non-performance of the Condition, and when that publick Error and Cheat which the Monks had put upon the World was discovered, the Lands should have returned to the Founders and Patrons and their Heirs and Successors. Nor was there any grounds for the Lords to pretend to them by Escheat, especially where their Ancestors had con­sented to, and confirmed those Endowments. Therefore there was no need of Excluding them by any special Proviso. But for the Foun­ders and Donors, certainly if there had not been a Particular Provi­so made against them, they might have recovered the Lands which their Ancestors had superstitiously given away; and the Surrenders which Religious persons made to the Crown, could not have cut off [Page 262] their Title. But this Act did that effectually. It is true, many of the greatest of them were of Royal Foundation, and these would have returned to the Crown without Dispute.

On the 23 of May, in this Session of Parliament a Bill was brought in by Cromwel, for giving the King Power to Erect new Bishopricks by his Letters Patents.Another a­bout the Ere­cting new Bi­shopricks. It was read that day for the first, second, and third time; and sent down to the Commons. The Preamble of it was, ‘That it was known what slothful and ungodly Life had been led by those who were called Religious. But that these Houses might be converted to better uses; that Gods word might be better set forth, Children brought up in Learning, Clarks nourished in the Universities, and that old decayed Servants might have Livings, poor people might have Alms-Houses to maintain them, Readers of Greek, Hebrew, and Latine, might have good Stipend, daily Alms might be Ministred, and Allowance might be made for mending of the high-ways, and Exhibition for Ministers of the Church, for these ends, if the King thought fit to have more Bishopricks or Cathe­dral Churches erected out of the Reat of these Houses; full Power was given to him to erect, and found them; and to make Rules and Statutes for them, and such Translations of Sees or divisions of them as he thought fit.’ But on this Act I must adde a singular Remark. The Preamble and material parts of it, were drawn by the King him­self; and the first draught of it under his hand is yet extant; which shows his extraordinary application and understanding of business. But in the same Paper there is a List of the Sees which he intended to found; of which what was done afterwards came so far short, that I know nothing to which it can be so reasonably imputed, as the de­clining of Cranmers Interest at Court; who had proposed the Erecting of new Cathedrals and Sees, with other things mentioned in the Preamble of the Statute, as a great mean for Reforming the Church. The Sees which the King then designed, with the Abbies out of which they were to be Erected,The Kings design about these. follow, as it is in the Paper under the Kings own hand.

Essex
Waltham.
Hartford.
St. Albans.
Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire.
  • Dunstable.
  • Newenham.
  • Clowstown.
Oxford and Berkshire.
Osnay and Tame.
Northampton and Huntington.
Peterborough.
Middlesex.
Westminster.
Leicester and Rutland.
Leicester.
Glocestershire
St. Peters.
Lancashire
Fountaines and the Arch-deaconry of Richmond.
Suffolk
Edmonds-bury.
Stafford and Salop.
Shrewsbury.
Nottingham and Derby.
  • Welbeck.
  • Werksop.
  • Thurgarton.
Cornwall
  • Lanceston.
  • Bedmynne.
  • Wardreth.

[Page 263]Over these is written The Bishopricks to be made. In another corner of the Page he writes as follows.

‘Places to be altered according to our device, which have Sees in them. Christ's-Church in Canterbury, St. Swithins, Ely, Duresm, Rochester, with a part of Leeds, Worcester, and all others having the same.’ Then a little below. Places to be altered into Colledges and Schools. Burton su­per Trent. More is not written in that Paper. But I wonder much that in this List Chester was forgotten. Yet it was Erected before any of them. For I have seen a Commission under the Privy Seal to the Bishop of Chester, to take the Surrender of the Monastery of Hamond in Shropshire, bearing date the 24th of August this year. So it seems the See of Chester was Erected and endowed before the Act passed, though there is among the Rolls a Charter for Endowing and founding of it afterwards. Bristow is not mentioned in this Paper, though a See was afterwards Erected there. It was not before the end of the next year that these Sees were founded; and there was in that Interval so great a Change made, both of the Counsels and Mi­nisters, that no wonder the things now designed were never accom­plished.

Another Act passed in this Parliament,An Act about the Kings Pro­clamations. concerning the obedience due to the Kings Proclamations. There had been great exceptions made to the Legality of the Kings proceedings, in the Articles about Religion, and other Injunctions published by his authority, which were complained of as contrary to Law; since by these the King had without consent of Parliament, altered some Laws, and had laid Tax­es on his Spiritual Subjects. ‘Upon which an Act passed, which sets forth in the preamble, the contempt and disobedience of the Kings Proclamations, by some who did not consider what a King by his Royal power might do; which if it continued, would tend to the disobedience of the Laws of God, and the dishonour of the Kings Majesty, (who may full ill bear it.) Considering also, that many oc­casions might require speedy Remedies, and that delaying these till a Parliament met, might occasion great prejudices to the Realm; and that the King by his Royal power given of God, might do ma­ny things in such cases; Therefore it is Enacted, That the King for the time being, with advice of his Council, might set forth Pro­clamations with pains and penalties in them, which were to be o­beyed as if they were made by an Act of Parliament. But this was not to be so extended, that any of the Kings Subjects should suffer in their Estates, Liberties, or Persons, by vertue of it: Nor that by any of the Kings Proclamations, Laws or Customs were to be broken and subverted.’ Then follow some Clauses about the publishing of Proclamations, and the way of prosecuting those who contemned and disobeyed them. It is also added, ‘That if any of­fended against them, and in further contempt went out of the Realm, he was to be adjudged a Traitor. This also gave power to the Counsellours of the Kings Successor, if he were under age, to set forth Proclamations in his name, which were to be obeyed in the same manner with these set forth by the King himself.’ This Act gave great power to the Judges, since there were such Restri­ctions in some branches of it, which seemed to lessen the great extent [Page 264] of the other parts of it; so that the Expositors of the Law had much referred to them: upon this Act were the great changes of Religion in the Non-age of Edward the 6th grounded.

An Act about Precedence.There is another Act, which but collaterally belongs to Ecclesiasti­cal affairs; and therefore shall be but slightly touched. It is the Act of the Precedency of the Officers of State, by which the Lord Vice-gerent has the Precedence of all persons in the Kingdom next the Royal Family: and on this I must make one Remark, which may seem very improper for one of my profession; especially when it is an animadversion on one of the greatest men that any age has pro­duced, the most Learned Mr. Selden. He in his Titles of Honour, sayes, ‘That this Statute was never printed in the Statute-Book, and but incorrectly by another, and that therefore he infers it Literally as is in the Record.’ In which there are two mistakes. For it is Printed in the Statute-Book, that was set down in that Kings Reign, though left out in some latter Statute-Books; and that which he prints, is not exactly according to the Record. For as he prints it, the Bishop of London is not named in the precedency; which is not accor­ding to the Parliament-Roll, in which the Bishop of London has the precedence next the Arch-Bishop of York; and though this is corrected in a Posthumous edition; yet in that set out by himself, it is wan­ting: Nor is that Omission among the Errours of the Press, for though there are many of these gathered to be amended, this is none of them. This I do not take notice of out of any vanity, or humour of Censuring a man so great in all sorts of Learning; but my de­sign is only to let ingenious persons see, that they ought not to take things on trust easily, no not from the greatest Au­thors.

These are all the publick Acts that relate to Religion, which were passed in this Parliament.Some Acts of Attainders. With these there passed an Act of Attain­dor of the Marquess of Exeter, and the Lord Montacute, with many others, that were either found to have had a great hand in the late Rebellion; or were discovered to hold correspondence with Cardinal Pool, who was then trafficking with forreign Princes, and projecting a League among them against the King. But of this I shall give a more full account at the end of this Book; being there to open the grounds of all the Attaindors that were passed in these last years of the Kings Reign. There is one remarkable thing that belongs to this Act.

Some were to be attainted in absence; others they had no mind to bring to make their answer, but yet designed to attain them. Such were the Marchioness of Exeter, and the Countess of Sarum, Mother to Cardinal Pool, whom by a gross mistake, Speed fancies to have been condemned without Arraignment or Tryal, as Cromwel had been by Parliament. For she was now condemned a year before him. About the Justice of doing this there was some debate; and to clear it, Crom­wel sent for the Judges, and asked their opinions, Whether a man might be attainted in Parliament without being brought to make his answer? They said it was a dangerous Question. That the Parli­ament ought to be an example to all inferiour Courts; and that when any person was charged with a Crime, he, by the common Rule of [Page 265] Justice and Equity should be heard to plead for himself. But the Par­liament being the Supream Court of the Nation, what way soever they proceeded, it must be good in Law; and it could never be que­stioned, whether the party was brought to answer or not. And thus a very ill president was made, by which the most innocent person in the world might be ruined. And this, as has often been observed in the like cases, fell very soon heavily on the Author of the Counsel, as shall appear.

When the Parliament was Prorogued, on the 28th of Iune, The Kings care of Cran­mer. Antiq. Brit. in vita Cran. the King apprehending that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury might be much cast down with the Act for the six Articles, sent for him and told him; That he had heard how much, and with what Learning he had argued against it, and therefore he desired he would put all his arguments in writing, and bring them to him. Next day he sent the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and the Lord Cromwel, to dine with him. Ordering them to assure him of the Kings constant and unshaken kindness to him, and to encourage him all they could. When they were at Table with him at Lambeth, they run out much on his com­mendation, and acknowledged he had opposed the Act with so much Learning, Gravity and Eloquence; that even those that differed from him were much taken with what he said, and that he needed fear nothing from the King. Cromwel saying, that this difference the King put between him, and all his other Councellors; that when com­plaints were brought of others, the King received them, and tried the truth of them; but he would not so much as hearken to any com­plaint of the Arch-Bishop. From that he went on to make a Paral­lel between him and Cardinal Wolsey: That the one lost his Friends by his haughtiness and pride, but the other gained on his Enemies by his gentleness and mildness. Upon which the Duke of Norfolk said, he might best speak of the Cardinal, for he knew him well, having been his man. This nettled Cromwel, who answered, that though he had served him, yet he never liked his manners: and that though the Cardinal had designed, (if his attempt for the Popedome had been successful,) to have made him his Admiral; yet he had resolved not to accept of it, nor to leave his Countrey. To which the Duke of Norfolk replied with a deep Oath, That he Lied; with other reproach­ful language. This troubled Cranmer extremely, who did all he could to quiet and reconcile them. But now the Enmity between those two great Ministers broke out to that height, that they were never afterwards hearty friends.

But Cranmer went about that which the King had commanded: and made a Book of the reasons that led him to oppose the six Articles in which the places out of the Scriptures,Cranmer writes his reasons a­gainst the six Articles. the Authorities of the an­cient Doctors, with the arguments drawn from these, were all di­gested in a good method. This he commanded his Secretary to write out in a fair hand, that it might be given the King. The Secretary returning with it from Croydon, where the Arch-Bishop was then, to Lambeth, found the Key of his Chamber was carried away by the Arch-Bishops Almoner: So that he being obliged to go over to London, and not daring to trust the Book to any others keeping, carried it with himself; where both he and the Book met with an un-lookt-for [Page 266] encounter.1538. Some others that were with him in the Wherry, would needs go to the South-wark side, to look on a Bear-baiting that was near the River, where the King was in person. The Bear broke loose into the River, and the Dogs after her. They that were in the Boat leaped out, and left the poor Secretary alone there. But the Bear got into the Boat, with the Dogs about her, and sunk it. The Secretary apprehending his life was in danger, did not mind his Book, which he lost in the water. But being quickly rescued, and brought to land, he begun to look for his Book, and saw it floating in the River. So he desired the Bear-ward to bring it to him; who took it up, but before he would restore it, put it into the hands of a Priest that stood there, to see what it might contain. The Priest reading a little in it found it a Confutation of the six Articles: and told the Bearward that whoso­ever claimed it, would be hanged for his pains. But the Arch-Bishops Secretary thinking to mend the matter, said it was his Lords Book. This made the Bear-ward more intractable, for he was a spite­ful Papist, and hated the Arch-Bishop; so that no offers nor en­treaties could prevail with him to give it back. Whereupon Morice, (that was the Secretaries name,) went and opened the matter to Crom­wel the next day, Cromwel was then going to Court, and he expected to find the Bearward there, looking to deliver the Book to some of Cranmers Enemies; he therefore ordered Morice to go along with him. Where, as they had expected, they found the fellow with the Book about him; upon whom Cromwel called, and took the Book out of his hands, threatning him severely for his presumption in medling with a Privy Councellors Book.

But though Cranmer escaped this hazard, yet in London the storm of the late act was falling heavily on them that were obnoxious.Proceedings upon that Act. Shax­ton and Latimer, the Bishops of Salisbury and Worcester, within a week after the Session of Parliament, as it appears, resigned their Bishop­ricks. For on the 7th of Iuly the Chapters of these Churches Peti­tioned the King for his leave to fill those Sees, they being then vacant by the free Resignation of the former Bishops. Upon which the Con­ge d'Elire for both was granted. Nor was this all, but they being presented as having spoken against the six Articles, were put in Prison, where the one lay till the King died, and the other till a little before his death, as shall be shewn in its proper place. There were also Commissions issued out, for proceeding upon that Statute: and those who were Commissioned for London, were all secret favourers of Po­pery; so they proceeded most severely, and examined many Witnesses against all who were presented: whom they Interrogated not only up­on the express words of the Statute, but upon all such collateral or presumptive circumstances, as might entangle them, or conclude them guilty. So that in a very little while 500 persons were put in prison, and involved in the breach of the Statute. Upon this not only Cran­mer and Cromwel, but the Duke of Suffolk, and Audley the Chancel­lour represented to the King how hard it would be, and of what ill consequence, to execute the Law upon so many persons. So the King was prevailed with to pardon them all; and I find no further procee­ding upon this Statute till Cromwel fell.

But the opposite Party used all the Arts possible to insinnuate them­selves [Page 267] into the King. And therefore,1539. to shew how far their compli­ance would go, Bonner took a strange commission from the King, on the 12th of November this year. It has been certainly Enrolled; but it is not there now, so that I judge it was razed in that suppression of Records, which was in Queen Maries time. But, as men are com­monly more careless at home, Bonner has left it on Record in his own Register. Whether the other Bishops took such Commissions from this King, I know not. But I am certain there is none such in Cran­mers Register: and it is not likely, if any such had been taken out by him, that ever it would have been razed. The Commission it self will be found in the Collection of Papers at the end. The substance of it is, ‘That since all Jurisdictions both Ecclesiastical and Civil,Collect. Numb. 1 [...]. flowed from the King as Supream Head, and he was the foundation of all power; it became those who exercised it only (Precario) at the Kings courtesie, gratefully to acknowledge, that they had it only of his bounty; and to declare that they would deliver it up again, when it should please him to call for it. And since the King had consti­tuted the Lord Cromwel his Vice-gerent in Ecclesiastical affairs; yet because he could not look into all those Matters, therefore the King, upon Bonners petition, did Empower him in his own stead, to ordain such as he found worthy, to present and give institution, with all the other parts of Episcopal Authority, for which he is duely Com­missionated; and this to last during the Kings pleasure only. And, all the parts of the Episcopal Function being reckoned up, it con­cluded with a strict Charge to the Bishop to Ordain none but such of whose Integrity, good life and learning he had very good assu­rance. For as the Corruptions of the Christian Doctrine, and of mens manners, had chiefly proceeded from ill Pastours; so it was not to be doubted, but good Pastours well-chosen would again reform the Christian Doctrine, and the Lives of Christians.’ After he had taken this Commission, Bonner might have been well called one of the Kings Bishops. The true reason of this profound Compliance, was, That the Popish party apprehended that Cranmers great interest with the King, was chiefly grounded on some opinions he had, of the Ec­clesiastical Officers being as much subject to the Kings power as all o­ther Civil Officers were. And this having endeared him so much to the King, therefore they resolved to out-do him in that point. But there was this difference, that Cranmer was once of that opinion; and if he followed it at all, it was out of Conscience: but Bonner, against his Conscience, (if he had any,) complied with it.

Now followed the final dissolution of the Abbeys; there are 57 Surrenders upon Record this year. The originals of about 30 of these are yet to be seen. Thirty seven of them were Abbies or Priories,Dissolution of the great Ab­bies. and 20 Nunneries. The good House of Godstow now fell with the rest, though among the last of them. Now the great Parliament Ab­bots surrendred apace; as those of Westminster, St. Albans, St. Ed­mundsbury, Canterbury, St. Mary in York, Selby, St. Peters in Glocester, Cirencester, Waltham, Winchcombe, Malmsbury and Battel. Three others were attainted; Glassenbury, Reading, and Colchester. The Deeds of the rest are lost. Here it will not be unacceptable to the Reader, to know who were the Parliamentary Abbots. There were in all 28, as they [Page 268] were commonly given. Fuller has given a Catalogue of them in three places of his History of Abbies; but as every one of these differs from the others; so none of them are according to the Journals of Parli­liament; The Lord Herbert is also mistaken in his account. I shall not rise higher in my enquiry than this Reign, for anciently many more Abbots and Priors sate in Parliament, beside other Clergy that had likewise their Writs; and of whose right to sit in the House of Com­mons, there was a question moved in Edward the sixths Reign, as shall be opened in its proper place. Much less will I presume to deter­mine so great a point in Law, whether they sate in the House of Lords, as being a part of the Ecclesiastical State, or as holding their Lands of the King by Baronage? I am only to observe the matter of fact, which is, That in the Journals of Parliament in this Reign, these 28 Ab­bots had their writs, Abington, St. Albans, St. Austins Canterbury, Bat­tel, St. Bennets in the Holm, Berdeny, Cirencester, Colchester, Coventry, Croyland, St. Edmundsbury, Evesham, Glassenbury, Glocester, Hide, Malms­bury, St. Maries in York, Peterborough, Ramsey, Reading, Selby, Shrews­bury, Tavenstock, Te [...]kesbury, Thorney, Waltham, Westminster and Win­chelcomh; to whom also the Prior of St. Iohns may be added. But be­sides all these, I find that in the 28 year of this King, the Abbot of Bur­ton upon Trent sate in Parliament. Generally Coventry and Burton were held by the same man, as one Bishop held both Coventry and Litchfield, though two different Bishopricks; but in that year they were held by two different persons, and both had their Writts to that Parliament. The method used in the suppression of these Houses will appear by one compleat Report made, of the Suppression of the Ab­bey of Tewksbury, Collect. Numb. 3. Sect. 5. which out of many I copyed, and is in the Col­lection. From it the Reader will see, what provision was made for the Abbot, the Prior, the other Officers, and the Monks, and other servants of the House; and what Buildings they ordered to be defa­ced and what to remain; and how they did estimate the Jewels, Plate, and other Ornaments. But Monasteries were not sufficient to stop the appetite of some that were about the King; for Hospitals were next lookt after. One of these was this year surrendred by Thomas Thirleby with two other Priests;Some Hospi­tals surren­dred. he was Master of St. Thomas Hospi­tal in Southwark, and was designed Bishop of Westminster, to which he made his way by that Resignation. He was a learned and mo­dest man, but of so fickle or cowardly a temper, that he turned al­wayes with the Stream in every change that was made, till Queen Elizabeth came to the Crown; but then, being ashamed of so many turns, he resolved to shew he could once be firm to some­what.

The Abbeys sold or gi­ven away.Now were all the Monasteries of England suppressed, and the King had then in his hand the greatest opportunity of making Royal and Noble Foundations, that ever King of England had. But whether out of policy to give a general Content to the Gentry, by selling to them at low rates, or out of easiness to his Courtiers, or out of an unmea­sured lavishness in his expence, it came far short of what he had given out he would do, and what himself seemed once to have design­ed. The clear yeerly value of all the Suppressed Houses is cast up, in an account then stated to be viz. 131607. lib. 6. s. 4. d. as the Rents [Page 269] were then rated, but was at least ten times so much in true value. Of which he designed to convert 18000. lib. into a Revenue for eighteen Bishopricks and Cathedrals. But of these he only erected six, as shall be afterwards shewn. Great sums were indeed laid out on building and fortifying many Ports, in the Channel, and other parts of England, which were raised by the Sale of Abbey-Lands.

At this time many were offering projects for Noble Foundations, on which the King seemed very earnest: But it is very likely,A project of a Semminar [...] for Ministers of State. that before he was aware of it, he had so out-run himself in his Bounty, that it was not possible for him to bring these to any effect. Yet I shall set down one of the projects, which shews the greatness of his mind that designed it; that is, of Sir Nicholas Bacon, who was af­terwards one of the wisest Ministers that ever this Nation bred. The King designed to found a House for the Study of the Civil Law, and the purity of the Latine and French Tongues: So he ordered Sir Nicolas Bacon, and two others, Thomas De [...]ton, and Robert Cary, to make a full project, of the nature, and orders of such a House, who brought it to him in a writing; the original whereof is yet ex [...]ant. [...] D. D. [...] The design of it was, that there should be frequent pleadings, and other exercises in the Latine and French tongues: and when the Kings Students were brought to some ripeness, they should be sent with his Embassadors to Forreign parts, and trained up in the know­ledg of forreign affairs; and so the House should be the Nursery for Ambassadors. Some were also to be appointed to write the History of all Embassies, Treaties, and other foreign Transactions: as also of all Arraignments, and publick Tryals at home. But before any of them might write on these Subjects, the Lord Chancellour was to give them an Oath, that they should do it truly, without respect of persons, or any other corrupt affection. This noble Design miscarried. But if it had been well laid and regulated, it is easie to gather what great and publick advantages might have flowed from it. Among which, it is not inconsiderable, that we should have been delivered from a Rabble of ill-Writers of History, who have without due care or enquiry, delivered to us the Transactions of that time so imperfect­ly, that there is still need of enquiring into Registers and Papers for these matters. Which in such a House had been more certainly and clearly conveighed to posterity, than can be now expected, at such a distance of time; and after such a rasure of Records, and other con­fusions, in which many of these Papers have been lost. And this help was the more necessary, after the suppression of Religious Houses: in most of which a Chronicle of the times was kept, and still filled up as new Transactions came to their knowledg. It is true, most of these were written by men of weak Judgments, who were more pun­ctual in delivering Fables and Trifles, than in opening observable Tran­sactions. Yet some of them were men of better understandings; and it is like were directed by their Abbots, who being Lords of Parliament▪ understood a [...]fairs well: only an invincible humor of ly­ing, when it might raise the credit of their Religion, or Order, or House, runs through all their Manuscripts.

One thing was very remarkable, which was this year granted, at [Page 270] Cranmers Intercession. There was nothing could so much recover Reformation, that was declining so fast, as the free use of the Scrip­tures;A Procla­mation about the free use of the Scriptures. and though these had been set up in the Churches a year ago, yet he pressed, and now procured leave, for private persons to buy Bibles, and keep them in their Houses. So this was granted by Let­ters Patents directed to Cromwel, bearing date the 13th of November. The Substance of which was,Collect. Numb. 15. ‘That the King was desirous to have his Subjects attain the knowledg of Gods word, which could not be effected by any means so well, as by granting them the free and liberal use of the Bible in the English tongue; which to avoid dis­sension, he intended should pass among them only by one Transla­tion. Therefore Cromwel was charged to take care, that for the space of five years there should be no Impression of the Bible, or any part of it, but only by such as should be assigned by him.’ But Gardiner opposed this, all he could: and one day, in a Conference before the King, he provoked Cranmer to shew any difference between the Au­thority of the Scriptures, and of the Apostolical Canons, which he pretended were equal to the other writings of the Apostles. Upon which, they disputed for some time. But the King perceived solid Learning tempered with great Modesty in what Cranmer said; and nothing but vanity and affectation in Gardiner's reasonings. So he took him up sharply, and told him, that Cranmer was an old and experi­enced Captain, and was not to be troubled by fresh-men and No­vices.

The great matter of the Kings Marriage came on at this time. Many reports were brought the King of the beauty of Anne of Cleve, The King de­signs to Mary Anne of Cleve. so that he inclined to ally himself with that Family. Both the Em­peror, and the King of France, had courted him to Matches which they had projected. The Emperor proposed the Dutchess of Milan, his kinswoman, and Daughter to the King of Denmark. He was then designing to break the League of Smalcald, and to make him­self master of Germany: And therefore he took much pains with the King, to divide him from the Princes there; which was in great part effected by the Statute for the six Articles: Upon which the Ambas­sadors of the Princes had complained, and said, That whereas the King had been in so fair a way of union with them, he had now broke it off, and made so severe a Law about Communion in one kind, Private Masses, and the Celibate of the Clergy, which differ­ed so much from their Doctrine, that they could entertain no fur­ther correspondence with him, if that Law was not mitigated. But Gardiner wrought much on the Kings vanity and passions; and told him that it was below his Dignity, and high Learning, to have a Company of dull Germans and small Princes, dictate to him in mat­ters of Religion. There was also another thing which he oft made use of, (though it argues somewhere a great Ignorance of the Con­stitution of the Empire,) That the King could not expect these Prin­ces would ever be for his Supremacy; since if they acknowledged that in him, they must likewise yield it to the Emperor. This was a great mistake. For as the Princes of Germany never acknowledged the Emperor to have a sove raignty in their Dominions; so they did acknowledg the Diet, in which the Soveraignty of the Empire lies, [Page 271] to have a Power of making or changing what Laws they pleased a­bout Religion.1538. And in things that were not determined by the Di­et, every Prince pretended to it as highly in his own Dominions, as the King could do in England. But as untrue as this Allegation was it served Gardiner's turn; for the King was sufficiently irritated with it against the Princes, so that there was now a great coldness in their correspondence. Yet the Project of a Match with the Dutchess of Milan failing, and these proposed by France not being acceptable, Cromwel moved the King about an Alliance with the Duke of Cleve; who, as he was the Emperors Neighbour in Flanders, had also a pre­tension to the Dutchie of Guelders, and his eldest Daughter was Mar­ryed to the Duke of Saxony. So that the King having then some apprehensions of a War with the Emperor, this seemed a very pro­per Alliance to give him a Diversion.

There had been a Treaty between her Father, and the Duke of Lorrain, in order to a match between the Duke of Lorrain's Son, and her. But they both being under Age, it went no further than a Contract between their Fathers. Hans Holbin having taken her Pi­cture, sent it over to the King. But in that he bestowed the com­mon complement of his Art, somewhat too liberally, on a Lady that was in a way to be Queen. The King liked the Picture, better than the Original, when he had the occasion afterwards to compare them. The Duke of Saxony, who was very zealous for the Aus [...] Confes­sion, finding the King had declined so much from it, disswaded the Match. But Cromwel set it on mightily; expecting a great Support from a Queen of his own making: whose friends being all Luth [...]rans, it tended also to bring down the Popish Party at Court, and again to recover the ground they had now lost. Those that had seen the Lady did much commend her beauty, and person. But she could speak no Language but Dutch; to which the King was a stranger. Nor was she bred to Musick, with which the King was much taken. So that except her person had charmed him, there was nothing left for her to gain upon him by. After some Months Treaty, one of the Counts Palatine of the Rhine, with other Ambassadors from the Duke of Saxony, and her Brother the Duke of Cleves, (for her Father was lately dead,) came over, and concluded the Match.

In the end of December, she was brought over to England:Who comes over to Eng­land. And the King, being impatient to see her, went down Incognito to Rochester. But when he had a sight of her, finding none of these charms which he was made believe were in her, he was so extreamly surprized, that he not only did not like her, but took an Aversion to her, which he could never after overcome. He swore they had brought over a Flanders Mare to him, and was very sorry he had gone so far, but glad it had proceeded no further. And presently he resolved,But is much disliked by the King. if it were possible, to break off the matter, and never to yoke himself with her. But his Affairs were not then in such a condition, that he could safely put that affront on the Dukes of Saxony and Cleves which the sending back of this Lady would have done. For the Germans, being of all Nations most sensible of every thing in which the Honour of their Family is touched; he knew they would resent such an Injury. And it was not safe for him to Adventure that at such [Page 272] a time.1539. For the Emperor was then in Paris, whither he had gone to an Enterview with Francis. And his Reception was not only as Magnificent as could be, but there was all the Evidence possible of hearty Friendship and kindness. The King also understood, that be­tween them there was somewhat projected against himself. And now Francis that had been as much obliged by him, as possibly one Prince could be by another; was not only forgetful of it, but intended to take advantage from the distractions and discontents of the English, to drive them out of France, if it were possible. And it is not to be doubted but the Emperor would gladly have embroyled these two Kings, that he might have a better opportunity both to make him­self Master of Germany; and to force the King of England into an Al­liance, by which the Lady Mary should be Legitimated, and the Prin­ces of Germany be left destitute of a Support, which made them In­solent and Intractable. The King apprehended the Conjunction of those two great Princes against himself, which was much set for­ward by the Pope; and that they would set up the King of Scotland against him, who with that forreign Assistance, and the discontents at home, would have made War upon great advantages; especially those in the North of England, being ill affected to him: And there­fore he judged it necessary for his Affairs not to lose the Princes of Ger­many. Only he resolved, first, to try if any Nullities or Pre-contracts could excuse him fairly at their hands. He returned to Greenwich ve­ry Melancholy. He much blamed the Earl of Southampton, who be­ing sent over to receive her at Callice, had written an high Commen­dation of her Beauty. But he excused himself, that he thought the thing was so far gone, that it was decent to write as he had done. The King lamented his condition in that Marriage; and expressed great trouble, both to the Lord Russel, Sir Anthony Brown, Sir Anthony Den­ny, and others about him. ‘The last of those told him, this was one Advantage that mean persons had over Princes: That great Prin­ces must take such Wives as are brought them, whereas meaner per­sons go and chuse Wives for themselves.’ But when the King saw Cromwel, he gave his grief a freer vent to him. He, finding the King so much Troubled, would have cast the chief blame on the Earl of Southampton, for whom he had no great kindness: And said, when he found her so far short of what reports and Pictures had made her, he should have stayed her at Callice, till he had given the King notice of it. But the Earls Commission being only to bring her o­ver; he said, It had been too great a presumption in him, to have interposed in such a manner. And the King was convinced he was in the right. So now, all they had to insist on, was the clearing of that Contract that had passed between her and the Marquess of Lo­rain: which the Ambassadors, who had been with the King, had un­dertaken should be fully done, and brought over with her in due form of Law. So after the Lady was brought in great State to Greenwich, the Council met, and sent for the Ambassadors of the Duke of Cleves that conducted her over; and desired to see what they had brought for clearing the breach of that Contract with the Marquess of Lor­rain. But they had brought nothing, and made no account of it; say­ing, that the Contract was in their Minority, when they could give [Page 273] no consent; and that nothing had followed on it, after they came to be of Age. But this did not satisfie the Kings Council, who said, these were but their words, and they must see better proofs. The Kings Marriage was Annulled with Anne Boleyn upon a pre-contract; therefore he must not again run the like hazard. So Olisleger and Ho­g [...]sden, the Ambassadors from Cleve, did by a formal Instrument Pro­test before Cromwel, that in a peace made between their late Master Iohn Duke of Cleve, and Anthony Duke of Lorrain, one of the condi­tions was, that this Lady being then under Age, should be given in Marriage to Francis Son to the Duke of Lorrain, who was likewise under Age; which Treaty they affirmed they saw and read. But that afterwards Henry de Groffe Ambassador of Charles Duke of Guel­dres, upon whose mediation that peace had been concluded, declar­ed in their hearing, that the Espousals were Annulled and of no ef­fect; and that this was Registred in the Chancery of Cl [...]ve, of which they promised to bring an Authentical Extract within three Months to England. Some of the Counsellors, who knew the Kings secret dislike of her person, would have insisted more on this. But the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Duresm, said, if there was no more than that, it could be no just hindrance to the So­lemnization of the Marriage. So the King seeing there was no reme­dy, and being much pressed both by the Ministers of Cleve, 1540. and by the Lord Cromwel, Marryed her on the 6th of Ianuary: But expres­sed so much aversion and dislike of her,But yet Mar­ries her. that every body about him took notice of it. Next day the Lord Cromwel asked him how he liked her then. He told him, He was not every man; therefore he would be free with him: He liked her worse than he did. He sus­pected she was no Maid; and had such ill smells about her, that he loathed her more than ever, and did not believe he should ever con­summate the Marriage. This was sad news to Cromwel, who knew well how delicate the King was in these matters;And could never love her. and that so great a Misfortune must needs turn very heavy on him, that was the chief Promoter of it. He knew his Enemies would draw great advantages from this; and understood the Kings temper too well, to think his Greatness would last long, if he could not induce the King to like the Queen better. But that was not to be done; for though the King lived five Months with her in that State, and very oft lay in the Bed with her, yet his Aversion rather encreased than abated. She seem­ed not much concerned at it: and, as their Conversation was not great, so she was of an heavy Composition, and was not much displeased, to be delivered from a Marriage in which she had so lit­tle satisfaction. Yet one thing shews that she wanted not Capaci­ty. For she learned the English Language very soon: and before her Marriage was Annulled, she spoke English freely, as appears by some of the Depositions.

There was an Instrument brought over from Cleve, taken out of the Chancery there; by which it appeared, That Henry de Groffe, Am­bassador from the Duke of Gueldres, had on the 15th of February in the year 1535. declared the Nullity of the former Contract, in ex­press words, which are set down in high Dutch, but thus put in La­tine. Sponsalia illa progressum suum non habitura (I will not answer [Page 274] for the Latine,) ex quo dictus Dux Carolus admodum doleret, & prop­terea quaedam fecisset, & amplius facturus esset. And Pallandus, that was Ambassador from the Duke of Cleves in the Duke of Guelders Court, wrote to his Master, Illustrissimum Ducem Gueldriae certo scire prima illa Sponsalia inter Domicellam Annam fore inania & progressum suum non habitura. When this was shewed the King, his Council found great exceptions to it, upon the Ambiguity of the word Sponsalia; it not being expressed, whether they were Espousals by the words of the present, or of the future tense; and intended to make use of that when there should be a fit opportunity for it.

A Parliament called.On the 12th of April a Session of Parliament was held. The Jour­nal shews that neither the Abbot of Westminster, nor any other Ab­bot was present. After the Lord Chancellor had opened the reasons for the Kings meeting them at that time, as they related to the Ci­vil Government, Cromwel as Lord Vice-gerent spake next in the Kings name; and said, ‘There was nothing which the King so much de­sired,Where Crom­wel speaks as Lord vice-ge­rent. as a firm union among all his Subjects, in which he placed his chief security. He knew there were many Incendiaries, and much Cockle grew up with the Wheat. The rashness and licentiousness of some, and the inveterate Superstition and stiffness of others in the Ancient Corruptions, had raised great dissensions to the sad regret of all good Christians. Some were called Papists, others He­reticks; which bitterness of Spirit seemed the more strange, since now the Holy Scriptures, by the Kings great care of his people, were in all their hands, in a Language which they understood. But these were grosly perverted by both sides, who studied rather to justifie their passions out of them, than to direct their belief by them. The King leaned neither to the right nor to the left hand, neither to the one nor the other Party, but set the pure and sin­cere Doctrine of the Christian Faith only before his eyes: And therefore was now resolved to have this set forth to his Subjects, without any corrupt mixtures; and to have such decent Ceremo­nies continued, and the true use of them taught, by which all a­buses might be cut off, and Disputes about the Exposition of the Scriptures cease, that so all his Subjects might be well instructed in their Faith, and directed in the reverent worship of God; and resolved to punish severely all transgressors, of what sort or side soe­ver they▪ were. The King was resolved, That Christ, That the Gospel of Christ, and the truth should have the victory. And therefore had appointed some Bishops and Divines to draw up an Exposition of those things that were necessary for the Institution of a Christian-man: Who were, the two Arch-Bishops, the Bishop of London, Duresm, Winchester, Rochester, Hereford, and St. Davids; and Doctors Thirleby, Robertson, Cox, Day, Oglethorp, Redmayn, Edge­worth, Crayford, Symonds, Robins, and Tresham. He had also appoint­ed others to examine what Ceremonies should be retained, and what was the true use of them; who were the Bishops of Bath and Wells, Ely, Sarum, Chichester, Worcester, and Landaff. The King had al­so commanded the Judges, and other Justices of the Peace, and persons commissioned for the Execution of the Act formerly pas­sed, to proceed against all transgressors, and punish them according [Page 275] to Law.1540. And he Concluded with an high Commendation of the King, whose due praises, he said, a man of far greater Eloquence than himself was, could not fully set forth.’ The Lords approved of this Nomination, and ordered that these Committees should sit constantly, on Mundays, Wedensdays, and Fridays: and no other days they were to sit in the afternoon. But their Proceedings will require so full a Relation, that I shall first open the other Affairs that passed in this Session, and leave these to the last.

On the 14th of April the King created Cromwel Earl of Essex;He is made Earl of Essex ▪ the Male line of the Bourchiers, that had carryed that Title, being extin­guished. This shews that the true Causes of Cromwels fall must be found in some other thing, than his making up the Kings Marriage: who had never thus raised his Title, if he had intended so soon to pull him down.

On the 22d of April, a Bill was brought in for Suppressing the Knights of St. Iohn of Ierusalem. The Sup­pression of the Knights of St. Iohn at Ierusalem. Their first Foundation was to be a Guard to the Pilgrims that went to the Holy Land. For some Ages that was extolled as the highest expression of devotion and reverence to our Saviour, to go and view the places of his abode; and chiefly the places where he was Crucified, Buried, and ascended to Heaven. Upon which, many entred into a Religious Knighthood, who were to defend the Holy Land, and conduct the Pilgrims. Those were of two sorts; The Knights-Templars and Hospitallers. The former were the greater and richer, but the other were also very considerable. The Popes and their Clergy did every-where animate all Princes, and great persons, to undertake expeditions into these parts: Which were very costly and dangerous, and proved fatal to almost all the Princes that made them. Yet the belief of the pains of Purgatory, from which all were delivered by the Popes Power, who went on this Expediti­on; such as dyed in it being also reckoned Martyrs; wrought won­derfully on a blind and Superstitious Age. But such as could not go, were perswaded, That if on their death-beds they vowed to go up­on their recovery, and left some Lands to maintain a Knight that should go thither and fight against the Infidels, it would do as well. Upon this, great and vast Endowments were made. But there were many Complaints made of the Templars, for betraying and robbing the Pilgrims, and other horrid abuses, which may reasonably be be­lieved to have been true; though other Writers of that Age lay the blame rather on the Covetousness of the King of France, and the Popes malice to them: Yet in a General Council the whole Order was Condemned, and Suppressed, and such of them as could be tak­en, were cruelly put to death. The Order of the Hospitallers stood, yet did not grow much after that. They were beaten out of the Holy-Land by the Sultans, and lately out of the Isle of Rhodes, and were at this time in Malta. Their great Master depended on the Pope and the Emperor: so it was not thought fit, to let a House that was subject to a Forreign Power stand longer. And it seems they would not willingly Surrender up their House, as others had done. Therefore it was necessary to force them out of it by an Act of Par­liament; which on the 22d of April was read the first time, and on the 26th the 2d time, and on the 29th the third time; by which both [Page 276] their House in England, and another they had in Kilmainam in Ireland, were suppressed, great pensions being reserved by the Act to the Pri­ors, a 1000 lib. to him of St. Iohns near London, and 500 Marks to the other, with very considerable allowances for the Knights, which in all amounted near to 3000 lib. yearly. But on the 14th of May the Parliament was Prorogued to the 25th, and a vote passed that their Bills should remain in the State they were in.

Upon their next m [...]eting, as they were going on in their business, a great Change of Court broke out. For on the 13th of Iune, at the Council Table, the Duke of Norfolk in the Kings name challeng­ed the Lord Cromwel of high Treason,Cromwel [...] [...]. and Arresting him, sent him Prisoner to the Tower. He had many Enemies among all sorts of persons. The Nobility despised him, and thought it lessened the great­ness of their Titles, to see the Son of a Black-Smith raised so many degrees above them. His aspiring to the Order of the Garter was thought inexcusable vanity: and his having so many places heaped on him, as Lord Privy Seal, Lord Chamberlain of England, and Lord Vice-gerent, with the Mastership of the Rolls, with which he had but lately parted, drew much envy on him. All the Popish par­ty hated him out of measure. The Suppression of the Abbies was laid wholly at his door: The Attaindors and all other severe proceed­ings were imputed to his Counsels. He was also thought to be the person that had kept the King and the Emperor at such distance: And therefore the Duke of Norfolk, and Gardiner, beside private Ani­mosities, hated him on that account. And they did not think it im­possible, if he were out of the way, to bring on a Treaty with the Emperor; which they hoped would open the way for one with the Pope. But other more secret reasons wrought his ruin with the King. The fear he was in of a Conjunction between the Emperor and France did now abate: For he understood that it went no further than Com­plements. And though he clearly discovered, having sent over the Duke of Norfolk to Francis, that he was not to depend much on his friend­ship; yet at the same time he knew that the Emperor would not yield up the Dutchy of Milan to him, upon which his heart was much set. So he saw they could come to no agreement. Therefore he made no great account of the loss of France, since he knew the Emperor would willingly make an Alliance with him: The hopes of which made him more indifferent, whether the German Princes were pleas­ed with what he did, or not: since he had now attained the end he had proposed to himself in all his Negotiations with them, which was to secure himself from any trouble the Emperor might give him. Therefore Cromwels Counsels were now disliked, for he had always enclined the King to favour those Princes against the Emperor. A­nother secret cause was, that as the King had an unconquerable a­version to his Queen; so he was taken with the Beauty and behavi­our of Mistress Katharine Howard Daughter to the Lord Edmond Ho­ward, The King in love with Mi­stress Katha­rine Howard. a Brother of the Duke of Norfolks. And as this designed Match raised the credit of her Uncle, so the ill consequences of the for­mer drew him down who had been the chief Counsellor in it. The King also found his Government was grown uneasie, and therefore judged it was no ill Policy to cast over all that had been done a­miss, [Page 277] upon a Minister who had great Power with him:1539. and being now in disgrace, all the blame of these things would be taken off from the King, and laid on him, and his Ruin would much appease discontents, and make them more moderate in censuring the King or his Proceedings. It is said that other Particulars were charged on him, which lost him the Kings favour. If this be true, it is like they related to the encouragement he was said to have given to some Reformers, in the opposition they made to the six Articles: Upon the Execution of which the King was now much set. His fall was so secretly carryed, that though he had often before looked for it, knowing the Kings uneasie and jealous temper; yet at that time he had no apprehensions of it, till the Storm broke upon him. In his fall he had the common fate of all disgraced Ministers, to be forsaken by his Friends, and insulted over by his Enemies. Only Cranmer re­tained still so much of his former simplicity, that he could never learn these Court Arts.Cranmers friendship to Cromwel. Therefore he wrote to the King about him next day, ‘He much magnified his diligence in the Kings service and preservation, and discovering all Plots as soon as they were made: That he had always loved the King above all things, and served him with great fidelity and success: That he thought no King of England had ever such a servant; upon that account he had loved him, as one that loved the King above all others. But if he was a Traytor, he was glad it was discovered. But he prayed God earnestly, to send the King such a Councellor in his stead, who could and would serve him as he had done.’ This shews, both the firm­ness of Cranmers friendship to him, and that he had a great Soul, not turned by the changes of mens fortunes, to like or dislike them, as they stood or declined from their greatness. And had not the Kings kindness for Cranmer been deeply rooted, this Letter had ruined him. For he was the most impatient of Contradiction, in such cases, that could be. Cromwels ruin was now Decreed, and he who had so ser­vily complyed with the Kings pleasure in procuring some to be Attainted the year before, without being brought to make their an­swer, fell now under the same severity. For whether it was that his Enemies knew, That if he were brought to the Bar he would so justifie himself that they would find great difficulties in the Process; or whether it was that they blindly resolved to follow that injustifia­ble Precedent, of passing over so necessary a Rule to all Courts, of giving the Party accused an hearing; the Bill of Attaindor was brought in to the House of Lords, Cranmer being absent that day, as appears by the Journal on the 17th of Iune, and read the first time, and on the 19th was read the second and third time, and sent down to the Commons. By which it appears, how few friends he had in that House, when a Bill of that nature went on so hastily. But it seems he found in the House of Commons somewhat of the same measure, which ten years before he had dealt to the Cardinal, though not with the same success. For his matter stuck ten days there. At length a new Bill of Attaindor was brought up, conceived in the House of Commons, with a Proviso annexed to it. They also sent back the Bill which the Lords sent to them. But it is not clear from the Journals what they meant by these two Bills. It seems they reje­cted [Page 278] the Lords Bill, and yet sent it up with their own, either in respect to the Lords, or that they left it to their choice, which of the two Bills they would offer to the Royal Assent. But though this be an unparliamentary way of proceeding, I know no other sense which the words of the Journal can bear, which I shall set down in the Margent,Journal Pro­c [...]. Parag. 58. Item Billa at­tinc [...]rae T [...] ­me Cromwel Comitis Essex de crimine Herisis & Laesae Majestatis, per Communes de novo concepta, & All [...]nsa, & [...] cum pra [...]i­sione eidem annexa. Quae quidem Billa 1o, 2do, & 3•io, lecta est; & provisio ejusdem concernens D [...]canatum Wel­lensem [...]er lecta est, & communi omnium Proc [...]rum consensu nemine discrepante expedita; & simul cum ea re­ferebatur Billa Atti [...]cturae quae prius missa erat in Do [...] Communium. that the Reader may Judge better concerning it. * And that very day the King assented to it, as appears by the Letter writ­ten the next day by Cromwel to the King.

The Act said,

that the King having raised Thomas Cromwel from a base degree,Cromwels attaindor. to great Dignities and high Trusts, yet he had now by a great number of Witnesses, persons of honour, found him to be the most Corrupt Traitor,Collect. Numb. 16. and deceiver of the King and the Crown, that had ever been known in his whole Reign. He had taken upon him to set at liberty divers persons put in Prison for mis­prision of Treason, and others that were suspected of it. He had also received several bribes, and for them granted Licenses to carry Money, Corn, Horses, and other things out of the Kingdom, con­trary to the Kings Proclamations. He had also given out many Commissions without the Kings knowledg; and being but of a base Birth, had said, That he was sure of the King. He had granted ma­ny Passports, both to the Kings Subjects and Forreigners for pas­sing the Seas, without search. He being also an Heretick, had dis­persed many Erroneous Books among the Kings Subjects, particu­larly some that were contrary to the Belief of the Sacrament. And when some had informed him of this, and had shewed him these Heresies in Books Printed in England, he said, they were good, and that he found no fault in them; and said, It was as Lawful for eve­ry Christian man to be the Minister of that Sacrament as a Priest. And whereas the King had constituted him Vice-gerent for the Spiritu­al affairs of the Church, he had under the Seal of that office li­censed many that were suspected of Heresie to Preach over the Kingdom; and he had both by word and in writing suggested to several Sheriffs, That it was the Kings pleasure they should discharge many Prisoners, of whom some were Indicted, others apprehended for Heresie. And when many particular complaints were brought to him of detestable Heresies, with the names of the offenders; he not only defended the Hereticks, but severely checkt the Informers: and vexed some of them by Imprisonment, and other ways. The particulars of all which were too tedious to be recited. And he having entertained many of the Kings Subjects about himself, whom he had infected with Heresie, and imagining he was by force able to defend his Treasons and Heresies; on the last of March in the 30th year of the Kings Reign, in the Parish of St. Peters the poor in London, when some of them complained to him of the new Preachers, such as Barnes and others, he said; Their Preaching was good; and said also among other things, That if the King would turn from it, yet he would not turn: And if the King did turn, and [Page]
VERA EFFIGIES THOMAE CROMWELL ESSEXIAE COMITIS EQVES PERISCELIS

H. Holbe [...]n pinxit. R. White sculpsit.

Natus 1490 Regis vicarius Generalis 1536 Eques Periscelis 1537. Capite truncatus Iuly 18th 1540.

Printed for Richard Chiswell at the Rose and Crowne in St Pauls Church yard

[Page] [Page 279] all his people with him, he would fight in the Fi [...]l [...] in his own person, with his Sword in his hand against him, and all others: And then he pulled out his Dagger, and held it up, and said, or else this Dagger thrust me to the heart, if I would not die in that quarrel against them all; and I trust if I live one year or two, it shall not be in the Kings Power to resist, or lett it, if he would: and swearing a great Oath, said, I would do so indeed. He had also by Oppression and Bribery made a great Estate to himself; and extorted much Money from the Kings Subjects, and being greatly enriched, had treated the No­bility with much contempt. And on the last of Ianuary in the 31th year of the Kings Reign, in the Parish of St. Martins in the Fields, when some had put him in mind to what the King had raised him, he said, If the Lords would handle him so, he would give them such a Break-fast as was never made in England, and that the proudest of them should know it. For all which Treasons and Heresies, he was At­tainted to suffer the pains of death, for Heresie and Treason, as should please the King, and to forfeit all his Estate and goods to the Kings use, that he had on the last of March in the 31st year of the Kings Reign, or since that time. There was added to this Bill, a Proviso; That this should not be hurtful to the Bishop of Bath and Wells, and to the Dean and Chapte [...] of Wells; with whom, it seems, he had made some exchanges of Lands.

From these particulars the Reader will clearly see,Censures past upon it. why he was not brought to make his answer, most of them relating to Orders and Directions he had given, for which it is very probable he had the Kings Warrant. And for the matter of Heresie, it has appeared how far the King had proceeded towards a Reformation, so that what he did that way, was most likely done by the Kings Order: But the King now falling from these things, it was thought they intended to stifle him by such an Attaindor; that he might not discover the secret Or­ders or directions given him for his own Justification. For the par­ticulars of Bribery and Extortion, they being mentioned in general expressions, seem only cast into the heap to defame him. But for those Treasonable words, it was generally thought that they were a Contrivance of his Enemies: since it seemed a thing very extrava­gant, for a Favourite in the height of his Greatness to talk so rudely. And if he had been guilty of it, Bedlam was thought a fitter place for his Restraint than the Tower. Nor was it judged likely that he having such great and watchful Enemies at Court, any such discourses could have layn so long secret: Or if they had come to the Kings know­ledg, he was not a Prince of such a temper as to have forgiven, much less imployed and advanced a man after such discourses. And to think that during these fifteen months, after the words were said to have been spoken, none would have had the zeal for the King, or the malice to Cromwel, as to repeat them, were things that could not be believed. The formality of drawing his Dagger made it the more suspected; for this was to affix an overt-Act to these words, which in the opinion of many Lawyers was necessary to make words Trea­sonable. But as if these words had not been ill enough, some wri­ters since have made them worse; as if he had said, He would thrust his Dagger in the Kings heart: About which Fuller hath made another [Page 280] story to excuse these words, as if they had not been meant of the King, but of another. But all that is founded on a mistake, which, if he had looked in the Record, he had corrected.

The King designs a di­vorce from his Queen. Cromwels Fall was the first step towards the Kings Divorce. For on the 24th of Iune he sent his Queen to Richmond, pretending the Coun­trey air would agree better with her. But on the 6th of Iuly a mo­tion was made, and assented to in the House of Lords, that they should make an address to the King, desiring him to suffer his Marriage with the Queen to be tryed. Upon which, the Lord Chancellor, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the Earl of Southampton, and the Bishop of Duresm, were sent down to the Com­mons; to represent the matter to them, and to desire their concur­rence in the Address. To which they agreed, and ordered twenty of their number to go along with the Peers. So the whole House of Lords with these Commoners, went to the King; and told him they had a matter of great consequence to propose to him, but it was of that Importance that they first begged his leave to move it. That being obtained, they desired the King would order a Tryal to be made, of the validity of his Marriage. To which the King consented, and made a deep Protestation as in the presence of God, that he should con­ceal nothing that related to it, and all its circumstances; And that there was nothing he held dearer than the Glory of God, the good of the Common-wealth, and the declaration of truth. So a Com­mission was issued out to the Convocation to try it.

It's referred to the convo­cation.On the 7th of Iuly it was brought before the Convocation, of which the Reader will see a fuller account in the Collection at the end than is needful to be brought in here. The case was opened by the Bishop of Winchester, and a Committee was appointed to consider it; and they deputed the Bishop of Duresm, and Winchester, and Thirleby, and Rich­ard Leighton Dean of York, to examine the witnesses that day. And the next day they received the Kings own Deposition; with a long De­claration of the whole matter,Collect. Numb. 17. Collect. Numb. 18. under Cromwels hand in a Letter to the King; and the Depositions of most of the Privy Councellors, of the Earl of Southampton, the Lord Russel then Admiral, of Sir Anthony Brown, Sir Anthony Denny, Doctor Chambers, and Doctor Butts, the Kings Physicians, and of some Ladies that had talked with the Queen. All which amounted to this; that the King expected that the Pre­contract with the Marquess of Lorrain, Reasons pre­tended for it. should have been more fully cleared. That the King always disliked her, and Marryed her full sore against his heart; and since that time he had never consummat­ed the Marriage. So the substance of the whole evidence being con­sidered, it amounted to these three Particulars. First, That there had been a Contract between the Marquess of Lorrain and the Queen, which was not sufficiently cleared: for it did not yet appear whether these Espousals were made by the Parties themselves, or in the words of the present tense. Then it was said, That the King having Mar­ryed her against his will, he had not given a pure, inward, and com­pleat consent: And since a mans Act is only what is inward, extorted or forced promises do not bind. And Thirdly, That he had never con­summated the Marriage. To which was added the great interest the whole Nation had in the Kings having more issue, which they saw he [Page 281] could never have by the Queen.1540. This was furiously driven on by the Popish Party. And Cranmer, whether overcome with these arguments, or rather with fear, for he knew it was contrived to send him quick­ly after Cromwel, consented with the rest.Convocation agreed to it. Collect. Numb. 19. So that the whole Con­vocation without one disagreeing Vote, Judged the marriage null, and of no force: and that both the King, and the Lady, were free from the bond of it.

This was the greatest piece of Compliance that ever the King had from the Clergy.It is censured. For as they all knew there was nothing of weight in that praecontract; so they laid down a most pernicious Pre­cedent, for invalidating all publick Treaties and Agreements: since if one of the Parties being unwilling to it, so that his consent were not inward, he was not bound by it, there was no safety among men more. For no man can know whether another consents inwardly: And when a man does any thing with great aversion, to infer from thence, that he does not inwardly consent, may furnish every one with an excuse, to break loose from all engagements: For he may pretend he did it unwillingly, and get his friends to declare that he privately signified that to them. And for that argument, which was taken from the want of Consummation; they had forgotten what was pleaded on the Kings behalf 10 years before, That consent with­out Consummation, made a Marriage compleat; by which they con­cluded, that though Prince Arthur had not Consummated his Marri­age with Queen Katherine; yet his consent did so complete it, that the King could not afterwards lawfully marry her. But as the King was resolved on any terms, to be rid of this Queen; so the Clergy were also resolved not to incur his displeasure: In which they rather sought for reasons to give some colour to their Sentence, than past their judgment upon the strength of them. This only can be said for their excuse, that these were as just and weighty reasons, as used to be admitted by the Court of Rome for a Divorce; and most of them being Canonists, and knowing how many Precedents there were to be found for such Divorces, they thought they might do it as well as the Popes had formerly done.

On the 9th of Iuly, Sentence was given: Which was signed by both Houses of Convocation, and had the two Arch-bishops Seals put to it; of which whole Tryal the Record does yet remain, having esca­ped the Fate of the other Books of Convocation. The Original depo­sitions are also yet extant.

Only I shall add here a reflection upon Cromwels misfortune, which may justly abate the loftiness of haughty men. The day after he was attainted, being required to send to the King a full account under his hand of the business of his Marriage; which Account he sent,Collect. Numb. 17. as will be found in the Collection; he Concludes it with these abject words: ‘I a most woful Prisoner, ready to take the death, when it shall please God and your Majesty: and yet the frail flesh inciteth me continually to call to your Grace for Mercy, and Grace for mine offences. And thus Christ save, preserve, and keep you. Written at the Tower this Wednesday the last of Iune, with the heavy heart, and trembling hand, of your Highness most heavy, and most miserable Prisoner, and poor slave, Thomas Cromwel. [Page 282] And a little below that,1529. Most Gracious Prince, I cry for Mercy, Mercy, Mercy.’

On the 10th of Iuly the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury reported to the House of Lords,Report made to the Parl. That the Convocation had judged the Marriage Null, both by the Law of God, and the Law of the Land. The Bishop of Winchester delivered the Judgment in Writing; which being read, he enlarged on all the reasons of it. This satisfied the Lords, and they sent down Cranmer and him to the Commons, to give them the same account. Next day the King sent the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Southampton, and the Bishop of Winchester, to let the Queen know what was done: who was not at all troubled at it, and seemed not ill pleased. They told her, that the King would by Letters Patents Declare her his Adopted Sister, and give her prece­dence before all the Ladies of England, next his Queen and Daugh­ters: and assign her an Estate of 3000 lib. a year; and that she had her choice either to live in England, The Queen consents to it. or to return home again. She ac­cepted the offer and under her hand declared her consent and approba­tion of the Sentence; and chose to live still in England ▪ where she was in great honour, rather than return under that disgrace to her own Countrey. She was also desired to write to her Brother, and let him know, that she approved of what was done in her matter, and that the King used her as a Father, or a Brother; and therefore to desire him and her other friends not to take this matter ill, or lessen their friendship to the King. She had no mind to do that, but said, it would be time enough when her Brother wrote to her, to send him such an answer. But it was answered, That much depended on the first Impressions that are received of any matter. She in conclu­sion said, she would obey the King in every thing he desired her to do.Collect. Numb. 20. So she wrote the Letter as they desired it; and the day follow­ing, being the 12th of Iuly, the Bill was brought into the House, for annulling the Marriage, which went easily through both Hou­ses.

On the 16th of Iuly, a Bill was brought in, for moderating the Statute of the six Articles in the Clauses that related to the marriage of the Priests,An Act about the Inconti­nence of Priests. or their Incontinency with other Women. On the 17th, it was agreed by the whole House without a contradictory vote, and sent down to the Commons; who on the 21th, sent it up again. By it the pains of Death were turned to forfeitures of their Goods and Chattels, and the rents of their Ecclesiastical promotions, to the King.

On the 20th of Iuly a Bill was brought in concerning a Declaration of the Christian Religion,Another a­bout Religion. and was then read the first, 2d, and 3d, time, and passed without any opposition, and sent down to the Commons, who agreeing to it, sent it up again the next day. ‘It contained, that the King as Supream Head of the Church, was taking much pains for an Union among all his Subjects in matters of Religion: and for preventing the further progress of Heresie, had appointed many of the Bishops and the most learned Divines, to declare the principal Articles of the Christian Belief, with the Ceremonies, and way of Gods service to be observed. That therefore a thing of that weight might not be rashly done, or hasted through, in this Session of Par­liament; [Page 283] but be done with that care which was requisite;1540. There­fore it was Enacted, that whatsoever was determined by the Arch-Bi­shops, Bishops, and the other Divines, now Commissionated for that effect, or by any others appointed by the King, or by the whole Clergy of England, and published by the Kings Authority concer­ning the Christian Faith, or the Ceremonies of the Church, should be believed and obeyed by all the Kings Subjects; as well as if the particulars so set forth had been ennumerated in this Act, any Custom or Law to the Contrary notwithstanding. To this, a strange Proviso was added, which destroyed the former Clause; That nothing should be done or determined by the Au­thority of this Act, which was contrary to the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom.’ But whether this Proviso was added by the House of Commons, or originally put into the Bill, does not appear. It was more likely it was put in at the first by the Kings Council: for these contradictory Clauses raised the Prerogative higher, and left it in the Judges power to determine which of the two should be followed; by which all Ecclesiastical matters were to be brought under Tryals at Common Law: for it was one of the great designs, both of the Ministers and Lawyers at this time, to bring all Ecclesiastical Matters to th [...] Cognizance of the Secular Judge.

But another Bill passed, which seems a little odd, concerning the circumstances of that time. ‘That whereas many Marriages had been annulled in the time of Popery, upon the pretence of Precontracts, or other degrees of kindred, than those that were prohibited by the Law of God: Therefore, after a Marriage was consummated, no pretence of any pre-contract, or any degrees of kindred or alliance, but those mentioned in the Law of God, should be brought or made use of, to annull it; since these things had been oft pretended, only to dissolve a Marriage, when the parties grew weary of each o­ther, which was contrary to Gods Law. Therefore it was Enacted that no pretence of precontract, not consummated, should be made use of to annull a Marriage duly solemnized, and consummated; and that no degrees of kindred, not mentioned by the Law of God, should be pleaded to annull a Marriage.’ This Act gave great occasion of censuring the Kings former proceedings against Queen Anne Boleyn, since that which was now condemned had been the pretence for dissolving his Marriage with her. Others thought the King did it on design to remove that Impediment out of the way of the Lady Eli­zabeth's succeeding to the Crown; since that judgment upon which she was Illegitimated, was now indirectly censured: And that other branch of the Act, for taking away all prohibitions of Marriages, within any degrees but those forbidden in Scripture, was to make way for the Kings Marriage with Katherine Howard, who was Cousin Ger­man to Queen Anne Boleyn; for that was one of the prohibited de­grees by the Canon Law.

The Province of Canterbury offered a Subsidy of four shillings in the pound, of all Ecclesiastical preferments, to be payed in two years,Subsidies granted by th [...] Clergy, and in that acknowledgment of the great liberty they enjoyed by being delivered from the Usurpations of the Bishops of Rome; and in recom­penc [...] the great charges of the King had been at, and was still to [Page 284] be at, in building Havens, Bullwarks, and other Forts, for the defence of his Coasts, and the security of his Subjects. This was confirmed in Parliament. But that did not satisfie the King; who had husban­ded the money that came in by the sale of Abbey Lands, so ill, that now he wanted money, and was forced to aske a subsidy for his Mar­riage of the Parliament: this was obtained with great difficulty. For it was said,And Laiety. That if the King was already in want, after so vast an income, especially being engaged in no Warr, there would be no end of his necessities; nor could it be possible for them to supply them. But it was answered, that the King had laid out a great Treasure in forti­fying the Coast: and though he was then in no visible Warr, yet the charge he was at in keeping up the Warr beyond Sea, was e­qual to the expence of a Warr; and much more to the advantage of his people, who were kept in peace and plenty. This obtained a Tenth, and four 15ths. After the passing of all these Bills, and many others that concerned the publick, with several other Bills of Attaindor, of some that favoured the Popes Interests, or Correspon­ded with Cardinal Pool; which shall be mentioned in another place, the King sent in a General Pardon, with the Ordinary Exceptions; and in particular, excepted Cromwel, the Countess of Sarum, with ma­ny others, then in person; Some of them were put in for oppo­sing the Kings Supremacy, and others for transgressing the Statute of the six Articles; On the 24th of Iuly the Parliament was dissolved.

Cromwe [...]s Death.And now Cromwel, who had been six weeks a Prisoner, was brought to his Execution. He had used all the endeavours he could for his own preservation. Once he wrote to the King in such melting terms, that he made the Letter to be thrice read, and seemed tou­ched with it. But the charms of Katharine Howard, and the endeavours of the Duke of Norfolk and the Bishop of Winchester at length prevailed. So a Warrant was sent to cut off his Head, on the 28th of Iuly at Tower-hill. ‘When he was brought to the Scaffold, his kindness to his Son made him very cautious in what he said; he declined the purging of himself, but said, he was by Law condemned to die, and thanked God for bringing him to that death, for his offences. He acknowledged his Sins against God, and his offences against his Prince, who had raised him from a base degree. He declared that he died in the Catholick Faith, not doubting of any Article of Faith, or of any Sacrament of the Church: and denied that he had been a Supporter of those who believed ill opinions: He confessed he had been seduced, but now died in the Catholick Faith, and desired them to pray for the King, and for the Prince, and for himself: and then prayed very fervently for the remission of his past sins, and admittance into Eternal Glory: and ha­ving given the Sign, the Executioner cut off his Head very bar­barously.’

His Chara­cter.Thus fell that great Minister, that was raised meerly upon the strength of his natural parts. For as his Extraction was mean, so his Education was low: All the learning he had, was, that he had got the new-Testament in Latine by heart. His great wisdom, and dex­terity in business, raised him up through several steps, till he was become as great as a Subject could be. He carryed his greatness with [Page 285] wonderful temper and moderation; and fell under the weight of po­pular Odium, rather than Guilt. The disorders in the Suppression of Abbeys were generally charged on him. Yet when he fell, no Bribe­ry, nor cheating of the King, could be fastned on him; though such things came out in swarms on a disgraced Favourite, when there is any ground for them. By what he spoke at his death, he left it much doubted of what Religion he dyed. But it is certain he was a Lutheran. The term Catholick-Faith used by him in his last speech seemed to make it doubtful, but that was then used in England, in its true sense, in Opposition to the Novelties of the See of Rome, as will afterwards appear, on another occasion. So that his Profession of the Catholich-Faith was strangely perverted, when some from thence Concluded that he dyed in the Communion of the Church of Rome. But his praying in English, and that only to God through Christ, without any of these tricks that were used when those of that Church died, shewed he was none of theirs, With him the Office of the Kings Vice-gerent in Ecclesiastical affairs died, as it rose first in his person: and as all the Clergy opposed the seting up a new Officer, whose Interest should oblige him to oppose a Reconciliation with Rome, so it seems none were fond to succeed in an Office, that proved so fatal to him that had first carryed it. The King was said to have la­mented his death, after it was too late; but the fall of the new Queen, that followed not long after, and the miseries which fell also on the Duke of Norfolk, and his Family, some years after, were looked on as the Scourges of Heaven, for their cruel prosecution of this unfor­tunate Minister.

With his fall, the progress of the Reformation, which had been by his endeavours so far advanced, was quite stopt. For all that Cran­mer could do after this, was to keep the ground they had gained. But he could never advance much further.Designs a­gainst Cran­mer. And indeed every one expected to see him go next. For, as one Gostwick Knight for Bed­fordshire, had named him in the House of Commons, as the Sup­porter and Promoter of all the Heresie that was in England; so the Popish party reckoned they had but half done their work, by destroy­ing Cromwel; and that it was not finished till Cranmer followed him. Therefore all possible endeavors were used to make discoveries of the Encouragement, which, as was believed he gave to the Preachers of the condemned Doctrines. And it is very probable, that had not the Incontinence of Katherine Howard (whom the King declared Queen on the 8th of August,) broken out not long after, he had been Sa­crificed the next Session of Parliament.

But now I return to my proper business, to give an account of Church-matters for this year; with which these great Changes in Court had so great a Relation, that the Reader will excuse the digression about them.

Upon Cromwels fall, Gardiner, and those that followed him, made no doubt but they should quickly recover what they had lost of late years. So their greatest attempt was upon the Translation of the Scriptures. The Convocation Books (as I have been forced often to lament,) are lost; so that here I cannot stir, but as Fuller leads me: who assures the World that he Copied out of the Records with his [Page 286] own Pen what he published. And yet I doubt he has mistaken him­self in the year; and that which he calls the Convocation of this year, was the Convocation of the year 1542. For he tells us that their 7th Session was the 10th of March. Now in this year the Con­vocation did not sit down till the 13th of April, but that year it sate all March. So likewise he tells us of the Bishops of Westminster, Glo­cester, and Peterborough, bearing a share in this Convocation: where­as these were not Consecrated before Winter, and could not sit as Bishops in this Synod. And besides, Thirleby sate at this time in the lower House; as was formerly shewn in the Process about Anne of Cleves Marriage. So that their attempt against the new Testament belongs to the year 1542.

A Commissi­on sits about Religion.But they were now much better employed, though not in the way of Convocation. For a select number of them sate by vertue of a Commission from the King confirmed in Parliament. Their first work was to draw up a Declaration of the Christian Doctrine, for the necessary erudition of a Christian man. They thought that to speak of Faith in general, ought naturally to go before an Exposition of the Christian Belief; and therefore with that they began.

The Church of Rome, that designed to keep her Children in ig­norance,An Explana­tion of Faith. had made no great account of Faith: which they generally taught, consisted chiefly in an Implicite Believing whatever the Church proposed; without any explicite knowledg of particulars. So that a Christian Faith, as they had explained it, was a Submission to the Church. The Reformers finding that this was the Spring of all their other errors, and that which gave them colour and Authority; did on the other hand set up the strength of their whole Cause on an Explicite believing the truth of the Scriptures, because of the Autho­rity of God, who had revealed them. And said, that as the great Subject of the Apostles Preaching, was Faith, so that which they every-where taught, was to read and believe the Scriptures. Upon which followed nice Disputing, what was that saving Faith by which the Scriptures say we are Iustified. They could not say it was bare­ly crediting the Divine Revelation, since in that sense the Devils be­lieved. Therefore they generally placed it, at first, in their being as­sured that they should be saved by Christs dying for them. In which, their design was to make Holiness and all other Graces neces­sary requisites in the Composition of Faith; though they would not make them formally parts of it. For since Christs death has its full vertue and effect upon none but those who are regenerate, and live according to his Gospel; none could be assured that he should be sav­ed by Christs death, till he first found in himself these necessary qua­lifications which are delivered in the Gospel. Having once setled on this phrase, their followers would needs defend it, but really made it worse by their Explanations. The Church of Rome thought they had them at great advantages in it, and called them Solifidians, and said they were against good works: though whatever unwary ex­pressions some of them threw out, they always declared good works indispensably necessary to Salvation. But they differed from the Church of Rome, in two things that were material: There was also a third, but there the difference was more in the manner of expression. The [Page 287] one was, what were good works. The Church of Rome had gene­rally delivered, that works which did an immediate honour to God or his Saints, were more valuable, than works done to other men: and that the honour they did to Saints in their Images, and Relicks, and to God in his Priests, that were dedicated to him, were the high­est pieces of Holiness: as having the best Objects. This was the foundation of all that Trade, which brought in both Riches and Glo­ry to their Church. On the other hand, the Reformers taught that justice and mercy, with other good works done in obedience to Gods Commandments, were only necessary. And for these things so much magnified at Rome, they acknowledged there ought to be a decent splendor in the worship of God: and good provision to be made for the encouragement of those who dedicated themselves to his Service in the Church: and that what was beyond these, was the effect of Ignorance and Superstition. The other main difference was about the Merit of good works: which the Friars had raised so high, that people were come to think they bought and sold with Almighty God, for Heaven, and all other his blessings. This the Reformers judged was the height of Arrogance: And therefore taught that good works were indeed absolutely necessary to Salvation: but that the pur­chase of Heaven was only by the Death and Intercession of Jesus Christ. With these material differences they joyned another that consisted more in words. Whether Obedience was an essential part of Faith. The Reformers said it certainly accompanyed and followed Faith: but thought not fit to make it an Ingredient in the nature of Faith. These things had been now much canvassed in disputes: And it was thought by many, that men of ill lives made no good use of some of the Ex­pressions of the Reformers, that separated Faith from good works, and came to perswade themselves, that if they could but attain to a firm assurance, That they should be saved by Christ, all would be well with them. Therefore now when they went about to state the true Notion of Faith, Cranmer commanded Doctor Redmayn, who was esteemed the most learned and judicious Divine of that time, to write a short Treatise on these Heads: which he did with that solidity and clearness, that it will sufficiently justifie any advantagious Character that can be given of the Author; and according to the Conclusions of that Treatise they laid down the nature of Faith, thus: That it stands in two several senses in Scripture, ‘The one is a perswasion of the truths, both of natural and revealed Religion, wrought in the mind by Gods holy Spirit: And the other is such a belief as be­gets a submission to the will of God, and hath Hope, Love, and Obedience to Gods Commandments joyned to it: which was Abra­ham's Faith, and that which according to St. Paul wrought by Cha­rity, and was so much commended in the Epistle to the Hebrews. That this was the Faith which in Baptism is professed, from which Christians are called the Faithful: And in those Scriptures where it is said, That we are justified by Faith, they declared, we may not think that we be justified by Faith, as it is a separate vertue from Hope and Charity, Fear of God, and Repentance; but by it is meant Faith, neither only, nor alone, but with the foresaid vertues coup­led together; containing (as is aforesaid) the Obedience to the [Page 288] whole Doctrine and Religion of Christ.1539. But for the Definition of Faith, which some proposed, as if it were a certainty that one was Predestinated, they found nothing of it, either in the Scriptures, or the Doctors: and thought that could not be known: for though God never failed in his Promises to men, yet such was the frailty of men, that they often failed in their promises to God, and so did for­feit their right to the promises, which are all made upon conditions that depend on us.’

Upon this occasion I shall digress a little, to show with what care Cranmer considered so weighty a point.Cranmers O­pinion about it. Among his other Papers, I find a Collection of a great many places out of the Scripture, concern­ing Justification by Faith, together with a vast number of Quotations, out of Origen, Basil, Ierome, Theodoret, Ambrose, Austin, Prosper, Chry­sostom, Gennadius, Beda, Hesychins, Theophylact, and Oecumenius; to­gether with many later writers, such as Anselm, Bernard, Peter Lom­bard, Hugo Cardinalis, Lyranus, and Bruno; in which the sense of those Authors in this Point did appear; all drawn out with his own hand. To this is added another Collection of many places of the Fathers, in which they speak of the merit of good works: and at the end of the whole Collection he writes these words, ‘This Proposition that we be justified by Christ only, and not by our good works; is a very true and necessary Doctrine of St. Pauls, and the other Apostles, taught by them, to set forth thereby the Glory of Christ, and the Mercy of God through Christ.’And after some further discourse to the same purpose, he concludes, ‘although all that be justified must of necessi­ty have Charity, as well as Faith; yet neither Faith nor Charity be the worthiness nor merits of our Justification: but that is to be ascribed only to our Saviour Christ: who was offered upon the cross for our sins, and rose again for our Justification.’ This I set down to let the World see that Cranmer was not at all concerned in those ni­ceties, which have been so much enquired into since that time, about the instrumentality of Faith, in Justification; all that he then consi­dered, being that the glory of it might be ascribed only to the Death and Intercession of Jesus Christ.

They ex­plain the A­postles Creed.After this was thus laid down, there followed an Explanation of the Apostles Creed; full of excellent matters; being a large Paraphrase on every Article of the Creed, with such serious and practical Inferen­ces, that I must acknowledg, after all the practical Books we have had, I find great Edification in reading that over and over again. The Style is strong, nervous, and well-fitted for the weakest capacities. There is nothing in this that is controverted between the Papists and the Reformers; except the Definition of the Holy Catholick Church, which they give thus. That it comprehends all Assemblies of men over the whole World, that receive the Faith of Christ: who ought to hold an unity of Love, and Brotherly agreement together, by which they become members of the Catholick Church. Upon which a long excursion is made, to shew the unjustice and unreasonableness of the plea of the Church of Rome; who place the unity of the Catholick Church, in a sub­mission to the Bishop of their City; without any ground from Scrip­ture, or the Ancient writers.

[Page 289]From that they proceeded to Examine the seven Sacraments:1540. And here fell in stiff debates, which remain in some Authentick Wri­tings, that give a great light to their proceedings.The seven Sacraments. The method which they followed was this. First, the whole business they were to con­sider, was divided into so many heads; which were proposed as Que­ries, and these were given out to so many Bishops and Divines: And at a prefixed time every one brought his opinion in writing, upon all the Queries. So concerning the s [...]ven Sacraments, the Queries were given out to the two Arch-Bishops, the Bishops of London, Rochester, and Carlisle, (though the last was not in the Commission,) And to the Bishops of Duresm, Hereford, and St. Davids. With grea [...] maturity. For though the Bishop of Winch [...]ster was in this Commission, yet he did nothing in this particular; but I Imagine that he was gone out of Town, and that the Bishop of Carlisle was appointed to supply his absence. The Queries were also given to Doctor Thirleby, then Bishop Elect of Westminster, to Doctor Robertson, Day, Redmayn, Cox, Leighton, (though not in the Commission) Symmonds, Tresham, Coren, (though not in the Commission,) Edgeworth, Oglethorp, Crayford, Wilson, and Robins. When their answers were given in, two were appointed to compare them, and draw an Extract of the particulars, in which they agreed or dis­agreed: which the one did in Latine, and the other in English; only those who compared them, it seems, doing it for the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, took no notice of his Opinions in the Extract they made. And of these, the Original answers of the two Arch-Bishops, the Bi­shops of London, Rochester, and Carlisle, and these Doctors, Day, Ro­bertson, Redmayn, Cox, Leighton, Symmonds, Tresham, Coren, Edgeworth, and Oglethorp, are yet extant. But the Papers given in by the Bishops of Duresm, Hereford, and St. Davids, and the Elect of Westminster, and Doctors, Crayford, Wilson, and Robins, though they are mentio­ned in the Extracts made out of them, yet are lost.Collect. Numb. 21. This the Read­er will find in the Collection; which, though it be somewhat large, yet I thought such pieces were of too great Importance, not to be communicated to the World; since it is perhaps as great an Evidence of the ripeness of their proceedings, as can be shewed in any Church, or any Age of it. And though other Papers of this sort do not oc­cur in this Kings Reign; yet I have reason to conclude from this Instance, that they proceeded with the same maturity in the rest of their deliberations. In which I am the more confirmed, because I find another instance like this, in the Reformation that was further carried on in the succeeding Reign of Edward the 6th; of many Bi­shops and Divines giving in their opinions under their hands, upon some heads then examined and changed. In Cranmers Paper some sin­gular opinions of his about the nature of Ecclesiastical Offices will be found; but as they are delivered by him with all possible modesty, so they were not established as the Doctrine of the Church, but laid aside as particular conceits of his own, and it seems that afterwards he changed his opinion. For he Subscribed the Book that was soon after set out; which is directly contrary to those opinions set down in these Papers. Cranmer was for reducing the Sacraments to two, but the Popish party was then prevalent, so the old number of seven wa [...] agreed to.

[Page 290] 1539.Baptism was explained in the same manner that had been done three years before, in the Articles then set out: only the matter of Original Sin was more enlarged on.

Secondly, Pennance was formally placed in the absolution of the Priest; which by the former Articles was only declared a thing desi­rable, and not to be contemned if it might be had; yet all merit of good works was rejected, though they were declared necessary: and sinners were taught to depend wholly on the Sufferings of Christ; with other good directions about Repentance.

Thirdly, In the Explanation of the Eucharist, Transubstantiation was fully asserted: as also the Concomitancy of the Blood with the Flesh; so that Communion in both kinds was not necessary. The use of hear­ing Mass, though one did not Communicate, was also asserted. To which were added ver [...] good Rules about the disposition of mind that ought to accompany this Sacrament.

Fourthly, Matrimony was said to be Instituted of God, and San­ctified by Christ: The degrees in the Mosaical Law were declared ob­ligatory, and none else: and the Bond of Marriage was declared not separable on any account.

Fifthly, Orders were to be administred in the Church, according to the New-Testament: but the particular forms, of Nominating, E­lecting, Presenting, or appointing Ecclesiastical Ministers, was left to the Laws of every Countrey, to be made by the assent of the Prince. The Office of Church-men was to Preach, Administer the Sacraments, to bind and loose, and to pray for the whole Flock: But they must execute these, with such limitation as was allowed by the Laws of every Kingdom. The Scripture, they said, made express mention on­ly of the two Orders of Priests and Deacons. To these the Primitive Church had added some Inferior degrees, which were also not to be contemned. But no Bishop had any Authority over other Bishops by the Law of God. Upon which followed a long Digression, confu­ting the pretensions of the Bishops of Rome; with an Explanation of the Kings Authority in Ecclesiastical matters; which was before hand set down in another place, to shew what they understood by the Kings being Supream Head of the Church.

Sixthly, Confirmation was said to have been used in the Primitive Church, in Imitation of the Apostles; who by laying on their hands conferred the Holy-Ghost, in an extraordinary manner. And there­fore was of great advantage, but not necessary to Salvation.

Seventhly, Extream-unction was said to have been derived from the practice of the Apostles, mentioned by St. Iames, for the health both of Body, and Soul: And though the sick person was not always recovered of his bodily sickness by it, yet remission of sins was obtain­ed by it; and that which God knew to be best for our bodily condi­tion, to whose will we ought always to submit. But this Sacrament was only fruitful to those who by pennance were restored to the State of Grace.

Then followed an Explanation of the Ten Commandements, which contains many good rules of Morality,The ten Command­ments. drawn from every one of them. The 2d Commandment Gardiner had a minde to have shortned, and to cast it into the first. Cranmer was for setting it down as it was in [Page 291] the Law of Moses. But a temper was found:1540. it was placed as a Di­stinct Commandment, but not at full length; the words, For I the Lord thy God, &c. being left out, and only those that go before being set down. In the Explanation of this Commandment, Images were said to be profitable for putting us in mind of the great blessings we have received by our Saviour, and of the vertues and holiness of the Saints, by which we were to be stirred up to imitate them: So that they were not to be despised, though we be forbidden to do any god­ly honour to them. And therefore the Superstition of preferring one Image to another, as if they had any special vertue in them, or the a­dorning them richly, and making Vowes and Pilgrimages to them, is condemned; yet the Censing of Images, and Kneeling before them, are not condmned: but the people must be taught, that these things were not to be done to the Image it self, but to God and his honour. To the third Commandment, they reduced the Invocation of Gods name for his Gifts. And they condemned the Invocation of Saints, when such things were prayed for from them, which were only given by God. This was the giving his Glory to Creatures: yet to pray to Saints as Intercessors is declared lawful, and according to the Doctrine of the Catholick Church. Upon the 4th Commandement a Re [...]t from labour every 7th day is said to be Ceremonial, and such as only obliged Iews: but the Spiritual signification of Rest among Christians, was to abstain from Sin, and other Carnal pleasures. But besides that, we were also bound by this Precept sometimes to cease from labour, that we may serve and worship God both in publick and private: And that on the dayes appointed for this purpose, peo­ple ought to examine their lives, the past week, and set to amend­ment, and give themselves to prayer, reading, and meditation. Yet in cases of necessity, such as saving their Corn, or Cattel, men ought not superstitiously to think that it is a Sin to work on that day; but to do their work without scruple. Then follow very profitable Exposi­tions of the other Commandments, with many grave and weighty admonitions concerning the duties by them enjoyned, and against those sins which are too Common in all Ages.

After that, an Explanation of the Lords Prayer was added.The Lords Prayer. In the preface to which, it is said, that it is meet and requisite that the unlearned people should make their Prayers in their Mother-Tongue; whereby they may be the more stirred to Devotion, and to mind the things they prayed for. Then followed an Exposition of the Angels Salutation of the Blessed Virgin: In which, the whole Hi­story of the Incarnation of Christ was opened, and the Ave Maria ex­plained; which Hymne was chiefly to be used,The Ave Ma­ria. in Commemoration of Christs Incarnation, and likewise to set forth the praises of the Blessed Virgin. The next article is about Free-will, which they say must be in man, otherwise all Precepts and Exhortations are to no purpose. They defined it a power of the will, joyned with Reason, whereby a reaso­nable creature, without constraint, in things of reason, Free-will. discerneth and willeth good and evil; but chooseth good by the assistance of Gods grace and evil of it self. This was perfect in the State of Innocency, but is much im­paired by Adams Fall, and now by an especial grace (offered to all men, but enjoyed only by those who by their free-will do accept the same,) [Page 292] it was restored, that with great watchfulness we may serve God ac­ceptably. And as many places of Scripture shew, That free-will is still in man, so there be many others which shew that the grace of God is necessary, that doth both prevent us, and assist us, both to be­gin, and perform every good work. Therefore all men ought most gratefully to receive and follow the motions of the Holy Ghost, and to beg Gods grace with earnest devotion, and a stedfast Faith: which he will grant to all that so ask it, both because he is naturally good, and he has promised to grant our desires. For he is not the author of Sin, nor the Cause of mans Damnation; but this men draw on them­selves, who by vice have corrupted these Natures which God made good. Therefore all Preachers were warned so to moderate them­selves in this high point, that they neither should so preach the Grace of God as to take away Free-will, nor so extol Free-will, as injury might be done to the Grace of God.

After this they handled Justification. Having stated the miseries of man by nature,Justification. and the guilt of Sin, with the unspeakable goodness of God in sending Christ to redeem us by his death, who was the Mediator between God and man; They next shew how men are made partakers of the blessings which he hath procured. Justification is the making of us righteous before God, whereby we are reconciled to him, and made heirs of Eternal life: that by his Grace we may walk in his ways, and be reputed just and righteous in the day of Judgment, and so attain Everlasting Happiness. God is the chief cause of our Justification: yet man prevented by Grace is by his free-consent and obedience a worker toward the attaining his own Justifica­tion. For though it is only procur'd through the merits of Christs death, yet every one must do many things to attain a right and claim to that which, though it was offered to all, yet was applied but to a few. We must have a stedfast Faith, true Repentance, real purposes of amend­ment; committing Sin no more, but serving God all our lives; which if we fall from, we must recover it, by Penance, Fasting, Almes, Pray­er, with other good works, and a firm Faith, going forward in mor­tification and obedience to the Laws of God: It being certain that men might fall away from their Justification. All curious reasonings about Predestination were to be set apart; there being no certainty to he had of our Election, but by feeling the motions of Gods Spirit in us, by a good and virtuous life, and persevering in it to the end. There­fore it was to be taught, that as on the one hand we are justified freely by the free Grace of God, so on the other hand, when it is said We are justified by Faith, it must be understood of such a Faith, in which the fear of God, Repentance, Hope, and Charity, be included, all which must be joyned together in our Justification: and though these be imperfect, yet God accepteth of them freely thorough Christ.

Next, good works were explained, which were said to be abso­lutely necessary to Salvation.Good Works. But these were not only outward cor­poral works, but inward Spiritual works, as the Love and Fear of God, Patience, Humility, and the like. Nor were they Superstitions, and mens Inventions, such as those in which Monks and Friers exer­cised themselves: nor only moral works done by the power of Natu­ral [Page 293] reason: but the works of Charity, flowing from a pure heart, a good Conscience, and Faith unfeigned; which were meritorious to­wards the attaining of Everlasting life. Other works were of an In­ferior sort; such as Fasting, Almsdeeds, and other fruits of Penance. And the merit of good works is reconciled with the freedom of Gods mercies to us, since all our works are done by his Grace; so that we have no cause of boasting, but must ascribe all to the Grace and goodness of God. The last Chapter is about Prayers for Souls depar­ted, which is the same that was formerly set out in the Articles three years before.

All this was finished and set forth this year,All this set forth in a Book, with a Preface writ­ten by those of the Clergy who had been imployed in it: declaring with what care they had examined the Scriptures, and the ancient Doctors, out of whom they had faithfully gathered this Exposition of the Christian Faith. To this the King added another Preface some years after,And publish­ed by the Kings Autho­rity. declaring that although he had cast out the dark­ness, by setting forth the Scriptures to his people, which had produ­ced very good effects; yet, as hypocrisie and superstition were pur­ged away, so a Spirit of presumption, dissension, and carnal liberty was breaking in. For repressing which he had by the advice of his Clergy, set forth a Declaration of the true knowledg of God, for di­recting all mens belief and practice; which both Houses of Parlia­ment had seen, and liked very well. So that he verily trusted it con­tained a true and sufficient Doctrine, for the attaining everlasting life. Therefore he required all his people, to read and print in their hearts, the Doctrine of this Book. He also willed them to remem­ber, that as there were some Teachers, whose Office it was to instruct the people; so the rest ought to be taught, and to those it was not necessary to read the Scriptures: and that therefore he had restrained it from a great many, esteeming it sufficient for such to hear the Do­ctrine of the Scriptures taught by their Preachers, which they should lay up in their hearts, and practise in their lives. Lastly, he desired all his Subjects to pray to God to grant them the Spirit of Humility, that they might read and carry in their hearts the Doctrine set forth in this Book. But though I have joyned the account of this Pre­face, to the Extract here made of the Bishops Book, yet it was not prefixed to it, till above two years after the other was set out.

When this was published,It is variously censured. both parties found cause in it both to be glad and sorrowful. The Reformers rejoyced to see the Doctrine of the Gospel thus opened more and more; for they concluded that Ig­norance and prejudices, being the chief supports of the Errours they complained of; the instructing people in Divine Matters, even though some particulars displeased them, yet would awaken and work upon an inquisitive humour that was then a-stirring; and they did not doubt but their Doctrines were so clear, that Inquiries into Religion would do their business. They were also glad to see the Morals of Christianity so well cleared, which they hoped would dispose people to a better taste of Divine matters; since they had observed that pu­rity of Soul does mightily prepare people for sound opinions. Most of the Superstitious conceits and practices, which had for some ages em­based [Page 294] the Christian Faith, were now removed; and the great funda­mental of Christianity, the Covenant between God and man in Christ, with the conditions of it, was plainly and sincerely declared. There was also another principle laid down, that was big with a further Reformation: for every National Church was declared a compleat Body within it self, with power to reform heresies, correct abuses, and do every thing else that was necessary for keeping it self pure, or governing its members. By which there was a fair way opened for a full discussion of things afterwards, when a fitter opportunity should be offered. But on the other hand, the Popish party thought they had gained much. The seven Sacraments were again asserted, so that here much ground was recovered, and they hoped more would fol­low. There were many things laid down, to which they knew the Reformers would never consent. So that they, who were resolved to comply with every thing that the King had a mind to, were pretty safe. But the others, who followed their perswasions and consciences were brought into many snares; and the Popish party was confident that their absolute compliance, which was joyned with all possible submission and flattery, would gain the King at length: and the stiffness of others, who would not give that deference to the Kings judgment and pleasure, would so alienate him from them, that he would in the end abandon them; for with the Kings years his unea­siness and peevishness grew mightily on him.

The dissolution of the Kings Marriage with Anne of Cleves, had so offended the Princes of Germany, that though upon the Ladies account, they made no publick noise of it; yet there was little more intercourse between the King and them, especially Cromwel falling, that had alwayes carried on the correspondence with them. And as this intercourse went off, so a secret Treaty was set on foot between the King and the Emperor: yet it came not to a Conclusion till two years after.

The other Bishops that were appointed to examine the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church,Corrections of the Mass-Book and o­ther Offices. Ex M S S. D.D. Stilling­fl [...]t. drew up a Rubrick and Rationale of them: which I do not find was printed, but a very Authentical M S. of a great part of it was is extant. The alterations they made were in­considerable, and so slight, that there was no need of reprinting, ei­ther the Missals, Breviaries, or other Offices; for a few rasures of these Collects in which the Pope was prayed for, of Thomas Beckets Office, and the Offices of other Saints, whose days were by the Kings Injunctions no more to be observed, with some other Deletions, made, that the old Books did still serve. For whether it was, that the Change of the Mass-Books, and other publick Offices, would have been too great a Charge to the Nation; or whether they thought it would have possessed the people with an opinion that the Religion was alte­red, since the Books of the ancient worship were changed; which remaining the same, they might be the more easily perswaded, that the Religion was still the same; there was no new impression of the Breviaries, Missals, and other Rituals, during this Kings Reign. Yet in Queen Maries time they took care that Posterity should not know how much was dashed out or changed. For as all Parishes were re­quired to furnish themselves with new compleat Books of the Of­fices; [Page 295] so the dashed Books were every-where brought in, and de­stroyed. But it is likely that most of those Scandalous Hymnes and Prayers, which are addressed to Saints in the same style, in which good Christians worship God, were all struck out; because they were now condemned, as appears from the Extract of the other Book set out by the Bishops.

But as they went on in these things, the Popish party, whose Coun­sels were laid very close, and managed with great dexterity,A Persecution of Protestants. chiefly by the Duke of Norfolk and Gardin [...]r, pursued the ruine of those whom they called Hereticks: knowing well that if the King was once set against them, and they provoked against the Government, he would be not only alienated from them, but forced, for securing himself a­gainst them, to gain the hearts of his other Subjects by a Conjunction with the Emperor, and by his means with the Pope. The first on whom this design took effect, were Doctor Barnes, Mr. Gerard, and Mr. Ie­rome, all Priests; who had been among the earliest Converts to Lu­ther's Doctrine. Barnes had in a Sermon at Cambridg, Of Barnes and others. during the Car­dinals greatness, reflected on the Pomp and State in which he lived, so plainly, that every body understood of whom he meant. So he was carried up to London; but by the interposition of Gardiner and Fox, who were his friends, he was saved at that time, having abjured some opinions that were objected to him. But other accusations being afterwards brought against him, he was again Imprison­ed, and it was believed that he would have been burnt. But he made his escape and went to Germany, where he gave himself to the study of the Scriptures and Divinity. In which he became so conside­rable, that not only the German Divines, but their Princes, took great notice of him: and the King of Denmark sending over Ambass [...]dors to the King, he was sent with them; though perhaps Fox was ill in­formed, when he says he was one of them. Fox Bishop of Hereford, being at Smalcald in the year 1536. sent him over to England; where he was received and kindly entertained by Cromwel, and well used by the King. And by his means the correspondence with the Ger­mans was chiefly kept up. For he was often sent over to the Courts of the several Princes. But in particular, he had the misfortune to be first employed in the project of the Kings Marriage with the Lady Anne of Cleves; for that giving the King so little satisfa­ction, all who were the main promoters of it fell in disgrace up­on it.

But other things concurred to destroy Barnes. In Lent this year Bonner had appointed him and Gerrard, and Ierome, turns in the Course of Sermons at St. Pauls Cross: they being in favour with Cromwel, on whom Bonner depended wholly. But Gardiner sent Bon­ner word, that he intended himself to preach on Sunday at St. Pauls Cross: and in his Sermon he treated of Justification, and other points, with many reflections on the Lutherans. Barnes, when it came to his Turn, made use of the same Text, but preached contrary Doctrine; not without some unhandsome reflections on Gardiners person; and he played on his name, alluding to a Gardiners setting ill Plants in a Garden. The other two preached the same Doctrine, but made no reflecti­ons on any person. Gardiner seemed to bear it with a great appearance of [Page 296] neglect and indifferency. But his friends complained to the King of the unsufferable insolencies of these Preachers, who did not spare so great a Prelate, especially he being a Privy Councellor. So Barnes was questioned for it, and commanded to go and give the Bishop of Winchester satisfaction. And the Bishop carried the matter with a great shew of moderation, and acted ou [...]wardly in it, as became his Fun­ction: though it was believed the matter stuck deeper in his heart, which the effects that followed seemed to demonstrate. The King concerned himself in the matter, and did argue with Barnes about the points in difference. But whether he was truly convinced, or over­come rather with the fear of the King than with the force of his reasonings; he and his two Friends, William Ierome, and Tho. Gerrard, signed a paper,Collect. Numb. 22. (which will be found in the Collection,) in which he acknowledged, ‘That having been brought before the King, for things preached by him; His Highness, being assisted by some of the Clergy, had so disputed with him, that he was convinced of his rashness and oversight: and promised to abstain from such indis­cretions for the future, and to submit to any orders the King should give for what was past.’

The Articles were. First, That though we are Redeemed only by the death of Christ, in which we participate by Faith and Bap­tism; yet by not following the Commandments of Christ we lose the benefits of it, which we cannot recover but by Pen­nance.

Secondly, That God is not the Author of Sin, or evil, which he only permits.

Thirdly. That we ought to reconcile our selves to our neighbours, and forgive, before we can be forgiven.

Fourthly, That good works, done sincerely according to the Scrip­tures, are profitable and helpful to Salvation.

Fifthly, That Laws made by Christian Rulers ought to be obeyed by their Subjects, for conscience sake: and that whosoever breaks them breaks Gods Commandments.

It's not likely that Barnes could say any thing directly contrary to these Articles: though having brought much of Luthers heat over with him, he might have said some things that sounded ill upon these heads. There were other points in difference between Gardiner and him, about Justification; but it seems the King thought these were of so subtile a nature, that no Article of Faith was controverted in them: and therefore left the Bishop and him to agree these among themselves, which they in a great measure did. So the King com­manded Barnes and his friends to preach at the Spittle in the Easter-week, and openly to recant what they had formerly said. And Barnes was in particular to ask the Bishop of Winchester's pardon, which he did: and Gardiner being twice desired by him, to give some signe that he forgave him, did lift up his Finger. But in their Sermons, it was said they justified in one part what they recanted in another. Of which complaints being brought to the King, he, without hearing them sent them all to the Tower. And Cromwels interest at Court was then declining so fast, that either he could not protect them, or else would not prejudice himself by interposing in a matter which gave the King [Page 297] so great offence. They lay in the Tower till the Parliament met, and then they were attained of Heresie, without ever being brought to make their answer.Who were condemned in Parliament. And it seems for the Extraordinariness of the thing, they resolved to mix attaindors for things that were very dif­ferent from one Another. For four others were by the same Act at­tainted of Treason, who were Gregory Buttolph, Adam Damplip, Ed­mund Brindholme, and Clement Philpot, for assisting Reginald Pool, ad­hering to the Bishop of Rome, denying the King to be the Supream Head on earth of the Church of England, and designing to surprize the Town of Callice. One Derby Gunnings was also attainted of Trea­son for assisting one Fitz-Girald a Traitor in Ireland. And after all these, Barnes, Gerard, and Ierome, are attainted of Heresie, being, as the Act sayes, ‘Detestable Hereticks, who had conspired together to set forth many Heresies, and taking themselves to be men of learning, had expounded the Scriptures; perverting them to their Heresies, the number of which was too long to be repeated; that having formerly abjured, they were now incorrigible Hereticks: and so were condemned to be burned, or suffer any other death; as should please the King.’ And two dayes after Cromwels death, being the 30th of Iuly, They were brought to Smithfield, where in their Ex­ecution there was as odd a mixture, as had been in their Attaindors. For Abel Fetherston, and Powel, that were attainted by another Act of the same Parliament, for owning the Popes Supremacy, and deny­ing the Kings, were carried to the place of Execution, and coupled with the other three. So that one of each was put into a Hurdle, and carried together, which every body condemned as an Extravagant af­fectation of the shew of Impartial Justice.

When they were brought to the Stake,Their Spee­ches at the Stake. Barnes spake thus to the People. ‘Since he was to be burned as an Heretick, he would declare what opinions he held. So he enlarged on all the Articles of the Creed, to shew he believed them all. He expressed a particular ab­horrence of an opinion which some Anabaptists held, That the Blessed Virgin was as a Saffron Bagg; (by which indecent Simile they meant that our Saviour took no substance of her.) He explai­ned his opinion of Good works, that they must of necessity be done, since without them none should ever enter into the Kingdom of God. They were commanded of God, to shew forth our profession by them: but he believed, as they were not pure nor perfect, so they did not avail to our Justification, nor merit any thing at the hands of God; for that was to be ascribed to the Merits of the Death and Passion of Christ. He professed great Reverence to the Blessed Virgin and Saints. But said, he saw no warrant in Scriptures for praying to them: nor was it certain whether they prayed for us or not; but if the Saints did pray for those on Earth, he trusted within half an hour to be praying for them all.’ Then he asked the Sheriff if he had any Articles against them, for which they were condem­ned: who answered he had none. He next asked the people, if they knew wherefore he died, or if they had been led into any Errours by his Preaching; but none made answer. Then he said, he heard he was condemned to die by an Act of Parliament; and it seemed it was for Heresie, since they were to be burnt. He prayed God to forgive [Page 298] those who had been the occasions of it. And in particular, for the Bishop of Winchester, if he had sought or procured his death, he pray­ed God heartily to forgive him, as Christ forgave his Murtherers. He prayed earnestly for the King, and the Prince; and exhorted the peo­ple to pray for them. He said, some had reported that he had been a Preacher of Sedition and Disobedience: But he declared to the peo­p [...]e, that they were bound by the Law of God, to obey their Kings Laws with all humility, not only for fear, but for Conscience; adding, that if the King commanded any thing against Gods Law, though it were in their Power to resist him, yet they might not do it. Then he desired the Sheriff to carry five requests from him to the King.

First, That since he had taken the Abbey-Lands into his hands, for which he did not blame him, (as the Sheriff fancied he was a­bout to do, and thereupon stopped him,) but was glad that Super­stition was taken away; and that the King was then a compleat King, obeyed by all his Subjects, which had been done through the Preaching of them, and such wretches as they were: yet he wish­ed the King would bestow these goods, or some of them, to the comfort of his poor Subjects who had great need of them.

Secondly, That Marriage might be had in greater esteem, and that men might not upon light pretences cast off their Wives; and that those who were unmarried, might not be suffered to live in Whoredome.

Thirdly, That Abominable Swearers might be punished.

Fourthly, That since the King had begun to set forth Christian Religion, he would go forward in it, and make an end: for though he had done a great deal, yet many things remained to be done, and he wished that the King might not be deceived with false Teachers.

The fifth desire he said he had forgot.

Then he begged that they all would forgive him, if at any time he had said or done evil unadvisedly: and so turned about, and prepared him­self for his death.

Ierome spake next, and declared his Faith upon every Article of the Creed; and said that he believed all that was in the Holy Scrip­tures. He also prayed for the King, and the Prince. And conclud­ed with a very Pathetical Exhortation to mutual Love and Charity; that they would propose to themselves the pattern of Christs wonder­ful Love, through whom only he hoped to be saved; and desired all their Prayers for himself and his Brethren. Then Gerard declared his Faith, and said, That if through ignorance or negligence, he had taught any error, he was sorry for it; and asked God pardon and them, whom he had thereby offended. But he protested, that according to his Learning and Knowledg, he had always set forth the honour of God, and the obedience of the Kings Laws. Then they all prayed for the pardon of their Sins, and constancie and patience in their suf­ferings: And so they embraced and kissed one another, and then the Executioners tyed them to the Stake, and set fire to them.

Their death did rather encourage than dishearten their followers: who seeing such an extraordinary measure of patience in them, were the more confirmed in their resolutions of suffering for a good con­science, [Page 299] and for his name, who did not forsake his Servants in these cruel Agonies. One difference between their Sufferings, and the o­ther three who were hanged for asserting the Popes Supremacy, was remarkable; that though the others demeaned themselves toward them with the most uncharitable and spiteful malice that was possible, (so that their own Historian sayes, That their being carryed with them to their Execution was bitterer to them than death it self;) yet they declared their hearty forgiving of their Enemies, and of Gardiner in particular, who was generally looked on as the person that procured their death: which Imputation stuck fast to him, though by a Print­ed Apologie he studyed to clear himself of any other concernment in it, than by giving his vote for the Act of their Attaindor.

Now Bonner began to shew his nature.Bonners cruelty Hitherto he had acted another part. For being most extreamly desirous of Preferment, he had so complyed with Cromwel and Cranmer, that they had great con­fidence in him; and he being a blustering and forward man, they thought he might do the Reformation good service, and therefore he was advanced so high by their means. But as soon as ever Cromwel fell, the very next day he shewed his Ingratitude, and how nimbly he turned with the Wind. For Grafton the Printer, (whom Cromwel favoured much for his Printing the Bible, and who was by that means very familiar with Bonner,) meeting him, said, he was very sorry for the news he heard of Cromwels being sent to the Tower. Bonner answered, it had been good he had been dispatcht long ago. So the other shrunk away, perceiving the change that was in him. And some days after that, Grafton being brought before the Council, for some Verses which he was believed to have Printed in commendati­on of Cromwel, Bonner informed the Council of what Grafton had said to him upon Cromwels being Arrested, to make the other Charge seem the more probable. Yet Audley the Chancelor was Graftons friend, and brought him off. But Bonner gave the City of London quickly cause to apprehend the utmost severities from him. For ma­ny were endicted by his procurement. Yet the King was loth to give too many Instances of Cruelty, in this declination of his Age, and therefore by an order from the Star-Chamber they were discharg­ed. But upon what motives I cannot fancie, he pickt out an Instance, which, if the deeper stains of his following life had not dasht all par­ticular spots, had been sufficient to have blemished him for ever. There was one Richard Mekins a Boy not above fifteen years of Age, and both Illiterate and very Ignorant, who had said somewhat against the corporal presence of Christs Body in the Sacrament, and in Com­mendation of Doctor Barnes. Upon this he was Endicted. The words were proved by two witnesses, and a day was appointed for the Juries to bring in their verdict. The day being come, the Grand Jury was called for, then the Fore-man said, they had found nothing. This put Bonner in a fury, and he charged them with Perjury: But they said they could find nothing, for the witnesses did not agree. The one deposed, That he had said the Sacrament was nothing but a Ce­remony: and the other, That it was nothing but a Signification. But Bonner still persisted and told them, that he had said That Barnes dy­ed Holy. But they could not find these words to be against the Sta­tute. [Page 300] Upon which Bonner cursed, and was in a great rage, and caus­ed them to go aside again: So they being overawed, returned and found the Indictment. Then sate the Jury vpon life and death, who found him Guilty: and he was adjudged to be burnt. But when he was brought to the Stake, he was taught to speak much good of Bonner, and to condemn all Hereticks, and Barnes in particular, say­ing he had learned Heresie of him. Thus the Boy was made to die with a lie in his mouth. For Barnes held not that opinion of the Sa­crament's being only a Ceremony or signification, but was a zealous Lutheran: which appeared very signally on many occasions, chiefly in Lamberts case. Three others were also burned at Salisbury upon the same Statute, one of whom was a Priest. Two also were burned at Lincoln in one day. Besides, a great number of persons were brought in trouble, and kept long in Prison upon the Statute of the six Arti­cles. But more blood I find not spilt at this time.

In the end of this year were the new Bishopricks founded. For in December was the Abbey of Westminster converted into a Bishops See,New Bisho­pricks [...]ound­ed. and a Deanry and twelve Prebends, with the Officers for a Cathe­dral and a Quire. And in the year following on the 4th of August, the King erected out of the Monastery of St. Werburg at Chester, a Bi­shoprick, a Deanry, and six Prebends. In September out, of the Mo­nastery at St. Peters at Glocester the King endowed a Bishoprick, a Deanry, and six Prebendaries. And in the same Month, the Abbey of Peterborough was converted to a Bishops seat, a Deanry, and six Prebendaries. And to lay this whole matter together, two years af­ter this, the Abbey of Osney in Oxford was converted into a Bisho­prick, a Deanry, and six Prebends. And the Monastery of St. Austins in Bristol was changed into the same use. There are many other Grants also in the Rolls, both to the Bishops, and Deans, and Chap­ters, of these Sees. But these Foundations will be better understood, by their Charters: of which, since the Bishoprick of Westminster is least known, because long ago suppressed, I have chosen to set down the Charter of that See; which the Reader will find in the Colle­ction: And they running all in the same style, one may serve for the rest.Collect. N [...]mb. 23. The Substance of the Preamble is, ‘That the King being mov­ed by the Grace of God, and intending nothing more than that true Religion, and the sincere worship of God, should not be abo­lished, but rather restored to the Primitive sincerity, and reformed from these abuses with which the profession and the lives of the Monks had so long and so lamentably corrupted Religion; had, as far as humane Infirmity could foresee, designed that the word of God might be sincerely Preached, the Sacraments purely administred, good Order kept up, the Youth well Instructed, and old people re­lieved, with other publick Almsdeeds. And therefore the King Erected and Endowed these Sees.’ The day after these several Grants, there followed a Writ to the Arch-Bishop, containing, that the King had appointed such a person to be Bishop of that See, Re­quiring him to Consecrate and Ordain him in due form. Then the Priories at most Cathedrals, such as Canterbury, Winchester, Duresm, Worcester, Carliste, Rochester, and Ely, were also converted into Dean­ries, and Colledges of Prebends, with many other Officers, and [Page 301] an allowance of Charity to be yearly distributed to the poor.

But as all this came far short of what the King had once intend­ed, so Cranmers Design was quite disappointed.Cranmer's de­sign miscar­ries. For he had pro­jected that in every Cathedral there should be provision made for Readers, of Divinity, and of Greek, and Hebrew, and a great number of Students to be both exercised in the daily worship of God, and trained up in Study and Devotion; whom the Bishop might trans­plant out of this Nursery, into all the parts of his Diocess. And thus every Bishop should have had a Colledge of Clergy-men under his eye, to be preferred according to their merit: he saw great disorders among some Prebendaries, and in a long Letter, the Original of which I have seen, he expressed his regret that [...]hese Endowments went in such a Channel. Yet now his Power was not great at Court, and the other party run down all his motions. But these who observed things narrowly, judged that a good mixture of Prebendaries, and of young Clerks bred up about Cathedrals, under the Bishops eye, and the Conduct and Direction of the Dean and Prebendaries, had been one of the greatest Blessings that could have befallen the Church: Which not being sufficiently provided of Houses for the Forming of the minds and manners of those who are to be received into Orders, has since felt the ill effects of it very sensibly. Against this, Cranmer had projected a Noble Remedy, had not the Popish party then at Court, who very well apprehended the advantages such Nurseries would have given to the Reformation, born down this Proposition, and turned all the Kings Bounty and Foundations another way.

These new Foundations gave some credit to the Kings proceed­ings, and made the Suppression of Chantries and Chappels go on more smoothly. But those of the Roman party beyond Sea,These Foun­dations cen­sured. censur­ed this, as they had done all the rest of the Kings Actings. They said, it was but a slight Restitution of a small part of the goods, of which he had robbed the Church. And they complained of the Kings encroaching on the Spiritual Jurisdiction of the Church, by dismembring Dioceses, and removing Churches from one Jurisdiction to another. To this it was answered, that the necessities which their practices put on the King, both to [...]ortifie his Coast and Dominions, to send money be [...]ond Sea for keeping the War at a distance from himself, and to secure his quiet at home, by easie grants of these Lands, made him that he could not do all that he intended. And for the Division of Dioceses, many things were brought from the Roman Law, to shew, That the Division of the Ecclesiastical [...]uris­diction, whether of Patriarches, Primates, Metropolitans, or Bishops, was Regulated by the Emperors; of which the Ancient Councils al­ways approved. And in England, when the Bishoprick of Lincoln be­ing judged of too great an Extent, the Bishoprick of Ely was taken out of it, it was done only by the King, with the consent of his Clergy and Nobles. Pope Nicolas indeed officiously intruded him­self into that matter, by sending afterwards a Confirmation of that which was done. But that was one of the great Arts of the Papacy, to offer Confirmations of things that were done without the Popes. For these being easily received by them, that thought of nothing more than to give the better countenance to their own Acts, the [Page 302] Popes afterwards founded a Right on these Confirmations.1541. The ve­ry receiving of them was pretended to be an acknowledgment of a Title in the Pope. And the matter was so artificially managed, that Princes were noozed into some approbation of such a pretence, be­fore they were aware of it. And then the Authority of the Canon-Law prevailing, Maxims were laid down in it, by which the most tacite and inconsiderate Acts of Princes, were construed to such sen­ses, as still advanced the greatness of the Papal pretensions.

This business of the new Foundations being thus setled, the mat­ters of the Church were now put in a method: and the Bishops Book was the standard of Religion. So that whatsoever was not agreea­ble to that, was judged Heretical, whether it leaned to the one side, or the other. But it seems that the King by some secret Order had chained up the party, which was going on in the Execution of the Sta­tute of the six Articles, that they should not proceed capitally.

Thus matters went this year, and with this, the Series of the Hi­story of the Reformation,The State of the Court at this time. made by this King, ends: for it was now digested and formed into a Body. What followed was not in a Thred, but now and then some remarkable things were done: sometimes in favour of the one, and sometimes of the other party. For after Crom­wel fell, the King did not go on so steadily in any thing as he had done formerly. Cromwel had an Ascendant over him, which after Cardinal Wolseys fall none besides himself ever had. They knew how to manage the Kings uneasie and imperious humor: But now none had such a Power over him. The Duke of Norfolk was rich and brave, and made his Court well, but had not so great a Genius; so that the King did rather trust and fear, than esteem him. Gar­diner was only a Tool, and being of an abject Spirit, was employed, but not at all reverenced by the King. Cranmer retained always his candor and simplicity, and was a great Prelate; but neither a good Courtier, nor a States-man. And the King esteemed him more for his vertues, than for his dexterity and cunning in business. So that now the King was left wholly to himself; and being extream hu­morous and impati [...]nt, there were more errors committed in the last years of his Government, than had been for his whole Reign before France forsook him, Scotland made War upon him, which might have been fatal to him, if their King had not dyed in the beginning of it, leaving an Infant Princess, but a few days old, behind him. And though the Emperor made peace with him, yet it was but an hol­low agreement. Of all which I shall give but slender hints, in the rest of this Book; and rather open some few particulars, than pur­sue a Continued Narration, since the matter of my Work failes me.

In May the 33d year of the Kings Reign, a new Impression of the Bible was finished,The Bible in English set up in all Church­es. Collect. Numb. 24. and the King by Proclamation, ‘Required all Cu­rates and Parishioners of every Town and Parish, to provide them­selves a Copy of it before All-Hallowtide: under the penalty of for­feiting forty Shillings a month, after that, till they had one. He declared that he set it forth, to the end that his people might by Reading it, perceive the Power, Wisdom, and Goodness of God: Observe his Commandments, obey the Laws, and their Prince, and [Page 303] live in Godly Charity among themselves. But that the King did not thereby intend that his Subjects should presume to expound, or take arguments from Scripture; nor disturb Divine Service, by read­ing it, when Mass was Celebrating: but should read it meekly, hum­bly, and reverently, for their Instruction, Edification, and Amend­ment.’ There was also care taken so to Regulate the Prices of the Bibles, that there should be no exacting on the Subjects in the Sale of them. And Bonner seeing the Kings mind was set on this, ordered six of these great Bibles to be set up in several places of St. Pauls: that all persons who could read, might at all times have free access to them. ‘And upon the Pillars to which these Bibles were chained,Collect. Nu [...]b. 25. an Exhortation was set up, admonishing all that came thither to read; That they should lay aside vain-glory, hypocrisie, and all o­ther corrupt affections, and bring with them, Discretion, good In­tentions, Charity, Reverence, and a quiet behaviour: for the Edifi­cation of their own Souls; but not to draw multitudes about them, nor to make Expositions of what they read, nor to read aloud, nor make noise in time of Divine Service, nor enter into Disputes con­cerning it.’ But people came generally to hear the Scriptures read, and such as could read, and had clear voices, came often thither with great Crowds about them. And many set their Children to School, that they might carry them with them to St. Pauls, and hear them read the Scriptures. Nor could the people be hindred from entring into disputes about some places: for who could hear the words of the Institution of the Sacrament, Drink ye all of it, or St. Pauls Discourse against worship in an unknown tongue, and not from thence be led to consider, that the people were deprived of the Cup, which by Christs express Command was to be drunk by all; and that they were kept in a worship, to which the unlearned could not say Amen, since they understood not what was said, either in the Collects or Hymns? So the King had many Complaints brought him, of the Abuses that were said to have risen from the Liberty given the people to read the Scriptures. Upon which, Bonner, (no doubt having obtained the Kings leave,) set up a new Advertisement; in which he complained of these Abuses, in the reading the Bible: for which he threatned the people, that he would remove these Bibles out of the Church, if they conti­nued as they did, to abuse so high a favour. Yet these Complaints produced no further severity at this time. But by them the Popish party afterwards obtained what they desired. This Summer the King turned the Monastery of Burton upon Trent, into a Collegiat Church for a Dean and four Prebends: and the Monastery of Thornton in Lin­colnshire into another, for a Dean and four Prebends.1541. In this year Cranmer took it into Consideration,A [...]tiq. Brit. in R [...]g. P [...]lo. to what excess the Tables of the Bishops had risen, whereby those Revenues that ought to have been applyed to better purposes,A Rule about Churchmens housekeeping. were wasted on great Entertainment which though they passed under the decent name of Hospitality, yet were in themselves both too high and expensive, and proved great hin­drances to Church-mens Charity, in more necessary and profitable Instances. He therefore set out an Order, for Regulating that Ex­pence: by which, an Arch-Bishops Table was not to exceed six dish­es of meat, and four of Bellaria. Banquet; a Bishops, five dishes of meat, and [Page 304] three of Banquet; a Deans or Arch-Deacons Table was not to ex­ceed four dishes, and two of Banquet; and other Clergy-men might be served only with two dishes. But he that gives us the account of this, laments that this Regulation took no effect. And complains that the people expecting generally such splendid House-keeping from the Dig­nified Clergy, and not considering how short their Revenues are, of what they were anciently: they out of a weak Complyance with the Multitude, have disabled themselves from keeping Hospitality, as our Saviour ordered it, not for the Rich, but the Poor; not to mention the other ill effects that follow too sumptuous a Table.

In the end of this year, the Tragical fall of the Queen put a stop to all other proceedings.The King goes to [...]ork. The King had invited his Nephew the King of Scotland, to meet him at York, who was resolved to come thither. The King intended to gain upon him all he could, and to engage him to follow the Copy he had set him, in Extirpating the Popes Supremacy, and Suppressing Abbeys, and to establish a firm agreement in all other things. The Clergy of Scotland feared the ill effects of that Interview, especially their King being a Prince of most extraordinary parts, who, had he not blemished his Government with being so extreamly addicted to his pleasures, was the Greatest Prince that Nation had for several Ages. He was a great Patron of Learn­ing, and Executor of Justice: he used in person and Incognito, to go over his Kingdom, and see how Justice was every-where done. He had no very good opinion of the Religious Orders, and had encou­raged Buchanan to write a severe and witty Libel against the Fran­ciscan Friars. So that they were very apprehensive that he might have been wrought on by his Uncle. Therefore they used all their endeavours to divert his Journey. But the French King, that had him fast engaged to his Interests, falling then off from the King, wrought more on him. So instead of meeting the King at York, where magnificent preparations were made for his Reception, he sent his Excuse; which provoked his Uncle, and gave occasion to a breach that followed not long after.

But here I shall crave the Readers leave to give a full representati­on of the state of Religion at this time in Scotland, An account of the State of Scotland. and of the foo­ting the Reformation had got there: Its neighbourhood to England, and the union of these Kingdoms, first in the same Religion, and since under the same Princes, together with the intercourse that was both in this and the next Reign, between these Nations, seem not only to justifie this Digression, but rather to challenge it as a part of the History, without which it should be defective. And it may be the rather expected from one, who had his Birth and Education in that Kingdom.

The Correspondence between that Crown and France was the cause that what Learning they had,The begin­ings of Learn­ing there. came from Paris: where our Kings generally kept some Schollars, and from that great Nursery they were brought over, and set in the Universities of Scotland to propagate Learning there. From the year 1412, in which Wardlaw Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews first founded that University, Learning had made such a progress, that more Colledges were soon after founded in that City. Universities were also founded both at Glasgow, and Aberdeen, [Page 305] which have since furnished that Nation with many eminent Scholars in all professions. But at the time that Learning came into Scotland, the knowledg of true Religion also followed it:And of the Reformation. and in that same Arch-Bishops time, one Iohn Resby, an English man, a follower of Wickliffs opinions, was charged with Heresie.Arch-Bishop Spotswood. Forty Articles were ob­jected to him, of which two are only mentioned. The one was, that The Pope is not Christs Vicar. The other was, that he was not to be estee­med a Pope, if he was a man of wicked life. For maintaining these, he was burnt Anno 1407. 24 years after that, one Paul Cra [...] came out of Germany, and being a Bohemian and an Hussite, Lesley. was infusing his Do­ctrine into some at St. Andrews, which being discovered, he was judg­ed an obstinate Heretick, and burnt there, Anno 1432. And to encou­rage people to prosecute such persons, Fogo, who had discovered him, was rewarded with the Abbey of Melross soon after.

It does not appear that those Doctrines, which were called Lollar­dies in England, had gained many followers in Scotland, till near the end of that Century. But then it was found that they were much spread over the Western parts: which being in the neighbourhood of En­gland, those who were persecuted there, might perhaps fly into Scot­land, and spread their Doctrine in that Kingdom.Spotswood. Several persons of Quality were then charged with these Articles, and brought to the Arch-Bishop of Glasgows Courts. But they answered him with such con­fidence, that he thought fit to discharge them; with an admonition to take heed of new Doctrines, and to content themselves with the Faith of the Church.

At this time the Clergy in Scotland were both very ignorant and dissolute in their manners.The Clergy were both ig­norant and cruel. The Secular Clergy minded nothing but their Tithes, and did either hire some Friers to Preach, or some poor Priests to sing Masses to them at their Churches. The Abbots had possessed themselves of the best seats, and the greatest wealth of the Nation: and by a profuse Superstition, almost the one half of the Kingdom fell into the hands of the Churchmen. The Bishops looked more after the affairs of the State, than the concerns of the Church; and were resolved to maintain by their cruelty, what their Predeces­sors had acquired by fraud and impostures. And as Lesly himself con­fesses, there was no pains taken to instruct the people in the princi­ples of Religion; nor were the Children at all Catechised, but left in ignorance: and the ill lives of the Clergy, who were both covetous and lewd, disposed the people to favour those that preached for a Refor­mation. The first that suffered in this Age was Patrick Hamilton, a person of very noble blood:Patrick Ha­milton's suf­ferings. his Father was Brother to the Earl of Arran, and his Mother Sister to the Duke of Albany; so nearly was he on both sides related to the King. He was provided of the Abbey of Fern in his youth; and being designed for greater preferments, he was sent to travel: but as he went thorough Germany, he contracted a friendship with Luther, Melanction, and others of their Perswasion; by whose means he was instructed in the points about which they dif­fered from the Church of Rome. He returned to Scotland, that he might communicate that knowledg to others with which himself was so happily enlightned. And little considering, either the hindrance of his further Preferment, or the other dangers that might lie in his [Page 306] way, he spared not to lay open the Corruptions of the Roman Church, and to shew the Errours that had crept into the Christian Religion. He was a man both of great learning, and of a sweet and charming conversation, and came to be followed and esteemed by all sorts of people.

The Clergy being enraged at this, invited him to St. Andrews, that there might be Conferences held with him, about those points which he condemned. And one Frier Campbel, Prior of the Dominicans, who had the reputation of a Learned man, was appointed to treat with him. They had many Conferences together, and the Prior seemed to be convinced in most points; and acknowledged there were many things in the Church that required Reformation. But all this while he was betraying him; So that when the Abbot looked for no such thing, he was in the night time made Prisoner, and carried to the Arch-Bishops Castle. There several Articles were objected to him, a­bout Original Sin, Free-will, Justification, Good Works, Priestly Abso­lution, Auricular Confession, Purgatory, and the Popes being Anti­christ. Some of these he positively adhered to, the others he thought were disputable points; yet he said he would not condemn them, except he saw better reasons than any he had yet heard. The matter was referred to 12 Divines of the University, of whom Frier Camp­bel was one. And within a day or two they censured all his Tenets as Heretical, and contrary to the Faith of the Church. On the first of March Judgment was given upon him, by Beaton Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, with whom sate the Archbishop of Glasgow, the Bishop of Dunkeld, Brichen and Dunblan, five Abbots, and many of the inferior Clergy. They also made the whole University, old and young, sign it. He was declared an obstinate Heretick, and delivered to the Secular Power.

The King had at that time gone a Pilgrimage to Ross, and the Clergy fearing lest nearness of blood, with the Intercessions which might be made for him, should snatch this prey out of their hands, proceeded that same day to his Execution. So in the afternoon he was brought to the Stake before St. Salvators Colledg. He stripped him­self of his Garments, and gave them to his man; and said, he had no more to leave him, but the example of his death. That he prayed him to keep in mind. For though it was bitter and painful in mans Iudgment, yet it was the entrance to Everlasting life, which none could inherit that denied Christ before such a Congregation. Then was he tied to a Stake, and a great deal of fewel was heaped about him: which he seemed not to fear. but continued lifting up his eyes to heaven, and recommending his soul to God. When the train of Powder was kindled, it did not take hold of the Fewel, but only scorched his hand, and the side of his face. This occasioned some delay, till more powder was brought from the Castle; during which time the Friers were very trouble­some, and called to him to turn, and pray to our Lady, and say Salve Regina. None was more officious than Frier Campbel. The Abbot wished him often to let him alone, and give him no more trouble. But the Frier continuing to importune him; he said to him, Wicked man, thou knowest that I am not an Heretick, and that it is the truth of God for which I now suffer. So much thou didst confess to me in private: and [Page 307] thereupon I appeal thee to answer before the Iudgment Seat of Christ. By this time more powder was brought and the fire was kindled. He cried out with a loud voice, How long, O Lord, shall darkness oppress this Realm? how long wilt thou suffer this Tyranny of Men? and died repea­ting these words, Lord Iesus receive my Spirit. The patience and con­stancy he expressed in his sufferings, made the Spectators generally conclude that he was a true Martyr of Christ: in which they were the more confirmed, by Frier Campbells falling into great de­spair soon after, who from that turned frantick, and died within a year.

On this I have insisted the more fully, because it was indeed the be­ginning of the Reformation in Scotland; and raised there an humour of inquiring into points of Religion, which did always prove fatal to the Church of Rome. In the University it self many were wrought on,The Kings Con [...]essor fa­v [...]urs the Re­ [...]ormation. and particularly one Seaton a Dominican Frier who was the Kings Confessor. He being appointed to preach the next Lent at St. An­drews, insisted much on these points: ‘That the Law of God was the only Rule of Righteousness, that Sin was only committed when Gods Law was violated, that no man could satisfie for Sin, and that pardon was to be obtained by unfeigned repentance and true faith.’ But he never mentioned Purgatory, Pilgrimages, Merits, nor Prayers to Saints; which used to be the Subjects on which the Friers insisted most on these occasions. Being gone from St. Andrews, he heard that another Frier of his own Order had refuted these Doctrines. So he returned, and confirmed them in another Sermon; in which he also made some reflections on Bishops that were not Teachers, calling them Dumb-Dogs. For this he was carried before the Arch-Bishop; but he defended himself, saying, that he had only in St. Pauls words said a Bishop should teach, and in Esaias words, that such as did not teach were Dumb-doggs: but having said this in the general, he did not apply it to any Bishop in particular. The Arch-Bishop was netled at this an­swer, yet resolved to let him alone till he should be brought into dis­grace with the King. And that was soon done, for the King being a licentious Prince, and Frier Seaton having often reproved him boldly for it, he grew weary of him. The Clergy perceiving this, were re­solved to fall upon him. So he withdrew to Berwick, but wrote to the King, that if he would hear him make his defence, he would return and justifie all that he had taught. He taxed the cruelty of the Cler­gy, and desired the King would restrain their Tyranny, and consider that he was obliged to protect his Subjects from their severity and malice. But receiving no satisfactory answer, he lived in England, where he was entertain'd by the Duke of Suffolk as his Chaplain. Not long after this, one Forrest, Forrest's suffe­rings. a simple Benedictin Monk was accused for having said that Patrick Hamilton had died a Martyr: yet since there was no sufficient proof to convict him; a Frier one Walter Lainge was sent to confess him, to whom in Confession he acknowledged, he thought Hamilton was a good man, and that the Articles for which he was condemned, might be defended. This being revealed by the Frier, was taken for good evidence. So the poor man was condemned to be burnt as an Heretick. As he was led out to his Execution, he said, Fie on falshood, fie on Friers, revealers of Confession; Let never man [Page 308] trust them after me: they are despisers of God, and deceivers of men. When they were considering in what place to burn him, a simple man, that attended the Arch-bishop, advised to burn him in some low Cellar; for said he, the smoak of Mr. Patrick Hamilton has infected all those on whom it blew.

A further persecution in S [...]otland.Soon after this, Abbot Hamiltons Brother and Sister were brought into the Bishops Courts: but the King, who favoured this Brother, perswaded him to absent himself. His Sister and six others being brought before the Bishop of Ross, who was deputed by the Arch-Bi­shop to proceed against them, the King himself dealt with the Woman to abjure, which she and the other six did. Two others were more resolute, The one was Normand Gowrlay, who was charged with de­nying the Popes Authority in Scotland, and saying there was no Pur­gatory: The other was David Straiton. He was charged with the same Opinions. They also alledged that he had denied that Tithes were due to Church-men: and that when the Vicar came to take the Tith out of some Fish-boats that belonged to him, he alledged the Tith was to be taken where the stock grew, and therefore ordered the tenth fish to be cast into the Sea, and bade the Vicar to seek them there. They were both judged obstinate Hereticks, and burnt at one Stake the 27th of August, 1534. Upon this persecution some others who were cited to appear fled into England. Those were Alexander Alesse, Iohn Fife, Iohn Mackbee, and one Mackdowgall. The first of these was received by Cromwel into his Family, and grew into great favour with King Henry, and was commonly called his Scholar; of whom see what was said Page 214. But after Cromwels death, he took Fife with him, and they went into Saxony, and were both Professors in Leipsick. Mackbee was at first entertained by Shaxton Bishop of Salisbury; but he went afterwards into Denmark, where he was known by the name of Doctor Maccabeus, and was Chaplain to King Christian the second.

But all these violent proceedings were not effectual enough to quench that light which was then shining there.The progress of the Re [...]or­mation. Many by searching the Scriptures came to the knowledg of the Truth: and the noise of what was then doing in England, awakned others to make further en­quiries into matters of Religion. Pope Clement the 7th apprehending that King Henry might prevail on his Nephew to follow his exam­ple,Lesley. wrote Letters full of earnest exhortations to him to continue in the Catholick Faith. Upon which King Iames called a Parliament, and there in the presence of the Popes Nuncio, declared his zeal for that Faith and the Apostolick See. The Parliament also concurred with him in it; and made acts against Hereticks, and for maintaining the Popes authority. That same Pope did afterwards send to desire him to assist him in making war against the King of England; for he was resolved to divide that Kingdom among those who would assist him in driving out King Henry. But the firm peace at that time be­tween the King of England and the French King, kept him quiet from any trouble, which otherwise the King of Scotland might have given him. Yet King Henry sent the Bishop of St. Davids, with the Duke of Norfolks Brother, Lord William Howard to him, so unex­pectedly, that they came to him at Sterlin before he had heard of their [Page 309] being sent. The Bishop brought with him some of the Books that had been writ for the justifying King Henry's proceeding; and desired that King would impartially examine them.Buchanan. But he put them into the hands of some about him that were addicted to the interests of Rome, who without ever reading them, told him they were full of pestilent Doctrine and Heresie.

The secret business they came for, was, to perswade that King to concur with his Uncle, and to agree an Interview between them: and they offered him in their Masters name the Lady Mary in Mar­riage, and that he should be made Duke of York, and Regni An­gli [...]i Vicarius. Lord Lieutenant of all England. But the Clergy diverted him from it, and perswaded him rather to go on in his design of a match with France. And their Counsels did so prevail, that he resolved to go in person, and fetch a Queen from thence. On the first of Ianuary 1537. he was married to Magdalen, daughter to Francis the First. But she being then gone far in a Consumption, died soon after he had brought her home, on the 28th of May. She was much lamented by all persons, the Clergy only excepted: for she had been bred in the Queen of Navarres Court, and so they apprehended she might incline the King to a Reformati­on. But he had seen another Lady in France, Mary of Guise, whom he then liked so well; that after his Queens death, he sent Cardinal Bea­ton into France to treat for a match with her. This gave the Clergy as much joy as the former marriage had raised fear; for no Family in Christendome was more devoted to the interests of the Papacy than that was. And now the King though he had freer thoughts himself, yet was so engaged to the pretended old Religion, that he became a violent persecutor of all who differed from it.

The King grew very expensive,The King wholly guided by the Clergy. he indulged himself much in his pleasures; he built four noble Palaces, which considering that King­dom and that Age, were very extraordinary Buildings; he had also many natural Children: All which things concurred to make him very desirous of Money. There were two different parties in the Court. The Nobility on the one hand represented to him, the great wealth that the Abbots had gathered; and that if he would do as his Un­cle had done, he would thereby raise his Revenue to the triple of what it was, and provide plentifully for his Children. The Cler­gy on the other hand assured him, that if he would set up a strict inquisition of Hereticks, he would discover so many men of Estates that were guilty, that by their Forfeitures he might raise above an hundred thousand Crowns a year: And for his Children, the easiest way of providing for them, was to give them good Abbies and Pri­ories. This they thought would engage both the King and his Sons to maintain their Rights more steadily, if their own Interests were interwoven with them. They also perswaded the King that if he maintained the established Religion, it would give him a good inter­est in England, and make him be set up by forreign Princes as the head of the League, which the Pope and the Emperor were then pro­jecting against King Henry. These Counsels being seconded by his Queen, who was a wise and good Lady, but wonderfully zealous for the Papacy, did so prevail with him, that as he made four of his Children Abbots or Priors, so he gave way to the persecuting humor of [Page 310] his Priests: and give Sir Iames Hamilton (a natural Brother of the Earl of Arrans, in whom the Clergy put much confidence, a Com­mission to proceed against all that were suspected of Heresie. In the year 1539. many were cited to appear before a meeting of the Bi­shops at Edinburgh. Of those, nine abjured, many were banished and five were burnt. Forrester, a Gentleman, Simpson, a Secular Priest; Killore, and Beverage, two Friers; and Forrest, a Canon Regular; were burnt on the Castle-hill of Edinburgh. The last of these was a zealous constant Preacher, which was a rare thing in those days. His Dio­cesan, the Bishop of Dunkeld sent for him, and rebuked him for it; and bid him, When he found a good Epistle, or good Gospel, that made for the liberties of the Holy Church, to preach on that, and let the rest alone. The good man answered; he had read both the Old Testament, and the New, and never found an ill Epistle, or ill Gospel in any of them. The Bishop replied, that he thanked God he had lived well these many years, and never knew either the Old or New: he contented himself with his Portuise, and his Pontifical; and if the other would trouble himself with these fantasies, he would repent it when he could not help it. Forrest said, He was resol­ved to do what he conceived was his duty, whatever might be the danger of it. By this it appears how deliberately the Clergy at that time de­livered themselves up to Ignorance and Superstition.

Two other Martyrs.In the same year Russel, a Franciscan Frier, and one Kennedy, a young man of 18 years of age, were brought before the Arch-Bishop of Glas­gow. That Bishop was a learned and moderate man, and was much against these cruel proceedings: he was also in great credit with the King, having been his Tutor. Yet he was forced by the threatnings of his Brethren, to go on with the persecution. So those two, Russel, and Kennedy, being brought before him, Kennedy, that was young and fearful, had resolved to submit and abjure. But being brought to the Bar, and encouraged by Russels discourses, he felt so high a mea­sure of courage and joy in his heart, that he fell down on his knees, and broke forth in these words; ‘Wonderful, O God, is thy love and mercy towards me a miserable wretch: for now, when I would have denied thee, and thy Son my Saviour, thou hast by thine own hand pulled me back from the bottom of Hell, and given me most Hea­venly comfort, which hath removed the ungodly fear that before oppressed my mind. Now I defie death, do what you please, I thank God I am ready.’ There followed a long dispute between the Frier and the Divines that sate with the Arch-Bishop: but when he percei­ved they would hear nothing, and answered him only with revilings and jeers, he gave it over and concluded in these words; ‘This is your hour and power of darkness: now you sit as Judges, and we stand wrongfully condemned; but the day cometh which will shew our innocence, and you shall see your own blindness to your everlasting confusion; Go on, and fulfil the measure of your iniquity.’ This put the Arch-Bishop in great confusion, so that he said to those about him, that these rigorous executions did hurt the cause of the Church more than could be well thought of; and he declared that his opinion was, that their lives should be spared, and some other course taken with them. But those that sate with him said, if he took a course different from what the other Prelates had taken, he was not the Churches [Page 211] friend. This, with other threatning expressions, prevailed so far on his fears, that he gave Judgment. So they were burnt; but at their death they expressed so much constancy and joy, that the people were much wrought on by their behaviour. Russel encouraged Kennedy, his partner in sufferings, in these words. ‘Fear not, Brother, for he is more mighty that is in us, than he that is in the world; the pain which we shall suffer is short, and light; but our joy and consolation shall never have an end. Death cannot destroy us, for it is destroyed al­ready by him, for whose sake we suffer. Therefore let us strive to enter in by the same strait way, which our Saviour hath taken be­fore us.’ With the blood of such Martyrs was the field of that Church sowen, which did quickly rise up in a plentiful harvest.

Among those that were at this time in hazard, George Buchanan was one. The Clergy were resolved to be revenged on him for the sharp­ness of the Poems he had written against them. And the King had so ab­solutely left all men to their mercy, that he had died with the rest, if he had not made his escape out of Prison: Then he went beyond Sea, and lived 20 years in that Exile, and was forced to teach a School most part of the time; yet the greatness of his mind was not oppressed with that mean employment. In his writings there appears, not only all the beauty and graces of the Latine Tongue, but a vigor of mind and quickness of thought, far beyond Bembo, or the other Italians, who at that time affected to revive the purity of the Roman Stile. It was but a feeble imitation of Tully in them; but his stile is so natural and nervous, and his reflections on things are so solid, (besides his immortal Poems, in which he shews how well he could imitate all the Roman Poets, in their several ways of writing, that he who compares them, will be often tempted to prefer the Copy to the Original,) that he is justly reckoned the greatest and best of our modern Authors. This was the state of affairs at this time in Scotland. And so I shall leave this digres­sion, on which if I have stayed too long, my kindness to my native Countrey must be my excuse; and now I return to the affairs of England.

The King went his progress with his fair and beloved Queen, and he when came to York, he issued out a Proclamation, ‘That all who had been aggrieved for want of Justice, by any whom he had formerly employed, should come to him, and his Counsel for redress.’ This was done to cast all past miscarrages on Cromwel, and to put the people in hopes of better times. But upon his return to London, he met with a new affliction. He was so much taken with his Queen, that on All-Saints day, when he received the Sacrament, he openly gave God thanks for the good life he led, and trusted still to lead with her: and desired his Ghostly Father to joyn with him in the same Thanksgiv­ging to God. But this joy lasted not long: for the next day, the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury came to him, and gave him a doleful account of the Queens ill Life, as it had been brought him by one Iohn Lassels: Who, when the King was in his Progress, had told him that his Sister, who had been an old Servant of the Duke of Norfolks, under whose care the Queen was brought up, said to him, that the Queen was lewd, and that one Francis Deirham had enjoyed her often; as also one Mannock; with other foul circumstances, not fit to be related. The Arch-Bishop communicated it to the Lord Chancellor, and the other [Page 312] Privy Councellors that were at London. They agreed, that the Arch-Bishop should open it to the King. But he not knowing how to do it in Discourse, set it down in writing, and put it in the Kings hands. When the King read it,The Queens ill life is dis­covered. he seemed much perplexed; but loved the Queen so tenderly, that he looked on it as a Forgery. And now the Arch-Bishop was in extream danger, for if full evidence had not been brought, it had been certainly turned on him to his ruine. The King imparted it to some other Councellors, and told them, that he could not believe it, yet he would try it out, but with all possible secrecty. So the Lord Privy-Seal was sent to London, to examine Lassels, who stood to what he had informed. Then he sent that same Lord into Sussex, where Lassels Sister lived, to try if she would justifie what her Brother had reported in her name. And she owning it, he ordered Deirham and Mannock to be arrested upon some other pretences; But they being examined, not only confessed what was informed, but re­vealed some other circumstances that shewed the Queen had laid a­side all sense of Modesty, as well as the fear of a Discovery; three se­veral women having been witnesses to these her lewd practices. The report of that struck the King into a most profound Pensiveness, and he burst out into tears, and lamented his misfortune. The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and some other Counsellors, were sent to examine the Queen. She at first denied every thing, but when she perceived it was already known,And confes­sed by her self and o­thers. she confessed all, and set it under her hand. There were also evident presumptions that she had intended to continue that Course of Life: for, as she had got Deirham into her service, so she had brought one of the Women, who had been formerly privy to their familiarities, to serve about her Bed-chamber. One Culpeper was also charged upon vehement suspicion: For when the King was at Lincoln, by the Lady Rochfords means, he was brought into the Queens Chamber at 11 a clock in the night, and stayed there till four the next morning. The Queen also gave him a Gold Chain, and a rich Cap. He being examined confessed the Crime; for which, both Deirham, and he suffered. Others were also Endited of misprision of Treason, and condemned to perpetual Imprisonment. But this occasio­ned a new Parliament to be Summoned.

On the 16th of Ianuary the Parliament met: to which, the Bishops of Westminster, 1542. Chester, Peterborough, and Glocester, had their Writs. The Lord Cromwel also had his Writ,A new Par­liament cal­led. though I do not find by any Record that he was restored in Blood. On the 28th of Ianuary, the Lord Chancellor moved the House of Lords, to consider the case the King was in, by the Queens ill carriage: and that there might be no ground of suspition or complaint, he proposed that some of their number should be sent to examine the Queen. Whereupon the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Duke of Suffolk, the Earl of Southampton and the Bishop of Westminster, were sent to her. How much She Confessed to them, is not very clear, neither by the Journal, nor the Act of Parliament: which only says, that she confessed, without mentioning the particu­lars. Upon this, the processes of those that had been formerly attain­ted, being also brought as an Evidence, the Act passed in both Houses. In it they Petitioned the King,

[Page 313]

First, Not to be troubled at the matter, since 1542. that might be a mean to shorten his Life.

Secondly, The Act a­bout the Queen. To pardon every thing that had been spoken against the Queen.

Thirdly, That the Queen and her Complices might be attainted of High Treason, for her taking Deirham into her service; and a­nother Woman into her Chamber, who had known their former ill Life; by which it appeared what she intended to do: and then admitting Culpeper, to be so long with Her, in a vile place so many hours in the night. Therefore it is desired, that she and they, with the Bawd, the Lady Rochford, may be Attainted of Treason; and that the Queen and the Lady Rochford should suffer the pains of Death.

Fourthly, That the King would not trouble himself to give his assent to this Act in his own person, but grant it by his Letters Pa­tents under his hand and Great Seal.

Fifthly, That the Dutchess Dowager of Norfolk, Countess of Bridgwater, the Lord William Howard and his Lady, and four other men, and five women, who were already Attainted by the Course of Common Law, (except the Dutchess of Norfolk, and the Coun­tess of Bridgwater,) that knew the Queens vicious Life, and had concealed it, should be all Attainted of Misprision of Trea­son.

It was also Enacted, that whosoever knew any thing of the In­continence of the Queen, (for the time being,) should reveal it with all possible speed under the pains of Treason. And that if the King or his Successors should intend to marry any Woman, whom they took to be a pure and clean Maid; if she, not being so, did not de­clare the same to the King, it should be High Treason: and all who knew it, and did not reveal it, were guilty of Misprision of Treason. And if the Queen, or the Princes Wife, should procure any by Mes­sages, or words, to know her carnally; or any other by Messages or words should sollicite them; they, their Councellors, and Abettors, are to be adjudged high Traitors.

This Act being assented to by the Kings Letters Patents, the Queen, and the Lady Rochford, Censures pas [...] uponit. were beheaded on Tower-Hill the 12th of February. The Queen confessed the miscarriages of her for­mer life, before the King married her. But stood absolutely to her de­nial, as to any thing after that: and protested to Dr. White afterwards Bishop of Winchester, That she took God and his Angels to be her Witnesses, upon the Salvation of her Soul, that she was guiltless of that Act of defiling her Soveraigns bed, for which she was condem­ned. Yet the Lasciviousness of her former Life, made people incline to believe any ill thing that could be reported of her. But for the Lady Rochford, every body observed Gods Justice on her; who had the chief hand, both in Queen Anne Boleyns, and her own Husbands death: and it now appearing so evidently what sort of Woman she was, it tended much to raise their Reputations again, in whose Fall, her spite, and other Artifices had so great a hand. She had been a Lady of the Bed-Chamber to the last four Queens: But now it was found how unworthy she was of that Trust.

[Page 314]It was thought extream cruelty to be so severe to the Queens kin­dred, for not discovering her former ill life. Since the making such a discovery had been inconsistent with the Rules of Justice or Decency. The old Dutchess of Norfolk, being her Grandmother, had bred her of a Child: and it was said, for her to have gone, and told the King, That she was a Whore, when he intended to marry her, as it was an unheard-of thing, so the not-doing of it could not have drawn so se­vere a punishment, from any but a Prince of that Kings temper. But the King pardoned her, and most of the rest; tho some continued in Pri­son after the rest were discharged.

But for the other part of this Act, obliging a Woman to reveal her own former Incontinence; if the King intended to marry her, (which by a mistake the Lord Herbert sayes was passed in another Act, ta­king it from Hall, and not looking into the Record:) It was thought a piece of grievous Tyranny; since if a King, especially one of so imperious a temper, as this was, should design such an honour to any of his Subjects, who had failed in their former life; they must either de­fame themselves, by publishing so disgraceful a secret, or run the ha­zard of being afterwards attainted of Treason. Upon this, those that took an indiscreet liberty to rally that Sex injustly and severely, said, the King could induce none that was reputed a Maid to Marry him: so that not so much choice, as necessity, put him on Marrying a Wi­dow about two years after this. But this part of the Act was after­wards repealed in the first Parliament of King Edward the 6th.

There passed another Act in this Parliament, that made way for the dissolution of Colledges,Act about Hospitals, &c. Hospitals, and other Foundations of that na­ture. The Courtiers had been practising with the Presidents and Go­vernors of some of these, to make Resignations of them to the King; which were conceived in the same stile that most of the surrenders of Monasteries did run in. Eight of these were all really procured, which are enrolled. But they could not make any great progress, because it was provided by the Local Statutes of most of them, that no Pre­sident, or any other Fellows could make any such Deed, without the Consent of all the Fellows in the House; and this could not be so easi­ly obtained. Therefore all such Statutes were annulled, and none were any more to be sworn to the observation of them.

The Papists design to sup­press the Eng­lish Bible.In the Convocation that sate at that time, which as was formerly observed, Fuller mistakes for the Convocation in the 31st year of this King; the Translation of the Bible was brought under examination, and many of the Bishops were appointed to peruse it. For it seems complaints were brought against it. It was certainly the greatest eye­sore of the Popish party: and that which they knew would most effe­ctually beat down all their projects. But there was no opposing it di­rectly, for the King was fully resolved to go through with it. There­fore the way they took, was once to load the Translation then set out, with as many faults as they could; and so to get it first condemned, and then to promise a new one: in the making and publishing of which, it would be easie to breed many delays. But Gardiner had another singular conceit: He fancied there were many words in the New Testament, of such Majesty, that they were not to be Transla­ted; but must stand in the English Bible as they were in the Latine. [Page 315] A hundred of these he put into a Writing, which was read in Convo­cation. His design in this was visible; That if a Translation must be made, it should be so daubed all through with Latine words, that the people should not understand it much the better for its being in Eng­lish. A taste of this the Reader may have by the first twenty of them; Eccl [...]sia, Penitentia, Pontifex, Ancilla, Contritus, Olocausta, Ius [...]itia, Iusti [...]icatio, Idiota, El [...]menta, Baptizare, Martyr, Adorare, Sandalium, Simplex, Tetrarcha, Sacramentum, Simulachrum, Gloria. The design he had of keeping some of these, particularly the last save one, is plain enough; that the People might not discover that visible opposition, which was between the Scriptures, and the Roman Church in the matter of Images. This could not be better palliated, than by dis­guising these places, with words that the People understood not. How this was received Full [...]r has not told us. But it seems Cranmer found, that the Bishops were resolved, either to condemn the Tran­slation of the Bible, or to proceed so slowly in it, that it should come to nothing. Therefore he moved the King to refer the perusing of it to the two Universities. The Bishops took this very ill, when Cran­mer intimated it to them in the Kings name; and objected that the Learning of the Universities was much decayed of late, and that the two Houses of Convocation were the more proper Judges of that, where the Learning of the Land was chiefly gathered together. But the Arch-Bishop said he would stick close to the Kings pleasure, and that the Universities should examine it. Upon which, all the Bishops of his Province, except Ely and St. Davids, protested against it; and soon after the Convocation was dissolved.

Not long after this, I find, Bonner made some Injunctions for his Clergy; which have a strain in them, [...] Inju [...] ­ctions. so far different from the rest of his Life, that it's more probable they were drawn by another Pen, and imposed on Bonner by an Order from the King. They were set out in the 34th year of the Kings Reign; but the time of the year is not exprest. The Reader will find them in the Collection at their full length. The Substance of them is,

First, That all should observe the Kings Injunctions.

Secondly, Coll. Num [...]. 26. That every Clergy-man should read and study a Chapter of the Bible every day, with the exposition of the Gloss, or some approved Doctor; which having once studied, they should retain it in their memories, and be ready to give an account of it, to him, or any whom he should appoint.

Thirdly, That they should study the Book set forth by the Bishops, of the Institution of a Christian man.

Fourthly, That such as did not reside in their Benefices, should bring their Curates to him, or his Officers, to be tried.

Fifthly, That they should often exhort their Parishioners to make no private contracts of Marriage.

Sixthly, That they should marry none who were married before, till they were sufficiently assured that the former Husband or Wife were dead.

Seventhly, That they should instruct the Children of their several Parishes; and teach them to read English, that they might know how to believe, and pray, and live according to the Will of God.

[Page 316] Eighthly, That they should reconcile all that were in Enmity, and in that be a good Example to others.

Ninthly, That none should receive the Communion, who did not Confess to their own Curates.

Tenthly, That none should be suffered to go to Taverns, or Ale-Houses, and use unlawful games on Sundays, or Holy-days, in time of Divine Service.

Eleventhly, That twice every quarter, they should declare the seven deadly sins, and the Ten Commandments.

Twelfthly, That no Priest should go but in his Habit.

Thirteenthly, That no Priest should be admitted to say Mass, with­out shewing his Letters of Orders to the Bishop or his Officers.

Fourteenthly, That they should instruct the People to beware of Blasphemy, or Swearing by any part of Christs Body; and to ab­stain from Scolding and Slandering, Adultery, Fornication, Glutto­ny or Drunkenness; and that they should present at the next Visitati­on, those who were guilty of these sins.

Fifteenthly, That no Priest should use unlawful games, or go to Ale-houses or Taverns, but upon an urgent necessity.

Sixteenthly, No Playes or Enterludes to be Acted in the Churches.

Seventeenthly, That there should be no Sermons Preached, that had been made within these two hundred or three hundred years. But when they Preached, they should explain the whole Gospel and Epistle for the day, according to the mind of some good Doctor al­lowed by the Church of England: and chiefly to insist on these pla­ces that might stir up the people to good works, and to prayer; and to explain the use of the Ceremonies of the Church. That there should be no railing in Sermons; but the Preacher should calmly and discreetly set forth the excellencies of Vertue, and the vileness of Sin; and should also explain the Prayers for that day, that so the People might pray with one heart; and should teach them the use of the Sa­craments, particularly of the Mass; but should avoid the reciting of Fables, or Stories for which no good Writer could be vouched; and that when the Sermon was ended, the Preacher should in few words resume the substance of it.

Eighteenthly, That none be suffered to Preach under the degree of a Bishop, who had not obtained a License, either from the King, or him their Ordinary.

These Injunctions, especially when they are considered at their full length, will give great light into the temper of men at that time: and particularly inform us of the design and method of Preaching,The manner of Preaching at that time. as it was then set forward. Concerning which the Reader will not be ill pleased to receive some information. In the time of Popery there had been few Sermons but in Lent: for their discourses on the Holydays, were rather Panegyricks on the Saint, or the vain magnifying of some of their Reliques, which were laid up in such or such places. In Lent there was a more solemn and serious way of Preaching; and the Fri­ars, who chiefly maintained their credit by their performances at that time, used all the force of their skill and industry to raise the People into heats, by passionate and affecting discourses. Yet these generally tended to raise the value of some of the Laws of the Church, such as [Page 317] Abstinence at that time, Confession, with other Corporal Severities; or some of the little devices, that both inflamed a blind Devotion, and drew Money; such as Indulgences, Pilgrimages, or the enriching the Shrines, and Reliques of the Saints. But there was not that pains ta­ken to inform the People of the hatefulness of Vice, and the excellen­cy of Holiness, or of the wonderful Love of Christ, by which men might be engaged to acknowledge and obey him. And the design of their Sermons was rather to raise a present heat, which they knew af­terwards how to manage, than to work a real Reformation on their Hearers. They had also intermixt with all Divine Truths so many Fa­bles, that they were become very extravagant; and that alloy had so embased the whole, that there was great need of a good discerning, to deliver People from those prejudices, which these mixtures brought upon the whole Christian Doctrine. Therefore the Reformers studied with all possible care, to instruct the People in the Fundamentals of Christianity, with which they had been so little acquainted. From hence it came, that the People ran after those New Preachers with wonderful zeal. It is true, there seem to be very foul and indiscreet re [...]lections on the other Party, in some of their Sermons. But if any have applied themselves much to observe what sort of men, the Fryars, and the rest of the Popish Clergy were at that time; they shall find great excuses for those heats. And as our Saviour laid open the Hypo­crisies and Impostures of the Scribes and Pharisees, in a style which such corruptions extorted; so there was great cause given to treat them very roughly: tho it is not to be denied, but those Preachers had some mixtures of their own resentments, for the cruelties and ill usage which they received from them. But now that the Reformati­on made a greater progress, much pains was taken to send eminent Preachers over the Nation: not confining them to particular charges, but sending them with the Kings Licence, up and down to many places. Many of these Licences are enrolled, and it is likely that many were granted that were not so carefully preserved. But provision was also made for peoples daily Instruction: and because in that ignorant time, there could not be found a sufficient number of good Preachers, and in a time of so much jugling, they would not trust the Instruction of the people to every one; Therefore none was to Preach except he had gotten a particular Licence for it, from the King, or his Diocesan. But to qualifie this, a Book of Homilies was Printed: in which the Gospels and Epistles of all the Sundays, and Holidays of the year were set down, with an Homily to every one of these, which is a plain and practical Paraphrase on those parcels of Scripture. To these are ad­ded many serious exhortations, and some short explanations of the most obvious difficulties, that shew the Compiler of them was a man both of good judgement and learning. To these were also added, Sermons up­on several occasions; as for Weddings, Christnings, and Funerals; and these were to be read to the people by such as were not Licensed to Preach. But those who were Licensed to Preach, being oft accused for their Sermons, and Complaints being made to the King by hot men on both sides; they came generally to write and read their Sermons. From thence the reading of Sermons grew into a practise in this Church: in which, if there was not that heat, and fire, which the [Page 318] [...]ryars had shewed in their Declamations, so that the passions of the Hearers were not so much wrought on by it; yet it has produced the greatest Treasure of weighty, grave and solid Sermons, that ever the Church of God had; which does in a great measure compensate that seeming [...]atness to vulgar ears, that is in the delivery of them.

The Injunctions take notice of another thing, which the sincerity of an Historian obliges me to give an account of,Plays and Er­ [...]erludes then act [...]d. tho it was indeed the greatest blemish of that time. These were the Stage-plays and Enter­ludes, that were then generally acted, and often in Churches. They were representations of the corruptions of the Monks, and some other feats of the Popish Clergy. The Poems were ill contriv [...]d, and worse expressed; if there lies not some hidden wit in these Ballads, (for ver­ses they were not,) which at this distance is lost. But from the repre­senting the immoralities and disorders of the Clergy, they proceed­ed to act the Pageantry of their Worship. This took with the people much, who being provoked by the miscarriages and cruelties of some of the Clergy, were not ill pleased to see them and their Religion ex­posed to publick scorn. The Clergy complained much of this; and said it was an introduction to Atheism, and all sort of Irreligion. For if once they began to mock sacred things, no stop could be put to that petulant humour. The grave and learned sort of Reformers disliked and condemned these courses, as not sutable to the genius of true Reli­gion: but the political men of that party, made great use of them, encouraging them all they could; for they said, Contempt being the most operative and lasting affection of the mind, nothing would more effectually drive out many of those Abuses, which yet remained, than to expose them to the contempt and scorn of the people.

War between England and Scotland.In the end of this year a war broke out between England and Scot­land, set on by the instigation of the French King; who was also be­ginning to be an uneasie Neighbour to those of the English pale about Callice. The King set out a long Declaration, in which he very large­ly laid out the pretensions the Crown of England had, to an Homage from the Kings of Scotland. In this I am no fit person to interpose; the matter being disputed by the learned men of both Nations. The Scots said it was only for some Lands their Kings had in England ▪ that they did Homage: as the Kings of England did for Normandy and Gui­enne, to the Kings of France. But the English Writers cited many Re­cords, to shew that the Homage was done for the Crown of Scotland. To this the Scots replied, that in the Invasion of Edward the first, he had carried away all their ancient Records; so these being lost, they could only appeal to the Chronicles that lay up and down the Nation in their Monasteries: That all these affirmed the contrary, and that they were a free Kingdom; till Edward the first taking advantage of their disputes about the Succession to their Crown, upon the death of Alexander the third, got some of the Competitors to lay down their pretensions at his feet, and to promise Homage: That this was also performed by Iohn Balliol, whom he preferred to the Crown of Scot­land; but by these means he lost the hearts of the Nation, and it was said, that his Act of Homage could not give away the Rights of a free Crown and People. And they said, that whatsoever submissions had been made since that time, they wer [...] only extorted by force; as [Page 319] the effects of Victory and Conquest, but gave no good right, nor just Title. To all this the English Writers answered▪ That these submis­sions by their Records, (which were the solemn Instruments of a Nati­on, that ought never to be called in question,) were sometimes freely made; and not by their Kings only, but by the consent of their States. In this uncertainty I must leave it with the Reader.

‘But after the King had opened this Pretension, he complained of the disorders committed by the Scots; of the unkind returns he had met with from their King for his care of him, while he was an Infant; taking no advantage of the confusions in which that Kingdom then was, but on the contrary, protecting the Crown, and qui­eting the Kingdom. But that of [...]ate many depredations and acts of hostility had been committed by the Scots: and though some Trea­ties had been begun, they were managed with so much shufling and inconstancy, that the King must now try it by a War.’ Yet he concluded his Declaration ambiguously, neither keeping up nor laying down his Pretensions to that Crown: but expressing them in such a manner, tha [...] which way soever the success of the War turned, he might be bound up to nothing, by what he now declared.

But whatsoever justice might be in the Kings Title, or Quarrel, his Sword was much the sharper.Duke of [...] inroad into Scotlan [...] ▪ He ordered the Duke of Norfolk to march into Scotland, about the end of October, with an Army of 30000 men. Hall tells us, they burnt many Towns, and names them. But these were only single Houses, or little Villages; and the best Town he names is K [...]lso, which is a little open Market-Town. Soon after they returned back into England; whether after they had spoiled the Neighbouring Country, they felt the incoveniencies of the season of the year, or whether hearing the Scots were gathering, they had no mind to go too far, I cannot determine; for the Writers of both Nations disagree, as to the reason of their speedy return. But any that knows the Country they spoiled, and where they stopt▪ must conclude that ei­ther they had secret Orders only to make an Inroad, and destroy some Places that lay along the River of Tweed, and upon the Border, which done, without driving the Breach too far, to retire back; or they must have had apprehensions of the Scotish Armies coming to lie in these Moors and Hills of Sa [...]trey, or Lammer-Moor, which they were to pass if they had gone farther: and there were about 10000 men brough [...] thither, but he that commanded them was much blamed for doing no­thing; his excuse was that his number did not equal theirs. About the end of November, the Lord M [...]x [...]ell brought an Army of 15000 men together, with a Train of Artillery of 24 peeces of Ordnance. And since the Duke of Norfolk had retired towards Berwick, they re­solved to enter England on the Western side by Solway Frith. The King went thither himself, but fatally left the Army, and yet was not many miles from them when they were defeated. The truth of it was, that King, who had hitherto raised the greatest expectation, was about that time disturbed in his fancie, thinking that he saw appari­tions, particularly of one, whom it was said, he had unjustly put to death; so [...]hat he could not rest, nor be at quiet. But as his leaving the Army was ill advised, so his giving a Commiss [...]on to Oliver Sinclar, [...]hat was his Minion, to command in Chief, did extreamly disgust the [Page 320] Nobility. They loved not to be commanded by any but their King, and were already weary of the insolence of that Favourite, who being but of ordinary birth,The Scotish Army defea­ted. was despised by them; so that they were begin­ning to separate. And when they were upon that occasion in great dis­order, a small body of English, not above 500 Horse appeared. But they apprehending it was the Duke of Norfolks Army, refused to fight, and fell in confusion. Many Prisoners were taken, the chief of whom were, the Earls of Glencairn, and Cassillis, the Lords Maxwell, Sommervell, Oliphant, Gray, and Oliver Sinclar; and about 200 Gentle­men and 800 souldiers; and all the Ordnance and Baggage was also ta­ken. The news of this being brought to the King of Scotland, encrea­sed his former disorders: and some few days after, he dyed leaving an infant Daughter, but newly born, to succeed him.

Many Priso­ners taken.The Lords that were taken Prisoners, were brought to London, where after they had been charged in Council, how unkindly they had used the King, they were put in the keeping of some of the greatest quali­ty about Court. But the Earl of Cassillis had the best luck of them all. For being sent to Lamb [...]th, where he was a Prisoner upon his parole, Cranmer studied to free him from the darkness and fetters of Popery; in which he was so successful, that the other was afterwards a great Promoter of the Reformation in Scotland. The Scots had been hither­to possessed with most extraordinary prejudices against the Changes that had been made in England: which concurring with the anci­ent Animosities between the two Nations, had raised a wonderful ill opinion of the Kings proceedings. And though the Bishop of St. Da­vids (Barlow,) had been sent into Scotland with the Book of the Insti­tution of a Christian Man, to clear these ill impressions; yet his endea­vours were unsuccessful. The Pope, at the instance of the French King, and to make that Kingdom sure, made David Beaton, Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, a Cardinal; which gave him great Authority in the Kingdom: so he with the rest of the Clergy diverted the King from any correspondence with England, and assured him of Victory if he would make War on such an Heretical Prince. The Clergy also of­fered the King 50000 Crowns a-year, towards a War with England; and possessed all the Nation with very ill thoughts of the Court and Clergy there. But the Lords that were now Prisoners, (chiefly the Earl of Cassillis, who was best instructed by his Religious Host;) con­ceived a better opinion of the Reformation; and carried home with them those seeds of knowledg, which produced afterwards a very fruit­ful Harvest. On all these things I have dwelt the longer, that it might appear, whence the inclination of the Scotish Nobility to Re­form, did take its first rise, though there was afterwards in the Me­thods by which it was advanced, too great a mixture of the heat and forwardness that is natural to the Genius of that Coun­trey.

When the news of the King of Scotlands death, and of the young Queens birth that succeeded him, came to the Court, the King thought this a very favourable conjuncture to unite and settle the whole Island. But that unfortunate Princess was not born under such happy Stars, though she was Mother to him, in whom this long-desired Union took effect. The Lords that were then Prisoners began the [Page 321] motion; and that being told the King,1543. he called for them to Hamp­ton-Court, in the Christmas-time; and said now an opportunity was put in their hands, to quiet all troubles that had been between these two Crowns, by the Marriage of the Prince of Wales to their young Queen: In which he desired their assistance, and gave them their Li­berty, they leaving hostages for the performance of what was then offered by them. They all promised their Concurrence, and seemed much taken with the greatness of the English Court, which the King always kept up, not without affectation: they also said, they thought God was better served there than in their own Countrey. So on New-years-day they took their journey towards Scotland; but the sequel of this will appear afterwards.

A Parliament was summoned to meet the two and twentieth of Ia­nuary, which sate to the 12th of May. 1543. So the Session begun in the 34th and ended in the 35th year of the Kings Reign; from whence it is called in the Records, the Parliament of the 34th and 35th year. Here both the Temporality and Spirituality gave great Subsidies to the King, of six shillings in the Pound, to be paid in three years.A new Par­liament. They set forth in their Preambles, ‘The expence the King had been at, in his War with Scotland, and for his other great and urgent occasions, by which was meant a War with France, which broke out the follow­ing Summer.’ But with these, there passed other two Acts of great importance to Religion. The Title of the first was, An Act for the ad­vancement of True Religion, and abolishment of the contrary. The King was now entring upon a War; so it seemed reasonable to qualifie the severity of the late Acts about Religion, that all might be quiet at home. Cranmer moved it first;Cranmer pro­motes a Refor­mation. and was faintly seconded by the Bi­shops of Worcester, Hereford, Chichester, and Rochester, who had pro­mised to stick to him in it. At this time a League was almost fini­shed between the King and the Emperour, which did again raise the Spirits of the Popish Faction. They had been much cast down ever since the last Queens fall. But now that the Emperor was like to have an Interest in English Councils, they took heart again; and Gardiner opposed the Arch-Bishops motion with all possible earnestness. And that whole Faction fell so upon it, that the timorous Bishops not on­ly forsook Cranmer, but Heath of Rochester, and Skip of Hereford, were very earnest with him to stay for a better opportunity: But he gene­rously preferred his Conscience to those arts of Policy, which he would never practise; and said, he would push it as far as it would go. So he plied the King, and the other Lords so earnestly, that at length the Bill passed, though clogg'd with many Provisoes, and very much short of what he had designed.

‘The Preamble set forth, that there being many dissensions about Religion, the Scriptures,An Act [...] ­bout it. which the King had put into the hands of his People, were abused by many seditious persons, in their Sermons, Books, Playes, Rithmes, and Songs: from which great Inconveni­ences were like to arise. For preventing these, it was necessary to e­stablish a Form of sincere Doctrine, conformable to that which was taught by the Apostles. Therefore all the Books of the Old and New Testament, of Tindals Translation (which is called Crafty, False, and Vntrue,) are forbidden to be kept o [...] used, in the Kings Domi­nions: [Page 322] with all other Books, contrary to the Doctrine set forth in the year 1540. with Punishments and Fines, and Imprisonment up­on such as sold or kept such Books. But Bibles that were not of Tindals Translation were still to be kept, only the Annotations, or Preambles, that were in any of them, were to be cut out, or dashed; and the Kings Proclamations, and Injunctions, with the Primmers and other Books Printed in English, for the instruction of the peo­ple before the year 1540, were still to be in force: and among these, Chancers Books are by name mentioned. No Books were to be Prin­ted about Religion, without the Kings Allowance. In no Playes, nor Enterludes, they might make any Expositions of Scripture; but only reproach Vice, and set forth virtue in them. None might read the Scripture in any open Assembly, or expound it; but he who was Li­censed by the King or his Ordinary; with a Proviso, that the Chan­cellors in Parliament, Judges, Recorders, or any others, who were wont in publick occasions to make Speeches, and commonly took a place of Scripture for their Text, might still do as they had done formerly. Every Noble-man, or Gentle-man, might cause the Bible to be read to him, in or about his House, quietly and without disturbance. Every Merchant that was a Housholder, might also read it. But no Woman, nor Artificers, Apprentices, Journeymen, Serving-men, under the degree of Yeomen; nor no Husbandmen, or Labourers, might read it. Yet every Noble Woman, or Gentle­woman, might read it for her self: and so might all other persons, but those who were excepted. Every person might read and teach in their Houses, the Book set out in the year 1540. with the Psalter, Primmer, Paternoster, the Ave, and the Creed in English. All Spi­ritual persons, who preached or taught contrary to the Doctrine set forth in that Book, were to be admitted, for the first conviction, to renounce their errors; for the second to abjure, and carry a Faggot; which if they refused to do, or fell into a third offence, they were to be burnt. But the Laity, for the third offence, were only to forfeit their Goods and Chattels, and be liable to perpetual Imprisonment. But these offences were to be objected to them, within a year after they were committed. And whereas before, the Party accused was not allowed to bring Witnesses for his own Purgation; this was now granted him. But to this a severe Proviso was added, which see­med to overthrow all the former favour; that the Act of the six Articles was still in the same force, in which it was before the making of this Act. Yet that was moderated by the next Proviso; That the King might at any time hereafter at his pleasure change this Act or any Provision in it.’

This last Proviso was made stronger by another Act, made for the due execution of Proclamations, in pursuance of a former Act to the same effect, of which mention was made in the 31st year of the Kings Reign. By that former Act there was so great a number of Officers of State, and of the Kings Houshold, of Judges, and other persons, to sit on these Trials, that those not being easily brought together, the Act had never taken any effect. Therefore it was now appointed, that nine Counsellors should be a sufficient number for these Trials. At the passing of that Act the Lord Montjoy protested against it, which [Page 323] is the single Instance of a Protestation against any publick Bill, through this Kings whole Reign.

The Act about Religion, freed the Subjects from the fears under which they were before. For now the Laity were delivered from the hazard of burning; and the Spirituality were not in danger, but upon the third Conviction. They might also bring their own witnesses, which was a great favour to them. Yet that high power which was given the King, of altering the Act or any parts of it, made, that they were not absolutely secured from their fears, of which some instances af­terwards appeared. But as this Act was some mitigation of former severities, so it brought the Reformers to depend wholly on the Kings Mercy, for their Lives: since he could now chain up, or let loose, the Act of the six Articles upon them, at his pleasure.

Soon after the end of this Parliament,A League between the King and Em­peror. a League was sworn between the King and the Emperour, on Trinity Sunday; Offensive, and Defensive, for England, Calais, and the places about it, and for all Flanders; with many other particulars, to be found in the Treaty set down at large by the Lord Herbert. There is no mention made of the Legitimation of the Lady Mary; but it seems it was promised, that she should be declared next in the Succession of the Crown, to Prince Edward, if the King had no other Children; which was done in the next Parliament, without any reflections on her Birth; and the Emperor was content to accept of that, there being no other terms to be obtained. The Popish party, who had set up their rest on bringing the King and Emperour to a League, and putting the Lady Mary into the Succession, no doubt prest the Emperor much to accept of this: which we may reasonably believe was vigorously driven on by Bonner, who was sent to Spain, an Ambassador for concluding this Peace, by which also the Emperor gained much; for ha­ving engaged the Crowns of England, and France in a War, and drawn off the King of England from his League with the Princes of Germany, he was now at more leisure to prosecute his designs in Germany.

But the negotiation in Scotland succeeded not to the Kings mind, though at first there were very good appearances. The Cardinal, by forging a Will for the dead King,A Treaty for a match with the Queen of Scotland. got himself and some of his party to be put into the Government. But the Earl of Arran (Hamilton,) being the nearest in blood to the young Queen, and being generally beloved for his Probity, was invited to assume the Government: which he mana­ged with great moderation, and an universal applause. He summoned a Parliament which confirmed him in his Power, during the Minority of the Queen. The King sent Sir Ralph Sadler to him, to agree the Marriage, and to desire him to send the young Queen into England. And if private ends wrought much on him, Sadler was empowered to offer another Marriage of the Kings second Daughter, the Lady Eliza­beth, to his Son. The Earl of Arran was himself inclinable to Refor­mation, and very much hated the Cardinal. So he was easily brought to consent to a Treaty for the Match, which was concluded in August. By which the young Queen was to be bred in Scotland, till she was ten years of age: but the King might send a Nobleman, and his Wife, with other persons, not exceeding 20, to wait on her. And for per­formance of this, six Noblemen were to be sent from Scotland for Ho­stages. The Earl of Arran being then Governor, kept the Cardinal [Page 324] under restraint till this Treaty was Concluded: But he, corrupting his Keepers made his escape, and joyning with the Queen Mother, they made a strong faction against the Governor; all the Clergy joyned with the Cardinal to oppose the Match with England, since they loo­ked for ruine if it succeeded. The Queen, being a sister of Guise, and bred in the French Court, was wholly for their Interests; and all that had been obliged by that Court, or depended on it, were quickly drawn into the Party. It was also said to every body, that it was much more the Interest of Scotland to match with France, than with England. If they were united to France, The diffe­rent Interests there. they might expect an easie Government. For the French being at such distance from them, and knowing how easily they might throw themselves into the Armes of England, would certainly rule them gently, and avoid giving them great Provocations. But if they were united to England, they had no remedy, but must look for an heavier yoke to be laid on them. This meeting with the roo­ted Antipathy, that by a long continuance of War, was grown up a­mong them to a savage hatred of the English Nation; and being in­flamed by the considerations of Religion, raised an universal dislike of the Match with England, in the greatest part of the whole Nation; only a few men of greater Probity, who were weary of the depreda­tions and Wars in the Borders, and had a liking to the Reformation of the Church, were still for it.

The French Court struck in vigorously with their Party in Scotland, and sent over the Earl of Lenox; who, as he was next in blood to the Crown,The French party pre­vails. after the Earl of Arran, so was of the same family of the Stewarts, which had endeared him to the late King. He was to lead the Queens party against the Hamiltons. Yet they employed another Tool, which was Iohn Hamilton, base Brother to the Governor, who was afterwards Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews. He had great power over his Brother, who being then not above four and twenty years of age, and having been the only lawful Son of his Father in his old age, was never bred abroad: and so understood not the Policies and arts of Courts, and was easily abused by his base Brother. He assured him, that if he went about to destroy Religion, by matching the Queen to an Heretical Prince, they would depose him from his Government, and declare him Illegitimate. There could be indeed nothing clearer than his Fathers Divorce from his first Wife. For it had been former­ly proved, that she had been married to the Lord Yesters Son, before he married her, who claimed her as his Wife; upon which, her Mar­riage with the Earl of Arran was declared Null in the year 1507. And it was ten years after, that the Earl of Arran did Marry the Governors Mother: Of which things the Original Instruments are yet extant. Yet it was now said that that Precontract with the Lord Yesters Son was but a forgery, to dissolve that Marriage: and if the Earl of Lenox, (who was next to the Crown, in case the Earl of Arran was Illegitimated,) should by the assistance of France procure a review of that Process from Rome, and obtain a Revocation of that Sentence, by which his Fathers first Marriage was annulled; then it was plain that the second marriage, with the issue by it, would be of no force. All this wrought on the Governor much, and at length drew him off from the Match with England, and brought him over to the French [Page] Interests. Which being effected, there was no further use of the Ea [...]l of L [...]nnox; so he finding himself neglected, by the Queen, and the Cardinal, and abandoned by the Crown of France, fled into England: where he was very kindly received by the King, who gave him in marriage his Neece, Lady Margaret Dowglass, whom the Queen of Scotland had born to the Earl of Angus, her second Husband. From which Marriage issued the Lord Darnly Father to King Iames.

When the Lords of the French Faction had carried things to their mind in Scotland, it was next considered, what they should do to re­deem the Hostages whom the Lords, who were Prisoners in England, had left behind them. And for this, no other Remedy could be found, but to let them take their hazard; and leave them to the King of England's mercy: To this they all agreed, only the Earl of Cassilis had too much Honour and Vertue to do so mean a thing. Therefore, af­ter he had done all he could for maintaining the Treaty about the Match, he went into England, and offered himself again to be a Pri­soner. But as generous actions are a reward to themselves, so they often meet with that entertainment which they deserve. And upon this occasion, the King was not wanting to express a very great value for that Lord. He called him another Regulus, but used him better. For he both gave him his Liberty, and made him noble Presents, and sent him and his Hostages back, being resolved to have a severer re­paration for the injury done him. All which I have opened more ful­ly, because this will give a great light to the affairs of that Kingdom: which will be found in the Reigns of the succeeding Princes, to have a great intermixture with the affairs of this Kingdom. Nor are they justly represented by any who write of these times; and having seen some Original Papers relating to Scotland at that time, I have done it upon more certain information.

The King of England made War next upon France: The grounds of this War are recited by the Lord Herbert. A War with France. One of these is proper for me to repeat; ‘That the French King had not deserted the Bishop of Rome, and consented to a Reformation, as he had once Promised. The rest related to other things, such as the seizing our Ships; The detaining the yearly Pension due to the King; The Fortifying Ardres to the prejudice of the English pale; The revealing the Kings secrets to the Emperor; The having given, first his Daughter, and then the Duke of Guises Sister, in Marriage, to his Enemy, the King of Scotland; and his confederating himself with the Turk. And Satisfaction not being given in these particulars a War is de­clared.’

In Iuly the King married Katharine Parre, A new perse­cution of Pro­testants. who had been formerly married to Nevil Lord Latimer. She was a secret Favourer of the Reformation; yet could not divert a storm, which at this time fell on some in Windsor. For that being a place to which the King did oft retire, it was thought fit to make some examples there. And now the League with the Emperour, gave the Popish Faction a greater inte­rest in the Kings Counsels. There was at this time a Society at Wind­sor, that favoured the Reformation. Anthony Person a Priest, Robert Testwood, and Iohn Marbeck Singing Men, and Henry Filmer of the Town of Windsor, were the chief of them. But those were much [Page 326] favoured by Sir Philip H [...]bby and his Lady, and several others of the Kings Family. During Cr [...]els power none questioned them; but after his fall they were looked on with an ill eye. Doctor Lond [...]n, who had by the most servile Flatteries insinuated himself into Crom [...]el, and was much employed in the suppression of Monasteries, and expressed a particular zeal in removing all Images and Relicks which had been abused to Superstition, did now, upon Crom [...]els fall, apply himself to Gardiner, by whose means he was made a Prebendary there. And to shew how dextrously he could make his Court both ways, or to make compensation for what he had formerly done, he took care to ga­ther a whole Book of Informations, against these in Windsor, who fa­voured the New Learning, (which was the modest phrase by which they termed the Reformation.) He carried this Book to Gardiner, who moved the King in Council, that a Commission might be granted for searching suspected Houses at Windsor, in which it was Informed there were many Books against the six Articles. The King granted the Warrant for the Town, but not for the Castle. So those before na­med, were seized on, and some of these Books were found in their houses. Dr. Hains, Dean of Exceter, and Prebendary of Windsor, being informed against, was also put in Prison; so was likewise Sir Philip Hobby. But there were likewise some Papers of Notes on the Bible, and of a Concordance in English, found in Marbecks house, written with his own hand: and he being an Illiterate man, they did not doubt but these were other mens works, which he was writing out. So they began with him, and hoped to draw discoveries from him. He was frequently examined, but would tell nothing that might do hurt to any other person. But being Examined, who wrote these Notes, he said they were his own: for he read all the Books he could light on, and wrote out what every man had written on any place of Scripture. And for his Concordance, he told them, that being a poor man, he could not buy one of the Bibles, when they came first out in English, but set himself to write one out: by which another perceiving his Industry, suggested to him, that he would do well to write a Concordance in English; but he said, he knew not what that was: so the other per­son explaining it to him, he got a Latin Concordance, and an English Bible; and having learned a little Latin, when he was young, he, by comparing the English with the Latin, had drawn out a Concor­dance, [...] great ingeni­ousness. which he had brought to the Letter L. This seemed so ex­travagant a thing to Gardiner, and the other Bishops that examined him, that they could by no means believe it. But he desired they would draw out any words of the letter M. and give him the Latin Concor­dance, with the English Bible, and after a little time they should see whether he had not done the rest. So the Trial was made, and in a dayes time he had drawn out three sheets of Paper, upon those words that were given him. This both satisfyed, and astonished the Bishops, wondering at the Ingeniousness and diligence of so poor a man. It was much talked of, and being told the King, he said Marbeck employ­ed his time better than those that examined him. For the others, they were kept in Prison at London, till the 24th of Iuly, that the King gave orders to try them at Windsor.

[Page 327]There was a Court held there, on the 27th of Iuly, where Capo [...] Bishop of Sa [...]um, and Franklin Dean of Windsor, and Fachel Parson of Reading, and three of the Judges, sate on those four men.Three burnt at Windsor. They were Endited for some words spoken against the Mass. Marbeck on­ly for writing out an Epistle of Calvins against it; which, he said, he copied before the Act of the six Articles was made. The Jury was not called out of the Town, for they would not trust it to them, but out of the Farms of the Chappel. They were all found guilty, and so condemned to be burnt, which was Executed on three of them the next day: only Marbeck was recommended to the Bishop of Winchesters care, to procure his Pardon, which was obtained. The other three expressed great composure of mind in their Sufferings, and dyed with much Christian Resolution and Patience; forgiving their persecutors, and committing themselves to the Mercies of God through Iesus Christ.

But in their Tryal, Doctor London, and Symonds, Their Perse­cuters are perjured. a Lawyer and an Informer, had studied to fish out accusations against many of the Kings Servants, as Sir Philip Hobby, and Sir Thomas Cardine, with their Ladies, and several others who had favoured those men. With these Informations, Okam, that had been the Clerk of the Court, was sent to Gardiner: But one of the Queens servants who had discover­ed the design, was before him at Court. Upon the advertisement which he had brought, Okam was seized on at his coming to Court, and all his Papers were examined; in which they discovered a Con­spiracy against those Gentlemen, with other Plots, that gave the King great Offence; but the particulars are not mentioned. So Do­ctor London and Simmonds were sent for, and examined upon this desertion. But they, not knowing that their Letters were inter­cepted, denyed there was any such Plot; and being put to their Oaths, swore it. Then their own hand-writing was produced against them. Upon which, they being thus Perjured, were ordered to be carryed on Horse-back, with their faces to the Horse tailes, and Papers on their Foreheads, for their perjury; and then to be set in the Pillory, both in Windsor, Reading, and Newbury, where the King was at that time. This was accordingly executed on them; but sunk so deep in Doctor Londons heart, that he dyed soon after. From all this it will appear what sort of men the Persecutors at that time were.

But this was a small part of what Gardiner had Projected:A Conspiracy against Cran­mer. For he looked on these, as persons unworthy of his displeasure. Cranmer was chiefly aimed at by him. And therefore all that party were still infusing it into the Kings mind, that it was great Injustice to prose­cute poor men with so much severity, and let the chief Supporter of Heresie stand in so eminent a degree, and in such favour about him. At length the King, to discover the bottom of their designs, seem­ed to give ear to their accusations, and desired to hear what particu­lars could be objected against him. This gave them great encou­ragement; for till that time, the King would let nothing be said a­gainst Cranmer. So they concluded he would be quickly ruined, since the King had opened his ear to their Informations. Therefore many particulars were quickly laid together, and put into the Kings hands; who a little after that, going to divert himself on the River, order­ed [Page] his [...]argem [...]n to Row toward [...] Lamb [...]th, which being perceived b [...] some of the Arch-Bishops [...]ervants, they acquainted him with it, who hasted down to his stairs to do his duty to the King. When the King saw him, [...] he called him into the Barge; and they being alone, the King lamented the growth of Heresie, and the dissensions and confusions that were like to follow upon it; and said, he intend­ed to find out the chief Encourager and [...]avourer of these Heresies, and make him an Example to the rest. And he asked the Arch-Bi­shops opinion about it. Who answered him, That it was a good re­solution; but entreated the King to consider well what Heresie was, and not to condemn those as Hereticks, who stood for the Word of God, against humane Inventions. But after some discourse, the King told him he was the man, who, as he was informed, was the chief Encou­rager of Heresie; and then gave him the Articles that were brought against him, and his Chaplains, both by some Prebendaries of Can­t [...]rb [...]ry, and the Justices of Peace in Kent. When he read them, he kneeled down, and desired the King would put the matter to a Try­al. He acknowledged he was still of the same mind he was of, when he opposed the Six Articles; but that he had done nothing against them. Then the King asked him about his Wife. He frankly con­fessed he had a Wife; but said, That he had sent her to Germany, upon the passing the Act against Priests having Wives. His candor and simplicity wrought so on the King, that he discovered to him the whole Plot that was laid against him; and said, That instead of bring­ing him to any Tryal about it, he would have him try it out, and proceed against those his Accusers. But he excused himself, and said it would not be decent for him to sit Judge in his own Cause. But the King said to him, he was resolved none other should Judge it, but those he should name. So he named his Chancellor, and his Register; to whom the King added another: And a Commission be­ing given them, they went into Kent, and sate three weeks to find out the first Contrivers of this Accusation. And now every one dis­owned it, since they saw he was still firmly rooted in the Kings esteem and favour. But it being observed, that the Commissioners proceed­ed faintly, Cranmers friends moved that some man of Courage and Au­thority, might be sent thither to canvass this Accusation more care­fully. So Doctor Lee Dean of York, was brought up about All-hal­l [...]tid, and sent into Kent. And he, who had been well acquaint­ed with the Arts of discovering secrets, when he was one of the vi­sitors of the Abbeys, managed it more vigorously. He ordered a search to be made of all suspected persons; among whose Papers, Letters were found, both from the Bishop of Winchester, and Do­ctor Lon [...], and some of those whom Cranmer had treated with the greatest freedom and kindness, in which the whole Plot against him was discovered. But it was now near the Session of Parliament: and the King was satisfied with the discovery, but thought it not fit to make much noise of it. And he received no addresses from the Arch-Bishop to prosecute it further:His Christian [...]emper of wind. who was so noted for his Clemency, and following our Saviours Rule, of Doing good for evil, that it was commonly said, The way to get his favour, was to do him an injury. These were the only Instances in which he expres­sed [Page 329] his resentments. Two of the Conspirators against him,1544. had been persons signally obliged by him: The one was the Bishop Suffragan of Dover; the other was a Civilian, whom he had imployed much in his business. But all the notice he took of it, was to shew them their Letters, and to admonish them to be more faithful and honest for the future. Upon which he freely forgave them, and carryed it so to them afterwards, as if he had absolutely forgotten what they had contrived against him. And a person of Quality coming to him about that time, to obtain his favour and assistance in a Sute, in which he was to move the King, he went about it, and had almost procured it: but the King calling to mind, that he had been one of his secret accusers, asked him whether he took him for his friend; he answered that he did so. Then the King said, the other was a Knave, and was his mortal Enemy; and bid him, when he should see him next, call him a Knave to his Face. Cranmer answered, that such Language did not become a Bishop. But the King sullenly commanded him to do it; yet his modesty was such, that he could not obey so harsh a Command. And so he passed the matter over. When these things came to be known, all persons, that were not unjustly prejudiced against him, acknowledged that his behaviour was sutable to the Example and Doctrine of the meek and lowly Saviour of the World: And very well became so great a Bishop, and such a Reformer of the Christian Religion; who in those sublime and ex­traordinary Instances practised that which he taught others to do. The year in which this fell out is not exprest by those who have record­ed it; but by the concurring circumstances, I judge it likeliest to have been done this year.

Soon after this, the Parliament met, that was Summoned to meet the 14th of Ianuary, in the 35th year of the Kings Reign;1544. in which the Act of the Succession of the Crown passed. Which contains,A new Par­liament. ‘That the King being now to pass the Seas, to make War upon his Ancient Enemy the French King,Act about the Successio [...] and being desirous to settle the Succession to the Crown; It is Enacted that in default of Heirs of Prince Edwards body, or of Heirs by the Kings present Marriage, the Crown shall go to the Lady Mary, the Kings Eldest Daugh­ter: and in default of Heirs of her body, or if she do not observe such limitations or conditions as shall be declared by the Kings Let­ters Patents under his great Seal, or by his last Will under his hand, it shall next fall to the Lady Elizabeth, and her heirs; or if she have none, or shall not keep the conditions declared by the King, it shall fall to any other that shall be declared by the Kings Let­ters Patents, or his last Will Signed with his hand. There was al­so an Oath devised, instead of those formerly sworn, both against the Popes Supremacy, and for maintaining the Succession in all points according to this Act: which whosoever refused to take, was to be adjudged a Traitor; and whosoever should, either in words, or by writing, say any thing contrary to this Act, or to the peril and slander of the Kings heirs, limited in the Act, was to be ad­judged a Traitor.’ This was done, no doubt, upon a secret Arti­cle of the Treaty with the Emperor; and did put new life into the Popish party, all whose hopes depended on the Lady Mary. But [Page 330] how much this lessened the Prerogative,1542. and the Right of Succes­sion, will be easily discerned; the King in this affecting an unusual extent of his own Power, though with the diminution of the Rights of his [...]uccessors.

There was another Bill about the qualifying of the Act of the six Articles, that was sent divers times from the one House to the other. It was brought to the Lords the 1st of March, and read the first time; and stuck till the 4th, when it was read the second time; on the 5th it was read the third time, and passed, and was sent down to the Commons, with words to be put in, or put out of it. On the 6th, the Commons sent it up with some alterations: And on the 8th, the Lords sent it down again to the Commons: where it lay till the 17th, and then it was sent up with their agreement. And the Kings Assent was given by his Letters Patents on the 29th of March. Act against Conspiracies. The Preamble was, ‘That whereas untrue accusations, and presentments, might be maliciously contrived against the Kings Subjects, and kept secret till a time were espied to have them by malice convicted: Therefore it was Enacted, That none should be Endited, but upon a presentment by the Oaths of twelve men, to at least, three of the Commissioners appointed by the King: and that none should be Imprisoned, but upon an Enditement, except by a special Warrant from the King, and that all Presentments should be made within one year after the Offences were com­mitted; and if words were uttered in a Sermon, contrary to the Statute, they must be complained of within forty dayes, unless a just cause were given why it could not be so soon: Admitti [...]g al­so the parties Endited to all such Challenges as they might have in any other case of Felony.’ This Act has clearly a Relation to the Conspiracies mentioned the former year, both against the Arch-Bishop, and some of the Kings Servants.

Another Act passed, continuing some former Acts for revising the Canon-Law, and for drawing up such a body of Ecclesiastical Laws, as should have Authority in England. This Cranmer pressed often with great vehemence; and to shew the necessity of it, drew out a short Extract of some passages in the Canon-Law, (which the Read­er will find in the Collection,) to shew how undecent a thing it was,Collect. Numb. 27. to let a Volume, in which such Laws were, be studyed or con­sidered any longer in England. Therefore he was earnest to have such a Collection of Ecclesiastical Laws made, as might regulate the Spi­ritual Courts. But it was found more for the greatness of the Pre­rogative, and the Authority of the Civil Courts, to keep that un­determined; so he could never obtain his desire during this Kings Reign.

Another Act passed in this Parliament for the remission of a Loan of Money, which the King had raised. This is almost copied out of an Act to the same effect, that passed in the twenty first year of the Kings Reign: with this addition, That by this Act, those who had got payment, either in whole, or in part, of the Sums so lent the King, were to repay it back to the Exchequer. All business being finished, and a general pardon passed, with the ordinary exceptions of some Crimes, among which, Heresie is one, the Parliament was [Page 331] Prorogued on the 29th of March, to the 4th of November. 1544.

The King had now a War both with France and Scotland upon him. And therefore to prepare for it, he both enhanced the value of Money, and embased it: for which, he that writes his vindication gives this for the reason; That the Coin being generally embased all over Europe, he was forced to do it, lest otherwise all the Money should have gone out of the Kingdom. He resolved to begin the War with Scotland, and sent an Army by Sea thither,The Wars a­gainst S [...]ot­lan [...] succesful [...]. under the com­mand of the Earl of Hartford, (afterwards Duke of Somerset,) who landing at Grantham, a little above Leith, burnt, and spoiled, Leith, and Edenburgh; in which they found more riches than they thought could possibly have been there; and they went through the Coun­trey, burning and spoiling it every-where, till they came to Berwick. But they did too much if they intended to gain the hearts of that people, and too little if they intended to subdue them. For as they besieged not the Castle of Edinburgh, which would have cost them more time, and trouble; so they did not fortifie Leith, nor leave a Garrison in it, which was such an inexcusable Omission, that it seems their Counsels were very weak and ill laid. For Leith being fortifi­ed, and a Fleet kept going between it and Berwick or Tinmouth, the Trade of the Kingdom must have been quite stopt, Edinburgh ruined, the Intercourse between France and them cut off, and the whole King­dom forced to submit to the King. But the spoils this Army made, had no other effect, but to enrage the Kingdom, and unite them so entirely to the French Interests; that when the Ea [...]l of L [...]nn [...]x was sent down by the King, to the Western parts of Scotland, where his Power lay, he could get none to follow him. And the Governor of Dunbritton Castle, though his own Lieutenant, would not deliver that Castle to him, when he understood he was to put it in the King of Englands hands, but drove him out; others say, he [...]ed away of himself, else he had been taken Prisoner.

The King was now to cross the Seas: but, before he went, he stu­died to settle the matters of Religion, so that both Parties might have some content. Audley the Chancellor dying, he made the Lord Wrio­thesley, that had been Secretary, and was of the Popish Party, Lord Chancellor; but made Sir William Petre, that was Cranmers great friend, Secretary of State. He also committed the Government of the Kingdom in his absence, to the Queen, to whom he joyned the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, the Earl of Hart­ford, and Secretary Petre. And if there was need of any Force to be raised, he appointed the Earl of Hartford his Lieutenant; under whose Government the Reformers needed not fear any thing. But he did another Act, that did wonderfully please that whole Party, which was, the Translating of the Prayers, for the Processions, and Lita [...]ies, into the English tongue. This was sent to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury on the 11th of Iune, with an Order that it should be used over all his Province, as the Reader will find in the Collection. This was not only very acceptable to that Party,Col [...]ect. Numb. 2 [...] ▪ because of the thing it self; but it gave them hope, that the King was again opening his ears to motions for Reformation, to which they had been shut now about six years: And therefore they looked that more things of [Page 332] that nature would quickly follow.1545. And as these Prayers wer [...] now set out in English, so they doubted not, but there being the same reason to put all the other Offices in the vulgar tongue, they would prevail for that too.

Things being thus setled at home, the King having sent his For­ces over before him, crossed the Seas, with much pomp, the Sails of his Ship being of Cloth of Gold. He Landed at Calais the 14th of Iuly. The Emperor pressed his marching straight to Paris. But he thought it of more importance to take Bulloign, and after two months Siege, it was surrendred to him; into which he made his Entry with great Triumph on the 18th of September. [...] But the Em­peror having thus engaged those two Crowns in a War; and de­signing, while they should fight it out, to make himself Master of G [...]rman [...], concluded a Treaty with the French King the very next day, being the 19th of September; which is set down at large by the Lord Herbert. On the 30th of September the King returned in­to England: in October following Bulloign was very near lost by a sur­prize, but the Garrison put themselves in order, and beat back the French. Several Inroads were made into Scotland, but not with the same success, that the former Expedition had. For the Scots, animat­ed with supplies sent from France, and in [...]amed with a desire of re­venge, resumed their wonted courage, and beat back the English with considerable loss.

Next year the French King, resolving to recover Bulloign, and to take Calais, 1545. that so he might drive the English out of France, intended first to make himself Master of the Sea. And he set out a great Fleet of an hundred and fifty greater Ships, and sixty lesser ones, be­sides many Gallies brought from the Streights. The King set out a­bout an hundred Ships. On both sides these were only Merchant Ships that were hired for this War. But after the French Fleet had looked on England, and attempted to Land with ill success, both in the Isle of Wight, and in Sussex, and had engaged in a Sea-fight for some hours; they returned back without any considerable action: Nor did they any thing at Land. But the Kings Fleet went to Normandy, where they made a descent, and burnt the Countrey. So that this year was likewise glorious to the King. The Emperor had now done what he long designed: And therefore being courted by both Crowns, he undertook a Mediation, that under the Colour of Mediating a peace, he might the more effectually keep up the War.

The Princes of Germany saw what mischief was designed against them.The German [...] peace. The Council of Trent was now opened, and was condemning their Doctrine. A League was also concluded between the Pope and the Emperor, for procuring Obedience to their Canons and Decrees: And an Army was raising. The Emperor was also setting on foot old quarrels with some of the Princes: A firm Peace was concluded with the Turk. So that if the Crowns of England and France were not brought to an Agreement, they were undone. They sent Ambassa­dor, to both Courts to mediate a Peace. With them Cranmer joyned his endeavours, but he had not a Cromwel in the Court, to manage the Kings temper; who was so provoked with the ill Treatment he had received from France, that he would not come to an Agreement: [Page 343] nor would he restore Bulloign, without which the [...] wo [...]ld hear of no Peace. Cranmer had at this time almost prevailed with the King to make some further steps in a Reformati [...]. But [...], who was then Ambassadour in the Emperours Co [...], being advertised of it, wrote to the King; That the Emperour [...]ould certainly joyn with France against him, if he made any further Innovation in Religion. This diverted the King from it; and in August this year the only great Friend that Cranmer had in the Court died, Charles Duke of Su [...]lk, who had long continued in the height of favor; which was always kept up, not only by an agreement of humours between the King and him, but by the constant success which followed him in all his exploits. He was a Favourer of the Reformation, as far as could consist with his interest at Court, which he never endangered upon any account.

Now Cranmer was left alone, without friend or support. Yet he had gained one great Preferment in the Church, to a man of his own mind. The Arch-Bishoprick of York falling void by Lee's death,Church re­sentments gi­ven to Infor­mers. Ro­bert Alrich, that was Bishop of Landaff, was promoted to that See in Ianuary; Kitchin being made Bishop of Landaff, who turned with every Change that was made under the three succeeding Princes. The Arch-Bishop of York set about the Reforming of things in his Pro­vince, which had layn in great confusion all his Predecessors time: So on the third of March he took out a Licence from the King for ma­king a Metropolitical Visitation. Dell, that was Bishop of Worc [...]st [...]r had resigned his Bishoprick the former year, (the reason of which is not set down.) The Bishop of Rochester, Heath, was Translated to that See: and Henry Holbeach, that favoured the Reformation, was made Bishop of Rochester. And upon the Translation of Sampson, from Chi­chester to Coventry and Litchfield, Day that was a Moderate man, and inclinable to Reformation, was made Bishop of that See. So that now Cranmer had a greater Party among the Bishops than at any time before.

But though there were no great Transactions about Religion in England this year, there were very remarkable things done in Scot­land, though of a different nature; which were the burning of Wishart, and some months after that, the killing of Cardinal Beaton; the ac­count of both which, will not (I hope) be Ingrateful to the Read­er.

Mr. George Wishart was descended of a Noble Family; he went to finish his studies in the University of Cambridge, where he was so well instructed in the Principles of true Religion, [...] suff [...] ­rings in S [...] ­land. that returning to Scotland, Anno 1544. He Preached over the Countrey, against the Corruptions which did then so generally prevail. He stayed most at Dundee, which was the chief Town in th [...]se parts. But the Car­dinal offended at this, sent a threatning Message to the Magistrates; upon which one of them, as Wishart ended one of his Sermons,Spotswood. was so obsequious as to forbid him to Preach any more among them, or give them any further trouble: to whom he answered, ‘That God knew he had no design to trouble them, but for them to reject the Messengers of God, was not the way to escape trouble; when he was gone, God would send Messengers of another sort among [Page] them. He had to the hazard of his Life, Preached the word of Salvation to them, and they had now rejected him: but if it was long well with them, he was not led by the Spirit of Truth; and if unlooked for trouble fell on them, he bade them remember this was the Cause of it, and turn to God by Repentance.’ From thence he went to the Western parts, where he was also much followed. But the Arch-Bishop of Glasgow, giving order, that he should not be admitted to Preach in Churches, he Preached often in the fields: and when in some places his followers would have forced the Churches, he checkt them and said, it was the word of Peace that he Preached, and therefore no blood should be shed about it: But after he had stayed a month there, he heard that there was a great Plague in Dundee, which broke out the fourth day after he had left it: upon which, he presently returned thither and Preached oft to them, stand­ing over one of the Gates, having taken care that the Infected per­sons should stand without, and those that were clean within the Gate. He continued among them and took care to supply the poor, and to visit the sick, and do all the Offices of a faithful Pastor in that ex­tremity. Once as he ended his Sermon, a Priest coming to have kil­led him, was taken with the weapon in his hand, but when the peo­ple were rushing furiously on him, Wishart got him in his Arms and saved him from their rage, for he said he had done no harm, only they saw what they might look for. He became a little after this more than ordinary serious and apprehensive of his end: he was seen sometimes to rise in the night, and spend the greatest part of it in Prayer; and he often warned his hearers, that his Sufferings were at hand, but that few should suffer after him, and that the Light of true Religion should be spread over the whole Land. He went to a great many places, where his Sermons were well received, and came last to Lothian, where he found a greater neglect of the Gospel, than in other parts, for which he threatned them, That Strangers should chace them from their dwellings and possess them. He was Lodg­ed in a Gentleman of Qualities house Cockburn of Ormeston, when in the night the house was beset by some horsemen, who were sent by the Cardinals means to take him. The Earl of Bothwel that had the chief Jurisdiction in the County, was with them, who promising that no hurt should be done him, he caused the Gate to be opened, saying, The Blessed Will of God be done. When he presented himself to the Earl of Bothwel, he desired to be proceeded with according to Law, for he said, he feared less to die openly, than to be Murdered in secret. The Earl promised upon his honour, that no harm should be done him: and for some time seemed resolved, to have made his words good, but the Queen Mother and Cardinal in end prevailed with him, to put Wishart in their hands, and they sent him to St. Andrews, where it was agreed to make a Sacrifice of him. Upon this the Cardinal called a meeting of the Bishops to St. Andrews against the 27th of February, to destroy him with the more Cere­mony, but the Arch-Bishop of Glasgow moved, that there should be a Warrant procured from the Lord Governour for their proceedings. To this the Cardinal consented, thinking the Governour was then so linked to their Interests, that he would deny them nothing: but the [Page 335] Governor bearing in his heart a secret love to Religion, and being plainly dealt with by a Noble Gentleman of his name, [...] Preston, who laid before him the just and terrible Judgments of God he might look for, if he suffered poor Innocents to be so Murdered at the appetite of the Clergy; sent the Cardinal word not to pro­ceed till he himself came, and that he would not consent to his death▪ till the cause was well examined; and that if the Cardinal proceed­ed against him, his blood should be required at his hands. But the Cardinal resolved to go on at his peril, for he apprehended, if he de­layed it, there might be either a Legal or a violent rescue made: so he ordered a mock Citation of Wishart to appear; who being brought the next day to the Abbey-Church, the Process was opened with a Sermon, in which the Preacher delivered a great deal of good Do­ctrine concerning the Scriptures, being the only Touchstone by which Heresie was to be tryed. After Sermon, the Prisoner was brought to the Bar: he first fell down on his knees, and after a short Prayer, he stood up, and gave a long account of his Sermons, That he had Preach­ed nothing, but what was contained in the ten Commandments, the Apostles Creed, and the Lords Prayer; but was interrupted with re­proachful words, and required to answer plainly to the Articles ob [...]e­cted to him. Upon which he appealed to an indifferent Judge: he desired to be tryed by the word of God and before my Lord Gover­nor, whose Prisoner he was: but the Indictment being read, he con­fessing and offering to justifie, most of the Articles objected against him, was Judged an obstinate Heretick, and Condemned to be burnt. All the next night he spent in Prayer: In the Morning, two [...]riers came to Confess him, but he said, he would have nothing to do with them, yet if he could, he would gladly speak with the Learned man, that Preached the day before. So he being sent to him, after much Conference he asked him, if he would receive the Sacrament? Wishart answered, he would most gladly do it, if he might have it as Christ had instituted it, under both kinds; but the Cardinal would not su [...] ­fer the Sacrament to be given him. And so breakfast being brough [...] ▪ he discoursed to those that were present, of the death of Christ, and the ends of the Sacrament, and then having blessed and consecrated the Elements, he took the Sacrament himself, and gave it to those that were with him. That being done, he would taste no other thing, but retired to his Devotion. Two hours after the Executioners came, and put on him a Coat of black Linning, full of bags of Powder, and carryed him out to the place of Execution, which was before the Car­dinals Castle. He spake a little to the people, desiring them not to be offended at the good word of God, for the sufferings that followed it, it was the true Gospel of Christ that he had Preached, and for which with a most glad heart and mind he now offered up his Life. The Cardinal was set in state in a great Window of his Castle, look­ing on this sad Spectacle. When Wishart was tyed to the Stake, he cryed aloud, O Saviour of the World have Mercy upon me! [...]ather of Heaven I recommend my Spirit into thy Holy hands. So the Executio­ners kindled the fire, but one perceiving after some time, that he was yet alive, encouraged him to call still on God, to whom he answer­ed, ‘The flame hath scorched my body, yet hath it not daunted my [Page 346] Spirit, but he who from yonder high place (looking up to the Car­dinal) behold [...]th us with such pride, shall within few days lie in the same as ignominiously as now he is seen proudly to rest himself.’ The Executioner drawing the Cord that was about his neck straiter, s [...]opt his breath so, that he could speak no more, and his body was soon consumed by the fire. Thus died this eminent servant and wit­n [...]ss of Christ, on whose Sufferings I have enlarged the more, be­cause they proved so fatal to the interests of the Popish Clergy, for not any one thing hastned forward the Reformation more, than this did, and since he had both his Education and Ordination in England, a full account of him seems no impertinent Digression.

The Clergy rejoyced much at his death, and thought (according to the constant Maxime of all Persecutors) that they should live more at ease, now when Wishart was out of the way. They magnified the Cardinal for proceeding so vigorously, without, or rather against the Governor [...] Orders: But the people did universally look on him as a Martyr, and believed an extraordinary measure of Gods Spirit had rested on him, since besides great innocency and purity of Life, his predi­ctions came so oft to pass, that he was believed a Prophet as well as a Saint: And the Reformation was now so much opened by his Preach­ing, and that was so confirmed by his death that the Nation was generally possessed with the love of it. The Nobility were mightily offended with the Cardinal, and said Wisharts death was no less than Murder, since the Clergy without a Warrant from the Secular Pow­er, could dispose of no mans Life: So it came universally to be said, that he now deserved to die by the Law, yet since he was too great for a Legal Tryal, the Kingdom being under the feeble Government of a Regency, it was fit private persons should undertake it; and it was given out, that the killing an Usurper, was always esteemed a commendable Action, and so in that state of things, they thought secret practices might be justified. This agreeing so much with the temper of some in that Nation, who had too much of the heat and forwardness of their Countrey, a few Gentlemen of Quality, who had been ill used by the Cardinal, conspired his death. He was become generally hateful to the whole Nation, and the Marriage of his Ba­stard Daughter to the Earl of Crawfords eldest Son, enraged the No­bility the more against him; and his carriage towards them all was insolent and provoking. These offended Gentlemen came to St. Andrews the 29th of May, and the next Morning, they and their attendants, being but twelve in all, first attempted the Gate of his Castle, which they found open, and made it sure; and though there were no few­er than an hundred reckoned to be within the Castle, yet they know­ing the passages of the House, went with very little noise, to the Servants Chambers, and turned them almost all out of doors; and having thus made the Castle sure, they went to the Cardinals door. He who till then was fast asleep, suspecting nothing, perceived at last by their rudeness, that they were not his friends, and made his door fast against them. So they sent for fire to set to it, upon which he treated with them, and upon assurance of Life he opened the door: but they rushing in, did most cruelly and treacherously Murder him. A Tumult was raised in the Town, and many of his friends came to [Page 337] rescue him, but the Conspirators carryed the dead body and exposed it to their view, in the same Window out of which he had not long before lookt on, when Wishart was burnt, which had been univer­sally censured as a most indecent thing in a Churchman, to deligh [...] in such a Spectacle. But those who condemned this Action, yet ac­knowledged Gods Justice in so exemplary a punishment, and refle­cting on Wisharts last words, were the more confirmed in the opini­on they had of his Sanctity. This Fact was differently censured; some justified it and said, it was only the killing of a mighty Rob­ber, others that were glad he was out of the way, yet condemned the manner of it, as treacherous and inhumane. And though some of the Preachers did afterwards fly to that Castle as a Sanctuary, yet none of them, were either Actors or Consenters to it: it is true they did generally extenuate it, yet I do not find that any of them justified it. The exemplary and signal ends of almost all the Conspi­rators, scarce any of them dying an ordinary death, made all people the more inclined to condemn it. The day after the Cardinal was kil­led, about 140 came into the Castle and prepared for a Siege. The House was well furnished in all things necessary, and it lying so near the Sea, they expected help from King Henry, to whom they sent a Messenger for his Assistance, and declared for him. So a Siege fol­lowing, they were so well supplyed from England, that after five months the Governor was glad to treat with them, apprehending much the footing the English might have, if those within being dri­ven to extremities, should receive a Garrison from King Henry: They had the Governor also more at their mercy, for as the Cardinal had taken his Eldest Son into his house, under the pretence of educating him, but really as his Fathers Hostage, designing likewise to infuse in him a violent hatred of the new Preachers; so the Conspirators finding him in the Castle, kept him still to help them to better terms. A Treaty being agreed on, they demanded their pardon for what they had done, together with an Absolution to be procured from Rome, for the killing of the Cardinal; and that the Castle and the Gover­nors Son, should remain in their hands, till the Absolution was brought over. Some of the Preachers apprehending the Clergy might revenge the Cardinals death on them, were forced to fly into the Castle; but one of them Iohn Rough (who was afterwards burnt in England in Queen Maries time) being so offended at the licentiousness of the Soul­diers that were in the Castle, who were a reproach to that which they pretended to favour, left them, and went away in one of the ships, that brought Provisions out of England. When the Absoluti­on came from Rome, they excepted to it, for some words in it, that called the killing of the Cardinal, Crimen irremissibile, an unpardona­ble crime; by which they said the Absolution gave them no securi­ty, since it was null, if the Fact could not be pardoned. The truth was, they were encouraged from England, so they refused to stand to the Capitulation, and rejected the Absolution. But some ships and Souldiers being sent from France, the Castle was besieged at Land, and shut up also by Sea, and which was worst of all a Plague broke out within it, of which many died. Upon this no help coming sud­denly from England, they were forced to deliver up the place on [Page 338] no better terms, than that their Lives should be spared, but they were to be Banisht Scotland and never to return to it. The Castle was demolished according to the Canon Law, that appoints all pla­ces where any Cardinal is killed to be razed. This was not com­pleated this year, and not till two years after, only I thought it best to joyn the whole matter together and set it down all at once

In November following a New Parliament was held: where toward the expence of the Kings Wars, the Convocation of the Province of Canterbury granted a continuation of the former Subsidy of six shillings in the pound,A Parlia­ment sits. to be payed in two years. But for the Temporality, a Subsidy was demanded from them of another kind: There were in the Kingdom several Colledges, Chappels, Chantries, Hospitals, and Fraternities,Chapters and Chanteries gi­ven to the King. consisting of Secular Priests, who enjoyed Pensions for saying Mass for the Souls of those who had endowed them. Now the belief of Purgatory being left indifferent, by the Doctrine set out by the Bishops, and the Trade of redeeming souls being condemned; it was thought needless to keep up so many Endowments to no purpose. Those Priests were also generally ill-affected to the Kings proceedings, since their Trade was so much lessened by them. Therefore many of them had been dealt with to make resignations: And four and twenty of them had surrendred to the King. It was found also, that many of the Founders of these Houses had taken them into their own hands, and that the Master, Wardens, and Governors of them had made agree­ments for them, and given Leases of them: Therefore now a Subsidy being demanded, all these were given to the King by Act of Parlia­ment; which also confirmed the Deeds that any had made to the King: Empowering him in any time of his life to issue out Commissions for seizing on these Foundations, and taking them into his own possession: which being so seized on, should belong to the King and his successors for ever. They also granted another Subsidy for the War. When all their business was done, the King came to the House, and made a long Speech, of which I cannot sufficiently wonder that no Entry is made in the Journals of the House of Lords; Yet it is not to be doubted but he made it, for it was published by Hall soon af­ter.

When the Speaker of the House of Commons had presented the Bills, with a Speech full of respect and complement, as is usual upon these occasions; The King answered, ‘Thanking them for the Sub­sidie,The Kings speech to the Houses. and the Bill about the Colledges and Chanteries; and assured them that he should take care, both for supplying the Ministers, for encouraging Learning, and relieving the Poor; and they should quickly perceive that in these things their expectations should be an­swered, beyond what they either wished or desired. And after he had expressed his affection to them, and the assurance he had of their duty and fidelity to him, he advised them to amend one thing; which was, that in stead of Charity and Concord, Discord and Division ru­led every where. He cited St. Pauls words, That Charity was gentle, and not envious, nor proud. But when one called another Heretick, and the other called him Papist, and Pharisee▪ were these the signs of Charity? The fault of this he charged chiefly on the Fathers and Teachers of the Spiritualty, who preached one against another, without [Page 339] Charity or Discretion; some being too stiff in their old M [...]mpsimus, others too busie and curious in their new Sumpsimus; and few Prea­ched the Word of God truly and sincerely. And how could the poor people live in concord, when they sowed debate among them? There­fore he exhorted them to set forth Gods word, by true Preaching, and giving a good Example; or else he, as Gods Vicar, and high Mi­nister, would see these Enormities corrected, which if he did not do, he was an unprofitable Servant and an untrue Officer. He next re­proved them of the Temporality, who railed at their Bishops and Priests: whereas if they had any thing to lay to their charge, they ought to declare it to the King or his Council, and not take up­on them to judge such high points. For tho they had the Scriptures given them in their Mother-Tongue, yet that was only to in­form their own consciences, and instruct their Children and Fami­lies; but not to dispute, nor from thence to rail against Priests, and Preachers, as some vain persons did. He was sorry that such a Jewel, as the Word of God, was so ill used; that Rithmes and Songs were taken out of it: but much more sorry that men followed it so little; for Charity was neverfainter, a godly life never less appeared, and God was never less reverenced and worshipped. Therefore he exhorted them to live as Brethren in Charity together, to love, dread, and serve God; and then the love and union between Him and them should never be dissolved. And so exhorting them to look to the Execution of the Laws which themselves had desired, he gave his Royal Assent to the Bills, and dismissed the Parliament.’

The King gave at this time a Commission to the Bishops of West­minster, Worcester, and Chichester, and the Chancellor of the Court of Augmentation, Sir Edward North, conteining, ‘That whereas the King had founded many Cathedrals, in which he had given large allow­ances, both to be distributed to the poor, and to be laid out for the mending of high ways; To Canterbury 100 pounds for the poor, and 40 pounds for the high ways: To Rochester 20 pounds for the poor, and 20 pounds for the High-ways: To Westminster, 100 pounds for the poor, and 40 pounds for the High-ways: To Winchester 100 Marks for the poor, and 50 for the High-ways: To Bristol, Glocester, Chester, Burton upon Trent, Thornton, Peterborough, and Ely, 20 pounds a piece for the poor, and as much for the High-ways: To Worcester 40 pounds for the poor, and 40 pounds for the High-ways: To Du­resm 100 Marks for the poor, and 40 pounds for the High-ways: And to Carlile 15 pounds for the poor, and as much for the High-ways: In all about 550 pounds a year to the poor, and about 400 pounds a year for the High-ways: They were to enquire how this money was distributed; and, if they saw cause, they might order it to be applied to any other use which they should judge more charita­ble and convenient.’ But what followed upon this, does not appear by the Records.

After the Parliament was dissolved,The King confirms the Rights of the Universities. the Universities made their ap­plications to the King, that they might not be included within the general words in the Act of Dissolution, of Colledges and Fraterni­ties. ‘And Dr. Cox Tutor to the Prince, wrote to Secretary Paget, to represent to the King the great want of Schools, Preachers, and [Page 338] [...] [Page 339] [...] [Page 340] Houses for Orphans;1546. that Beggery would drive the Clergy to Flat­tery, Superstition, and the old Idolatry: There were ravenous Wolves about the King, that would devour Universities, Cathedrals, and Chantries, and a thousand times as much. Posterity would wonder at such things: Therefore he desired the Universities might be secured from their Spoyls.’ But the King did quickly free them from these fears.

Now I enter into the last year of this Kings Reign. The War in France was managed with doubtful success: yet the losses were grea­ter on the English side. And the Forces being commanded by the Earl of Surr [...], who was brave, but unsuccessful, he was not only blamed but recalled, and the Earl of Hertford sent to Command in his room. But he being a man of an high Spirit, and disdaining the Earl of Hert­ford, who was now preferred before him, let fall some words of high resentment, and bitter contempt, which not long after wrought his ruine. The King was now alone in the War, which was very charge­able to him; and observing the Progress that the Council of Tre [...]t was making, where Cardinal Pole being one of the Legates, he had reason to look for some severe Decree to be made against himself; since none of the Hereticks of Germany were so much hated by the Court of Ro [...]e, as he was: Therefore he listned to the Counsels of peace. And tho he was not old, yet he felt such decays in his strength, that being ex­tremely corpulent, he had no reason to think he could live very long: Therefore that he might not leave his young Son involved in a War of such consequence,Peace with France. Peace was concluded in Iune; which was much to the Kings honour, though the taking and keeping of Bulloign, (which by this Peace the King was to keep for eight years,) cost him above 1300000 pounds.

Upon the peace, the French Admiral Annebault came over to En­gland. A new design for Reforma­tion. And now again a Resolution of going on with a Reformation was set on foot: for it was agreed between the King and the Admiral, That in both Kingdoms, the Mass should be changed into a Commu­nion; and Cranmer was Ordered to draw a Form of it. They also re­solved to press the Emperor to do the like in his Dominions, other­wise to make War upon him. But how this Project failed, does not appear. The Animosities which the former War had raised between the two Kings, were converted into a firm Friendship: which grew so strong on Francis's part, that he never was seen glad at any thing, after he had the news of the Kings death.

Shaxtons A­postacy.But now one of the Kings angry fits took him at the Reformers, so that there was a new Prosecution of them. Nicholas Shaxton, that was Bishop of Salisbury, had been long a Prisoner: but this year, he had said in his Imprisonment, in the Counter in Bread-street, That Christs natural Body was not in the Sacrament, but that it was a Sign and Memori­al of his Body that was crucified for us. Upon this he was endicted, and condemned to be burnt. But the King sent the Bishops of London, and Worcester, to deal with him to recant; which on the 9th of Iu­ly he did, acknowledging, ‘That that year he had fallen in his old age in the Heresie of the Sacramentaries. But that he was now con­vinced of that error, by their endeavours whom the King had sent to him. And therefore he thanked the King for delivering him, both [Page 341] from Temporal and Eternal fire: and subscribed a Paper of Articles, which will be found in the Collection.’ Upon this, he had his pardon and discharge sent him the 13 of Iuly, Collect. Numb. 23. and soon after preached the Ser­mon at the burning of Anne Askew; and wrote a Book in defence of the Articles he had subscribed. What became of him all Edward the 6ths time, I cannot tell: But I find, he was a cruel prosecutor and Burner of Protestants, in Queen Maries days. Yet it seems those to whom he went over, did not consider him much, for they never rai­sed him higher than to be Bishop Suffragan of Ely. Others were also Endicted upon the same Statute, who got off by recantation, and were pardoned. But Anne Askews Trial had a more bloody Conclusion.

She was nobly descended, and educated beyond what was ordinary in that age to those of her Sex. But she was unfortunately married, to one Kyme, who being a violent Papist, drave her out of his House, when he found she favoured the Reformation. So she came to London, The troubles of Anne As­kew. where infor­mation being given of some words, that she had spoken against the Cor­poral presence in the Sacrament, she was put in Prison: upon which, great applications were made by many of her friends, to have her let out upon Bail. The Bishop of London examined her, and after much pains, she was brought to set her hand to a Recantation, by which she ac­knowledged, ‘That the natural Body of Christ was present in the Sa­crament, after the Consecration; whether the Priest were a good or an ill man: and that, whether it was presently consumed, or re­served in the Pix, it was the true Body of Christ.’ Yet she added to Her subscription, that she believed all things according to the Catho­lick Faith, and not otherwise. With this the Bishop was not satisfied; but after much adoe, and many importunate addresses, she was Bai­led in the end of March this year. But not long after that, she was a­gain apprehended, and examined before the Kings Council then at Greenwich, where she seemed very indifferent what they did with her. She answered them in general words, upon which they could fix no­thing, and made some sharp reparties upon the Bishop of Winchester. Some liked the wit and freedom of her discourse, but others thought she was too forward. From thence she was sent to Newgate, where she wrote some devotions, and Letters, that shew her to have been a woman of most extraordinary parts. She wrote to the King, ‘That as to the Lords Supper, she believed as much as Christ had said in it, and as much, as the Catho­lick Church from him did Teach.’ Upon Shaxtons Recantation they sent him to her to prevail with her. But she in stead of yielding to him, charged his Inconstancy home upon him. She had been oft at Court, and was much favoured by many great Ladies there; and it was believed the Queen had shewed kindness to her. So the Lord Chancellor examined her of what Favour or Encouragement she had from any in the Court, particularly from the Dutchess of Suffolk, the Countess of Hertford, and some other Ladies. But he could draw nothing from her, save that one in Livery had brought her some money, which he said came from two Ladies in the Court. But they resolved to extort further Confessions from her. And therefore carrying her to the Tower, they caused her to be laid on the Rack, and gave her a taste of it. Yet she confessed nothing. That she was rackt is very certain, for I find it in an Original Journal of the Transactions in the Tower, written by An­thony [Page 342] Anthony; but Fox adds a passage that seems scarce credible, the thing is so extraordinary, and so unlike the Character of the Lord Chan­cellor, who though he was fiercely zealous for the old Superstition, yet was otherwise a great person: it is, that he commanded the Lieutenant of the Tower to stretch her more; but he refused to do it, and be­ing further prest told him plainly he would not do it.She endures the R [...]ck. The other threatned him, but to no purpose; so the Lord Chancellor throwing off his Gown, drew the Rack so severely, that he almost tore her Bo­dy asunder: yet could draw nothing from her, for she endured it with unusual Patience and Courage. When the King heard this, he bla­med the Lord Chancellor for his Cruelty, and excused the Lieutenant of the Tower. Fox does not vouch any Warrant for this, so that though I have set it down, yet I give no entire credit to it: if it was true, it shews the strange influence of that Religion, and that it corrupts the Noblest natures; yet the poor Gentlewomans being Rackt, wrought no pity in the King towards her, for he left her to be proceeded against according to the Sentence: she was carried to the Stake in Smith [...]ield a little af­ter that in a Chair, not being able to stand through the Torments of the Rack.And is burnt with some others. There were brought with her at the same time, one Nicolas Belenian a Priest, Iohn Adams a Taylor, and Iohn Lassels one of the Kings Servants, (it is likely he was the same person that had discove­red Queen Katharine Howard's incontinency, for which, all the Popish Party, to be sure, bore him no good will.) They were all convicted upon the Statute of the Six Articles, for denying the Corporal pre­sence of Christ in the Sacrament. When they were brought thither, Shaxton, to compleat his Apostasie, made a Sermon of the Sacra­ment, and inveighed against their Errors. That being ended, they were tyed to the Stake; and then the Lord Chancellor sent and of­fered them their pardon, which was ready passed under the Seal, if they would recant. But they loved not their lives so well, as to redeem them by the loss of a good Conscience; and therefore encou­raging one another to suffer patiently for the Testimony of the truth: so they endured to the last, and were made Sacrifices by fire unto God. There were also two in S [...]ffolk, and one in Norfolk, burnt on the same account a little before this.

A new design against Cr [...]n­m [...].But that party at Court having incensed the King much against those Hereticks, resolved to drive it further; and to work the ruin, both of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and of the Queen: Conclud­ing, that if these attempts were successful, they should carry every thing else. They therefore renewed their Complaints of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury; and told the King, That though there were evident proofs ready to be brought against him, yet because of his Greatness, and the Kings Carriage upon the former Complaints, none durst appear against him. But if he were once put in the Tower, that men might hope to be heard, they undertook to bring full and clear Evidences of his being a Heretick. So the King consented, That he should be the next day called before the Council, and sent to the Tower, if they saw cause for it. And now they concluded him ruin­ed. But in the night, the King sent Sir Anthony Denny to Lambeth, to bring the Arch-Bishop to speak with him. And when he came, the King told him what Informations had been brought against him, [Page 343] and how far he had yielded to them, that he should be sent to the To [...]er next day: And therefore desired to hear from himself what he had to say upon it. Cranmer thanked him, that he had not left him in the dark, to be surprised in a matter that concerned him so neer­ly. He acknowledged the Equity of the Kings proceedings; and all that he desired, was, That he might be brought to make his an­swer: And that since he was to be Questioned for some of his Opi­nions, Judges might be assigned who understood those matters. The King heard this with astonishment,The K [...]ngs great [...]a [...]e of him. wondering to see a man so little concerned in his own preservation. ‘But pleasantly told him, he was a Fool that look'd to his own safety so little. For did he think that if he were once put in Prison, abundance of [...]al [...]e witnesses would not be suborned to ruin him. Therefore since he did not take care of himself, he would look to it.’ And so he ordered him to appear next day before the Council, upon their Summons; and when things were objected to him, to say, that since he was a privy Councellor, he desired they would use him, as they would look to be used in the like case: And therefore to move that his Accusers might be brought face to face, and things be a little better considered before he was sent to the Tower. And if they refused to grant that, then he was to appeal personally to the King, (who intended to be absent that day,) and in token of it, should shew them the Kings Seal-Ring which he wore on his finger, and was well known to them all. So the King, giving him his Ring, sent him privately home again. Next Morning a Messenger of the Council came early, and Summoned him to appear that day before the Council. So he went over, but was long kept waiting in the Lobby, before he was called in. At this un­usual sight many were astonished. But Doctor Buts the Kings Phy­sician, that loved Cranmer, and presumed more on a diseased King than others durst do, went and told the King what a strange thing he had seen: ‘The Primate of all England waiting at the Council-door, among the foot-men and Servants.’ So the King sent them word, that he should be presently brought in; which being done, they said, That there were many Informations against him, that all the He­resies that were in England came from him and his Chaplains. To which he answered as the King had directed him. But they insist­ing on what was before projected, he said he was sorry to be thus used, by those with whom he had sate so long at that Board, so that he must appeal from them to the King: And with that took out the Kings Ring, and shewed it. This put them in a wonderful confusi­on, but they all rose up and went to the King; ‘who checkt them severely for using the Arch-Bishop so unhandsomly. He said, he thought he had a wiser Council, than now he found they were. He protested by the Faith he owed to God, laying his hand on his Breast, That if a Prince could be obliged by his Subject, he was by the Arch-Bishop, and that he took him to be the most faithful Subject he had, and the person to whom he was most beholding.’ The Duke of Norfolk made a trifling excuse, and said, They mean't no harm to the Arch-Bishop, but only to vindicate his Innocency by such a Tryal, which would have freed him from the aspersions that were cast on him. But the King answered, he would not suffer men [Page 344] that were so dear to him, to be handled in that fashion. He knew the Factions that were among them, and the malice that some of them bore to others; which he would either extinguish or punish very speedily. So he commanded them all to be Reconciled to Cran­mer: Which was done with the outward Ceremony of taking him by the hand; and was most real on his part, though the other par­ty did not so easily lay down the hatred they bore him.Antiqu. Brit. in vita Cranmer This I place at this time; though Parker, who related it, names no year nor time in which it was done; but he leads us very near it, by saying, it was after the Duke of Suffolks death; and this being the only time after that, in which the King was in an ill humor against the Refor­mers, I conclude it fell out at this time.

Another de­sign against the Queen.That Party finding it was in vain to push at Cranmer any more, did never again endeavor it. Yet one Design failing, they set on another against the Queen. She was a great Favourer of the Reformers, and had frequently Sermons in her Privy-Chamber, by some of those Preachers; which were not secretly carryed; but became generally known: When it came to the Kings ears, he took no notice of it. And the Queen carryed her self, in all other things, not only with an exact conduct, but with that wonderful care about the Kings per­son, which became a Wife that was raised by him to so great an ho­nour, he was much taken with her: So that none durst adventure on making any complaints against her. Yet the Kings distempers en­creasing, and his peevishness growing with them, he became more uneasie; and whereas she had frequently used to talk to him of Re­ligion, and defend the Opinions of the Reformers, in which he would sometimes pleasantly maintain the Argument; now, becoming more impatient, he took it ill at her hands. And she had sometimes in the heat of discourse gone very far. So one night, after she had left him, the King being displeased, vented it to the Bishop of Winchester that stood by: And he craftily and maliciously struck in with the Kings anger, and said all that he could devise against the Queen, to drive his resentments higher: and took in the Lord Chancellor into the design, to assist him. They filled the Kings head with many stories of the Queen, and some of her Ladies: and said, They had favour­ed Anne Askew, and had Heretical Books amongst them; and he per­swaded the King, that they were Traitors as well as Hereticks. The matter went so far, that Articles were drawn against her, which the King Sig [...]ed; for without that, it was not safe for any to Impeach the Queen. But the Lord Chancellor putting up that Paper carelesly it dropt from him: And being taken up by one of the Queens Party, was carryed to her. Whether the King had really designed her ruin, or not, is differently represented by the Writers who lived near that time. But she seeing his hand to such a Paper, had reason to conclude her self lost. Yet by advice of one of her Friends, she went to see the King. who receiving her kindly, set on a Discourse about Religion. But she answered, that women, by their first Cre­ation, were made subject to men; and they being made after the I­mage of God, as the Women were after their Image, ought to in­struct their Wives; who were to learn of them: and she much more, was to be taught by his Majesty, who was a Prince of such excel­lent [Page 345] Learning, and Wisdom. Not so by St. Mary, said the King, you are become a Doctor, able to Instruct us, and not to be Instructed by us. To which she answered, That it seemed he had much mistaken the freedom she had taken to argue with him, since she did it partly to engage him in discourse, and so put over the time, and make him forget his pain; and partly to receive Instructions from him, by which she had profited much. And is it even so? said the King, then we are friends again. So he embraced her with great affection, and sent her away with very tender assurances of his constant Love to her. But the next day had been appointed for carrying her, and some of her Ladies, to the Tower. The day being fair, the King went to take a little air in the Garden, and sent for her to bear him com­pany. As they were together, the Lord Chancellor came in, hav­ing about forty of the Guard with him, to have arrested the Queen. But the King stept aside to him, and after a little discourse, he was heard to call him Knave, Fool, and Beast, and he bade him get him out of his Sight. The Innocent Queen who understood not that her danger was so near, studied to mitigate the Kings displeasure, and interceded for the Lord Chancellor. But the King told her, she had no reason to plead for him.

So this design miscarried, which as it absolutely disheartned the Papists, so it did totally alienate the King from them; and in particu­lar from the Bishop of Winchester, whose sight he could never after this endure. But he made an humble Submission to the King, which though it preserved him from further punishment, yet could not re­store him to the Kings favour. But the Duke of Norfolk, The causes of the Duke of Norfolks dis­grace. and his Son the Earl of Surrey, fell under a deeper Misfortune. The Duke of Norfolk had been long Lord Treasurer of England: He had done great services to the Crown on many signal Occasions, and success had always accompanied him. His Son the Earl of Surrey was also a brave and noble person, Witty and Learned to an high degree, but did not command Armies with such Success. He was much provoked at the Earl of Hertfords being sent over to France in his room, and upon that had said, That within a little-while they should smart for it; with some other expressions that savoured of Revenge, and a dislike of the King, and a hatred of the Counsellors. The Duke of Norfolk had endeavoured to ally himself to the Earl of Hertford, and to his Bro­ther Sir Thomas Seimour, perceiving how much they were in the Kings favour, and how great an Interest they were like to have under the succeeding Prince. And therefore would have engaged his Son, be­ing then a Widower, to Marry that Earls Daughter: And pressed his Daughter, the Dutchess of Richmond, Widow to the Kings Na­tural Son, to Marry Sir Thomas Seimour. But though the Earl of Sur­rey advised his Sister to the Marriage projected for her, yet he would not consent to that designed for himself, nor did the Proposition a­bout his Sister take effect. The Seimours, could not but see the En­mity the Earl of Surrey bore them, and they might well be jealous of the Greatness of that Family; which was not only too big for a Subject of it self, but was raised so high by the dependence of the whole Popish Party, both at home and abroad, that they were like to be very dangerous Competitors for the chief Government of Af­fairs [Page 346] if the King were once out of the way; whose disease was now growing so fast upon him, that he could not live many weeks. Nor is it unlikely that they perswaded the King, that if the Earl of Surrey should marry the Lady Mary, it might embroil his Sons Government, and perhaps ruine him. And it was suggested, That he had some such high project in his thoughts, both by his continuing unmarried, and by his using the Armes of Edward the Confessor, which of late he had given in his Coat, without a Diminution. But to compleat the Duke of Norfolks ruin, his Dutchess who had complained of his u­sing her ill, and had been separated from him about four years, turn­ed Informer against him. His Son and Daughter were also in ill terms together. So the Sister Informed all that she could against her Bro­ther. And one Mrs Holland, for whom the Duke was believed to have an unlawful affection, discovered all she knew; but all amount­ed to no more, than some passionate Expressions of the Son, and some Complaints of the Father, who thought he was not beloved by the King, and his Councellors, and that he was ill used, in not being trust­ed with the secret of affairs. And all persons being encouraged to bring Informations against them, Sr. Richard Southwell charged the Earl of Surre [...] in some points that were of a higher nature: which the Earl denied, and desired to be admitted, according to the Martial Law, to fight in his shirt with Southwel. But that not being granted, he and his Father were committed to the Tower. That which was most in­sisted on, was, their giving the Arms of Edward the Confessor which were only to be given by the Kings of England. This the Earl of Surrey justified, and said, they gave their Arms, according to the o­pinion of the Kings Heraulds. But all excuses availed nothing, for his Father and he were designed to be destroyed, upon reasons of State; for which, some colours were to be found out.

1547.The Earl of Surrey being but a Commoner, was brought to his Tryal at Guildhall; and put upon an Inquest of Commoners consist­ing of nine Knights and three Esquires,The Earl of Surrey Exe­cuted. by whom he was found guil­ty of Treason, and had Sentence of death passed upon him, which was executed on the 19th of Ianuary at Tower-Hill. It was gene­rally condemned, as an Act of high injustice and severity, which loaded the Seimours with a popular Odium that they could never over­come. He was much pitied, being a man of great parts and high courage, with many other Noble Qualities.

But the King who never hated nor ruined any body by halves, resolved to compleat the misfortunes of that Family,The Dukes submission to the King. by the Attain­dor of the Father. And as all his Eminent Services were now for­gotten, so the Submissions he made, could not allay a displeasure, that was only to be satisfied with his Life and Fortune. He wrote to the King, Protesting his Innocency: ‘That he had never a thought to his prejudice, and could not imagine what could be laid to his Charge: He had spent his whole Life in his Service, and did not know that ever he had offended any person; or that any were dis­pleased with him, except for prosecuting the breakers of the Act about the Sacrament of the Altar. But in that, and in every thing else, as he had been always obedient to the Kings Laws, so he was resolved still to obey any Laws he should make. He desired he might [Page 347] be examined with his Accusers face to face, before the King,1547. or at least before his Council; and if it did not appear that he was wrongfully accused, let him be punished as he deserved. In Con­clusion he begged the King would have pity on him, and restore him to his favour; taking all his Lands, or Goods from him, or as much of them, as he pleased.’ Yet all this had no effect on the King. So he was desired to make a more formal Submission; which he did on the 12th of Ianuary under his hand, ten Privy Councellors being Witnesses. In it he confessed, ‘First his discovering the Secrets of the Kings Council. Secondly, his concealing his Sons Trea­son, in using to give the Arms of St. Edward the Confessor, which did only belong to the King, and to which his Son had no Right. Thirdly, That he had ever since his Fathers death, born in the first quarter of his Arms, the Arms of England: with a difference of the Labells of Silver, that are the proper Arms of the Prince; which was done in prejudice of the King and the Prince: and gave occasion for disturbing or interrupting the Succession to the Crown of the Realm. This he acknowledged was high Treason, he confessed he deserved to be attainted of high Treason; and humbly begged the Kings Mercy and Compassion.’ He yielded to all this, hoping by such a Submission and Compliance to have overcome the Kings dis­pleasure. but his Expectations failed him.

A Parliament was called, the reason whereof was pretended to be the Coronation of the Prince of Wales. The Parlia­ment meets. But it was thought the true cause of calling it, was, to Attaint the Duke of Norfolk: for which they had not colour enough, to do it in a Tryal by his Peers. There­fore an Attaindor by Act of Parliament was thought the better way. So it was moved, that the King intending to Crown his Son, Prince of Wales, desired they would go on with all possible haste in the Attaindor of the Duke of Norfolk; that so these Places which he held by Patent, might be disposed of by the King to such as he thought fit, who should Assist at the Coronation. And upon this slight pre­tence, since a better could not be found; The Bill of Attaindor was read the first time on the 18th of Ianuary: And on the 19th and 20th it was read the second and third time.The Duke of Norfolk At­tainted. And so passed in the House of Lords: and was sent down to the Commons. Who on the 24th sent it up also passed. On the 27th the Lords were ordered to be in their Robes, That the Royal assent might be given to it: which the Lord Chancellor, with some others joyned in Commission, did give by vertue of the Kings Letters Patents. And it had been executed the next Morning, if the Kings death had not prevented it. Upon what grounds this Attaindor was founded, I can only give this Ac­count from the 34th Act of the first Parliament of Queen Mary; in which this Act is declared null and void, by the Common Law of the Land; for I cannot find the Act it self upon Record. In the Act of Repeal it is said, ‘That there was no special matter in the Act of Attaindor, but only general words of Treasons and Conspiracies: and that out of their care of the preservation of the King and the Prince, they passed it. But the Act of Repeal says also, That the only thing with which he was charged, was, For bearing of Arms, which he and his Ancestors had born, both within and without the [Page 348] Kingdom: both in the Kings presence, and in the sight of his Pro­genitors: which they might Lawfully bear and give, as by good and substantial matter of Record it did appear. It is also added, That the King dyed after the date of the Commission, That the King only empowered them to give his Assent, but did not give it himself: And that it did not appear by any Record, that they gave it. That the King did not Sign the Commission with his own hand, his Stamp being only set to it: and that not to the upper, but the nether part of it, contrary to the Kings custom.’ All these particulars, though cleared afterwards, I mention now, because they give light to this matter.

As soon as the Act was passed, a Warrant was sent to the Lieu­tenant of the Tower, His death pre­vented by the Kings. to cut off his head the next Morning; but the King dying in the night, the Lieutenant could do nothing on that Warrant. And it seems it was not thought advisable, to begin the new Kings Reign with such an Odious Execution. And thus the Duke of Norfolk escaped very narrowly. Both Parties descanted on this dif­ferently. The Conscientious Papists said, it was Gods just Judgment on him, (who had in all things followed the Kings pleasure, often­times against his own Conscience;) That he should smart under that Power, which himself had helped so considerably to make it be raised so high. The Protestants could not but observe an hand of God, in measuring out such a hard measure to him, that was so heavy on all those poor people that were questioned for Heresie. But Cranmers car­riage in this matter was suitable to the other parts of his Life, for he withdrew to Croydon, Fox. and would not so much as be present in Par­liament, when so unjust an Act was passed, and his absence at this time was the more considerable, since the King was so dangerously ill, that it must be concluded it could be no slight Cause that made him withdraw at such a time. But the Duke of Norfolk had been his constant Enemy, therefore he would not so much as be near the pub­lick Councils, when so strange an Act was passing. But at the same time the Bishop of Winchester was officiously hanging on in the Court: and though he was forbid to come to Council, yet always when the Councellors went into the Kings Bed-Chamber, he went with them to the door, to make the World believe he was still one of the num­ber, and staying at the door till the rest came out, he returned with them. But he was absolutely lost in the Kings Opinion.

The Empe­rors designs a­gainst the Protestants.There is but one other step of Forreign business in this Reign; which was an Embassy sent over by the Duke of Saxony, to let the King know of the League between the Pope and the Emperor, for the Extirpation of Heresie: And that the Emperor was making War on him, and the other Princes, in pursuance of that League. There­fore he desired the Kings Assistance. But at the same time, the Em­peror did by his Agents every-where disown, that the War was made upon a Religious Account: And said it was only to maintain the Rights of the Empire; which those Princes had affronted. So the King answered, that as soon as it did appear to him, that Religion was the cause of the War, he would Assist them. But that which made this so involved, was, That though at Rome the Pope declared it was a Holy War, and ordered Prayers and Processions to be made, [Page 349] for Success; yet the Emperor in all his Declarations took no notice of Religion: He had also divided the Protestant Party, so that some of them joyned with him, and others were Neutrals. And when in Germany it self this matter was so little understood, it was easie to a­buse Strangers by giving them a wrong Account of it.

The King was now overgrown with corpulency and fatness,The Kings sickness. so that he became more and more unwieldy. He could not go up or down stairs, but as he was raised up, or let down by an Engine. And an old sore in his Leg became very uneasie to him; so that all the hu­mors in his Body sinking down into his Leg, he was much pained, and became exceeding froward and intractable, to which his inexcu­sable severity to the Duke of Norfolk and his Son may be in a great measure imputed. His Servants durst scarce speak to him, to put him in mind of his approaching end. And an Act of Parliament which was made for the security of the Kings Life, had some words in it against the Foretelling of his death; which made every one a­fraid to speak to him of it: lest he in his angry and imperious hu­mors should have Ordered them to be Endicted upon that Statute. But he felt nature declining apace, and so made the Will that he had left behind him at his last going into France, be written over again; with [...]his only difference, That Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, whom he had appointed one of the Executors of his Will, and of the Coun­cellors to his Son, till he came of Age, was now left out: Of which when Sir Anthony Brown put the King in mind apprehending it was only an Omission, he answered, That he knew Gardiners temper well enough, and though he could Govern him, yet none of them would be able to do it; and that he would give them much trouble. And when Brown at another time repeated the motion to the King; he told him, if he spake more of that, he would strike him out of his Will too. The Will was said to be Signed the 30th of December. It is Printed at large by Fuller; and the most Material parts of it by Heylin. So I need say little of it, only the most signal Clause in it, was, That he excluded the Line of Scotland out of the Succession, and preferred the two Daughters of the French Queen by Charles Bran­don to them. And this leads me to discover several things concern­ing this Will, which have been hitherto unknown. I draw them from a Letter written to Sir William Cecil, then Secretary of State to Queen Elizabeth, (afterwards Lord Burleigh,) by William Mait­land of Leithingtoun Secretary of State to the Queen of Scotland. This Maitland was accounted a man of the greatest parts of any in his Na­tion at that time; though his Treachery in turning over to the Party that was against the Queen, very much blemished his other Quali­ties: but he expiated his fault by a real Repentance; which appear­ed in his returning to his duty, and losing all afterwards in her quarrel. His Letter will be found in the Collection. The Substance and design of it, is,Collect. Numb. 30. His latter will a Forgery to clear the Right his Mistress had to the Crown of England: in case the Queen should die without Heirs of her Body. Therein after he had answered other Objections, he comes to this of the Will. To it he says. ‘That according to the Act of Parlia­ment, the Kings Will was to be Signed with his own hand; but this Will was only Signed by the Stamp. Then the King never Or­dered [Page 350] the Stamp to be put to it:1542. He had been oft desired to Sign it, but had always put it off; but when they saw his death approach­ing, one William Clark servant to Thomas Hennage put the Stamp to it, and some Gentlemen that were waiting without, were cal­led in to Sign it as Witnesses. For this he appeal'd to the depo­sition of the Lord Paget, and desired the Marquess of Winchester, and Northampton, the Earl of Pembroke, Sir William Petre, Sir Hen­ry N [...]vil, Sir Maurice Berkley, Sir Anthony Denny, Doctor Buts, and some others, might be examined; and that their Depositions might be entred in the Chancery. He also appealed to the Original Will, by which it would appear, That it was not Signed, but only Stamp­ed; and that not being according to the Act of Parliament, which in such extraordinary things must be strictly taken, the Will was of no force. Thus it appears, what vulgar Errors pass upon the World.’ And though for seventy five years, the Scotish Race has enjoyed the Crown of England, and after so long a possession it is very superflu­ous to clear a Title which is universally acknowledged; yet the Read­er will not be ill pleased to see how ill-grounded that pretence was, which some managed very seditiously during the Reign of Queen E­lizabeth, for excluding that Line.

But if this Will was not signed by the King, other Grant [...] was certainly made by him on his death-bed: one was to the City of London, of 500 Marks a year for endowing an Hospital which was called Christs Hospital; and he order'd the Church of the Franciscans a little within Newgate to be opened, which he gave to the Hospital. This was done the 3d of Ianuary. Another was of Trinity Colledg in Cambridg one of the Noblest Foundations in Christendom. He conti­nued in a decay till the 27 of the moneth; and then many signs of his approaching end appearing, few would adventure on so unwelcom a thing as to put him in mind of his change then imminent: but Sir Anthony Denny had the honesty and courage to do it, and desired him to prepare for death, and remember his former life, and to call on God for mercy through Jesus Christ. Upon which the King expressed his grief for the Sins of his past Life, yet he said he trusted in the mercies of Christ, which were greater than they were. Then Denny asked him if any Churchman should be sent for; and he said, if any, it should be Arch-Bishop Cranmer: and after he had rested a little, finding his Spirits decay apace, he ordered him to be sent for to Croydon, where he was then. But before he could come, the King was Speech­less. So Cranmer desired him to give some sign of his dying in the Faith of Christ, upon which he squeezed his hand, and soon after died; af­ter he had Reigned 37 years, and 9 months, in the six and fiftieth year of his age. His death was kept up three dayes, for the Journals of the House of Lords shew, that they continued reading Bills, and go­ing on in business till the 31st. and no sooner did the Lord Chan­cellor signify to them that the King was dead, and that the Parlia­ment was thereby dissolved. It is certain the Parliament had no be­ing after the Kings breath was out; so their sitting till the 31st shews, that the Kings death was not generally known all those three dayes. The reasons of concealing it so long might either be, that they were con­sidering what to do with the Duke of Norfolk, or that the Seymours [Page 351] were laying their matters,1547. so as to be secure in the Government before they published the Kings Death. I shall not adventure on adding any further Character of him, to that which is done with so much Wit and Judgment by the Lord H [...]rbert, but shall refer the Reader wholly to him; only adding an account of the blackest part of it, the Attaindors that passed the last 13 years of his life: which are comprehended within this Book, of which I have cast over the Relation to the Con­clusion of it.

In the latter part of his Reign,An account of the Kings severities a­gainst the Po­pish Party. there were many things that seem great severities, especially as they are represented by the Writers of the Roman party; whose relations are not a little strengthned by the faint excuses and the mistaken accounts, that most of the Protestant Historians have made. The King was naturally impetuous, and could not bear provocation; the times were very ticklish; his Subjects were generally addicted to the old Superstition, especially in the Northern parts; the Monks and Friers were both numerous and wealthy; the Pope was his implacable Enemy, the Emperor was a formidable Prince, and being then Master of all the Netherlands, had many advantages for the War he designed against En [...]land. Cardinal Pole his kinsman, was going over all the Courts of Christendom, to perswade a League against England; as being a thing of greater necessity and merit than a War against the Turk. This being, without the least aggravation, the state of affairs at that time, it must be confessed he was sore put to it. A Superstition that was so blind and headstrong, and Enemies that were both so powerful, so spiteful, and so industrious, made ri­gour necessary: nor is any General of an Army more concerned to deal severely with Spies and Intelligencers, than he was to proceed a­gainst all the Popes adherents, or such as kept correspondence with Pole. He had observed in History, that upon much less provocation than himself had given, not only several Emperors and forreign Prin­ces had been dispossessed of their Dominions; but two of his own An­cestors Henry the 2d and King Iohn had been driven to great ex­tremities, and forced to unusual and most indecent submissions by the means of the Popes and their Clergy.

The Popes power over the Clergy was so absolute, and their de­pendence and obedience to him was so implicite; and the Popish Clergy had so great an interest in the superstitious multitude, whose conscien­ces they governed, that nothing but a stronger passion could either tame the Clergy, or quiet the People. If there had been the least hope of impunity; the last part of his Reign would have been one continued Rebellion; therefore to prevent a more profuse effusion of blood, it seemed necessary to execute Laws severely in some particu­lar instances.

There is one calumny that runs in a thread through all the Histo­rians of the Popish side, which not a few of our own have ignorant­ly taken up, That many were put to death for not swearing the Kings Supremacy. It is an impudent falshood; for not so much as one per­son suffered on that account; nor was there any Law for any such Oath before the Parliament in the 28th year of the Kings Reign, when the unsufferable Bull of Pope Paul the 3d, engaged him to look a little more to his own safety. Then indeed in the Oath for maintain­ing [Page 352] the successiono f the Crown, the Subjects were required under the pains of Treason, to swear that the King was supream head of the Church of England; but that was not mentioned in the former Oath that was made in the 25th, and enacted in the 26 year of his Reign. It cannot but be confessed, that to enact under pain of death that none should deny the Kings Titles, and to proceed upon that against offen­ders, is a very different thing, from forcing them to swear the King to be the Supream Head of the Church.

Some [...] executed for denying the Kings Su­premacy.The first instance of these Capital proceedings was in Easter-Term, in the beginning of the 27th year of his reign. Three Priors, and a Monk, of the Carthusian Order, were then endited of Treason, for say­ing, that the King was not Supream head under Christ of the Church of England. These were Iohn Houghton Prior of the Charter-house near London, Augustin Webster Prior of Axholme, Robert Laurence Prior of B [...]v [...]ll, and Richard Reynolds a Monk of Sion: this last was esteemed a learned man, for that time, and that Order. They were tried in Westminster-Hall by a Commission of Oyer and Terminer: they pleaded not guilty, but the Jury found them guilty, and judgment was given that they should suffer as Traitors. The Record mentions no other particulars; but the writers of the Popish side make a splendid recital of the courage and constancy they expressed both in their Tryal, and at their Death. It was no difficult thing for men so used to the Le­gend, and the making of fine stories for the Saints and Martyrs of their Orders, to dress up such Narratives with much pomp. But as their pleading Not Guilty to the Endictment, shews no extraordinary reso­lution, so the account that is given by them of one Hall a Secular Priest that died with them, is so false, that there is good reason to sus­pect all. He is said to have suffered on the same account; but the Re­cord of his Attaindor gives a very different relation of it.

‘And Hall a Priest for conspiring a­gainst the King.He, and Robert Feron, were endited at the same time for having said many spiteful and Treasonable things, as that the King was a Tyrant, an Heretick, a Robber, and an Adulterer; that they hoped he should die such a death as King Iohn, and Richard the 3d died; that they looked when those in Ireland and Wales should invade En­gland; and they were assured that three parts of four in England would be against the King: they also said that they should never live mer­rily till the King and the Rulers were plucked by the Pates, and brought to the Pot, and that it would never be well with the Church till that was done.’ Hall had not only said this, but had also written it to Feron the 10th of March that year. When they were brought to the Bar, they at first pleaded Not Guilty; but full proof being brought, they themselves confessed the Enditement, before the Jury went aside, and put themselves on the Kings mercy: upon which, this being an imagining and contriving both War against the King, and the Kings death, judgment was given as in cases of Treason: but no mention being made of Ferons death, it seems he had his pardon. Hall suffered with the four Carthusians who were hanged in their habits.

Three other Monks Exe­ [...]d.They proceeded no further in Easter-Term: but in Trinity-Term there was another Commission of Oyer and Terminer, by which Humphrey Middlemore, William Exmew, and Sebastian Nudigate, three Monks of [Page 353] the Charter-house near London, were Endited of Treason,1535. for ha­ving said on the 25 of May ‘that they neither could nor would con­sent to be obedient to the Kings Highness, as true lawful and obedi­ent Subjects; to take him to be Supream Head on Earth of the Church of England.’ They all pleaded not-Guilty, but were found Guilty by the Jury; and Judgment was given. When they were condemned, they desired that they might receive the body of Christ before their death. But (as Judge Spelman writ) the Court would not grant it, since that was never done in such cases but by Order from the King. Two dayes after that, they were Executed. Two o­ther Monks of that same Order, Iohn Rochester, and Iames Wolver, suffered on the same account at York in May this year. Ten other Carthusian Monks were shut up within their Cells; where nine of them dyed, the tenth was hanged in the beginning of August. Con­cerning those persons I find this said in some Original Letters, that they had brought over into England, and vented in it, some Books that were written beyond Sea, against the Kings Marriage, and his other proceedings, which being found in their house, they were pressed to peruse the Books that were written for the King, but obstinately re­fused to do it; they had also been involved in the business of the Maid of Kent, for which, though all the Complices in it, except those whom suffered for it, were pardoned by Act of Parliament, yet such as had been concerned in it, were still under jealousie: and it is no wonder that upon new provocations they met with the uttermost ri­gor of the Law.

These Tryals made way for two others that were more Signal:Fishers Tryal and death. of the Bishop of Rochester, and Sir Thomas More. The first of these had been a Prisoner above a year, and was very severely used: he complained in his Letters to Cromwell, that he had neither Cloaths, nor fire, being then about fourscore. This was understood at Rome, and upon it, Pope Clement, by an Officious kindness to him, or ra­ther in spite to King Henry, declared him a Cardinal, and sent him a Red-hat. When the King knew this, he sent to Examine him a­bout it; but he protested he had used no endeavours to procure it, and valued it so little, that if the Hat were lying at his feet, he would not take it up. It never came nearer him than Picardy: yet this did precipitate his ruin. But if he had kept his opinion of the Kings Su­premacy to himself, they could not have proceeded further. He would not do that, but did upon several occasions speak against it, so he was brought to his Tryal on the 17th of Iune. The Lord Chancel­lor, the Duke of Suffolk, and some other Lords, together with the Judges, sate upon him by a Commission of Oyer and Terminer. He pleaded not-Guilty, but being found Guilty, Judgment was passed on him to die as a Traitor; but he was by a Warrant from the King, be­headed. Upon the 22d of Iune, being the day of his Execution, he dressed himself with more than ordinary care; and when his man took notice of it, he told him, he was to be that day a Bridegroom. As he was led to the place of Execution, being stopt in the way by the croud, he opened his new Testament, and prayed to this purpose; that, as that Book had been his companion and chief comfort in his imprisonment, so then some place might turn up to him, that might [Page 354] comfort him in his last passage: This being said, he opened the Book at a venture, in which these words of St. Iohns Gospel turned up: This is Life eternal to know th [...]e the only true God, and Iesus Christ whom thou hast sent. So he shut the Book with much saisfaction, and all the way was repeating and meditating on them. When he came to the Scaffold he pronounced the Te Deum, and after some other devotions his head was cut off.

His Character.Thus dyed Iohn Fisher Bishop of Rochester, in the 80th year of his Age. He was a Learned and devout man, but much addicted to the superstitions in which he had been bred up: And that led him to great severities against all that opposed them. He had been for many years Confessor to the Kings Grand-Mother, the Countess of Richmon [...]; and it was believed that he perswaded her to these Noble designs for the advancement of Learning, of Founding two Colledges in Cam­bridge, St. Iohns, and Christs Colledge, and Divinity Professors in both Universities. And in acknowledgment of this, he was chosen Chan­cellor of the University of Cambridge. Henry the 7th gave him the Bishoprick of Rochester, which he, following the rule of the Primi­tive Church, would never change for a better; he used to say his Church was his Wife, and he would never part with her, because she was poor. He continued in great favour with the King, till the bu­siness of the Divorce was set on foot; and then he adhered so firm­ly to the Queens cause, and the Popes Supremacy, that he was car­ryed by that, headlong into great Errors; as appears by the business of the Maid of Kent: Many thought the King ought to have proceed­ed against him rather upon that, which was a point of State, than upon the Supremacy, which was matter of Conscience. But the King was resolved to let all his Subjects see, there was no Mercy to be expected by any that denyed his being Supream head of the Church; and therefore made him and More, two Examples for ter­rifying the rest. This being much censured beyond Sea, Gardiner, that was never wanting in the most servile complyances, wrote a vin­dication of the Kings proceedings. The Lord Herbert had it in his hands, and tells us it was written in elegant Latine, but that he thought it too long, and others judged it was too vehement, to be inserted in his History.

Mores Tryal and death.On the 1st of Iuly, Sir Thomas More was brought to his Tryal. The special matter in his Endictment, is, that on the 7th of May pre­ceeding, before Cromwell, Bedyll, and some others that were pressing him concerning the Kings Supremacy, he said he would not meddle with any such matter: and was fully resolved to serve God, and think upon his passion, and his own passage out of this World. He had also sent divers messages by one George Gold to Fisher to encourage him in his obstinacy; and said, ‘the Act of Parliament is like a sword with two edges, for if a man answer one way, it will confound his Soul, and if he answer another way, it will confound his Body.’ He had said the same thing on the third of Iune, in the hearing of the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Norfolk; and others; and that he would not be the occasion of the shortning his own Life. And when Rich the Kings Sollicitor came to deal with him further about it, but protested that he came not with any Authority to examine him, [Page] [Page]

VERA EFFIGIES THOMAE MORI QVONDAM TOTIUS ANGLIAE CANCELLARII DIGNISSIMI. ET.

H. Holbein pinxit R. White sculpsit.

Natus 1482 Angliae. Can­cellarius - 1529 Capite trun­catus An: 1535 Iuly 6. to

Printed for Ric: Chiswell, at the Rose, and Crowne, in St. Pauls Church yard

[Page 355] they discoursed the matter fully; ‘Rich pressed him,1535. that since the Parliament had Enacted that the King was Supream Head, the Sub­jects ought to agree to it, and said Rich, what if the Parliament should declare me King, would you not acknowledge me? I would, said More, Quia (as it is in the Indictment) Rex per Parliamentum fieri potest, & per Parliamentum deprivari; but More turned the Argument on Rich, and said, what if the Parliament made an Act that God was not God; Rich acknowledged it could not bind: but replyed to More, that since he would acknowledg him King, if he were made so by Act of Parliament, why would he not acknowledg the King Supream Head, since it was enacted by Parliament. To that More answered, that the Parliament had power to make a King, and the people were bound to acknowledg him, whom they made; but for the Supremacy, though the Parliament had Enacted it, yet those in forreign parts had never assented to it.’ This was carryed by Rich to the King, and all these particulars were laid together, and judged to amount to a denyal of the Supremacy. Judge Spelman writ, that More being on his Tryal, pleaded strongly against the Statute that made it Treason to deny the Supremacy, and argued that the King could not be Supream Head of the Church: When he was brought to the Bar, he pleaded not Guilty, but being found Guilty, judgment was given against him as a Traitor. He received it with that equal temper of mind, which he had shewed in both conditions of Life, and then set himself wholly to prepare for death; he expressed great contempt of the World, and that he was weary of Life, and longed for death; which was so little terrible to him, that his ordinary fa­cetiousness remained with him even on the Scaffold. It was censured by many as light and undecent; but others said, that way having been so natural to him on all other occasions, it was not at all affe­cted; but shewed that death did no way discompose him, and could not so much as put him out of his ordinary humour. Yet his rally­ing every thing on the Scaffold, was thought to have more of the Stoick than the Christian in it. After some time spent in secret devo­tions, he was beheaded on the 6th of Iuly.

Thus did Sir Thomas More end his days, in the 53d year of his age.His Character. He was a man of rare vertues, and excellent parts: In his youth he had freer thoughts of things, as appears by his Vtopia, and his Letters to Erasmus; but afterwards he became superstitiously devoted to the interests and passions of the Popish Clergy: and as he served them when he was in Authority, even to assist them in in all their cruelties; so he employed his pen in the same cause, both in writing against all the new opinions in general, and in particular against Tindal, Frith, and Barnes, as also an unknown Writer, who seemed of neither party, but reprooved the corruptions of the Clergy, and condemned their cruel proceedings. More was no Divine at all, and it is plain to any that reads his writings, that he knew nothing of Antiquity; beyond the quotations he found in the Canon-Law, and in the Master of the senten­ces: (only he had read some of St. Austins treatises,) for upon all points of Controversie, he quotes only what he found in these Collections; nor was he at all conversant in the critical learning upon the Scrip­tures; but his peculiar excellency in writing, was, that he had a [Page 356] natural easie expression, and presented all the opinions of Popery with their fair side to the Reader, disguising or concealing the black side of them with great Art; and was no less dextrous in exposing all the ill consequences that could follow on the Doctrine of the Reformers: and had upon all occasions great store of pleasant tales, which he applyed wittily to his purpose. And in this consists the great strength of his Writings, which were designed rather for the Rabble, than for Learned men. But for justice, contempt of money, humility, and a true generosity of mind, he was an example to the Age in which he lived.

But there is one thing unjustly added to the praise of these two great men, or rather feigned, on design to lessen the Kings honour; that Fisher and he penned the book which the King wrote against Lu­ther. This Sanders first published, and Bellarmin and others since have taken it up upon his Authority. Strangers may be pardoned such er­rors, but they are inexcusable in an English man. For in Mores print­ed works there is a Letter written by him out of the Tower to Crom­wel, in which he gives an account of his behaviour concerning the Kings Divorce and Supremacy: among other particulars one is, ‘that when the King shewed him his Book against Luther, in which he had asserted the Popes Primacy to be of Divine right, More desir­ed him to leave it out; since as there had been many contests be­tween Popes and other Princes, so there might fall in some between the Pope and the King; therefore he thought it was not fit for the King to publish any thing, which might be afterwards made use of against himself: and advised him either to leave out that point, or to touch it very tenderly; but the King would not follow his coun­sel, being perhaps so fond of what he had writ, that he would ra­ther run himself upon a great inconvenience, than leave out any thing that he fancied so well written.’ This shews that More knew that Book was written by the Kings own pen; and either Sanders never read this, or maliciously concealed it, lest it should discover his foul dealing.

These Executions so terrified all people, that there were no further provocations given: and all persons either took the Oaths, or did so dextrously conceal their opinions, that till the Rebellions of Lincoln­shire, and the North, broke out, none suffered after this upon a pub­lick account. But when these were quieted, then the King resolved to make the chief Authors and Leaders of those Commotions publick examples to the rest. The Duke of Norfolk proceeded against many of them by Martial Law, there were also Tryals at common Law of a great many more that were taken Prisoners, and sent up to London. The Lords Darcy and H [...]ssie were tryed by their Peers,A [...]aindors af [...] the Re­b [...]ll [...]on was qu [...]d. the Marquis of Exceter sitting Steward. And a Commission of Oyer and Terminer being issued out for the Tryal of the rest, Sir Robert Constable, Sir Iohn Bulmer and his Lady, Sir Francis Pigot, Sir Stephen Hamilton, and Sir Thomas Piercy, and Ask, that had been their Captain; with the Ab­bots of Whalley, Ierveux, Bridlington, Lenton, Woburn, and Kingstead, and Mackrall the Monk, that first raised the Lincolnshire Rebellion, with sixteen more were Indicted of high Treason, for the late Rebellions. And after all the steps of the Rebellion were reckoned up, it is ad­ded [Page 357] in the Indictment,1537. that they had met together on the 17th of Ianuary, and consulted how to renew it, and prosecute it further, being encouraged by the new Risings that were then in the North; by which they had forfeited all the favour, to which they could have pretended, by vertue of the Indemnity that was granted in the end of December, and of the pardons which they had taken out. They were all found Guilty, and had judgment as in cases of Treason; divers of them were carryed down into Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire, and execut­ed in the places where their Treasons were committed; but most of them suffered at London, and among others the Lady Bulmer, Hall. (whom others call Sir Iohn Bulmers harlot) was burnt for it in Smithfield.

The only censure that passed on this, was, that advantages were taken on too slight grounds to break the Kings Indemnity and pardon:Censures past upon it. since it does not appear, that after their pardon they did any thing more than meet and consult. But the Kingdom was so shaken with that Rebellion, that if it had not b [...]en for the great conduct of the Duke of Norfolk, the King had by all appearance lost his Crown. And it will not seem strange that a King, (especially so tempered as this was,) had a mind to strike terror into the rest of his Subjects, by some signal Examples, and to put out of the way the chief lead­ers of that design: nor was it to be wondered at, that the Abbots and other Clergy-men who had been so active in that Commotion, were severely handled. It was by their means that the discontents were chiefly fomented; they had taken all the Oaths that were en­joyned them, and yet continued to be still practising against the State; which, as it was highly contrary to the peaceable Doctrines of the Christian Religion, so it was in a special manner contrary to the Rules which they professed; that obliged them to forsake the World, and to follow a Religious and Spiritual course of Life.1538.

The next Example of justice was a year after this,Forrests equi­vocation and Heresie. of one Forr [...]st an Observant Frier; he had been, as Sanders says, Confessor to Queen Katharine, but it seems departed from her interests; for he insinuat­ed himself so into the King, that he recovered his good Opinion. Be­ing an ignorant and lewd man, he was accounted by the better sort of that House, to which he belonged in Greenwich, a Reproach to their Order, (concerning this, I have seen a large account in an O­riginal Letter written by a Brother of the same House.) Having re­gained the Kings good Opinion, he put all those who had favoured the Divorce under great fears, for he proceeded cruelly against them. And one Rainscroft, being suspected to have given secret Intelligence of what was done among them, was shut up, and so hardly used that he dyed in their hands, which was (as that Letter relates) done by Frier Forrests means. This Frier was found to have denyed the Kings Supremacy: for though he himself had sworn it, yet he had infused it into many in Confession, that the King was not the Su­pream Head of the Church. Being questioned for these practices, which were so contrary to the Oath that he had taken, he answer­ed, ‘that he took that Oath with his outward man,Hall. but his inward man had never consented to it.’ Being brought to his Tryal, and accused of several Heretical opinions that he held, he submitted him­self [Page 358] to the Church.1538. Upon this he had more freedom allowed him in the Prison; but some coming to him diverted him from the Sub­mission he had offered; so that when the Paper of Abjuration was brought him, he refused to set his hand to it: upon which he was judged an Obstinate Heretick. The Records of these Proceedings are lost, but the Books of that time say, that he denyed the Gospel; it is like it was upon that pretence, that without the determination of the Church it had no Authority, upon which, several writers of the Roman Communion have said undecent and scandalous things of the holy Scriptures. He was brought to Smithfield, where were present the Lords of the Council, to offer him his pardon if he would ab­jure. Latimer made a Sermon against his errors, and studyed to per­swade him to recant; but he continued in his former opinions, so he was put to death in a most severe manner. He was hanged in a chain about his middle, and the great Image that was brought out of Wal [...]s, was broken to pieces, and served for fewel to burn him. He shewed great unquietness of mind, and ended his Life in an un­godly manner, as Hall says, who adds this Character of him, ‘that he had little knowledg of God and his sincere truth, and less trust in him at his ending.’

In Winter that year a correspondence was discovered with Cardi­nal Pole, The proceed­ings against Cardinal Pools friends. who was barefaced in his Treasonable designs against the King. His Brother Sir Geofrey Pole discovered the whole Plot. For which the Marquess of Exceter, (that was the Kings Cousin-german by his Mother, who was Edward the 4ths Daughter,) the Lord Mon­tacute, the Cardinals Brother, Sir Geofrey Pole, and Sir Edward Nevill, were sent to the Tower in the beginning of November. They were accused for having maintained a correspondence with the Cardinal, and for expressing an hatred of the King, with a dislike of his pro­ceedings, and a readiness to rise upon any good opportunity that might offer it self.

The special matter brought against the Lord Montacute, and the Marquis of Excet [...]r, who were tryed by their Peers on the 2d and 3d of December, in the 30th year of this Reign, is, ‘that whereas Car­dinal Pole, and others, had cast off their Alleageance to the King, and gone and submitted themselves to the Pope the Kings mortal enemy, the Lord Montacute did on the 24th of Iuly in the 28th year of the Kings Reign, a few months before the Rebellion broke out, say that he liked well the proceedings of his Brother the Cardinal, but did not like the proceedings of the Realm; and said, I trust to see a change of this World; I trust to have a fair day upon those Knaves that rule about the King; and I trust to see a merry World one day.’ Words to the same purpose were also charged on the Marquess: the Lord Montacute further said, ‘I would I were over the Sea with my Brother, for this World will one day come to stripes: it must needs so come to pass, and I fear we shall lack nothing so much as honest men: he also said, he had dreamed that the King was dead, and though he was not yet dead, he would die suddenly; one day his Leg will kill him, and then we shall have jolly stirring; saying also, that he had never loved him from his childhood, and that Car­dinal Wolsey would have been an honest man, if he had had an ho­nest [Page 359] Master. And the King having said to the Lords he woul [...] [...]eave them one day, having some apprehensions he might shortly die, that Lord said, if he will serve us so, we shall be happily rid; a time will come, I fear, we shall not tarry the time, we shall do well e­nough. He had also said, he was sorry the Lord Ab [...]rg [...]y was dead, for he could have made ten thousand men; and for his part he would go and live in the West, where the Marquess of Exc [...]ter was strong: and had also said upon the breaking of the Northern Rebellion, that the Lord Darcy played the fool, for he went to pluck away the Council, but he should have begun with the head first, but I beshrew him for leaving off so soon.’ These were the Words charged on those Lords, as clear discoveries of their Treasonable de­signs; and that they knew of the Rebellion that brake out, and only intended to have kept it off to a fitter opportunity: they were also accused of Correspondence with Cardinal Pol [...], that was the Kings declared Enemy. Upon these points the Lords pleaded not Guilty, but were found Guilty by their Peers, and so Judgment was given.

On the 4th of December were Indicted Sir Geofrey Pol [...], for holding Correspondence with his Brother the Cardinal, and saying that he approved of his proceedings, but not of the Kings; Sir Ed [...]ard Ne­vill, Brother to the Lord Abergaveny, for saying, the King was a Beast, and worse than a Beast; George Crofts, Chancellor of the Ca­thedral of Chichester, for saying, the King was not, b [...]t the Pope was, Supream head of the Church; and Iohn Collins, for saying, the King would hang in H [...]ll one day for the plucking down of Abbeys: All those, Sir Edward Nevill only excepted, pleaded Guilty, and so they were condemned; but Sir Geofrey Pole was the only person of the number that was not Executed, for he had discovered the matter. At the same time also, Cardinal Pole, Michael Throgmorton Gentleman, Iohn Hilliard and Thomas Goldwell Clerks, and William P [...]to a Franciscan of the Observance, were Attainted in Absence; because they had cast off their duty to the King, and had subjected themselves to the Bi­shop of Rome, Pole being made Cardinal by him; and for writing Treasonable Letters, and sending them into England. On the 4th of February following, Sir Nicholas Carew, that was both Master of the Horse, and Knight of the Garter, was Arraigned for being an adhe­rent to the Marquess of Exeter, and having spoke of his Attaindor as unjust and cruel, he was also Attainted and Executed upon the 3d of March. ‘When he was brought to the Scaffold, he openly acknow­ledged the errors and superstition in which he had formerly lived; and blessed God for his Imprisonment, for he then began to relish the Life and sweetness of Gods holy Word, which was brought him by his Keeper, one Phillips, who followed the Reformation, and had formerly suffered for it.1539.’

After these Executions, followed the Parliament in the year 15 [...]9,Some Attain­dors without hearing the parties. in which not only these Attaindors that were already passed were confirmed, but new ones of a strange and unheard-of nature were Enacted. It is a blemish never to be washed off, and which cannot be enough condemned, and was a breach of the most sacred and un­alterable Rules of Justice, which is capable of no excuse; it was the Attainting of some persons, whom they held in custody, without [Page 360] bringing them to a Tryal.1539. Concerning which, I shall add what the great Lord Chief Justice Cook writes, ‘although I question not the Power of the Parliament,4 Instit. 37.38. for without question the Attaindor stands of force in Law, yet this I say of the manner of proceeding, A [...] ­ferat Oblivio, si potest, si non utrumque silentium tegat. For the more high and absolute the Jurisdiction of the Court is, the more just and honourable it ought to be in the proceedings, and to give Ex­ample of Justice to inferior Courts.’ The chief of these were the Marchioness of Exeter and the Countess of Sarum. The special mat­ter charged on the former, is, her confederating her self to Sir Nico­las Carew in his Treasons; to which is added, ‘that she had com­mitted divers other abominable Treasons. The latter is said to have confederated her self with her Son the Cardinal, with other aggra­vating words.’ It does not appear by the Journal that any Wit­nesses were examined; only that day that the Bills were read the third time in the House of Lords, Cromwell shewed them a Coat of white silk, which the Lord Admiral had found among the Countess of Sarums Cloaths, in which the Arms of England were wrought on the one side, and the Standard that was carryed before the Rebels was on the other side. This was brought as an evidence that she approv­ed of the Rebellion. Three Irish Priests were also Attainted for car­rying Letters out of Ireland, to the Pope and Cardinal Pole, as also Sir Adrian Fortescue for endeavouring to raise Rebellion, Thomas Ding­ley a Knight of St. Iohn of Ierusalem, and Robert Granceter Merchant, for going to several Forreign Princes, and perswading them to make War upon the King, and assist the Lords Darcy and Hussie in the Re­bellion they had raised. Two Gentlemen, a Dominican Frier, and a Yeoman, were by the same Act Attainted, for saying that, that vene­mous Serpent the Bishop of Rome was Supream Head of the Church of Eng­land. Another Gentleman, two Priests, and a Yeoman are Attainted for Treason in general, no particular crime being specified. Thus six­teen persons were in this manner Attainted, and if there was any Ex­amination of Witnesses for convicting them, it was either in the Star-Chamber, or before the Privy Council; for there is no mention of a­ny evidence that was brought in the Journals: There was also much haste made in the passing this Bill: it being brought in the 10th of May, was read that day for the first, and second time, and the 11th of May for the third time. The Commons kept it five days before they sent it back, and added some more to those that were in the Bill at first; but how many were named in the Bill Originally, and how many were afterwards added, cannot be known. Fortescue and Dingley suffered the 10th of Iuly. As for the Countess of Sarum, the Lord Herbert saw in a Record, that Bulls from the Pope were found in her House, ‘that she kept correspondence with her Son, and that she forbade her Tenants to have the new Testament in English, or any other of the Books that had been published by the Kings Authority.’ She was then about seventy years of Age, but shewed by the answers she made, that she had a vigorous and masculine mind. She was kept two years Prisoner in the Tower, after the Act had passed, the King by that reprieve designing to oblige her Son to a better behaviour; but up­on a fresh provocation by a new Rebellion in the North, she was be­headed, [Page 361] and in her, the name and line of Plantagenet determined.1540. The Marchioness of Exceter died a natural death. In November this year were the Abbots of Reading, Glossenbury and Colechester Attainted of Treason, of which mention was made formerly.

In the Parliament that sate in the year 1540 they went on to follow that strange precedent, which they had made the former year. By the 56th Act Giles Heron was Attainted of Treason, no special matter being mentioned.

By the 57th Act, Richard Fetherstoun, Thomas Abell, and Edward Pole Priests, and William Horn a Yeoman were Attainted, for denying the Kings Supremacy, and adhering to the Bishop of Rome: by the same Act the Wife of one Tirrell Esquire was Attainted, for refusing her duty of Alleageance, and denying Prince Edward to be Prince and heir of the Crown; and one Laurence Cook of Doncaster was also Attainted for con­triving the Kings death.

By the 58th Act, Gregory Buttolph, Adam Damplip, and Edward Brin­deholm Clerks, and Clement Philpot Gentleman, were Attainted, for ad­hering to the Bishop of Rome, for corresponding with Cardinal Pole, and endeavouring to surprize the Town of Callais: By the same Act Barnes, Gerard, and Ierome, were Attainted, of whose sufferings an account has been already given.

By the 59th Act, William Bird a Priest, and Chaplain to the Lord Hungerford was attainted, for having said to one that was going to Assist the King against the Rebels in the North, ‘I am sorry thou go­est, seest thou not how the King plucketh down Images and Abbies every day? and if the King go thither himself, he will never come home again, nor any of them all which go with him, and in truth it were pity he should ever come home again; and at another time upon ones saying, O good Lord, I ween all the World will be Here­ticks in a little time: Bird said, doest thou marvel at that? I tell thee it is no marvel, for the great Master of all is an Heretick, and such a one as there is not his like in the World.’

By the same Act the Lord Hungerford was likewise Attainted. ‘The Crimes specified are, that he knowing Bird to be a Traitor, did enter­tain him in his house as his Chaplain; that he ordered another of his Chaplains, Sir Hugh Wood, and one Doctor Maudlin to use Conjuring, that they might know how long the King should live, and whether he should be victorious over his Enemies or not; and that these three years last past he had frequently committed the detestable sin of Sodo­my with several of his Servants:’ All these were Attainted by that Parliament. The Lord Hungerford was Executed the same day with Cromwell; he dyed in such disorder that some thought he was frenetick, for he called often to the Executioner to dispatch him, and said he was weary of Life, and longed to be dead, which seemed strange in a man that had so little cause to hope in his death. For Powel, Fetherstoun, and Abell, they suffered the same day with Barnes and his friends, as hath been already shewn.

This year Sampson Bishop of Chichester, and one Doctor Wilson were put in the To [...]er, upon suspition of correspondence with the Pope. But upon their submission they had their pardon and liberty. In the year 1541, five Priests and ten secular persons, some of them being Gen­tlemen [Page 362] of Quality,1535. were raising a new Rebellion in Yorkshire; which was suppressed in time, and the Promoters of it being apprehended, were Attainted and Executed, and this occasioned the death of the Countess of Sarum, after the Execution of the Sentence had been delayed almost two years.

The last instance of the Kings severity was in the year 1543, in which one Gardiner that was the Bishop of Winchesters kinsman and Se­cretary, and three other Priests, were tryed, for denying the Kings Supremacy, and soon after Executed. But what special matter was laid to their charge, cannot be known, for the Record of their Attain­dor is lost.

The Conclu­sion.These were the proceedings of this King against those that adher­ed to the interests of Rome: in which, though there is great ground for just censure, for as the Laws were rigorous, so the Execution of them was raised to the highest that the Law could admit; yet there is no­thing in them to justifie all the clamors, which that party have raised against King Henry, and by which they pursue his memory to this day; and are far short, both in number and degrees, of the cruelties of Queen Maries Reign, which yet they endeavour all that is possible to extenu­ate or deny.

To Conclude, we have now gone through the Reign of King Henry the 8th, who is rather to be reckoned among the Great than the Good Princes. He exercised so much severity on men of both perswasions, that the writers of both sides have laid open his faults, and taxed his cruelty. But as neither of them were much obliged to him, so none have taken so much care to set forth his good qualities, as his Ene­mies have done to enlarge on his Vices: I do not deny that he is to be numbered among the ill Princes, yet I cannot rank him with the worst.

The End of the third Book and of the first Part.

ADDENDA.

After some of the sheets of this History were wrought off, I met with Manuscripts of great Authority, out of which I have Collected several par­ticulars, that give a clear light to the proceedings in those times, which since they came too late to my knowledg to be put in their proper places, I shall here add them with ref [...]r [...]nces to the places to which they belong.

Ad Page 202. line 13.

THere it is said, that the Earl of Wiltshire Father to Queen Anne Boleyn was one of the Peers that Judged her.

In this I too Implicitly followed Doctor Heylin, he seem­ing to write with more than ordinary care for the Vindica­tion of that Queen, and with such assurance, as if he had seen the Records concerning her, so that I took this upon trust from him. The reason of it was, that in the search I made of Attaindors, I did not find the Record of her Tryal; so I concluded, that either it was de­stroyed by Order during her Daughters Reign, or was accidentally lost since that time: And thus having no Record to direct me, I too easily followed the Printed Books in that particular. But after that part of this History was wrought off, I by chance met with it in a­nother place where it was mislaid; and there I discovered the error I had committed. The Earl of Wiltshire was not one of her Judges; these by whom she was tryed were the Duke of Suffolk, the Mar­quis of Exceter, the Earls of Arundell, Oxford, Northumberland, West­moreland, Derby, Worcester, Rutland, Sussex, and Huntington, and the Lords Audley, Delaware, Mountague, Morley, Dacres, Cobham, Mal­travers, Powis, Mounteagle, Clinton, Sands, Windsor, Wentworth, Burgh, and Mordant: in all twenty six, and not twenty Eight as I reckoned them upon a Vulgar Error. The Record mentions one particular concern­ing the Earl of Northumberland, that he was taken with a sudden fit of sickness, and was forced to leave the Court before the Lord Roch­ford was Tryed. This might have been only Casual: but since he was once in Love with the Queen, and had designed to Marry her (see Page. 44) it is no wonder if so sad a change in her Condition, did raise an unusual disorder in him.

When I had discovered the mistake I had made, as I resolved to publish this free Confession of it; so I set my self not without some Indignation to examine upon what Authority Doctor Heylin had led me into it. I could find no Author that went before him in it, but Sanders; the chief design of whose writing, was to defame Queen Elizabeth, and to blast her Title to the Crown. To that end it was no ill piece of his skill, to perswade the World of her Mother lewd­ness, to say, that her own Father was convinced of it, and condemn­ed [Page 364] her for it. And Doctor Heylin took this, as he has done many o­ther things, too easily upon Sanders Testimony.

Ad Page 217. line 37.

C [...]llect. A [...]denda [...]. 1.The Articles of Religion of which an abstract is there set down, are indeed published by Full [...]r: but he saw not the Original, with all the Subscriptions to it; which I have had in my hands, and therefore I have put it in the Collection with three other Papers, which were soon after offered to the King by Cranmer.

The one is in the form of fifteen queries, concerning some abuses by which the people had been deceived;Col [...]ect. Addenda N [...]mb. 2. as namely, by these Do­ctrines, that without Contrition sinners may be reconciled to God; that it is in the Power of the Priest, to pardon or not to pardon sin at his pleasure; and that Gods pardon cannot be obtained without Priest­ly Absolution. Also he complained that the people trusted to outward Ceremonies; and their Curates for their own gain, encouraged them in it. It was observed that the opinion of Clergy-mens being ex­empted from the secular Judge was ill grounded; that Bishops did ordain without due care and Tryal: that the Dignified Clergy misap­plyed their Revenues, did not follow their first Institution, and did not reside upon their Benefices.

Collect. Addenda N [...]mb. 3.And in fine he moves that the four Sacraments, which had been left undetermined by the former Articles, might be examined: the outward signs and actions, the promises made upon them, and the efficacy that was in them being well considered.

The second Paper consists of two Resolutions, made concerning Confirmation by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and Stokesley Bishop of London (by which I perceive the way of examining matters by giving out of questions to Bishops and Divines was sooner practised, then when I first took notice of it page 286.) there are several other Papers concerning Confirmation, but these are only Subscribed: and the rest do generally follow these two Prelates who were then the heads of two different parties. The Arch-Bishop went on this ground, that all things were to be tryed by the Scripture; but Stokesley and almost the whole Clergy, were for receiving the Tradition of the Church, as not much inferiour to the Scriptures, which he asserts in his Subscription.

The third Paper was offered to the King by Cranmer, to perswade him to proceed to a further Reformation:Collect. Addenda Numb. 4. that things might be long and well considered before they were determined, that nothing might be declared a part of Gods faith, without good proofs from Scripture: the departing from which rule had been the occasion of all the Er­rors that had been in the Church: that now men would not be led as they had been, but would examine matters: that many things were now acknowledged to be truths, such as the unlawfulness of the Popes Usurped Power, for which many had formerly suffered death. Where­upon he desires that some points might be Examined by Scrinture, as, whether there is a Purgatory, whether departed Souls ought to be Invocated, whether Tradition ought to be believed; whether there be any satisfaction besides the satisfaction of Christ, whether free will [Page 365] may dispose it self to grace, and whether Images ought to be kissed, or used to any other end, but as representations of a piece of Histo­ry? In all these he desired the King would suspend his Judgment: and in particular, that he would not determine against the Lawfulness of the Marriage of the Clergy, but would for some time silence both parties. He also proposed that this point might by order from the King, be examined in the Universities before indifferent Judges: that all the Arguments against it, might be given to the Defenders twelve days before the publick disputation; and he offered, that if those who should defend the Lawfulness of Priests Marriage, were in the Opi­nion of indifferent Judges overcome, they should willingly suffer death for it; but if otherwise, all they desired was, that in that point the King might leave them in the liberty to which the Word of God left them.

Ad Page 249. line 18.

I have seen a much fuller paper concerning Orders and Ecclesiasti­cal functions (which the Reader will find in the Collection) signed by Cromwell, the two Arch-Bishops and eleven Bishops,Collect. Addenda Numb. 5. and twenty Divines and Canonists, Declaring that the Power of the Keys and other Church­functions is formally distinct from the Power of the Sword. That this Power is not absolute, but to be limited by the Rules that are in the Scripture; and is ordained only for the edification and good of the Church: that this Power ought to be still preserved, since it was giv­en by Christ as the mean of reconciling sinners to God. Orders were also declared a Sacrament, since they consisted of an outward action instituted by Christ, and an inward grace conferred with them: But that all Inferiour Orders, Ianitors, Lectors, &c. were brought in­to the Church to beautifie and adorn it, and were taken from the Tem­ple of the Iews: And that in the New Testament there is no mention made but of Deacons or Ministers, and Priests or Bishops: nor is there belonging to Orders any other Ceremony mentioned in the Scripture, but Prayer and Imposition of hands. This was signed either in the year 1537 or 1538, since it is Subscribed both by Iohn Hilsey Bishop of Rochester, and Edward Fox Bishop of Hereford, for the one was consecrated in 1537, and the other dyed in May 1538.

On this Paper I will add two remarks, the one is, that after this I do never find the Inferiour Degrees under a Deacon mentioned in this Church; so it seems at this time they were laid aside. They were first set up in the Church about the end of the second or the beginning of the third Century, in the middle of which we find both Cornelius Bishop of Rome, and St. Cyprian mentioning them as Orders that were then established; and it seems they were designed as previous steps to the Sacred functions, that none might be Ordained to these, but such as had been long before separated from a secular state of Life, and had given good proofs of themselves in these lower degrees. But it turned in the Church of Rome to be only a matter of form; and many took the first Tonsure, that they might be exempted from the Secular Power, and be qualified for Commendams, and some other Worldly advantages to which these lower Orders were sufficient, by those Rules which the Canonists had brought in.

[Page 366]Another thing is, that both in this Writing and in the Necessary Erudition of a Christian man, Bishops and Priests are spoken of as one and the same Office. In the Antient Church they knew none of those Subtilties which were found out in the latter Ages. It was then thought enough that a Bishop was to be dedicated to his function by a new Imposition of hands, and that several Offices could not be per­formed without Bishops, such as Ordination Confirmation, &c. but they did not refine in these matters, so much as to enquire whether Bishops and Priests differed in Order and Office or only in degree. But after the Schoolmen fell to examine matters of Divinity with Logi­cal and Unintelligible niceties, and the Canonists began to Comment upon the rules of the Ancient Church, they studied to make Bishops and Priests seem very near one another, so that the difference was but small. They did it with different designs. The Schoolmen having set up the grand Mystery of Transubstantiation, were to exalt the Priest­ly Office as much as was possible: for the turning the Host into God was so great an action, that they reckoned there could be no Office higher than that which qualified a man to so mighty a Performance: therefore as they changed the form of Ordination from what it was Anciently believed to consist in, to a delivering of the Sacred Vessels, and held that a Priest had his Orders by that rite, and not by the Im­position of hands; so they raised their Order or Office so high as to make it equal with the Order of a Bishop: But as they designed to extol the Order of Priesthood, so the Canonists had as great a mind to depress the Episcopal Order. They generally wrote for preferment, and the way to it was to exalt the Papacy. Nothing could do that so effectually as to bring down the Power of Bishops. This only could justifie the Exemptions of the Monks and Friers, the Popes setting up Legantine Courts, and receiving at first Appeals, and then Original causes before them; together with many other Encroachments on their Jurisdiction: All which were unlawful, if the Bishops had by Divine right, Jurisdiction in their Dioceses: Therefore it was neces­sary to lay them as low as could be, and to make them think that the Power they held, was rather as Delegates of the Apostolick See, than by a Commission from Christ or his Apostles: So that they looked on the declaring Episcopal Authority to be of Divine right, as a blow that would be fatal to the Court of Rome; and therefore they did after this at Trent use all possible endeavours to hinder any such Decision. It having been then the Common stile of that Age to reckon Bishops and Priests as the same Office, it is no wonder if at this time the Clergy of this Church, the greatest part of them being still leavened with the old superstition, and the rest of them not having enough of spare-time to examine lesser matters, retained still the former phrases in this par­ticular.

On this I have insisted the more, that it may appear how little they have considered things, who are so far carryed with their zeal against the established Government of this Church, as to make much use of some passages of the Schoolmen and Canonists that deny them to be distinct Offices; for these are the very dregs of Popery, the one rais­ing the Priests higher for the sake of Transubstantiation, the other pulling the Bishops lower for the sake of the Popes Supremacy, and [Page 367] by such means bringing them almost to an equality. So partial are some men to their particular conceits, that they make use of the most mischievous Topicks when they can serve their turn [...]punc; not considering how much further these Arguments will run if they ever admit them.

Ad Page 255. line 28.

The Princes of Germany did always press the King to enter into a Religious League with them: the first League that was made in the year 1536 was conceived in general terms, against the Pope as the Common Enemy, and for setting up true Religion according to the Gospel: But they did afterwards send over Ambassadors to treat about particulars; and they having presented a Memorial of these, there were Conferences appointed between them and some Bishops and Divines of this Church. I find no Divines was sent over hither but Frederick Miconius Minister of Gotha, by whom Melanthon, who could not be spar­ed out of Germany, sent several Letters to the King; the fullest and longest of them will be found in the Collection. It is all to this purpose,Collect. Addenda Numb. 6. to perswade the King to go on vigorously in the Reforming of Abuses according to the word of God. The King sent over the particulars which they proposed in order to a perfect agreement, to Gardiner who was then at Paris: Upon which he sent back his Opinion touch­ing them all; the Original of which, under his own hand I have seen, but it relates so much to the other Paper that was sent him, which I never saw, that without it his meaning can hardly be understood, and therefore I have not put it in the Collection. The main thing in it, at which it chiefly drives, is to press the King to finish first a Civil League with them, and to leave those particulars concerning Religion to be afterwards treated of. The King followed his advice so far as to write to the German Princes to that effect. But when the King de­clared his resolution to have the six Articles established, all that fa­voured the Reformation were much alarmed at it, and pressed their friends in Germany to interpose with the King for preventing it. I have seen an Original Letter of Hains Dean of Exeter, in which he laments the sad effects that would follow on that Act, which was then pre­paring; that all the Corruptions in the Church rose from the establish­ing some points without clear proofs from Scripture: he wished the Germans would consider of it, for if the King and Parliament should make such a Law, this was a President for the Emperor to make the like in the Diet of the Empire. Neither were the German Ambassadors back­ward in doing their friends in England all the service they could: for af­ter they had held several conferences with these that were appointed by the King to treat with them; they finding they could not prevail with them, wrote a long and Learned Letter to the King, against the taking away the Chalice in the Sacrament, and against private Masses and the Celibate of the Clergy,Collect. Addenda Numb. 7. with some other abuses which the Reader will find in the Collection, as it is Copied from the Original which I have seen. To this I have added the Answer which the King wrote to it: He employed Tonstall Bishop of Duresm to draw it,Collect. Addenda Numb. 8. for I have seen a rude draught of a great part of it written with his hand. By [Page 368] both these compared together, every indifferent Reader will clearly see the force and simplicity of the Arguments on the one hand, and the art and shuffling that was used on the other side. As soon as the Act was past, notwithstanding all their endeavours to the contrary, they in an Audience before the King, represented the great concern their Masters would have, when the King on whom they had relyed so much, as the Defender of the Faith, should proceed with the severity expressed in that Act, against those that agreed with them in Doctrine, and pressed the King earnestly to put a stop to the Execution of it. The King pro­mised he would see to it, and that though he judged the Act neces­sary to restrain the Insolence of some of his Subjects; yet it should not be Executed but upon great provocation: he also proposed the renew­ing a Civil League with them, without mentioning matters of Reli­gion. To this the Princes made answer, that the League as it was at first projected, was chiefly upon a design of Religion, and therefore with­out a common consent of all that were in their League, they could not alter it: they lamented this passing of the late Act, but writ their thanks to the King for stopping the Execution of it, and warn'd him that some of his Bishops, who set him on to these courses, were in their hearts still for all the old Abuses, and for the Popes Supremacy, and were pressing on the King to be severe against his best Subjects, that they might thereby bring on a design which they could not hope to effect any other way: they advised the King to beware of such Counsels. They also proposed that there might be a Conference agreed on between such Divines as the King would name, and such as they should depute, to meet either in Gueldres, Hamburgh, Bremen, or any o­ther place that should be appointed by the King, to examine the Law­fulness of private Masses, of denying the Chalice, and the Prohibiting the Marriage of the Clergy. On these things they continued treating till the Divorce of Anne of Cleve and Cromwells fall, after which I find little Correspondence between the King and them.

Ad Page 256. line 4.

When I mentioned the Kings Letters, directing the Bishops how to proceed in a Reformation,Collect. Addenda Numb. 9. I had not seen them, but I have since seen an Original of them subscribed by the Kings hand. In these he chal­lenged the Clergy as guilty of great Indiscretions: that the late Re­bellion had been occasioned by them; therefore he required the Bishops to take care, that the Articles formerly published should be exactly obeyed; and to go over their Dioceses in person, and preach Obedi­ence to the Laws, and the good ends of those Ceremonies that were then retained, that the people might neither despise them, nor put too much trust in them: and to silence all disputes and contentions concerning things indifferent; and to signifie to the Kings Council, if there were any Priests in their Diocesses that were Marryed, and yet did discharge any part of the Priestly Office. All which, will be better understood by the Letter it self, that I have put into the Col­lection.

Ad Page 258. line 8.

I do there acknowledg that I knew not what Arguments were used against the necessity of Auricular Confession: But I have made since that time, a Considerable discovery in this particular, from an Origi­nal Letter written all with the Kings own hand to Tonstal; by which it appears, there had been conferences in the House, and that the Arch-Bishop of York, the Bishop of Winchester and Duresm had plead­ed much for it, as necessary by a Divine Institution, and that both the King and the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury had maintained, that though it was good and profitable, yet it was not necessary by any precept of the Gospel: and that though the Bishops brought several texts out of Scripture and Ancient Doctors, yet these were so clearly answered by the King, and the Arch-Bishop, that the whole House was satisfied with it: Yet Tonstall drew up in a writing all the reasons he had made use of in that debate, and brought them to the King,Collect. Addenda Numb. 10. which will be found in the Collection, with the Anotations and reflections which the King wrote on the Margent, with his own hand, taken from the Original;Collect. Addenda Numb. 11. together with the Kings Letter written in answer to them: By this it will appear that the King did set himself much to study points of Divinity, and examined matters with a scrupulous ex­actness. The issue of the debate was, that though the Popish party endeavoured to have got Auricular Confession declared to be Com­manded by Christ, as a part of the Sacrament of Pennance; yet the King overruled that, so it was enacted that Auricular Confession was necessary and expedient to be retained in the Church of God. These debates were in the House of Lords, which appears not only by the Kings Letter, that speaks of the House, but by the Act of Parliament in the Preamble of which it is said, that the King had come himself to the Parliament, and had opened several points of high Learning to them.

Ad Page 262. line 23.

There I mention the Kings diligence in drawing an Act of Parlia­ment with his own hand; but since that was Printed, I have seen ma­ny other Acts and Papers, if not Originally Penned by the King, yet so much altered by his Corrections, that in some sort they may be esteemed his draughts. There are two draughts of the Act of the six Articles, both corrected in many places by the King, and in some of these the Correction is three lines long. There is another Act con­cerning Precontracts of Marriage, likewise Corrected very much by his Pen. Many draughts of Proclamations, particularly these about the use of the Bible in English are yet extant interlined and altered with his Pen. There is a large Paper written by Tonstall, of arguments for Purgatory, with Copious Animadversions on it, likewise written by the King; which shew that then he did not believe there was a Purga­tory. I have also seen the draught of that part of the Necessary Eru­dition for a Christian man, which explains the Creed, full of Corrections [Page 370] with the Kings own Pen; as also the Queries concerning the Sa­craments mentioned page 289. with large Annotations written with his hand on the Margent, likewise an Extract all written with his own hand of passages out of the Fathers against the Marriage of the Clergy:Collect. Addenda Numb. 12. and to conclude there is a Paper with which the Collection ends, containing the true Notion of the Catholick Church, which has large Emendations added with the Kings hand, those I have set by themselves on the Margent of the Paper.

A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS OF THE HISTORY.

BOOK I. A Summary View of King Henry the Eighth's Reign, till the Process of his Divorce was begun, in which the State of England, chiefly as it related to Religion, is opened.
KING Henry's Succession to the Crown,
pag. 1
He proceeds against Dudley and Empson,
ibid
He holds a Parliament,
p. 2
His great Expence,
ibid
Affairs beyond Sea,
p. 3
A Peace and Match with France,
ibid
He offers his Daughter to the Dolphin
ibid
The King of Spain chosen Emperor,
ib
He comes to England,
p. 4
A second War with France
ibid
Vpon Leo the 10th's death, Hadrian chosen Pope
ibid
He dies and Clement the 7th succeeds
ib
Charles the 5th at Windsor contracted to the Kings Daughter
p. 5
But breaks his Faith
ibid
The Clementine League
ibid
Rome taken and sackt,
p. 6
The Pope is made a Prisoner,
ibid.
The Kings success against Scotland,
ibid.
A Fac [...]ion in his Counsels,
p. 7
Cardinal Wolseys rising,
ibid.
His Preferments,
p. 8
The Character of the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk,
p. 9
Cardinal Wolsey against Parliaments,
p. 10
The Kings breeding in Learning,
ibid.
He is flattered by Scollars,
p. 11
The Kings Prerogative in Ecclesiastical af­fairs,
ibid.
It was still kept up by him,
p. 12
A Contest concerning Immunities,
ibid.
A Publick debate about them.
p. 13.
Hunne Murdered in Prison,
p. 14
The Proceedings upon that,
p. 15
The King much courted by Popes,
p. 18
And declared Defender of the Faith,
p. 19
The Cardinal absolute in England,
ibid.
He designed to Reform the Clergy,
ibid.
And to Suppress Monasteries,
p. 20
The several kinds of Convocations,
ibid.
The Clergy grant a Subsidy to the King,
p. 21
Of the State of Monasteries,
ibid.
The Cardinal founds two Colledges,
p. 22
[Page 372]The first beginning of Reformation in Eng­land,
p. 23
The Cruelties of the Church of Rome,
ibid.
The Laws made in England against Here­ticks,
p. 25.
Vnder Richard the 2d,
ibid.
Vnder Henry the 4th,
ibid.
And Henry the 5th;
p. 26
Heresie declared by the Kings Iudges,
p. 27
Warhams proceeding against Hereticks,
ib.
The Bishop of London's proceedings against them,
p. 29
The Progress of Luthers Doctrine,
p. 30
His Books were Translated into English,
p. 31
The King wrote against him,
ibid.
He replyed,
ibid.
Endeavours to suppress the New Testament,
p. 32
Sir Thomas More writes against Luther,
ibid.
Bilney and others proceeded against for He­resie,
ibid.

BOOK II.
Of the Process of Divorce between King Henry and Queen Katherine, and of what passed from the 19th to the 25th year of his Reign, in which he was declared Supream Head of the Church of England.

THe beginning of the Sute of Divorce,
p. 34
Prince Arthur Marryed the Infanta,
ibid.
And died soon after,
p. 35
A Marriage proposed between Henry and her,
ibid.
It is allowed by the Pope,
ibid.
Henry Protested against it,
p. 36
His Father disswaded it,
ibid.
Being come to the Crown he Marries her,
ibid.
Sh [...] bore some Children, but only the Lady Mary lived,
ibid.
Several Matches proposed for her,
p. 37
The Kings Marriage is questioned by For­reigners,
ibid.
Anno 1527.
He himself has Scruples concerning it,
ib.
The Grounds of these,
p. 38
All his Bishops except Fisher condemn it,
ibid.
The reasons of State against it,
p. 39.
Wolsey goes into France,
ibid.
The Kings fears and hopes,
ibid.
Arguments against the Bull,
p. 40
Calumnies cast on Anne Boleyn,
p. 41
They are false and ill-contrived,
p. 42
Her Birth and Education,
p. 43
She was contr [...]cted to the Lord Piercy,
p. 44
The Divorce moved for at Rome,
ibid.
The first Dispatch concerning it,
ibid.
Anno 1528.
The Pope granted it,
p. 47
And gave a Bull of dispensation,
p. 48
The Popes craft and policy,
ibid.
A subtile method proposed by the Pope,
p. 49
Staphileus sent from England,
p. 50
The Cardinals Letters to the Pope,
p. 57
A fuller Bull is desired by the King,
ibid.
Gardiner and Fox are sent to Rome,
p. 52
The Bull desired by them,
ibid.
Wolsey's earnestness to procure it,
p. 53
Campegio declared Legate,
p. 54
He delaies his Iourney,
ibid.
The Pope grants the Decretal Bull,
p. 55
Two Letters from Anne Boleyn to Wolsey,
ibid.
Wolsey desires the Bull may be seen by some of the Kings Council,
p. 56
The Emperor opposes the Kings business,
p. 57
A Breve is found in Spain,
ibid.
It was thought to be forged,
ibid.
Campegio comes to England,
p. 58
And lets the King see the Bull,
ibid.
But refuses to shew it to others,
ibid.
Wolsey moves the Pope that some might see it,
ibid.
But in vain,
p. 59
Campana is sent by the Pope to Engl.
p. 60
The King offers the Pope a Guard,
ibid.
The Pope inclines to the Emperor,
ibid.
Threatnings used to him,
p. 61
Anno 1529.
HE repents the sending over a Bull,
ibid.
But feeds the King with Promises,
p. 62
The Popes sickness,
p. 63
Wolsey aspires to the Papacy,
Ibid.
Instructions for promoting him,
p. 64
New motions for the Divorce,
p. 65
The Pope Relapses dangerously,
ibid.
A new Dispatch to Rome,
p. 66
Wolseys Bulls for the Bishoprick of Winton,
p. 67
The Emperor Protests against the Legates,
ib.
Yet the Pope promises not to recal it,
ibid.
The Legates write to the Pope,
p. 68
Campegio led an ill life,
p. 69
The Emperor moves for an Avocation,
ibid.
The Popes Dissimulation,
p. 70
Great contests about the Avocation.
ibid.
The Legates begin the Process,
p. 72
A severe charge against the Queen,
ibid.
The King and Queen appear in Court,
ibid.
The Queens speech,
p. 73.
The King declares his scruples,
ibid.
The Queen Appeals to the Pope,
p. 74
Articles framed and witnesses examined,
ib.
An Avocation prest at Rome,
ibid.
The Pope joyns with the Emperor,
p. 75
Yet is in great perplexities,
ibid.
The Avocation is granted,
p. 76
The Proceedings of the Legates,
ibid.
Campegio adjourns the Court,
p. 77
Which gave great offence,
ibid.
Wolseys danger,
ibid.
Anne Boleyn returns to Court,
p. 78
Cranmers Opinion about the Divorce,
p. 79
Approved by the King,
p. 80
Cardinal Wolsey's fall.
ibid.
The meanness of his temper,
p. 81
He is Attached of Treason,
ibid.
He dies: his Character,
p. 82.
A Parliament called,
ibid.
Complaints against the Clergy,
p. 83
The Kings debts are discharged,
ibid.
The Pope and the Emperor unite,
p. 84
The Womens peace,
ibid.
Anno 1530.
The Emperor is Crowned at Bononia,
ib.
The Vniversities consulted in the Kings sute of Divorce,
p. 85
The answers from Oxford and Cambridge,
p. 86.
D. Crook Imployed in Venice,
p. 87
Many in Italy wrote for the Divorce,
p. 88
It was opposed by the Pope and the Emperor,
p. 89
No Money given by the Kings Agents,
ibid.
Great Rewards given by the Emperor,
p. 90
It is determined for the King at Bononia, Pa­dua, Ferrara ▪ and Orleance.
p. 91
At Paris Bourges and Tholose,
p. 92
The Opinions of some Reformers,
ibid.
And of the Lutherans,
p. 94
The King will not appear at Rome,
ibid.
Cranmer offers to defend the Divorce,
p. 95
The Clergy Nobility and Gentry write to the Pope for the Divorce,
ibid.
The Popes answer to them,
p. 96
A Proclamation against Bulls,
ibid.
Books written for the Divorce,
p. 97
Reasons out of the Old and New Testament,
ibid.
The Authorities of Popes and Councils,
p. 98
And the Greek and Latine Fathers,
p. 99
And Canonists,
p. 100
Marriage is Compleat by Consent,
ibid.
Violent Presumptions of the Consummation of the former Marriage,
ibid.
The Popes Dispensation of no force,
p. 101.
Bishops are not to obey his Decrees,
p. 102
The Authority of Tradition,
ibid.
The Reasons against the Divorce,
p. 103
Answers made to these,
p. 104
The Queen is intractable,
p. 105
Anno 1531.
A Session of Parliament,
ibid.
The Clergy found in a Premunire,
p. 106
The Prerogatives of the Kings of England in Ecclesiastical affairs,
ibid.
The Encroachments of Popes,
ibid.
Statutes made against them,
p. 107
The Popes endeavoured to have those repeal­ed,
p. 109
But with no effect,
p. 111
The Clergy excused themselves,
p. 112
Yet they submit and acknowledg the King Supream Head of the Church,
ibid.
The King Pardons them,
p. 113
And with some difficulty the Laity,
ibid.
One Attainted for Poysoning,
ibid.
The King leaves the Queen,
p. 114
A disorder among the Clergy,
ibid.
The Pope turns to the French,
p. 115
And offers his Niece to the Duke of Orle­ance,
ibid.
The Turk invades the Empire,
p. 116
Anno 1532.
THe Parliament complains of the Spiri­tual Courts,
ibid.
They reject a Bill concerning Wards,
p. 117
[Page 374]An Act against Annates,
ibid.
The Pope writes to the King,
p. 118
The Kings answer,
ibid.
Sir Edward Car sent to Rome,
p. 119
His Negotiation there,
p. 120
He corrupts the Cardinal of Ravenna,
ibid.
The Process against the King at Rome.
p. 121
A Bull for new Bishopricks,
ibid.
The Pope desires the King would submit to him,
p. 122
A new Session of Parliament,
ibid.
A Subsidy is voted,
p. 123
The Oaths the Clergy swore to the Pope and to the King,
ibid.
Chancellor More delivers up his Office,
p. 124
The King meets with the French King,
ibid.
Eliot sent to Rome,
p. 125
The King Marries Anne Boleyn,
p. 126
New Overtures for the Divorce,
ibid.
Anno 1533.
A Session of Parliament,
ibid.
An Act against Appeals to Rome,
ibid.
Arch-Bishop Warham dies,
p. 127
Cranmer succeeds him,
ibid.
His Bulls from Rome,
p. 128
His Consecration,
ibid.
The Iudgment of the Convocation concern­ing the Divorce,
p. 129
Endeavours to make the Queen Submit,
p. 130
But in vain,
ibid.
Cranmer gives Iudgment,
p. 131
Censures that pass upon it,
ibid.
The Pope united to the French King,
p. 133
A Sentence against the Kings proceedings.
ibid.
Queen Elizabeth is born,
p. 134
An Enterview between the Pope and the French King,
ibid.
The King submits to the Pope,
ibid.
The Imperialists oppose the agreement,
p. 135
And procure a definitive Sentence,
p. 136
The King resolves to abolish the Popes Pow­er in England,
ibid.
It was long disputed,
ibid.
Arguments against it from Scripture,
p. 137
And the Primitive Church,
p. 138
Arguments for the Kings Supremacy,
p. 140
From Scripture and the Laws of England,
p. 141
The Supremacy explained,
p. 142
Pains taken to satisfie Fisher,
p. 143
Anno 1534.
A Session of Parliament,
ibid.
An Act for taking away the Popes Power,
p. 144
About the Succession to the Crown,
p. 145
For punishing Hereticks,
p. 147
The Submission of the Clergy,
ibid.
About the Election of Bishops,
p. 148
And the Maid of Kent,
p. 149
The Insolence of some Friers,
p. 151
The Nuns speech at her death,
p. 152
Fisher is dealt with Gently,
p. 153
The Oath for the Succession taken by many,
p. 154
More and Fisher refuse it,
p. 155
And are proceeded against,
p. 156
Another Session of Parliament,
p. 157
The Kings Supremacy is Enacted,
ibid.
An Act for Suffragan Bishops,
ibid.
A Subsidy is granted,
p. 158
More and Fisher are Attainted,
ibid.
The Progress of the Reformation,
p. 159
Tindal and others at Antwerp send over Books and the New Testament,
ibid.
The Supplication of the Beggars,
p. 160
More answers and Frith replyes,
p. 161
Cruel proceeding against Reformers,
p. 162
Bilney's Sufferings,
p. 163
The Sufferings of Byfield,
p. 164
And Bainham,
p. 165
Articles abjured by some,
ibid.
Tracy's Testament,
p. 166
Frith's Sufferings,
p. 167
His Arguments against the Corporal presence in the Sacrament,
ibid.
His Opinion of the Sacrament and Purga­tory for which he was condemned,
p. 169
His Constancy at his death,
p. 170
A stop put to Cruel proceedings,
p. 171
The Queen favoured the Reformers,
ibid.
Cranmer Promoted it,
ibid.
And was Assisted by Cromwell,
p. 172.
A strong party against it,
ibid.
Reasons used against it,
ibid.
And for it,
p. 173.
The Iudgment of some Bishops concerning a General Council,
p. 174
A speech of Cranmers of it,
ibid.

BOOK III.
Of the other Transactions about Religion and Reformati­on, during the rest of the Reign of King Henry the 8th.

Anno 1535.
THe rest of the Kings Reign was trou­blesome,
p. 179
By the practises of the Clergy,
p. 180
Which provoked the King much,
ibid.
The Bishops swear the Kings Supremacy,
p. 181.
The Franciscans only refuse it.
p. 182
A Visitation of Monasteries,
ibid.
The Instructions of the Visitors,
p. 184
Injunctions sent by them,
p. 185
The State of the Monasteries in England and their Exemptions,
p. 186
They were deserted, but again set up by King Edgar,
p. 187
Arts used by the Monks,
ibid.
They were generally corrupt,
p. 188
And so grew the Friers,
p. 189
The Kings other reasons for suppressing Mo­nasteries,
ibid.
Cranmers design in it,
p. 190
The Proceedings of the Visitors,
ibid.
Some Houses resigned to the King,
p. 191
Anno 1536.
QVeen Katherine dies,
ibid.
A Session of Parliament in which the lesser Monasteries were suppressed,
p. 193
The reasons for doing it,
ibid.
The Translation of the Bible in English de­signed,
p. 194
The reasons for it,
ibid.
The opposition made to it,
p. 195
Queen Anns fall driven on by the Popish par­ty,
p. 196
The King became jealous,
p. 197
She is put in the Tower,
p. 198
She confessed some Indiscreet words,
p. 199
Cranmers Letters concerning her,
p. 200
She is brought to a Tryal,
p. 201
And Condemned,
p. 202
And also Divorced,
p. 203
She prepares for Death,
p. 204
The Lieutenant of the Tower's Letters a­bout her.
ibid.
Her Execution,
p. 205
The Censures made on this,
ibid.
Lady Mary is reconciled to her Father and makes a full Submission,
p. 207
Lady Elizabeth is well used by the King,
p. 208
A Letter of hers to the Queen,
p. 209
A New Parliament is called,
ibid.
An Act of the Succession,
p. 210
The Pope endeavours a reconciliation,
p. 211
But in vain,
ibid.
The Proceedings of the Convocation,
p. 213
Articles agreed on about Religion,
p. 215
Published by the Kings Authority,
p. 217
But variously censured,
p. 218
The Convocation declared against the Council Summoned by the Pope,
p. 219
The King publishes his reasons against it
p. 220,
Cardinal Pool writes against the King,
ibid.
Many Books are written for the King,
p. 221
Instructions for the dissolution of Monasteries,
p. 222
Great discontents among all sorts,
p. 223
Endeavours to qualifie these,
ibid.
The people were disposed to Rebel,
p. 224
The Kings Injunctions about Religion,
p. 225
They were much censured,
p. 226
A Rising in Lincoln-shire,
p. 227
Their Demands and the Kings Answer,
ibid.
It was quieted by the Duke of Suffolk,
p. 228
A great Rebellion in the North,
ibid.
The Duke of Norfolk was sent against them,
p. 230
They advance to Doncaster,
ibid.
Their Demands,
p. 231
The Kings Answer to them,
p. 232
Anno 1537.
THe Rebellion is quieted,
p. 233
New risings soon dispersed,
p. 234
The chief Rebels Executed,
ibid.
A New Visitation of Monasteries,
p. 235
Some great Abbots resign,
ibid.
Confessions of horrid crimes are made,
p. 237
[Page 376]Some are Attainted,
p. 238
And their Abbies Suppressed,
p. 240
The Superstition and Cheats of these Houses discovered,
p. 242
Anno 1538.
SOme Images publickly broken,
ibid.
Thomas Beckets shrine broken,
p. 243
New Injunctions about Religion,
p. 245
In [...]ectives against the King at Rome,
ibid.
The Popes Bulls against the King,
ibid.
The Clergy in England declared against these,
p. 248
The Bible is Printed in English,
p. 249
New Injunctions,
ibid.
Prince Edward is born,
p. 250
The Complyance of the Popish party,
p. 251
Lambert appealed to the King,
p. 252
And is publickly tryed,
ibid.
Many Arguments brought against him,
p. 253
He is condemned and burnt,
p. 254
The Popish party gain ground,
ibid.
A Treaty with the German Princes,
p. 255
Bonners dissimulation,
ibid.
Anno 1539.
A Parliament is called,
p. 256
The six Articles are proposed,
ibid.
Arguments against them,
p. 257
An Act passed for them,
p. 258
Which is variously censured,
p. 259
An Act about the Suppression of all Mona­steries,
p. 260
Another for erecting New Bishopricks,
p. 262
The Kings design about these,
ibid.
An Act for Obedience to the Kings Proclama­tions,
p. 263
An Act concerning Precedence,
p. 264
Some Acts of Attaindor,
ibid.
The Kings care of Cranmer,
p. 265
Who wrote against the six Articles,
ibid.
Proceedings upon that Act,
p. 266
Bonners Commission for holding his Bisho­prick of the King,
p. 267
The total Dissolution of Abbeys,
ibid.
Which were sold or given away,
p. 268
A Project of a seminary for Ministers of State,
p. 269
A Proclamation for the use of the Bible,
p. 270
The King designs to Marry Anne of Cleve,
ibid.
Who comes over, but is disliked by the King,
p. 271
Anno 1540.
BVt he Marries her, yet could never love her,
p. 273
A Parliament is called,
p. 274
Where Cromwel speaks as Lord Vice-ge­rent,
ibid.
The Suppression of the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem,
p. 275
Cromwells fall,
p. 276
The King is in love with Katherine Ho­ward,
ibid.
Cranmers friendship to Cromwell,
p. 277
Cromwels Attaindor,
p. 278
Censures past upon it,
p. 279
The Kings Divorce is proposed,
p. 280
And referred to the Convocation,
ibid.
Reasons pretended for it,
ibid.
The Convocation agree to it,
p. 281
Which was much censured,
ibid.
It is Confirmed in Parliament,
p. 282
The Queen consents to it,
ibid.
An Act about the Incontinence of Priests,
ibid.
Another Act about Religion,
ibid.
Another concerning Precontracts,
p. 283
Subsidies granted by Clergy and Laity,
ibid.
Cromwell's Death,
p. 284
His Character,
Ibid.
Designs against Cranmer,
p. 285
Some Bishops and Divines consult about Re­ligion,
p. 286
An Explanation of Faith,
ibid.
Cranmers Opinion about it.
p. 288
They Explain the Apostles▪ Creed,
ibid.
And the Seven Sacraments with great care,
p. 289
As also the Ten Commandments,
p. 290
The Lords Prayer, the Ave Maria and free­will,
p. 291
And Iustification and Good works,
p. 292
Published by the King, but much censured,
p. 293
A Correction of the Missalls,
p. 294
The Sufferings of Barnes and others,
p. 295
They are Condemned unheard,
p. 297
Their Speeches at their Death,
ibid.
Bonners Cruelty,
p. 299
New Bishopricks Founded,
p. 300
Cranmers design is defeated,
p. 301
These Foundations are censured,
ibid.
The State of the Court,
p. 302
The Bible is set up in Churches,
ibid.
An Order for Churchmens house-keeping,
p. 303
The King goes to York,
p. 304
The State of Scotland,
ibid.
The beginning of the Reformation.
p. 305
Patrick Hamiltons Sufferings,
ibid.
A further Prosecution,
p. 308
The Kings was wholly quieted by the Clergy,
p. 309
Some put to death, others escaped,
p. 310
[Page 377]The Queens ill life is discovered,
p. 312
Anno 1542.
A Parliament called,
ibid.
An Act about the Queen much censured
p. 313
A design to suppress the English Bible,
p. 314
The Bible ordered to be revised by the Vni­versities,
p. 315.
B. Bonners Injunctions,
ibid.
The way of Preaching at that time,
p. 316
Plaies and Enterludes then Acted,
p. 318
War between England and Scotland,
ibid.
The Scots are defeated and their King dies,
p. 320
Anno 1543.
CRanmer Promotes a Reformation,
p. 321
An Act of Parliament for it,
ibid.
Another about the Kings Proclamations,
p. 322
A League between the King and the Empe­ror,
p. 323
A Match designed with Scotland,
ibid.
But the French party prevailed there,
p. 324
A War with France,
p. 325
A Persecution of the Reformers,
Ibid.
Marbecks great Ingeniousness,
p. 326
Three burnt at Windsor,
p. 327
Their Persecutors are Perjured,
ibid.
A design against Cranmer,
ibid.
It came to nothing,
p. 328
His Christian behaviour,
ibid.
Anno 1544.
A New Parliament,
ibid.
An Act about the Succession,
ibid.
An Act against Conspiracies,
p. 330
An Act for revising the Canon-Law,
ibid.
A discharge of the Kings debts,
ibid.
The War against Scotland,
p. 331
Audley the Chancellor dies,
ibid.
The Prayers are put in English,
ibid.
Bulloign is taken
p. 332
Anno. 1545.
THe Germans Mediate a peace between England and France,
ibid.
Some great Church-Preferments,
p. 333
Wisharts Sufferings in Scotland,
ibid.
Cardinal Beaton is killed,
p. 336
Anno 1546.
A New Parliament,
p. 338.
Chappels and Chanteries given to the King,
ibid.
The Kings Speech to the Parliament,
ibid.
The King confirms the Rights of Vniversities,
p. 334
A Peace with France,
p. 340
Designs of a further Reformation,
ibid.
Shaxtons Apostacy,
ibid.
The troubles of Anne Askew,
p. 341
She endures the Rack,
p. 342
And is burnt with some others,
ibid.
A design against Cranmer,
ibid.
The King takes care of him,
p. 343
A design against the Queen,
p. 344
The cause of the Duke of Norfolks Dis­grace,
p. 345
Anno 1547.
THe Earl of Surrey is Executed,
p. 346
The Duke of Norfolks Submission,
ibid.
A Parliament meets,
p. 347
The Duke of Norfolk is Attainted,
ibid.
His Death prevented by the Kings,
p. 348
The Emperors designs against the Protestants,
ibid.
The Kings sickness,
ibid.
His Latter will a Forgery,
p. 349
The Kings severities against the Popish Par­ty,
p. 351
Some Carthusians Executed for denying the Kings Supremacy,
p. 352
And a Priest for Treason,
ibid.
Three Monks Executed,
ibid.
Fishers Tryal and Death,
p. 353
His Character,
p. 354
Mores Tryal and Death,
ibid.
His Character,
p. 355
Attaind [...]rs after the Rebellion was quieted,
p. 356
Censures past upon it,
p. 357
F. Forrests Equivocation and Heresie,
ibid.
The Proceedings against Cardinal Pole's friends,
p. 358
Attaindors without hearing the Parties,
p. 359
The Conclusion,
p. 362
Addenda,
p. 363

A COLLECTION OF RECORDS AND Original Papers; With other INSTRUMENTS Referred to in the Former History.

I. The Record of Card. Adrian's Oath of Fi­delity to Henry the 7th, for the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells.

HEnricus Rex, &c. Reverend.Treat. Rolls. in Christo Patri Domino Sylvestro Episcop. Wigorn. venerabili viro Domino Roberto Sherbourn Ecclesiae Sancti Pauli London. decano, nostris in Romana curia oratoribus, ac Magistro Hugoni Yowng Sacrae Theologiae Profes­sori, salutem. Cum omnes & singuli Archiepiscopi & Episcopi hujus nostri Inclyti Regni, quorum omnium nominationes, & promotiones, ad ipsas supremas dignitates, nobis attinent ex regali & peculiari quadam Praerogativa, jure (que) municipali, ac inveterata consue­tudine, hactenus in hoc nostro Regno inconcusse & inviolabiliter obser­vata, teneantur & astringantur, statim & immediate post impetratas Bullas Apostolicas, super eorundem promotione ad ipsam nostram nominatio­nem, coram nobis & in praesentia nostra, si in hoc Regno nostro fuerunt, vel coram Commissarijs nostris, ad hoc sufficienter & legittime deputatis, si alibi moram traxerunt, non solum palam, publice, & expresse, totaliter cedere, & in manus nostras renunciare omnibus, & quibus [...]un (que) verbis, clausulis, & sententiis in ipsis Bullis Apostolicis contentis, & descriptis, quae sunt, vel quovis modo in futurumesse poterunt, praejudicialia, sive damno­sa, nobis, haeredibus (que) de corpore nostro legittime procreatis Angliae regi­bus, Coronae aut Regno nostro, juribus vel consuetudinibus aut Praeroga­tivis ejusdem Regni nostri, & quoad hoc totaliter seipsos submittere & ponere in nostra bona venia & gratia; sed etiam juramentum fidelita­tis & homagij ad Sancta Dei Evangelia, per eosdem respective corpo­raliter tacta, nobis facere & praestare: Cum (que) nos ob praeclara merita eximi­as (que) virtutes quibus Reverendissimum in Christo Patrem, Dominum Adria­num tituli Sancti Chrisogoni Presbyterum Cardinalem, abunde refertum conspicimus, ob (que) diuturnum & fidele obsequium per ipsum Cardinalem nobis factum & impensum, eundem ad Ecclesias Bathon. & Wellen. in­vicem unitas nominavimus & promovimus, qui idcirco & ob id quod in curia Romana continue moram trahit, non potest commode hujusmodi renunciationem & juramentum coram nobis personaliter facere & prae­stare: Hinc est quod nos de fidelitatibus vestris & provida circumspecti­one, ad plenum confidentes, dedimus, & concessimus, ac per praesentes da­mus & concedimus, vobis, tribus aut duobus vestrum, quorum praefatum Episcopum Wigorn. unicum esse volumus, plenam potestatem & autorita­tem, vice & nomine nostris, hujusmodi renunciationem in manus vestras, & juramentum ad Sancta Dei Evangelia corporaliter tacta, juxta formam & verum tenorem, de verbo in verbum inferius descriptum, ab eodem Reverendissimo Domino Cardinali recipiendi, exigendi, & cum effectu praestari videndi; ipsum (que) Cardinalem, ut hujusmodi renunciationem & juramentum per ipsum sic ut permittatis fiendum, & praestandum, manu & subscriptione suis signet, & muniat, requirendi, & ut ita fiat cum effectu videndi, literas quo (que) & instrumenta publica super hujusmodi renuncia­tione, & juramento fieri petendi, & notarium sive notarios publicos, [Page 4] unum vel plures, ut ipsa instrumenta conficiant; Necnon testes qui tunc praesentes erunt, ut veritati testimonium perhibeant rogandi & requirendi, ipsa (que) juramentum vel instrumenta taliter fienda, verum ordinem rei gerendae, & renunciationis ac juramenti tenores in se continens vel con­tinentia, nobis destinandi & transmittendi; Et generaliter omnia & sin­gula faciendi, gerendi, & exercendi, quae in praedictis & quolibet praedi­ctorum necessaria fuerint, seu quomodolibet opportuna, ac quae rei quali­tas exigit & requirit, & quae nosipsi facere & exercere possemus si praesens & personaliter interessemus, etiam si talia forent quae de se mandatum exi­gant magis speciale. Tenor Renunciationis sequitur & est talis: Ego Adri­anus miseratione divina tituli Sancti Chrisogoni Presbyt. Cardinalis Episco­pus Bathon. & Wellen. coram vobis Reverendo Patre Episcopo Wigorn. Domino Roberto Shurborno decano Sancti Pauli London. & Hugone Yowng in Theologia Professore, Commissariis ad hoc a serenissimo at (que) excellentissimo Principe Domino Henrico Dei Gratia Rege Angliae, & Franciae, & Domino Hiberniae, ejus nominisseptimo, Domino meo supre­mo, sufficienter & legittime deputatis, expresse renuncio, & in his scriptis manu & sigillo meis in praesentia notariorum & testium subscriptorum munitis, totaliter cedo omnibus & quibuscun (que) verbis, clausulis & senten­tiis, in bullis Apostolicis mihi factis de praedict. Episcopat. Bathon. & Wel­len. contentis & descriptis, quae sunt vel quovis modo in futurū esse poterint praejudicialia sive damnosa praefato serenissimo Regi, Domino meo supre­mo, & haeredibus suis de corpore suo legittime procreatis Angl. Regibus, Coronae aut Regno, sive Majestatis Juribus vel consuetudinibus, aut Praero­gativis ejusdem Regni: & quoad hoc me integraliter submitto & pono in gratia suae Celsitudinis, humillime supplicans suam Majestatem, dignetur mihi concedere temporalia dicti Episcopatus Bathon. & Wellen. quae recog­nosco tenere a sua Majestate tanquam a Domino meo Supremo. Tenor Juramenti sequitur & est talis: Et ego idem Adrianus Cardinalis prae­dictus Juro ad haec Sancta Dei Evangelia per me corporaliter tacta, quod ab hac die & in antea, vita mea naturali durante, ero fidelis & verus ligens, ac fidelitatem in ligencia mea pure & sincere servabo, fidele (que) & verum ob­sequium secundum optimum posse meum faciam & impendam serenissi­mo Principi Henrico ejus nominis septimo, Dei Gratia Angl. & Fran. Regi ac Domino Hiber. Domino meo supremo, & haeredibus suis de corpore suo legittime procreatis Angl. Regibus, contra quascun (que) personas, cujus­cun (que) status, gradus, praeeminentiae aut conditionis extiterint: nec quic­quam faciam aut attemptabo fieri, ne aut attemptari consentiam, quod in damnum, incommodum, aut praejudicium, ipsius serenissimi Regis aut haere­dum suorum praedictorum, jurium, libertatum, Praerogativarum, privilegio­rum & consuetudinum sui incliti Regni, quovis modo cedere poterit; sed omne id quod jam scio, vel imposterum cognoscam inhonorabile, damno­sum aut praejudiciale, suae Serenitati, aut Regno suo, seu contrarium honori aut Serenitati suae Majestatis, aut haeredum suorum praedictorum, non solum impediam ad extremum potentiae meae, sed etiam cum omni possibili di­ligentia id ostendam et significabo, ostendive aut significari faciam eidem serenissimo Regi, omni favore, metu, promisso aut Jurejurando cuicun (que) personae aut quibuscun (que) personis cujuscun (que) status, gradus, ordinis prae­eminentiae conditionisve extiterunt, quod antehac per mefactū autinterpo­sitū seu imposterum fiendū aut interponendū, penitus sublato & non ob­stantibus. Honorem insuper suae Majestati ad extremum potentiae meae [Page 5] servabo, Parliamentis quo (que) & aliis Consiliis suae Celsitudinis cum in ejus Regno fuero diligenter attendam; Consilium quod sua Serenitas per se ceu literas aut nuncium suum mihi manifestabit, nemini pandam, nisi iis quibus ipse jusserit: & si consilium meum super aliquo facto Majestas sua postulaverit, fideliter sibi consulam, & quod magis suae Serenitati videbitur expedire, & conducere juxta opinionem & scire meum, dicam & aperiam, atque id si sua Serenitas mandaverit pro posse meo diligenter faciam. Causas insuper & negotia omnia suae Serenitatis mihi commissa, seu impo­sterum committenda, in Curia Romana prosequenda, pertractanda & so­licitanda, fideliter, accurate & diligenter, cum omnimoda dexteritate prosequar, pertractabo & solicitabo: Bullas (que) & alias Literas Apostolicas validas & efficaces, in debita Juris forma, super eisdem causis & negotiis impetrare & obtinere abs (que) fraude, dolo aut sinistra quavis machinatione quantum in me erit, cum omni effectu enitar, operam dabo & conabor: ac easdem taliter expeditas, cum ea quam res expostulat diligentia, suae Se­renitati, transmittam aut per alios transmitti, tradi & liberari curabo, & faciam. Servitia quo (que) & homagia pro temporalibus dicti Episcopatus, quae recognosco tenere a sua Celsitudine tanquam a Domino meo supremo, fideliter faciam & implebo. Ita me Deus adjuvet & haec Sancta Dei Evan­gelia. In cujus, &c. T.R. apud Westm. 13 die Octob.

Per ipsum Regem.

II. Pope Julius's Letter to Archbishop Warham for giving K. Henry the 8th the Golden Rose.

Iulius Secundus Papa venerabili Fratri Guilielmo Archiepiscop. Cantuarien.

VEnerabilis Frater, salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem.Registrum Warhami Fol. 26. Charissi­mum in Christo Filium nostrum Henricum Angliae Regem Illustris­simum, quem peculiari charitate complectimur, aliquo insigni Apostolico munere in hoc Regnisui primordio, decorandum putantes, mittimus nunc ad eum Rosam Auream, Sancto Chrismate delibutam, & odorifero Musco aspersam, nostris (que) manibus de more Romanorum Pontificum benedictam, quam ei a tua Fraternitate inter Missarum solemnia per te celebranda, cum caeremoniis in notula alligata contentis, dari volumus nostra & Apo­stolica benedictione.

Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum sub Annulo Piscatoris 5 April. 1510. Pontificatus nostri Anno septimo.
Sigismundus.

The Note of the Ceremonies of delivering the Rose, referred to in the Letter, was not thought worthy to be put in the Register.

III. A Writ for Summoning Convocations.

REX, &c. Reverendissimo in Christo Patri Cantuarien. Archiepis.Tonst. Regist. Fol. 33. totius Angliae Primati & Apostolicae sedis Legato, salutem. Qui­busdam arduis & urgentibus negotiis, Nos, defensionem & securitatem [Page 6] Ecclesiae Anglicanae, ac pacem, tranquillitatem, & bonum publicum, & de­fensionem Regni nostri & subditorum nostrorum ejusdem concernenti­bus, vobis in fide & dilectione quibus nobis tenemini rogando mandamus, quatenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis & ponderatis, universos & sin­gulos Episcopos vestrae Provinciae, ac Decanos & Priores Ecclesiarum Ca­thedralium, Abbates, Priores & alios Electivos, Exemptos & non exemp­tos, necnon Archidiaconos, Conventus, Capitula, & Collegia, to­tum (que) Clerum, cujuslibet Dioceseos ejusdem Provinciae, ad conveni­endum coram vobis in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli London. vel alibi prout me­lius expedire videritis, cum omni celeritate accommoda, modo debito con­vocari faciatis ad tractandum, consentiendum, & concludendum super praemissis, & aliis quae sibi clarius proponentur, tunc & ibidem ex parte nostra. Et hoc, sicut Nos et statum Regni nostri, & honorem & utili­tatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis, nullatenus omittatis.

Teste meipso, &c. apud Westminst. 6. Feb. Anno Regni 14.

Warham in his Writ of executing this Summons, prefixes the 20th of April for the day of their meeting.

IV. A Writ for a Convocation summoned by Warham on an Ecclesiastical account.

WIllielmus permissione divina Cantuar. Archiepiscopus, totius An­gliae Primas & Apostolicae sedis Legatus,Regist. Fitz-Wil­liams. venerabili confratri no­stro Domino Ricardo Dei Gratia London. Episcopo, salutem & frater­nam in Domino caritatem. Cum nuper Ecclesia Anglicana, quae majo­rum nostrorum temporibus, multis ac magnis libertatibus & immunitati­bus gaudere solebat, quorundam iniquorum hominum malitiis, & nequitiis fortiter fuerit inquietata & perturbata, qui omnia quae a majoribus nostris sancte & pie, ob tranquillitatem dictae Ecclesiae, fuerunt ordinata ac sancita, vel prava & sinistra interpretatione prope subvertentes, vel personas Ecclesiasticas male tractantes, ac eas contemptui habentes, dictam Ecclesiam pene prostraverunt ac pedibus conculcarunt: Ne igitur dicta Ecclesia Anglicana ad calamitatem insignem seu ruinam ac jacturam, & quod absit, desolationem perveniat, quas diu eadem Ecclesia Anglica­na per diversas personas, ut praefertur prae oculis suis Deum non habentes, nec censuras Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae timentes, sustinuit & sustinebat, prout de verisimili Reformatione non habita in futurum sustinere debeat; Nos prout tenemur, congruum remedium in hac parte providere cupientes, & ob id ipsum Praelatos & Clerum nostrae Cantuar. Provinciae convocare volentes; Fraternitati vestrae igitur committimus & mandamus, quate­nus omnes & singulos dictae nostrae Cant. Ecclesiae Suffraganeos infra nostram Provinciam constitutos, & absentium Episcoporum si quifuerunt Vicarios in Spiritualibus generales, ac Diocesium vacantium Custodes Spi­ritualitatis, & Officiales citetis seu citari faciatis, peremptorie, & per eos Decanos & Priores Ecclesiarum Cath. ac singula Capitula eorundum, Archidiaconos, Abbates & Priores, Conventus sub se habentes, & alios Ec­clesiarum Praelatos exemptos, & non exemptos, Clerum (que) cujuslibet Dioceseos Provinciae nostrae antedictae, citari peremptorie & praemoneri [Page 7] volumus & mandamus, Quod iidem Episcopi Suffraganei, nostri Vicarii Generales, Decani & Custodes sive Officiales, Abbates, Priores, Archidia­coni ac caeteri Ecclesiarum Praelati, exempti & non exempti, personaliter, & quodlibet Capitulum Ecclesiarum Cath. per unum de Capitulo gradua­tum, vel magis idoneum, dicti (que) singuli Abbates, sive Priores, Conventus sub se habentes, nullo obstante impedimento legittimo, per unam Religiosam personam de Conventu graduatam si quae sit, ceu alias per unam magis ido­neam de eodem Conventu, Clerus (que) [...]ujuslibet Dioc. Provinciae antedictae per duos procuratores graduatos ejusdem Dioc. seu alias si non fuerunt, per duos sufficientiores & habiliores Dioc. in eorum Beneficiis realiter residentes, compareant coram nobis aut nostris in hac parte locumtenen­tibus, vel Commissariis si nos tunc (quod absit) impediri contigerit in Ec­clesia Cathed. Sancti Pauli London. die Sabbat. viz. 26. mensis Janua­rii &c. Dat in Manerio nostro de Lambeth. primo die mensis Novembris Anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo nono, & nostrae Translat. Anno sexto.

V. The Preamble of the Act of Subsidy granted by the Clergy.

QUum Illustrissimus & Potentissimus Dominus noster Rex Angliae & Franciae,Anno Dom. 1523. Regist. Cuthberti Tonstall. Folio 40▪ Defensor Fidei & Dominus Hibern. semper extitit constan­tissimus Ecclesiae Protector & Patronus optime meritus, at (que) superiori­bus annis, in diebus foelicis recordationis Julij ejus nominis Papae secundi, grave Schisma in Ecclesia Romana exortum pacavit & extinxit; & post­ea ipsam Ecclesiam Romanam contra vim & potentiam Gallorum, qui tunc Italiam & Urbem Romanam in servitutem redigere moliebantur, vali­dissimo excercitu & bello longe omnium sumptuosissimo faeliciter defen­dit, & securam reddid [...]t: Ac praeterea postremis his diebus Lutheranas, Hae­reses, in Ecclesiae Sacramenta Ecclesiae (que) statum furiose debaccantes doctis­simo & nunquam satis laudato libello contudit & superavit; vicissim tam gladio quam calamo hostes Ecclesiae strenuissime profligans, quibus me­ritis suam clarissimam famam immortali gloriae pariter consecravit, tales laudes & gratias sua incomparabili bonitate ab Ecclesia promeruit, quales nunquam satis dignas quisquam mortaliū referre poterit sed Deus affatim persolvet praemia digna. Quum (que) idem Rex noster & Protector illustris­simus a Rege Gallorum per Mare & per Terras, incolas hujus Regni con­tra percussum foedus, promissam fidem, & suum ipsius salvum conductum assidue infestante, & Scotos contra Regnum hoc instigante ac suis stipen­diis conducente, at (que) ducem Albaniae in perniciem principis Scotorum nostri Regis ex sorore Nepotis impellente, alias (que) injurias multas & gra­ves contra Regiam Majestatem suos (que) amicos & subditos quotidie mul­tiplicante, provocatur, irritatur at (que) urgetur ut bellum suscipiat, suum (que) Regnum tam contra Gallos quam contra Scotos ut decet imvictissimum Principem potenter defendat; non enim ultra pacem colere vel pacem longius expectare convenit postquam Rex Gallorum summum Pontifi­cem bene moventem, & quae pacis sunt suadentem, audire recusat, exerci­tum instruens & bellum apparans, fortassis in multos annos duraturum: dignissimum est ob praefata tam praeclara facinora, ut sicut Rex noster il­lustrissimus plus caeteris Regibus antecessoribus suis pro Ecclesiae defensio­ne, utilitate & honore insudavit, & plus expensarum sustinuit; ita ad susti­nenda [Page 6] [...] [Page 7] [...] [Page 8] bellorum onera imminentia, pro Ecclesiae & totius Regni hujus de­fensione, per Ecclesiam tali subsidio adjuvetur quale anterioribus Regibus nunquam antehac concessum est, nec fortassis posterioribus Regibus un­quam simile, nisi ob talia benefacta vel extremam bellorum necessitatem postea concedetur. Quocirca ut Regia Majestas ad fovendam & pro­tegendam Ecclesiam, & Clerum Angliae, magis indies animetur, & ut jura, libertates & privilegia Ecclesiae concessa benigne Ecclesiae servet, & ab aliis servari faciat, & ne praefata benefacta in ingratos contulisse vide­atur.

NOs Praelati & Clerus Cant. Provinciae in hac Sacra Synodo Pro­vinciali sive Praelatorum & Cleri ejusdem Convocatione, in Ecclesia Cathed. Divi Pauli London. vicesimo die mensis Aprilis Anno Dom. mil­lesimo quingentesimo vicesimo tertio inchoata, ac us (que) ad & in decimum quartum diem mensis Augusti proxime ex tunc sequentis de diebus in dies continuata, congregati, Illustrissimo Domino Regi perpetuo & po­tentissimo Fidei & Ecclesiae defensori, subsidium dare & concedere De­crevimus, quam nostram Benevolentiam ut gratam & acceptam habeat humillime deprecamur, protestantes expresse, quod per praesentem con­cessionem, quam tanquam novam & ante insolitam pro nostra singulari & personali in Regiam Majestatem observantia sine exemplo donamus, omnino nolumus Ecclesiae Anglicanae aut successoribus nostris in aliquo praejudicium generari, nec casum hunc singularem ad sequen. trahi: Quod si praesentem Concessionem pro exemplo & (ut vocant) pro Praesidente ad similes unquam Concessiones exigendas accipiendam fore praesentiremus, certe in eam omnino consentire recusassemus; quandoquidem subsidium sub modis, formis, conditionibus, exceptionibus ac provisionibus, & protestatione super & infrascriptis, & non aliter, ne (que) alio modo, Damus & Concedimus, viz. Subsidium se extendens ad Medietatem sive mediam partem valoris omnium fructuum reddituum, & proventuum, possessio­num, unius anni, omnium & singulorum Episcopatuum, Ecclesiarum Ca­thed. & Collegiatarum, Dignitatum, Hospitalium, Monast. Abbaciarum, Prioratuum aliarum (que) domorum Religiosarum, necnon quorumcun (que) beneficiorum & Possessionum Ecclesiasticarum, &c.

VI. Bishop Tonstal's Licence to Sir Thomas More for reading Heretical Books.

CUthbertus permissione Divina London. Episcopus Clarissimo & Egregio viro Domino Thomae More fratri & amico Charissimo Salutem in Domino & benedict.Regist. Tonst. Fol. 138. Quia nuper, postquam Ecclesia Dei per Germaniam ab haereticis infestata est, juncti sunt nonnulli iniquitatis Filii, qui veterem & damnatam haeresim Wyckliffianam & Lutherianam, etiam haeresis Wycliffianae alumni transferendis in nostratem vernaculam linguam corruptissimis quibuscun (que) eorum opusculis, atque illis ipsis mag­na copia impressis, in hanc nostram Regionem inducere conantur; quam sane pestilentissimis dogmatibus Catholicae fidei veritati repugnan­tibus maculare at (que) inficere magnis conatibus moliuntur. Magnopere igitur verendum est ne Catholica veritas in totum periclitetur nisi boni [Page 9] & [...]ruditi viri malignitati tam praedictorum hominum strenue occurrant, id quod nulla ratione melius & aptius fieri poterit, quam si in lingua Catholica veritas in totum expugnans haec insana dogmata simul etiam ipsissim [...] prodeat in lucem. Quo fiet ut Sacrarum Literarum imperiti ho­mines in manu [...] sumentes novos istos Haereticos Libros, at (que) una etiam Catholicos ipsos refellentes, vel ipsi per se verum discernere, vel ab aliis quorum perspicacius est judicium recte admoneri & doceri possint. Et quia tu▪ Frater Clarissime, in lingua nostra vernacula, sicut etiam in Latina, Demosthenem quendam praestare potes, & Catholicae veritatis as­sertor acerrimus in omni congressu esse soles, melius subcisivas horas, si quas tuis occupationibus suffurari potes, collocare nunquam poteris, quam in nostrate lingua aliqua edas quae simplicibus & ideotis hominibus sub­dolam haereticorum malignitatem aperiant, ac contra tam impios Ec­clesiae supplantatores reddant eos instructiores: habes ad id exemplum quod imiteris praeclarissimum, illustrissimi Domini nostri Regis Henrici octavi, qui Sacramenta Ecclesiae contra Lutherum totis viribus ea sub­vertent [...] ̄ asserere aggressus, immortale nomen Defensoris Ecclesiae in omne aevum promeruit. Et ne Andabatarum more cum ejusmodi larvis lucteris, ignorans ipse quod oppugnes, mitto ad te insanas in nostrate lingua istorū naen [...]as, atque una etiam nonnullos Lutheri Libros ex quibus haec opinionū monstra prodierunt Quibus abs te diligenter perlectis, facilius intelligas quibus latibulis tortuosi serpentes sese condant, quibus (que) anfractibus elabi deprehensi studeant. Magni enim ad victoriam momenti est hostium Con­silia explorata habere, & quid sentiant quove tendant penitus nosse: nam si convellere pares quae isti se non sensisse dicent, in totum perdas operam. Macte igitur virtute, tam sanctum opus aggredere, quo & Dei Ecclesiae prosis▪ & tibi immortale nomen at (que) aeternam in Coelis gloriam pa [...]es: quod ut facias atque Dei Ecclesiam tuo patrocinio munias, magnopere in Do­mino obsecramus, at (que) ad illum finem ejusmodi libros & retinendi & le­gendi facultatem at (que) licentiam impertimur & concedimus. Dat. 7 die Martii, Anno 1527 & nostrae Cons. sexto.

Ad Librum Secundum.

I. The Bull for the King's Marriage with Queen Katherine.

JUlius Episcopus servus servorum Dei,Cott. libr. Vitel. B. 12. dilecto Filio Henrico carissimi in Christo Filii Henrici Angliae Regis illustriss. Nato, & dilectae in Chri­sto Filiae Catharinae, Carissimi in Christo Filii nostri Ferdinandi Regis, ac Carissimae in Christo Filiae nostrae Elizabeth. Reginae Hispaniarum & Si­ciliae Catholicorum natae, illustribus, salutem & Apostolicam Benedictio­nem. Romani Pontificis praecellens Autoritas concessa sibi desuper uti­tur potestate, prout personarum, negotiorum & temporum qualitate pensata, id in Domino conspicit salubriter expedire. Oblatae nobis nuper pro parte vestra petitionis series continebat, Quod cum alias tu Filia Catharina, & tunc in humanis agens quondam Arthurus, Carissimi in Christo Filii nostri Henrici Angliae Regis illustrissimi primogenitus, pro conservandis pacis & amicitiae nexibus & faederibus inter carissimum in Christo Filium nostrum Ferdinandum, & Carissimam in Christo Filiam [Page 10] nostram Elizabeth. Hispaniarum & Siciliae Catholicos, ac praefatum An­gliae Reges & Reginam, matrimonium per verba legitime de praesenti contraxissetis, illud (que) carnali Copula forsan consummavissetis, Dominus Arthurus prole ex hujusmodi Matrimonio non suscepta decessit; Cum autem, sicut eadem petitio subjungebat, ad hoc ut hujusmodi vinclum Pacis & Amicitiae inter praefatos Reges & Reginam diutius permaneat, cupiatis Matrimonium inter vos per verba legitime de praesenti contra­here, supplicari nobis fecistis, ut vobis in praemissis de opportunae Dispen­sationis gratia providere de benignitate Apostolica dignaremur: Nos igitur, qui inter singulos Christi fideles, praesertim Catholicos Reges & Principes, Pacis & Concordiae amaenitatem vigere intensis desideriis af­fectamus, vosque & quemlibet vestrum a quibuscunque Excommunica­tionis, Suspensionis & Interdict. aliisque Ecclesiasticis Sententiis, Censuris, Paenis, a jure vel ab homine, quavis occasione vel causa latis, si quibus quomodolibet innodati existitis, ad effectum praesentium duntaxat con­sequendum, harum serie absolventes, & absolutos fore censentes hujus­modi supplicationibus inclinati, vobiscum, ut impedimento affinitatis hu­jusmodi ex praemissis proveniente, ac Constitutionibus & Ordinationi­bus Apostolicis caeteris (que) contrariis nequaquam obstantibus, Matrimoni­um per verba legitime de praesenti inter vos contrahere, & in eo, post­quam Contractum fuerit, etiamsi jam forsan hactenus de facto publice vel clandestine contraxeritis, ac illud Carnali Copula consummaveritis, licite remanere valeatis, Auctoritate Apostolica tenore praesentium de specialis dono Gratiae Dispensamus; ac vos & quemlibet vestrorum si con­traxeritis (ut praefertur) ab excessu hujusmodi, ac Excommunicationis Sententia quam propterea incurristis, eadem Auctoritate Absolvimus, Prolem ex hujusmodi Matrimonio, sive contracto, sive contrahendo, susceptam forsan vel suscipiendam legitimam decernendo. Proviso quod tu (Filia Catharina) propter hoc rapta non fueris; volumus autem quod si hujusmodi Matrimonium de facto contraxistis, Confessor, per vos & quemlibet vestrum eligendus, paenitentiam salutarem propterea vobis injungat, quam adimplere teneamini. Nulli ergo omnino homi­num liceat hanc paginam nostrae Absolutionis, Dispensationis & volunta­tis infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire; si quis autem hoc at­temptare praesumpserit, indignationem Omnipotentis Dei ac Beatorum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum. Dat. Romae apud Sanctum Petrum, Anno Incarnationis Dominicae millesimo quin­gentesimo tertio, septimo Cal. Januarii, Pontificatus nostri Anno primo.

II. The King's Protestation against the Marriage.

Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 12.IN Dei Nomine, Amen. Coram vobis Reverendo in Christo Patre & Domino, Domino Richardo Dei & Apostolicae sedis gratia Epis­copo Wintoniensi, Ego Henricus Walliae Princeps, Dux Cornubiae & Co­mes Cestriae, dico, allego & in his Scriptis propono, Quod licet ego minorem aetatem agens, & intra annos pubertatis notorie existens, cum Serenissima Domina Katharina Hispaniarum Regis Filia, Matrimonium de facto contraxerim, qui quidem Contractus, quamvis obstante ipsa minore aetate mea de se jam invalidus, imperfectus, nullus efficaciae aut vigoris extiterit; quia tamen annis pubertatis & matura aetate jam super­veniente, Contractus ipse per tacitum Consensum, mutuam cohabitatio­nem, munerum aut intersignium dationem seu receptionem, vel alium [Page 11] quemcun (que) modum jure declaratum, forsan existimari seu videri poterit apparenter validatus aut confirmatus; Ea-propter, Ego Henricus Wal­liae Princeps praedictus, jam proximus pubertati existens, & annos puber­tatis attingens, Protestor, quod non intendo eundem praetensum con­tractum per quaecun (que) per me dicta seu dicenda, facta aut facienda, in aliquo approbare, validare, [...]eu ratum habere, sed nunc in praesenti, non vi, dolo, nec prece inductus, sed sponte & libere, nullo modo coactus, contra hujusmodi Contractum reclamo, & eidem dissentio, volo (que) & omnino intendo ab eodem contractu Matrimoniali praetenso, melioribus modo & forma, quibus de jure melius, validius, aut efficacius potero vel possim, penitus resilire, & eidem expresse dissentire, prout in praesenti contra eundem reclamo, & eidem dissentio. Protestor (que) quod per nul­lum dictum, factum, actum, aut gestum per me, aut nomine meo per alium quemcunque, quandocun (que) aut qualemcunque, imposterum faci­endum, agendum, gerendum, aut explicandum, volo aut intendo in praefatum contractum Matrimonialem, aut in dictam Dominam Cathari­nam tanquam Sponsam aut Uxorem meam consentire. Super quibus vos omnes testimonium perhìbere volo, requiro, rogo, atque obtestor.

Per me Henricum Walliae Principem.

LEcta fuit & facta suprascripta Protestatio, per praefatum Serenissimum Principem Dominum Henricum, coram Reverendo in Christo Patre & Domino Domino Richardo permissione Divina Winton. Episcopo, Judicialiter pro tribunali sedent. Et me Notarium infra scriptum ad tunc praesentem in ejus Actorum Scribam in hac parte assumente, & Te­stium infrascriptorum praesentiis. Anno Dom. 1505. Indictione octava, Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo Patris & Domini nostri Julii, Divina Providentia eo nomine Papae secundi Anno secundo, Mensis vero Ju­nii die 27; quo die Dominus Serenissimus Princeps proximus pubertati, & annos pubertatis attingens erat, ut tunc ibidem asserebat, in quadam bassa Camera infra Palatium Regium Richemondiae, in parte occidentali ejusdem Palatii situat. Super quibus omnibus & singulis, praesatus Se­renissimus Princeps me Notarium praememoratum Instrumentum consi­cere, & testes infra nominatos testimonium perhibere requisivit instan­ter, & rogavit. In quorum omnium & singulorum fidem & testimoni­um, praefatus Serenissimus Princeps supra, & testes, ut praemittitur, ro­gati & requisiti, sua nomina propriis manibus infra scripserunt. Ita est ut supra, quod ego Joannes Raed manu & signo meo manuali Attestor.

  • Giles Daubney,
  • C. Somerset.
  • Thomas Rowthale.
  • Nicholas West.
  • Henry Marny.

III. Cardinal Wolsey's first Letter to Sir Gregory Cassali, about the Divorce. Taken from the Original.

Cotton libr. Vitellius B. 9.DOmine Gregori, Post meam cordatissimam Commendationem, post ultimum vestrum a me discessum ex compendio ad vos scripsi, ut ob nonnullas maximi momenti causas procurare differretis quod de Regiae Majestatis negotio in quibusdam nobis traditis Commissionibus contine­batur, quoad rursus vobis significarem quid ea in re fieri vellemus. Ubi vero ad Regiam Majestatem rediissem, variis crebris (que) cum ea habitis sermonibus, adeo abunde ac distincte illi aperui quam ex animo ac dili­genter, & quam sincere & ex fide, diu noctuque exoptetis eidem Regiae Majestati inservire; neque ullum unquam laborem, periculum aut mole­stiam vos velle recusare, ut omni studio ac viribus id fideliter praestare possitis quod illi gratum aut acceptum quoquo modo esse posse cognove­ritis, omnem (que) industriam vos esse adhibituros quo vestrae fidei curaeque commissa optatum finem consequantur; quem vestrum animum pro­pensissima voluntate sic sub mea [...]ide Regiae Majestati insinuavi, ut me­am hanc relationem atque sponsionem pectori suo constantissime adfixe­rit, certissimaque fiducia concepit, omnino futurum ut nostrae tunc ex­pectationi quacunque in re & occasione respondeatis: Ex quo fit ut ve­strae operae, curae atque prudentiae ea nunc tractanda & procuranda committat, quibus nihil magis cordi habeat, nihil ardentius exoptet, aut majoris sit momenti vel gravioris successus, nec ullum habet Consiliari­um, utcunque intimum, cui graviora possit committere. Quum itaque, me intercedente & procurante, nunc vos Regia Majestas prae caeteris ad hoc fidei adsciverit & elegerit, ut in re tam gravi fidelissima vestra opera ac ministerio utatur, sidemque illi meam de vobis jam ei adstrinxerim, nihil ambigens quin postquam ejus animum ac voluntatem cognoveritis, fue­ritisque abunde instructi quam maximi haec quae nunc expono sunt mo­menti, utpote quae potissimum concernunt Regiae conscientiae exone­rationem animaeque suae salutem, vitae conservationem & incolumitatem, Regii Stemmatis continuationem, publicumque commodum & quietem subditorum omnium, eorum pariter qui sub ejus imperio nunc vivunt vel qui postea unquam in hoc suo Regno vivent; quumque perspiciam sedulum vestrum Ministerium hoc in negotio impendendom omnino r [...] ­dundaturum esse in praecipuam vestram exaltationem & utilitatem, post­quam infelices istos jam passos successus occasionem se obtulisse videtis, qua vestra familia hujusmodi operam huic Serenissimo Principi navare possit, quod statum omnem vestrum in longe meliorem quam antea sit haud dubie restituturus & adaucturus, certissimum compertissimumque habeo, quod ob has tam urgentes causas & tam graves successuros effe­ctus, adeo toto pectore vires omnes vestras industria ac studio tantae con­ficiendae rei addicetis, ut omnia queatis ad optatum exitum perducere; atque ita promissum fidemque meam praestabitis, tam optimum Regiae Majestatis institutum juvabitis, ejus desiderio & expectationi omni ex parte satisfacietis, & praeter bene peractae rei honorem & laudem com­parandam, mercedem quoque reportabitis tanti Principis liberalitate dig­nam, quae certissime cedet in perpetuum vestrum totiusque vestrae fami­liae commodum & incrementum: Et quum jam mihi persuadeam futu­rum [Page 13] omnino ut officiis actionibusque vestris sitis promissis sponsionibus­que meis omnino satisfacturi, ad id pluribus verbis neutiquam adhorta­bor, proinde ad rem nunc ipsam venio. Ante hoc tempus vobis aperui, quemadmodum Regia Majestas, partim assiduo suo studio & eruditione, partim relatu ac judicio multorum Theologorum, & in omni Doctrinae genere doctorum virorum asseveratione, existimans conscientiam suam non esse sufficienter exoneratam, quod in conjugio existeret cum Regi­na, Deumque primo & ante omnia ac animae suae quietem & salutem re­spiciens, mox vero suae Successionis securitatem, perpendensque accu­rate quam gravia hinc mala provenirent, aperte sentit quam maxime fu­turum sit Deo molestum, inhonorificum sibi, & ingratum apud homines, suisque subditis periculosum, ex hoc non sufficienti conjugio, si depre­hendatur dicta Majestas sciens ac volens in eo perstare, & vivere praeter modum debitum, juxtaque ritum & legitima Ecclesiae Statuta: quibus igitur ex causis longo jam tempore, intimo suae conscientiae remorsu, sum­mique Dei rationem habens, existimat animam suam laesam & offensam, adeo quod, quum in suis conatibus actionibusque quibuscunque Deum potissimum sibi semper proponat, ingenti cum molestia cordisque pertur­batione in hoc Matrimonio degit; super qua re maturum sanumque ju­dicium consuluit clarissimorum celeberrimorum (que) Doctorum a liorum (que) complurium in omni eruditionis genere excellentiorum virorum ac Prae­latorum, partim Theologorum, partim Jurisperitorum, tum in suo Regno, tum alibi existentium, ut aperte vere (que) cognosceret, an Di­spensatio antea concessa pro se & Regina, ex eo quod Regina Fratris sui uterini Uxor antea extiterit, valida & sufficiens foret, necne; de­mum (que) a variis multis (que) ex his Doctoribus asseritur, quod Papa non po­test dispensare in primo gradu affinitatis, tanquam ex jure Divino, mo­raliter, naturaliter (que) prohibito, ac si potest, omnes affirmant & consenti­unt quod hoc non potest, nisi ex urgentissimis & ardius causis, quales non subfuerunt, Bulla praeterea Dispensationis fundatur & concessa est sub quibusdam rationibus falso suggestis & enarratis, in ea nam (que) asseri­tur, quod haec Regia Majestas Matrimonium hoc cum Regina percupie­bat, pro bono pacis inter Henricum septimum Ferdinandū & Elizabetham, quum revera nulla tunc dissensio aut belli suspicio esset inter dictos Prin­cipes, vel Regiam Majestatem praedictam, quae in teneris adhuc annis, nec in discretione aut judicio constitutis agebat; nunquam deinde as­sensit, aut quicquam cognovit de hujusmodi bullae Impetratione, nec unquam hoc Matrimonium optavit, aut aliquid de eo accepit ante bullae Impetrationem. Quocirca ab his omnibus Doctoribus at (que) Praelatis ju­dicatur hujusmodi Dispensationem non adeo validam & idoneam esse ac efficacem, ut praedictum Matrimonium manifeste justum legitimum (que) sit; sed potius quod multa possunt objici, magnis probabilibus (que) fun­data & corroborata rationibus, in non leve periculum Regiae prolis, to­ [...]ius (que) Regni ac subditorum gravem perturbationem. Adhaec, post­quam Regia Majestas, qui Walliae Princeps tunc erat, decimum quartum annum attigisset, contractus Revocatio subsequuta est, Rege Patre ex­presse nolente quod hujusmodi Matrimonium ullo pacto sortiretur effe­ctum. His causis Rex hic Serenissimus, tanquam bonus & Catholicus Princeps, timens ne ob tam diuturnam cum Regina continuationem, in­dignatus & iratus Deus citius ex humanis evocave [...] Masculam [...] Regi­na susceptam prolem, gravius (que) a Deo supplicium expavescit si in Ma­trimonio [Page 14] hoc non-legitimo perseveraverit; ex hac ideo occasione, in­timis praecordiis hunc Conscientiae scrupulum concepit, in animo nihilo­minus habens, pro animi conscientiae (que) suae quiete & salute, prolis (que) se­curitate, ad Sanctam Domini nostri sedem (que) Apostolicam confugere, tantae rei remedium impetraturus confidens, quod ob complura sua erga eam merita & officia tum calamo ingenii (que) viribus, tum armis praestita, subsidia in Ecclesiae calamitatibus prompte subministrata, Sanctissimus Do­minus noster non gravabitur sua benignitate, Authoritate ac facultate, intimum hunc Regiae Majestatis cordi inhaerentem dolorem amovere, eum (que) modum ac rationem inire qua Regia Majestas praedicta Uxorem aliam ducere, &, Deo volente, masculam prolem in suae successionis se­curitatem queat ex ea suscipere, & tam certam quietem in suo Regno constituere: Quum (que) ejus Sanctitas ab his nunc captiva detineatur, qui pro virili sua forsan conabuntur impedire, turbare (que) hoc Regiae Maje­statis desiderium & Statutum, ipsa praeterea cogitur vias omnes excogi­tare, quibus dicta Sanctitas de hac re dexterius & commodius instrui, & fa­cilius adduci queat ad ea concedenda, quorū medio & vigore Regiae Maje­statis animus & desiderium queat optatum sortiri effectum: Proinde ipsa Regia Majestas de fide, industria, dexteritate prudentia (que) vestra plenis­sime confidens, vult ut statim his literis acceptis, rebus aliis omnibus quibuscun (que) ab eo vel a quovis alio vobis commissis omnino posthabitis, vias modos (que) omnes possibiles excogitetis quibus potestis secretissime, mutato habitu & tanquam alicujus Minister, vel tanquam Commissionem habens a Duce Ferrariae pro nonnullis inter Pontificem & eum componendis con­troversiis, vel alia qua licuerit securiori via, ad Pontificis praesentiam & colloquium accedendi, omnibus arbitris semotis, si fieri possit, pro ve­stris obeundis mandatis; quorum obtinendorum gratia, si ita expedire judicaveritis, eam mercedem ac pecuniarum summam promittetis ac tra­detis, his qui revera volent at (que) poterunt hoc negotium ad effectum per­ [...]rahere, quam summam, & ejus limitationem, judicio, prudentiaeque vestrae integram Regia Majestas remittit; etiam si his danda foret qui Pontificem asservant, vel cuicun (que) alio qui vos tuto ad secretum cum sua Sanctitate Sermonem adducere, in locum (que) tutum reducere posset: Cujus rei gratia, aliis (que) ad hunc finem consequendum sustinendis oneri­bus neces [...]a [...]iis, pecuniae ad summam decem mille ducatorum, per Mensa­rios Venetias transmittentur, qui illic in promptu aderunt, persolvendae & consignandae Prothonotario Fratri vestro, Regio illic existenti Orato­ri; per eum (que) de tempore in tempus ad vos transmitti ea summa poterit quam huic obtinendo negotio conducere posse existimaveritis, nihil (que) ambigo quin dictam pecuniam fideliter collocetis, ex Regiae Majestatis uti­litate, expectatione at (que) sententia. At (que) ubi ad Sanctum Dominum no­strum accesseritis, post filiales & cordatissimas Regiae Majestatis meas (que) devotas & humillimas commendationes, & post exhibitas a Rege Cre­dentiae literas, in quibus in negotii adjumentum clausula vehemens est propria ejus manu conscripta, ut ex earum exemplo cognoscetis, ejus Sanctitati exponetis quam grave, molestum (que) Regiae Majestati & mihi sit, audire infaelicissimos eventus, calamitatem (que) miserandam, in qua nunc ejus Sanctitas cum Reverendiss. Cardinalib. versatur, cum gravissimo de­trimento irreparabili (que) sedis Apostolicae illius (que) Patrimonii jactura, ad quae mala sublevanda & corrigenda nullum in Regia Majestate officium desiderabitur, quod ab ullo erga Sanctam Domini nostri vel sedem Apo­stolicam [Page 15] observantissimo Principe queat excogitari; in eo (que) omne me­um ministerium ac studium non minus promptum aderit, quam si ex ea re solum possem mihi coelum comparare: quemadmodum experientia, aliqua in parte, jam docuit, & Deo duce posthac uberius comproba­bit: quam rem copiosius optimis (que) verbis agetis, praesertim, quum scia­tis quanto & quam sincero affectu Regia Majestas ejus Sanctitatem prose­quatur, & quanta mea sit in ipsam devotio, in hisque sermonibus insi­stetis prout loci, temporis, negociique ratio videbitur judicio vestro po­stulare.

Secundo, Sanctissimo Domino nostro solita vestra dexteritate aperie­tis id quod in his ipsis literis ad vos scripsi concernens hujus Matrimo­nii insufficientiam, ab his (que) rationibus & causis fundamentum capietis, quae superius enarrantur integrum (que) discursum ejus Sanctitati declara­bitis, non omittentes intrinsecum dolorem, conscientiae scrupulum, Dei rationem, Masculae prolis respectum, hujus Regni bonum, & alia omnia ut superius scripta sunt: addentes insuper, nihil vehementius optari a tota Regni Nobilitate, subditis (que) omnibus nullo discrimine, quam è Regiae Majestatis corpore Masculum haeredem a Deo sibi dari, in perpetuam consolationem, gaudium, quietem, ac totius Regni securi­tatem, posteritatis (que) firmissimum columen; prudentiorum (que) opinio­nem esse, quod Deus omnipotens a tanto bono concedendo divinam suam manum substrahit, ob errorem, culpam (que) in dicto Matrimonio hactenus admissam, quae nisi mature corrigatur, graviora ex hac occa­sione in hoc Regno mala succedent, quam antea unquam fuerunt audita; etenim si hoc negotium in suspenso & indiscussum relinqueretur, hujus­modi possent quaestiones, controversiae & contentiones ac factiones post defunctum Regem exoriti, ob Regni haereditatem, quae non possent in multorum aevo restingui, ut antea olim ex causa longe leviori accidit, ne (que) ex re tam ambigua, tam saevae olim depopulationes, bella, intesti­nae (que) controversiae exortae, & ad multum tempus continuatae sunt, in extremum & ferme ultimum Regni excidium; quae quum tam gravia sunt, Sanctissimus Dominus noster veluti pater & gubernator Christia­nitatis prospicere ex officio debet, & quibuscun (que) modis potest, pro vi­ribus adniti & conari, ut haec Regna ac dominia quae nunc super-sunt in fide & obedientia Ecclesiae assidue contineat, inter quae, Deo sit laus, hoc Regnum haud recensendum est inter minima sed tanquam illud quod hactenus juvavit, & posthac pro tuto praesidio semper haberi po­terit, adversus ea quae cedere possent in Ecclesiae Catholicae vel sanctae fidei detrimentum.

Tertio, Sanctissimo Domino nostro proponetis praesentem Ecclesiae statum, rogabitis (que) ut in mentem velit redigere, quo nunc in statu suae Sanctitatis res cum Christianis Principibus versentur, cum (que) privatae contentiones, quae illi sunt cum magna eorum principum parte, addita & ambitione immoderato (que) regum appetitu & ex arbitrio suo, Tempo­rale jus omne at (que) Spirituale tractandi, Ecclesiasticam (que) Jurisdictionem & Authoritatem invertendi, eo certe animo ut sedis Apostolicae digni­tatem extinguant; his omnibus in unum connexis ac bene consideratis, ejus Sanctitas manifeste cognoscet, Principem nullum, ne (que) portum, aut refugium tam tutum, cui in omnem eventum queat inhaerere, sibi relictum esse, quam haec Regia Majestas est quae nihil sibi vendicat, nil ambit, quod praejudicio esse possit dictae Sanctitati, sed ejus, Apostolicae­que [Page 16] sedis, semper fuit, est, esse (que) decrevit firmissimum scutum, tutissi­mum (que) propugnaculum, ita suas actiones cum caeteris Principibus fir­mans & connectens, ut semper ex ea occasione in suam hanc optimam sententiam reliquos possit attrahere, adeo quod Regi tam optime in Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum affecto nihil denegari debeat, uteum (que) maximum quod possit ab ejus Sanctitate praestari ordinaria vel absoluta sua Authoritate; nam procul dubio, post vias modos (que) omnes tentatos, omnino perspicietur omnia alia amicitiae officia, si huic quod petitur comparentur, esse perquam exigua, & hoc amicum officium hujusmodi futurum, ex quo reliqua queant incrementum capere, sine eo futura alioquin parvi ac nullius fere momenti.

Tertio, probe notandum est, quod res nunc aperta & petita, a Re­gia (que) Majestate tantopere optata, ex tam magno conscientiae scrupulo, cordis (que) remorsu oritur, ut unicui (que) debita sit, quantumcun (que) minori quam Regia Majestas sit de Sanctissimo Domino nostro merito. Quo­circa judicat, & pro re comperta sibi persuadet, quod si ulla merito­rum vel officiorum ratio habeatur, nunc ipsius Sanctitas huic suo de­siderio & petitioni benignissime liberrimeque adjuvet, nullo pror­sus dubio, difficultate, contradictione aut mora injecta. Negotiumque hujusmodi est, ut cognita Dispensationis insufficientia, quamvis id non requisivisset Rex, ultro proponi offerrique debuisset ab eadem San­ctitate tanquam a Patre Spirituali, in ejus salutis & conscientiae benefi­cium.

In gratiam igitur & contemplationem praemissorum omnium instan­tissime vehementissime (que) a Sanctissimo Domino nostro requiretis & contendetis, ut dubio, metu (que) omni seposito, respicere velit ad causae statum, & ad ea quae subsequutura videantur, rationem (que) habere infi­nitorum commodorum, quae ex hac re suae Sanctitati Apostolicae (que) sedi inde provenient, rem hanc statim, abs (que) temporis tractu, & causae cir­cumstantia, nemini eam aperiens, libere concedere & indulgere nulli (que) communicata specialem Commissionem ad hunc effectum & finem con­fectam in forma Brevis concedere, & ad me dirigere, Facultatem ad­dens, ut mihi liceat quos [...]un (que) voluero ad me vocare, mihi (que) asciscere ad procedendum in hac causa, & inquirendum de dictae Bullae ac Di­spensationis sufficientia, juxta formam ac tenorem expressum in quodam libello hujus rei gratia confecto; quem cum his ad vos mitto, sic in de­bita forma conscriptum & digestum ut non sit futurum opus quo denuo ab ullo alio exscribatur, si forsan periculosum putaretur eam rem cui (que) patefacere vel in dubium aut dilationem protractum iri negotium, si ulli ex Sanctissimi Domini nostri officiariis committeretur rursus conscriben­dum; sed quod in hujusmodi periculi eventum possit ejus Sanctitas sine ullo discrimine vel alicujus cognitione eam dicto libello signaturam, si­gillum (que) apponere, ut aperte inde constet, Pontificis meram volunta­tem sic esse, illius (que) Signaturae ac Sigilli vigore, legitime & sufficienter possim ego procedere ad inquisitionem de dictae Dispensationis insuffici­entia, cognitionem & aliarum causarum & rationum, quae adduci pos­sunt pro dicti Matrimonii invaliditate.

Item cum his ad vos mitto Dispensationem in debita forma confectam & scriptam in modum Brevis, secreto impetrandam & expediendam ei­dem Signaturam vel Sigillum apponendo, vel alio quovis modo vali­do: Et quamvis ex hac re multa pendeant, ob quae ista requiruntur, & [Page 17] quae, Deo favente, neutiquam timenda sunt; Attamen Regia Majestas exemplo innitens, & recordationi complurium rerum, quae olim praete­ritis temporibus fuerunt injuste asserta, vel adducta, in animo habens causas suas omnes abs (que) ulla controversia aut difficultate ad perfectum finem perducere, & ne ullo quovis praetextu, argumento aut colore, postmodum emergente perturbarentur, hoc a Sanctissimo Domino nostro requirit, veluti rem necessariam, qua nullo pacto carere queat; firmi­ter confidens, quod Sanctitas sua, benigne at (que) amanter isti ejus desiderio assentiet, & concedet sine ullo obstaculo dictam Commissionem, juxta formam quam Regia Majestas petit & eodem tempore, at (que) haec omnia ita benigne ac liberaliter expedire, secretiori & validiori quo fieri possit modo, quo optatus finis subsequi possit in eum effectum, laudabileque propositum, de quo superius dictum est; Qua ex occasione Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum in perpetuum sibi adstringet, indissolubili (que) amicitiae vinculo hanc Regiam Majestatem sibi alligabit, quae nulli labori, peri­culo, opibus, Regno, subditis, nec ipsi sanguini parcens, ab ejus Sanctitate nunquam divelletur aut eam deseret, sed totis suis viribus constantissi­me semper illi adhaerebit, tum in suae Sanctitatis & Cardinalium liberatio­nem, tum in hostibus persequendis; ad quem finem, magnam jam pe­cuniarum summam ad Regem Christianissimum misit, pro illo Italiae ex­ercitu continuando, & praeter id in animo statutum habet, quod nisi Caesar de dicta Sanctitate liberanda consentire, & ad pacem devenire vo­luerit, bellum gerere adversus has inferiores Caesaris Regiones & Domi­nia, quo vehementius urgeat Sanctissimi Domini nostri liberationem, Ecclesiae (que) in pristinam suam dignitatem & authoritatem restitutionem, ea (que) de se indicia exhibebit ut universo orbi manifestum sit futurum, dictam suam Majestatem esse solidum perfectum amicum, filium obse­quentissimum & ejus devotissimum; a qua pectoris sui sententia, nullo thesauro, nullis opibus, nullis Regnis, seu Ditionibus, vel occasione quacun (que) unquam adducetur, sed ex filiali sua observantia & in Chri­stianam Religionem zelo, innato (que) erga sedem Apostolicam studio, & praecipuo quodam affectu, quem Sanctissimo Domino nostro gerit: in compensationem quo (que) gratitudinis, quam tam avide in hoc suo nego­tio ab ejus Sanctitate expectat, decretum prorsus habet in constantissimo hoc & indissolubili amicitiae & conjunctionis vinculo sincerissimo per­stare, id quod dicta Regia Majestas Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum vehe­mentissime rogat, ut probe velit in omnem partem librare, vicissem (que) efficere, ut ex Regiae petitionis indulgentia palam constet parem bene­volentiam & humanitatem a Sanctissimo Domino nostro ex mutuo prae­stari.

Hac autem causa ipsius Sanctitati a vobis, ut dictum est, exposita & de­clarata, neutiquam dubitandum est, quin benevole at (que) libenter statim adnuat Regiae Majestatis expectationi & quod huic assentiet, dictam Com­missionem secreto modo ipsa concedens, neminem de ea re ut dictum est, participem faciens; qui modus servandus est, si videritis haec effici non posse, nisi cum periculo quin haec res eis communicetur, qui eam sint interturbaturi, vel si id praestare fuerit. in Sanctissimi Domini nostri arbitrio, tunc ejus Sanctitas non gravetur, per Brevia, vel per Bullas, prout validius & magis sufficiens fore judicaverit, praemissa omnia con­cedere, ad quod vestram omnem industriam, prudentiam, studium, di­ligentiam (que) adhibebitis: Sic omnia prudenter ac circumspecte agentes, [Page 18] ne in discrimen deveniatur negotium hoc his detegendi, qui illud vel impedire vel retardare forsan voluerint aut poterint, sed potius quam ad id periculi res deducatur contenti eritis sola dictorum libellorum Sig­natura, in eam formam confecta, quum ex ea palam constet, Pontificis assensum in id actualiter concurrisse, qui postea recentioribus scriptis, si ita opus fu [...]rit, firmius confirmari corroborari (que) poterit.

Et quoniam incertum est, utrum ante vestrum ad Pontificem acces­sum, ejus Sanctitas fuerit in suam libertatem restituta, necne, quae for­san libera non tanti faciet Regiae Majestatis amicitiam & conjunctionem, vel allegabit, se nec audere nec posse, ex suis cum Caesare conventioni­bus ista concedere, nec secreto ullo modo, vel ullo colore, quod ea in re fecisset apud Caesarem justificare, & potuisset antea in Regiae Majesta­tis auxilio pro sua liberatione sperans, dum adhuc detineretur captivus; eo casu Sanctissimo Domino nostro in mentem redigetis, quam parum fi­dere possit ullis sibi factis a Caesare promissis, quum nulla in parte redun­dare possit in commodum aut securitatem, sed solum in extremum exci­dium ac detrimentum sedis Apostolicae; & licet ad breve tempus multa videretur Caesar in ejus Sanctitatis gratiam facturus, compertissimum ta­men semper Pontifici esse debet Caesarianos ea facere, semper (que) facturos, quae Caesarem possint exaltare, & tendant ad usurpationem potius & de­pressionem status Ecclesiastici, quam ad ejus continuationem, vel con­servationem; & quotiens adversus Ecclesiam ista tentarentur, Regia Majestas in hac sua petitione passa repulsam, quae alioquin ejus Sancti­tati in omnem eventum firmissime adhaesisset, & alios suos confaedera­tos in eandem sententiam pertraxisset, quam, ea deficiente, in contra­rium facile possent allici, quo animo futura sit, & quam bene suum af­fectum & observantiam collocasse existimatura: summae est prudentiae omnia considerare.

Haud incognitum praeterea est Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum ad Caesaris instantiam, quum non multam ab ejus Sanctitate gratiam prome­ritus esset, ei concessisse Dispensationem & Absolutionem a jurejurando ab illo praestito, de ducenda in Conjugem Domina Principissa, nullo ut par fuisset a Regia Majestate habito, seu petito consensu, non obstante quod Caesar in validissima forma, non solum praestito jurejurando, sed cautione & Ecclesiasticarum censurarum & paenarum abhibita, quod perstringeretur de dicto Matrimonio perimplendo, ac si Pontifex con­tentus esse potuit, tantam ei ostendere gratitudinem, quum veluti hostis indies certior tunc poterat haberi, & qui majora parabat quam juste pos­set optare, suis petitionibus, Regia Majestate inconsulta, neutiquam par­cens, quanto propensius ejus Sanctitas adnuere debet ejus Principis voto, cujus fidem & observantiam vere filialem saepe experta est. Verum ta­men si Sanctissimus Dominus noster difficulter visus fuerit posse adduci, ut in meam Personam dictae Commissioni assentiat, allegans quod non sum indifferens, cui ex suae Sanctitatis honore hoc negotium committi possit, cum Regiae Majestati sum subditus & intimus Consiliarius, tunc tamdiu persistetis ea in re, quoad vobis visum fuerit conveniens, negotii expeditionem non ideo protrahentes, aut differentes, sed instantes ut hu­jusmodi Commissio concedatur; affirmabitis (que) me pro re nulla quantum­libet grandi, nullo favore, aut commodo, quicquam effecturum esse, quod aversetur officio meo, & erga Christum praestitae professioni, ne (que) unquam a recto, vero, justo (que) tramite digressurum; Et quin Cardina­lis [Page 19] sim & Apostolicae sedis de latere Legatus, ejus Sanctitatis honor, in­tegraque conscientia, a me omnino conservaretur, ex hujusmodique concessa Commissione, omni ex parte exoneraretur. Tandem si ad hoc, nullis rationibus Pontifex potuerit adduci, ab ejus Sanctitate requiretis, ut dictam velit Commissionem concedere in personam Domini Staphylei Decani Rotae, qui & vir indifferens est, & hujusmodi rei ob eruditio­nem accommodatus, nullo pacto omittentes Dispensationis expeditio­nem, ut dictum est; & hujus rei gratia Commissionem nunc ad vos mit­to, in debita forma confectam & paratam, quae signetur ad dictum Do­minum Staphyleum directa, quam Sanctissimo Domino nostro reddetis, casu quo alia nequeat obtineri, rogabitis (que) ut cum dicta Dispensatione eam velit concedere. Et quoniam fieri possit quod dum fieret mentio de me excipiendo, forsitan ejus Sanctitas aliquem alium quam Dominum Staphyleum nominaret, ad quem Commissio hujusmodi dirigeretur, hoc vero in loco tenacissime insistetis, firmiter (que) inhaerebitis ei rei, nec in alium aliquem virum exterum ullo pacto consentientes, sed solum pro eodem Domino Staphyleio instantes, ejus Sanctitatem summis precibus vehementissime rogantes, & rationibus omnibus suadentes, ne alium ul­lum nominare velit, asserentes quod quum in Instructionibus vestris non contineatur, nec de alio ullo fiat mentio, nisi illo, me recusato, iterum at (que) iterum ab eadem Sanctitate petetis, ut nomine hujus Auditoris Rotae haec fiat & expediatur commissio, vos nec audere nec posse vobis praescriptos fines transgredi.

De Regii vero desiderii ac petitionis frustratione super dicta Commis­sione obtinenda, diretis unum & idem esse, hanc illi denegare, vel alii con­cedere quam in vestris Instructionibus contineatur, non quod Regia Maje­stas de aliorum rectitudine aut indifferentia quicquam suspicetur, vel quod judicet eorum aliquem affectibus obnoxium; sed quod pro re certissima credidit, quod Sanctissimus Dominus noster in neminem tam facile con­descenderet, quam in dictae Rotae Decanum, ob idque de eo in Instru­ctionibus vestris mentionem fecit: sed Commissiones in debita forma cum his nominibus fieri & conscribi jussit, quod si huic credidissemus, Dom. Staphileum habitum isti [...] iri pro suspecto, affirmare potestis me fuisse omnino missurum consimilem Commissionis formulam, spatio relicto pro aliquo alio inscribendo nomine, aliquam (que) aliam super ea re Instru­ctionem me daturum fuisse, & haud dubie; si de nominibus duntaxat fuerit controversia, hae rationes facile poterunt Pontificem attrahere, ut in me consentiat, vel in Staphyleum. De aliis vero neminem admittetis, nec tamen Pontifici aperietis vos, ne id faciatis habere in mandatis, sed superius enarratas Causas in vestram excusationem allegantes, omnino ut vobis injungitur ea in re insistetis.

Quod si nullis modis dictam Commissionem, & Dispensationem im­petrare poteritis, ad id (que) nequiverit Pontifex adduci, nisi rem prius alicui ex Cardinalibus vel Officiariis communicaverit, in eo tunc casu, ejus Sancti­tati in memoriam reducite, quot & quam gravia mala ex hujus negotii propalatione possent provenire, si ex ea occasione aliquae contrarietates vel impedimentum suboriretur, unde Regiae Majestatis expectatio post­modum frustaretur: Quo igitur, si ullae injiciantur in hac re tractandae difficultates, ut Pontifex etiam facilior ad Regium votum concedendum promptior (que) reddatur, alias etiam praeter has literas seorsim ad vos scripsi, quas una cum his accipietis, in quibus copiose aggessi, quam multas [Page 20] magni momenti rationes, ob quas sententia judicium (que) meum est, ne ullo pacto Pontifex hanc petitionem Regiae Majestatis deneget; quas literas, quum in eis argumentum vehemens est, nec ob prolixitatem taediosum aut molestum quod legatur, modum aliquem ipsius Sanctitati legendi in­venietis; spem (que) certam habeo, si earum summa, tenor, at (que) sententia profunde perpendatur, quam satis id esse poterit ad omnem tollendam difficultatem, quae possit obversari in dicta Commissione Dispensatione­que obtinenda, in eis contenta sigillatim exponetis adeo, quod hoc ne­gotium con [...]ici queat, Arbitris aut Consiliaribus ad id neutiquam accitis, si fieri possit: si tamen Pontifex speraverit se posse haec omnia eos celare qui huic rei forsan voluerint refragari, & omnino decreverit aliquos Cardinales vel Officiarios istius causae participes facere, omnem tunc in­dustriam statim adhibebitis, ut his cognitis eorum gratiam & favorem ea in re vobis comparetis, partim eis respectus, & causas omnes in meis lite­ris contentas, etiam in causae commodum facientes, uberius exponentes, partim vero eam remunerationem illis dantes, quae judicio vestro conve­niens habebitur, dummodo optatum res sortiatur effectum. Et ut om­nia queatis praestare commodius cum his, meas literas accipietis quas ad Cardinalem Sanctorum Quatuor & Collegium Cardinalium scribo, easque reddetis ut expedire censueritis, plane confidens nihil a vobis omissum iri, ut hac in re eorum gratiam at (que) favorem queatis obtinere, in quem eventum ea munera offeretis, quae convenientia visa fuerint, Regia (que) Majestas quicquid ejus nomine promiseritis, id fidelissime, uberrime (que) praestabit, pro quarum rerum expeditione, illis pecuniis uti poteritis per literas C [...]mbii Venetias transmissis, quous (que) suffecerint, necessarium (que) vos existimaveritis rei impetrandae. Et quum ambiguum sit an vobis li­ [...]uerit hoc tempore ad Pontificis praesentiam accedere, hujusmodi ac­cessus defectus, si aliae rem ad bonum exitum perducendi rationes non ex­cogitarentur, causa esse posset longioris morae, & totius rei impedi­mento; proinde Regia Majestas, ut modos omnes experiatur, nec uni sol [...] inhaereat, haec eadem in mandatis dedit Domino Secretario, quem non procul ab Urbe esse intelleximus, quemadmodum in his aliis (que) meis brevioribus literis continentur, ita quod alter vestrum, vel uterque, si fi [...]ri possit, ad Pontificis praesentiam accessum habeat; nihil tamen, sub s [...]e Domini Secretarii, vestrae vos diligentiae aut industriae omittetis, nec ille sub spe vestra, in re hac modis omnibus promovenda, remissior erit, sed nihil conjunctim aut divisim intentatum relinquetis. Quod si uter (que) vestrum ad Pontificem admittatur, alter de altero nescius, id non oberit, sed multum prosiciet, etiam si ante alterius adventum nego­tium hoc alter impetrasset; sed si aliquis vestrum cognoverit causam hanc expeditam esse, omnia (que) pro certo impetrata esse, tunc labori & sumptibus Pontificem pro eadem re accedendi parcere poteritis, ne (que) in eam amplius ingerere, ne (que) necessarium aut opportunum erit, ut pro ulla alia re in praesentia quam pro hac apud Sanctissimū Dominū nostrū aga­tis, sed solum nunc procurabitis de Commissione & Dispensatione juxta formam ad vos missam obtinenda, necnon de profestinatio [...]e illa, quam co [...]p [...]ndio ad vos dedi, in quibus omnibus & singulis apte tractandis Regia Majestas magnam fiduciam in vestra prudentia collocavit, in qui­bu [...], cum tam magni sint momenti, ex Regiae Majestatis sententia nunc vobis maxime elaborandum est.

Deni (que) quum intelligam Dominum Lautrek nonnihil mirari, quod [Page 21] Regiae Majestatis istic agentes, nullam suorum mandatorum partem cum eo con [...]erunt, ad eum nunc scribo, & nonnulla Domino Roberto Jer­nyngham ei exponenda committo concernentia actiones cum Ferrariae Duce, & alia quaedam eodem Domino Lautrek; significans, vos missos esse ad dictas causas juvandas, & Pontificis liberationem promovendam, quemadmodum ex literarum ad Dominum Jernyngham exemplo cog­noscetis: expediens ita (que) fuerit, ut prae se feratis, vos dictae rei gratia mis­sos esse, ne forsan Dominus Lautrek in falsam aliquam conjecturam aut suspicionem incideret, quae communibus rebus nocere posset, & in ve­strarum quo (que) actionum impedimentum redundare.

Illud deinde reticere nolui, quod si ullo pacto vobis liceat ad Sanctis­simi Domini nostri praesentiam accedere, nihil omittatis in favorem & gra­tiam Reverendi Domini Datarii, de cujus animo nihil dubitamus, compa­randam, ei (que) asseretis, quod quum in nostris omnibus occurrentiis illius opera ac Patrocinio semper usi fuerimus, ipse vero tanta semper side ac sedulitate omnia effecerit quae nobis grata & optata esse cognovit, ut nostram omnem operam suis rebus reddiderit, promptissimam, & suae utilitatis & exaltationis cupidissimam. Quocirca haec Regia Majestas hac in re, qua nullam magis cordi habet, nec gravioris momenti quic­quam sibi accidere posse judicat, ex animi sui sententia conficienda, post Sanctissimum Dominum nostrum, in Domino Datario spem omnem collo­cavit, qui ex hac occasione, si operam suam ad optatum us (que) exitum in­terponere non gravetur, Regiae Majestatis animum & pectus, sic omni ex parte promerebitur, ut dicta Majestas non solum omnia curatura sit, quae ex Domini Veronensis commodo & ornamento fuerint, sed eam etiam munificentiam & gratitudinem addet, quae majorem vel integram partem, a captivitate Redemtionis persolvendae compensabit; In me vero non aliam fidem & amicitiam experietur, quam ab ullo fratre pos­set expectare. Et bene valete.

Londini ex meis Aedibus. Die quinto Decemb. M. D. XXVII.
Vester tanquam frater Amantiss. T. Cardinalis Eborac.

Rome Ian. 1. 1528. IV. Two Letters of Secretary Knights to the Cardinal and the King, giving an account of his Conference with the Pope about his Divorce. Taken from the Originals.

PLease it your Grace to understand,Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 10▪ That immediately upon the re­ceipt of your Graces Letters, severally directed unto Mr. Gregory and me; he and I resorted unto the Pope his Holiness, making congra­ [...]ulation of his restitution unto liberty on yours and his behalf, to his singular comfort and consolation; and so much the more, because that I was the first that made like salutation in any great Princes Name; He being well assured that I spake the same on the behalf of his two chief, sincere, & unfeigned Friends: Wherefore with great high thanks, and long [Page 22] discourse, with rehearsal of the King's and your Merits and Acts, in most vertuous and Catholick manner, employed for his restitution, and your continual and effectual study how the See Apostolique might recover the pristine Reputation and Dignity; He confirmed as much as I had spoken. After this Mr. Gregory and I entred into our Charge, shewing at length the high deserts of the Princes and Realm of England, the de­votion of the same towards the Church; how expedient it was, as well for the See Apostolique, as for the said Realm, to foresee and provide that all occasions of Dissension and War were extinct and put away; which for lack of Heir Male of our Sovereign's Line, and Stem, should undoubtedly follow, with other considerations at length contained in our Instructions. We desired his Holiness to commit the knowledg of the Dispensation that was obtained in time of Iulius, of famous memo­ry, for Matrimony to be had between the King and the Widow, Relict late of Prince Arthur; and that we might have it in form as that was that your Grace sent hither. His Holiness answered, That our sayings had great likelihood of truth, for lacking of Issue Male of the King's Stem, considering the nature of Men being prone unto Novelties, and disposed unto Parties and Factions. The Realm of England would not only enter into their accustomed Divisions, but also would owe or do small devotion unto the Church; Wherefore his Holiness was right well content and ready to adhibit all Remedy that in him was possible as this time would serve. And because he was not expert in making of Commissions, he would consult with the Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor, and use his advice, which we should shortly know.

We perceiving that the obtaining of our Charges after the King's and your Graces pleasure, depended much upon the Advice of Sanctorum Quatuor, did prevent his going unto the Pope and delivering your Grace's Letters with Recommendations accordingly, we desired him to be good and favourable unto our Requests in the King's behalf; and for the better obtaining of our desires, we promised to see unto him with a competent reward. And this communication had, we shewed unto him the Commission, which he said could not pass without perpe­tual dishonour unto the Pope, the King, and your Grace; and a great part of such Clauses as be omitted, he hath touched and laid reason for the same in a Writing, which I do send unto your Grace with this. Considering his great Experience, Wisdom, Learning, and the entire affection that he beareth unto the King and your Grace; and that it was far from the King's desire, and nothing for your purposes, that I should first have sent the said Cardinal's Sayings unto your Grace, and abide answer, and eft-soons prevent to do the same: Considering also that the said King desireth a Commission convenient and sufficient, we desired him to make the minute of one, which he gladly did: When it was made, the Pope said, That at his being in the Castle of St. Angelo, the General of the Observants in Spain, required his Holiness, in the Emperor's Name, not to grant unto any Act that might be preparative, or otherwise, to Divorce to be made between the King and the Queen: and moreover desired an Inhibition, that the said Cause should not come in knowledg before any Judg within the King's Dominions. The Pope answered that Inhibitio non datur nisi post litem motam. And as unto the first his Holiness was content, if any like thing were demand­ed, [Page 23] to advertise the Emperor before, that he did let it pass; and this was in a manner for his Holiness being in Captivity. But his Holiness being yet in Captivity, as your Grace reports, and esteemeth him to be as long as the Almaines and Spaniards continueth in Italy; he thought if he should grant this Commission, that he should have the Emperor his perpetual Enemy, without any hope of reconciliation: Notwithstand­ing he was content rather to put himself in evident ruine, and utter undoing, then the King, or your Grace, should suspect any point of ingratitude in him, heartily desiring cum suspiriis & lachrimis, that the King and your Grace, which have always been fast and good unto him, will not now suddenly precipitate him for ever; which should be done, if immediately upon delivering of the Commission your Grace should begin Process. He intendeth to save all upright thus: If Monsieur de Lautrech would set forwards, which he saith daily that he will do, but yet he doth not, at his coming the Pope's Holiness may have good colour to say, He was required by the Ambassadour of England of a like Com­mission. And denying the same, because of his promise unto the Ge­neral, he was eft-soons by Monsieur de Lautrech, to grant the said Com­mission, inasmuch as it was but a Letter of Justice. And by this co­lour he would cover the Matter, so that it might appear unto the Em­peror, That the Pope did it not as he that would gladly do displeasure unto the Emperor, but as an indifferent Prince that could not nor might deny Justice, specially being required by such Personages; and imme­diately he would dispatch a Commission, bearing date after the time that Monsieur Lautrech had been with him or nigh unto him. The Pope most instantly beseecheth your Grace, to be a mean that the King's High­ness may accept this in a good part, and that he will take patience for this little time, which as it is supposed will be but short, and (in omnem eventum) I do bring a Commission with me, and a Dispensation, which I trust the King and your Grace will like well.

We have given unto my Lord Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor 4000 Crowns, and unto the Secretary 30 Crowns.

With this Your Grace shall receive a Letter from the Pope's Holiness, Item, a Counsel of Oldrand. that giveth light unto the King's Cause. I shall make the most diligence homeward that I can. Our Lord Jesus preserve Your Grace.

At Orvieto, this first day of Ianuary.
Your most humble Servant and Chaplain, W. Knight.
Rome Ian. 1. 1528.

To the KING.

PLease it your Highness to understand, That as soon as the Pope was at liberty, and came unto Orvieto, I resorted unto his Holiness with all diligence; and at my coming unto him, did make congratulation on your Highness behalf; forasmuch as he was restored unto his Liber­ty, which he accepted very joyfully and thankfully, giving unto your Highness manifold and high thanks for your great goodness, as well proved in his adversity, as when he was in his most felicity. After this he rehearsed my being at Rome, how dangerous it was, inasmuch as when my being there was detect, espial was made, and I was not passed out of Rome by the space of two hours, or two hundred Spaniards in­vaded and searched the House. He shewed also that he had received all such Letters as I at my being in Rome did send unto his Holiness; where­by he did perceive the Effect of your Highness desire concerning your Dispensation: And albeit he did send me word that I should depart, and his Holiness would send unto me the said Dispensation fully speed. Nevertheless he trusted that your Highness would be content to tarry for a time: for the General of the Observants in Spain being lately in Rome, had required him, according unto his Instructions, that he should suffer nothing to pass that might be prejudicial or against the Queen, di­rectly or indirectly, but that the Pope should first advertise thereof cer­tain of the Caesarians here. And forasmuch as this Dispensation might encourage your Grace to cause my Lord Legate Auctoritate Legationis to hear and decern in the Cause that your Highness intendeth, and his Ho­liness standeth as yet in manner in captivity and perplexity: His Holi­ness therefore besought your Grace to have patience for a time, and it should not be long e're your Highness should have, not only that Di­spensation, but any thing else that may lie in his power. I replied un­to this, That his Holiness had once granted it, and that I had dispatched a Post, and made relation thereof, by my Writings, unto your High­ness; so that I could not imagine by what reason I might perswade unto you that he would perform the promise that he had once broken. In conclusion; He was content that your Highness should have it, but he would have it delivered with this condition; That the Prothonotary and Gambora and I, should beseech your Highness not to attempt any thing in your Cause against the Queen, till such time as the Pope were frank­ly at his Liberty; which could not be as long as the Almaynes and Spa­niards did thus reign in Italy; and promise made, we should deliver the Dispensation: and in my poor judgment, it was best always to be in possession of this Dispensation. After this he shewed the Minute un­to the Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor, willing him to reform it according to the stile of this Court; which done, he shewed it unto me, and af­ter said, That he thought good I should depart, because I rode but competent Journies, and the Prothonotary Gambora should follow by Post and bring the Bull with him, which is of the same form and sub­stance that your Highness's Minute is of: And if there be any thing omit­ted, [Page 25] or to be added, his Holiness is always content to reform it, and to put it under the same date that the same Dispensation now beareth; the Copy whereof I do send unto your Highness with this, the Commis­sion General and Protestation being void, because they were conceived durante captivitate only. And here, on my behalf, none other thing being to be done, I took my leave of the Pope and departed. At my coming unto Scarperii near unto Bonony, I did meet with Thadeus this Courier, which brought certain Expeditions Triplicat; the one unto the Protho­notar Gambora, the other unto Gregory de Cassali, and the third unto me; among which was a general Commission Triplicat, the one to be com­mitted to my Lord Legate; and if that could not be obtained, because my Lord Legate might be thought partial, then the same to be com­mitted unto Staphileius. Item; There was a Copy of a Dispensation, where I perceived, by your Grace's Letter, that your pleasure was to have your Dispensation in form, after the minute that Barlow brought, which was then sped, and already passed; so remained nothing to be sped, but the Commission your Highness pleases. This knowing, I cau­sed my Servants to continue their Journey, and with one Servant and this Courier, I returned unto Orvieto with Post-Horses; where Mr. Gre­gory and I, with much Business, have obtained a Commission directed unto my Lord Legate, not in the form that was conceived in England, but after such manner as is sufficient for the Cause, and as I trust shall content your Highness; wherein the Lord Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor, hath taken great pains to pen, as well your Dispensation as the Com­mission; for which, and that hereafter he may do unto your Highness the better service, Mr. Gregory and I have rewarded him with 4000 Crowns, of such Mony as your Highness hath caused to be made unto Venice for the furtherance of your Causes. But albeit that every thing is passed according to your Highness pleasure, I cannot see, but in case the same be put in execution at this time, the Pope is utterly undone, and so he saith himself. The Imperialists do daily spoil Castles and Towns about Rome; Monsieur de Lautrek is yet at Bonony, and small hope is of any great Act that he intends. The Caesarians have taken within these three days, two Castles lying within six miles of this: and the Pope being in this perplexity, not assured of any one Friend but of your Highness, that lieth too far off; if he do at this time any displeasure unto the Em­peror, he thinketh he is undone for ever; wherefore he puts his Honour and Health wholly into your Highness Power and Disposition. This morning I return homewards, and Gregory de Cassali goeth in my Com­pany as far as unto Florence; and from thence he goeth unto Monsieur de Lautrek, to sollicit him forwards, if it may be. The Holy Ghost send your Highness a prosperous New Year, and many.

At Orvieto, the first day of Ianuary ▪
Your most humble Subject, Servant, and Chaplain▪ W. Knight.

Rome 10. Ian. 1528. V. A part of an Original Letter from the same Person to Cardinal Wolsey, by which it appears that the Dispensation was then gran­ted and sent over.

Cotton Libr. V [...]el. B. 10.YOur Grace commandeth, That I should send the Commission and Dispensation with diligence, in case they were sped, before the receit of your Graces Letters sent at this time. Wherefore the Protho­notar Gambora and I being commanded sub poena Excommunicationis to deliver the same, with a certain Request to be made to the King's High­ness and his Grace, at the time of delivery; I send the same at this time unto Gambora, requiring him in any wise to make diligence to­wards the King's Highness, and not to abide my coming; the Request and Cause thereof your Grace shall perceive by mine other Letters ad­joined herewith. And supposing that when your Grace hath seen my Letters, and the Dispensations, and considered this time well, it may chance that the King and your Grace will be rather well content with that that is passed, without suing for any other thing that could not be obtained without long tract, and peradventure not so. Your Grace hath committed as much unto Gregory de Cassali at this time, as unto me, which being near unto the Pope, will without fail do his best dili­gence: And if it shall be thought good unto the King's Highness, and your Grace, that I do return unto Orv [...]eto, I shall do as much as my poor Carcase may endure, and thereby at Turine I shall abide the know­ledg of your Grace's pleasure. The Datary hath clean forsaken the Court, and will serve no longer but only God and his Cure. The Car­dinal Campegius continueth in Rome sore vexed with the Gout; The Car­dinals Pisane, Tri [...]l [...]is, Vrsine, Gadis and Cesis, remaineth for Hostages. The Cardinals, Monte, Sanctorum Quatuor, Ridulph, Ravenna, and Pe­rusino, be with the Pope; the rest abides absent. Our Lord Jesus pre­serve your Grace.

At Aste the 10th day of Ianuary.
Your most humble Beadsman and Servant, W. Knight.

Orvieto the 13th of January. VI. Gregory Cassali's Letter about the Method in which the Pope de­sired the Divorce should be managed. Taken from a Copy written by Cardinal Wolsey's Secretary.

Cotton libr. Vitel. [...]. 10.HEri & hodie ad multam diem sum alloquutus Sanctū Dominū nostrū de mittendo legato, insequens ordinem a Reverendissimo Domino Eboracen. suis literis 27 Decemb. mihi praescriptum. Pontifex ostendit [Page 27] se cupidissimum satisfaciendi Regiae Excellentiae, cui omnia se debere fa­tetur, & nunc habuit mecum longum de hac re colloquium, ut invenia­tur modus omnia, bene, firme & secure faciendi, quo facto & tueri pos­sit; ideo (que) consulere voluit judicium Cardinalis Sanctorum Quatuor & Symonettae, qui excellentior & Doctior Auditor Rotae est, cum quibus sub sigillo Confessionis egit, ut ex eorum consilio inveniatur modus, ad moram tollendam, & causam secure peragendam: At (que) ita Pontifex cum illis, in hoc quod sequitur, se revolvit, videtur (que) optimus, verus & se­curus modus, & me rogavit, ut nullo pacto dicam hoc obtinuisse ab ejus Sanctitate sicuti revera obtinui, nam Caesariani eum statum pro suspecto allegarent, sed quod dicam me habuisse a Cardinali Sanctorum Quatuor, & a dicto Auditore. Dicunt quod Rex deberet committere istic causam Cardinali, ratione Commissionis quam attulit Secretarius, vel propria Authoritate Legationis, quod facere potest; & ubi causa fuerit commissa, si Rex conscientiam suam persentiat coram Deo exoneratam, & quod recte possit facere quod quaerit, quia nullus Doctor in mundo est, qui de hac re melius decernere possit quam ipse Rex, ita (que) si in hoc se resol­verit, ut Pontifex credit, statim causam committat, aliam Uxorem du­cat, litem sequatur, mittatur publice pro Legato, qui Consistorialiter mittetur, ita enim maxime expediret: nam Cardinalis Sanctorum Qua­tuor & Symonetta dicunt hoc certum esse, quod si Regina citetur illa nihil volet respondere, nisi quod protestabitur locum & judices suspectos esse, & Caesariani petent a Pontifice per viam Signaturae, justitiae Inhibi­tionem, qua Rex aliam nullam possit Uxorem capere, & si capiat pro­les non sit legitima donec causa non definiatur, & petent Commissionem qua Causa audiatur in Curia; de Inhibitione vero Pontifex non potest negare, ne (que) & Commissionem nisi injustitia & mera vis inferatur, ad­versus quam omnis mundus exclamaret. Quod si Rex aliam Uxorem ceperit hoc non possunt petere, & si petant, negabit Pontifex quod jure possit, nec aliud dicere poterunt vel allegare, nisi quod Cardinalis Eboracen. & Cardinalis mittendus & locus sit suspectus, & petere quod Causa videatur hic, in quo si deducatur, statim feretur sen­tentia quam Pontifex maturabit, non servatis terminis propter momen­tum negotii & alias rationes, quas sciet Pontifex adducere, & ita hic obtinebuntur sententiae quae per totum Orbem approbabuntur, quibus nullus Hispanus aut Germanus poterit contradicere, & mittentur in An­gliam declarandae per Cardinales prout Rex voluerit, & hoc etiam non obstante Pontifex mittet Cardinalem.

Tandem hic est modus rebus omnibus secure medendi, ad quem se­quendum vos Pontifex hortatur, & rogat ut nihil dicatur quod ab eo procedat. Iste modus non videtur inutilis, quia hic Auditor asserit, non aliter esse faciendum si bene volumus; & quia Reverendissimus Car­dinalis Dominus Eboracen. instat pro celeritate, interim accersiri pote­rit qualiscun (que) Legatus Rex voluerit, & magis satisfiet vulgo in mitten­do Legato, veluti ad definiendam causam, & hic etiam ut dixi omnia sient quae super id Rex petierit.

Praeter [...]a Pontifex, id quod fecit ut me resolverem ad has literas scribendum, contentus est mittere quemcun (que) Cardinalem ego petiero, sed ait oportere ut aliquis mittatur habilis, id est Doctor in Jure, vel in Theologia, qui sunt isti Campegius, Caesarinus, Senensis, Cesis, Araceli, Monte, qui senex est & immobilis; Caesis in obsidem ivit Neapolim, Cae­sarinus [Page 28] Episcopatum, habet in Hispania, Araceli podagra laborat & Frater est, Senensis est Imperialis & non valde prudens, Campegius esset maxime ad propositum, sed Romae est locum tenens Pontificis, unde non posset discedere, continuantibus discordiis inter Germanos & Hi­spanos, ne (que) auderet egredi a castro; sed hoc periculum & dubium brevi expedietur, nam intra octo dies Caesariani cogentur sibi consulere ut eant in Regnum, si Dominus Lautrek [...]o progrediatur, vel ibunt Senas per iter Florentiae, & tunc Campegius poterit exire, & si Rex ita jusserit statim accingetur itineri. Pontifex jussit ut scribam, quod nunquam ingenio aut studio d [...]erit in excogitando ut adimpleat desiderium & vo­luntatem Regis, & quod solum ista proponit pro meliori securitate, ne ista fiant quae postea referri debeant, quod pareret dilationem & difficul­tatem, & quantum ego possim conjicere Pontifex exoptat satisfacere Regiae voluntati. Pontifex denuo replicavit quod se totum rejicit in Brachia Regiae Majestatis, & quod certus est quod Caesar nunquam hoc illi ignoscet, & quod ex hac occasione vocabit eum ad Concilium, vel nihil aliud quaeret nisi ut eum omni statu & vita privet; & dicta Sanctitas parvam spem habet in Gallis, nisi quantum operabitur per Regiam Ma­jestatem & Reverendissimum Dominum Eboracen. Ad quod Respondi, illum ex praeteritis & praesentibus posse judicare futura. Tandem affir­mo, quod si semel tollatur Caesarianorum metus, poteritis ex arbitrio vestro disponere de sede Apostolica.

Cardinalis Campegius ad Pontificem scripsit, quod sunt tres dies ex quo frater Generalis communicaverat secum negotium Regiae Majestatis, & quod dixerat ut ad ejus Sanctitatem scriberet, ut omnino faceret aliquam Inhibitionem ne causa istic tractaretur. Ad quod Pontifex non respon­dit, sed respondebit, se nihil de eo posse facere, quia non pendet causa.

Januar. 1528. ad Collegium. VII. A Duplicat. The King's Letter to the Colledg of Cardinals; from which it appears how much they favoured his Cause.

Cotton libr. Vitel. B. 10.HEnricus Rex, Reverendissimis in Christo Patribus Dominis Episco­pis Patribus & Diaconis S. R. E. Cardinalibus & Amicis nostris Charissimis salutem. Nihil unquam tam grande esse posse putavimus, quin de ista Sancta sede, vestrarum (que) Reverendissimarum Dominat▪ summa erga nos benignitate, illud semper audacter nobis fuerimus pol­liciti, quod certe S. Sanctum istud Collegium, quotiens ullam nobis gra­tificandi occasionem oblatam habuit, cumulatissime praestitit: Caeterum benevolentiam istam vestram, & singulare in nos studium, nunc longe superavit, alacritas, quam in nostra omnium gravissima causa, juvanda ac promovenda, in publico Consistorio, amantissime omnes exhibuistis, quo certe beneficio sic Sacro isti Collegio Sanctissimae (que) isti sedi adstri­ctos nos fatemur, ut vehementissime optemus gratiam, vel sanguine ipso, publice ac privatim Reverendissimis Dominat. vestris quo (que) posse referre. Quocirca iterum eas impense rogamus, ut in suo erga nos affectu perse­verare non graventur, efficiemus (que) (Deo bene juvante) ut brevi per­spiciant, apud gratum & memorem Principem, Sanctae (que) Rom. Ecclaesiae [Page 29] observantissimum, sua se beneficia & officia collocasse. Interim vobis quas possumus ex animo, tum his literis, tum per Oratorem istic nostrum immortales gratias Reverendissimis vestris Dominis agimus, existimetis (que) quicquid a nobis praestari queat, id suo ornamento & commodo promp­tissimum futurum.

Febr. 10. 1528. VIII. A duplicate of the Cardinal's Letter to the Pope, about the the Divorce; corrected with his own hand.

BEatissime Pater, post humillimam Commendationem,C [...]tt. libr. Vitel. B. 10. & Sanctissi­morum pedum oscula, doleo at (que) gravissime excrucior, quod ea quae tanta solicitudine, literis & nunciis apud Beatitudinem vestram ago, ne­queam, ut unice & rerum omnium maxime vellem, prius tractare, hoc est, negotium Potentissimi Domini mei Regis, negotium inquam rectissi­mum, honestissimum acsanctissimum, in quo procurando non aliter me interpono, quam in ejus Regiae Majestatis salute tuenda, in hoc Regno conservando, in publica tranquillitate fovenda, in Apostolica Autorita­te, in mea deni (que) vita & anima protegenda debeo. Beatissime Pater, ad vestrae Sanctitatis genua provolutus, obsecro & obtestor, ut si me Christia­num virum, si bonum Cardinalem, si S. Sancto isto Senatu dignum, si Apostolicae sedis membrum non stupidum & inutile, si recti, justitiae (que) cultorem, si fidelem Creaturam suam, si demum aeternae salutis cupidum me existimet, nunc velit mei Consilii & intercessionis rationem habere, & pientissimis hujus Regis precibus, benigne, prompte (que) adnuere: quas nisi rectas, sanctas ac justas esse scirem, omne prius supplicii genus ultro subirem, quam eas promoverem, pro his (que) ego vitam meam & animam spondeo. Alioquin vereor (quod tamen nequeo tacere) ne Regia Majestas humano, divino (que) jure (quod habet ex omni Christianitate suis his actionibus adjunctum) freta, postquam viderit sedis Apostolicae gratiam, & Christi in terris Vicarii clementiam desperatam, Caesaris in­ [...]uitu, in cujus manu neutiquam est tam Sanctos conatus reprimere, ea tunc moliatur, ea suae causae perquirat remedia, quae & non solum huic Regno, sed etiam aliis Christianis Principibus, occasionem subministra­rent, sedis Apostolicae Autoritatem & Jurisdictionem imminuendi, & vilipendendi, non abs (que) Christianae Reip. perturbatione: Quibus malis potest vestra Sanctitas sua auto [...]itate & prudentia mederi. Haec loquor ut Christianus, & ut devotissimum istius Sedis membrum sincere suadeo; non affectus, non Principis amor, non servitutis vinculum me impellit, sed sola rectitudine ad id adducor. Caeterum animi solicitudo non sinit plura exprimere. Vestra Sanctitas in tam justo Regis voto adnuendo, si [...] ejus Majestatis animum sibi devinciet & conservabit, ut non solum ipse & ego, sed omnes ejus subditi sint ad omnem occasionem, opes, vires, & sanguinem in Sanctitatis vestrae, Apostolicae Sedis beneficium, libentissime profusuri. Mitto ad Beatitudinem vestram hujus rei gratia, Dominum Stephanum Gardinerum, Primarium Secretissimorum Consiliorum Secre­tarium, mei dimidium, & quo neminem habeo cariorem; referet ille cuncta distinctius, meum pectus aperiet. Vestram igitur Sanctitatem [Page 30] humillime rogo, ut eum loquentem me loqui existimares, & eam fidem quam praesenti mihi haberet, illi & Domino Edwardo Foxo Regio fami­liari in omnibus praestare, & me a tam anxia expectatione liberare dig­netur.

IX. Cardinal Wolsey's Letter to Gregory Cassali, directing him to make Presents at Rome.

Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 10.TAnta deinde sunt, tam (que) magna officia, quae Reverendissimus Do­minus Sanctorum Quatuor, tum erga Regiam Majestatem, tum erga me, nunquam non amantissime exhibuit, ut quum ea in agendis gratiis assequi conamur, id animo facilius complecti, quam exteriori ullo pro­pensae nostrae in eum voluntatis testimonio indicare queamus: ad nostri (que) in eum summum studii & affectionis cumulum, nunc tantum accessit, quantum vix unquam possit a nobis exsolvi; licet (que) de ejus Reverendis­sim. Dominat. ingenti Regiae Majestati, & mihi gratificandi ardore nun­quam addubitaverim, sic tamen pectus suum, in Regiae Majestatis pro­movenda juvanda (que) causa, sic in meis seorsim curandis expediendis (que) negotiis, operam, fidem, autoritatem (que) suam interposuit, ut non mino­ra semper efficeret, quam nos optare potuerimus: quo certe nomine, ita utrum (que) nostrum, suo suorum (que) omnium commodo & ornamento devinxit, ut non prius conquieturi sumus quam aliquo indicio rebus ip­sis nostram vicissim gratitudinem fuerimus testati; quot enim modis & quanta sollicitudine Reverendissimus Sanctorum Quatuor de nobis sit op­time meritus, res praestita indicat, & Dominus Stephanus Secretarius me­us suo Sermone ac relatu assidue praedicat; & quamvis minusculum illud olim oblatum recusaverit, non tamen Regiae Majestati satisfactum esse potest, nisi memoris sui animi pignus aliquod exhibuerit. Quocirca cum eodem Reverendissimo Domino dexterime agite, ut in familiari ali­quo colloquio eliciatis, quibus rebus ille maxime oblectetur, mihi (que) quam primum significate, num illi, aulea, Vasa aurea, aut equi maxime pro­bentur, efficiam (que) ne putet apud Principem inhumanum aut ingratum sua se officia collocasse. Intellexi quo (que) ex eodem Domino Stephano, quam ardenter idem Dominus Sanctorum Quatuor cupiat aedificium Sancti Petri absolvi, veluti monumentum illud Religionis ac pietatis perpetuo futurum, quod certe ejus animi consilium, ut Sanctum ita dig­nissimum censeo, ut Christianorum Principum liberalitatem quam pluri­mum mereatur; meo igitur nomine affirmabitis, sic meam me esse ope­ram apud hunc Serenissimum Regem interpositurum, ut palam constet omnibus, me Ecclesiae membrum non omnino inutile aut stupidum esse.

De aliis vero rebus, in quibus S. D. N. benignitatem & Reverendissi­mi Domini Sanctorum Quatuor opera & Patrocinio Regiae Majestati & mihi in praesentia est opus, per Dominum Stephanum copiose vos in­struo, iterum at (que) iterum impense rogans, ut solita vestra diligentia & sedulitate ex nostra expectatione eas curare conficere (que) velitis.

Rome Feb. 1527. X. The Decretal Bull that was desired in the King's Cause.

DIlecto, &c. Salutem & Apostolicam Benedict.Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 12. Sedis Apostolicae Suprema Autoritas potestatis suae copiam sic omnibus exhibet, ut pro causarum, personarum & temporum qualitate remedia singulis ad aedificationem subministrare, & causas ad Canonum Sanctiones expensas aequissima certissima (que) lance trutinans, laborantibus conscientiis & fluctu­antibus consulere, summam (que) ipsis tranquillitatem statuere contendat. Cum ita (que) Clarissimus in Christo Filius noster Henricus Octavus Angliae Rex, Fidei Defensor, & Dominus Hiberniae, sua nobis conquestione monstraverat, quod cum Annos ab hinc decem & octo nobilem Mulie­rem Catharinam Ferdinandi quondam Hispaniarum Regis Filiam, Illu­stris Principis Arthuri Fratris sui defuncti quondam Uxorem, hortatu, suasu, ac consiliis eorum, quibus se totum in prima Regni sui Admini­stratione crediderat, quadam sedis Apostolicae Dispensatione praetensa sibi bona fide Matrimonio copulasset, ac ab eo tempore hactenus cum eadem tanquam cum Uxore cohabitasset, prole interim foemina suscepta & superstite ex eadem, ac jam tandem post desperatam prolem Mascu­lam, de stabilienda & confirmanda ejusdem Filiae suae successione cogi­taret, lustratis (que) Scriniis dictam super Matrimonio praefato Dispensatio­nem faceret proferri, doctorum (que) Virorum judicia examinari, cujus quidem Dispensationis tenor sequitur, & est talis, &c.

Quidam Sanctionum & Canonum Ecclesiasticorum consulti, datum dictae cum narratis ejusdem conferentes, alias (que) nonnullas circumstantias quae tum ante dictae Dispensationis impetrationem, quae etiam post ean­dem impetratam intervenerunt, ponderantes, tum quod causa quae in Bulla pretensa est pacis continuandae, viz. quae ipsa tum coaluerat, foede­ribus percussis firma constiterat, mutuis etiam populorum commerciis aucta, nullum suae violationis timorem incutiens, qui justus & non om­nino vanus dici posset, nec urgentissima proinde nec evidentissima vide­retur, qualem prohibitionis relaxatio exigat & requirat; tum quod preces falsae erant dum narrabatur Praedecessori nostro, eundem Carissimum Fi­lium nostrum tum cupere cum dicta charissima Domina Catharina con­trahere Matrimonium, ad hoc ut pacis foedera diutius continuarentur, cum eo tempore, ut a [...]erit, impetrationem prorsus ignoraret, & per aetatis immaturitatem, duodecimum, viz. annum non excedentis, affe­ctum hujusmodi inducere non potuerat; tum quod Protestatione post­modum interveniente & vim Renunciationis habente, Dispensatio tunc per Renunciationem extincta videretur; Deni (que) quod principes inter quos foedera conservarentur, ante mandatam executioni Bullam fatis concesserant; Bullam ipsam, tum ex surreptionis & obreptionis vitiis, quam aliis etiam de Causis minus validam & inefficacem esse renuncia­runt & retulerunt, scrupulum dicti Regis animo conscientiae (que) gravem injicentes, eam (que) illi opinionem inducentes, ut Matrimonium praedictum non consistere, ne (que) [...]actenus jure constitisse judicaret. Porro autem cum frequentius apud se, ut asserit, animo volveret ac meditaretur, quales exitus hujusmodi nuptiae prae [...]atae habuerunt, ex quibus, viz. ali­quot [Page 32] partus masculi imperfecti parum (que) vitales prodiere, at (que) ideo se omni spe successoris prorsus destitui, quo suam familiam ad pauco­redactam conservaret, occurente simul memoriae Divina interminatione quae Fratris sui turpitudinem revelanti, & illius Uxorem contra S. Sancta Dei praecepta accipienti inscribitur, praesertim ubi Dispensatio non in­terveniat, quae ex omni sua parte valeat & consistat, nonnullis etiam affirmantibus nostram non eatenus protestatem patere ut in ea specie gratiam faciamus, etiamsi ut scribit de nostrae potestatis plenitudine non dubitet, juste duntaxat legitime (que) interpositae, quam summam in terris agnoscit & veneratur, ad improbandas illas nuptias tantum undi (que) videt consensum ut illas animo abhorreat, nec aliorum rationibus posset dissuaderi quin abominandas eas judicet, & Divinae Majestati odiosas. Deni (que) idem Carissimus Filius noster debita cum instantia nos precibus sollicitaverit, quatenus personae suae & Regni nobis semper devotissimi rationem habentes, maturo judicio ab angustiis liberemus, quibus se usu praesentis Matrimonii per legem conscientiae privatum, nec ad aliud per leges publicas ante sententiam admissum, vehementer conqueritur com­prehensum esse. Nos igitur considerantes quot, quanta, tum in Sedem Apostolicam, tum in fidem Christianam officia prae caeteris exhibuerit, promeritus eo nomine ut nostrae vicissim potestatis gratiam uberrimam & promptissimam referat, aliam (que) illius causam at (que) privati esse, ex qua nimirum pendeat salus plurimorum, nec posse dictae causae decisionem diutius proferri & protelari sine gravi discriminis periculo, dicti vero Principis cruciatu maxima quae nos ex gratitudinis vicissitudine minue­ret debeamus, qua decet festinatione procedi facientes ut ad finem ce­lerrime perducatur, de Consilio Fratrum nostrorum, quorum in hac causa tam gravi at (que) urgenti judicium adhibuimus, ac etiam eorum quos & Sacrae Theologiae peritissimos & juris Ecclesiastici callentissimos de­super consulendos audiendos (que) putavimus, quoniam vitia & defectus prae­dictos ejusmodi esse comperimus, quae pensata praesatae Prohibitionis na­tura, vires ipsius Bullae merito enervarent; quo magis, viz. attestemur & palam faciamus, quanta animi cura & solicitudine praefati Carissimi Filii nostri conscientiam hujusmodi scrupulis & difficultatibus impediri, implicari at (que) vexari sustineamus, cum alioquin te dilectum Filium no­strorum Cardin. Eboracen. in illa Provincia & Apostolicae Sedis Legatum, a praeclaris animi tui virtutibus, ad justitiam vero & aequitatem propen­sissimo sincerissimo (que) affectu nobis sic commendatum & cognitum habea­mus, ut tibi merito soli omnem nostram Autoritatem, cum in hac Cau­sa expedienda, tum etiam in reliquis committendam putaverimus, dig­nissimus quidem nobis existimatus, qui partes nostras tractes & vices ab­sentis posses supplere: Te tamen Dilectū Filiū — a nobis specialiter istu [...] destinandum duximus, ut conjunctim in hac causa procedere pos­sitis, ita nihilomimus propter incertum casuum eventum mandatam Au­thoritatem temperantes, ut altero vestrum nolente aut impedito alter omnia exequi & causam fine debito valeat terminare. Vobis ut praefer­tur conjunctim & ut praefertur divisim, ad cognoscendum & proceden­dum summarie & de plano, sine strepitu & figura judicii, ac de & super viribus dictae Bullae sive Dispensationis inquirendum, ipsam (que) Bullam sive Dispensationem, si de vitiis praedictis aut eorum aliquo tali proba­tione constiterit, quae licet aliis minus clara videatur, animo tamen Re­ligioso, conscientiae (que) vestrae, aut ejus vestrum qui i [...] h [...]c Causa pro­cesserit, [Page 33] divisim ut praefertur, satisfecerit, & verisimile apparuerit, vel pacem quae in Bulla praetenditur sine hujus Matrimonii contractu consi­stere potuisse & continuari, vel dictum Charissimum Filium nostrum, ut allegabatur, non cupiisse contrahere Matrimonium ad hoc ut pacis foedera conservarentur, vel deni (que) Principes in Bulla nominatos, inter quos foedera per illud Matrimonium continuatum iri allegabatur, ante mandatam executioni Bullam fatis concessisse, ipsam nullam, minus va­lidam, ex surreptione & obreptione inefficacem, irritam & inanem fuisse, semper & esse pronuntiandam & declarandam; Matrimonium autem prae­dictum, quod ejusdem virtute consistere videtur, nullum simul ac minus legitimum esse, ac pro nullo minus (que) legitimo haberi deberi decernen­dum; ipsos porro contrahentes ab omni contractu Matrimoniali hujus­modi liberos, a consortio conjugali quod hactenus observarunt separari deberi, sententiendum & autoritate nostra separandum. Deni (que) utrum­que ad contrahendum cum alio vel alia, novum conjugium in [...]undi, li­centiam & facultatem tribuendum & concedendum, citra omnem recu­sationem, aut appellationis interpositionem, committimus & demanda­mus vices nostras; ac vos conjunctim, & altero vestrum nolente ut praefertur aut impedito, divisim, ad praemissa exercenda & expedienda, plenae finali (que) executioni demandanda, Vicarios nostros & nostrum Vi­carium, aut si quo alio nomine uti poterimus, quod demandatam in praedictis Autoritatem ampliaret, cum omni potestatis plenitudine tam absolutae quam ordinariae, quatenus vel ad praefati Matrimonii con­gruam dissolutionem, vel novi contrahendi firmam Constitutionem, ex­pedire videbitur aut pertinere; ita etiam ut Autoritate praesentis Com­missionis nostrae, cum omnibus illis Canonibus, ad validiorem effica­ciorem (que) processus vestri firmitatem poteritis dispensare, quaecun (que) eidem obstare putabuntur, omnem (que) defectum quacun (que) ex causa contingen­tem nostrae Autoritatis interpositione, Dispensatione Apostolica supplere possitis & valeatis, tam prolem ex primo Matrimonio susceptam propter bonam fidem Parentum, si ita expedire visum fuerit, legitimam decernen­do, pronuntiando & promulgando, quam ex secundo Matrimonio sus­cipiendam; legitimitatem etiam utrius (que) prolis, censuris & poenis Eccle­siasticis quibuscunque, per modum decreti aut Sanctionis perpetuae mu­niendo & vallando, omnibus validioribus & efficacioribus modis & for­mis quae de jure concipi & excogitari poterunt, facimus, constituimus & ordinamus per praesentes: & quicquid per vos conjunctim, ut praefer­tur, aut divifim procedentes, per cognitionem judiciariam & summari­am, aut extrajudiciariam, processus quoscun (que) faciendo, pronunciando aut promulgando, eosdemve executioni mandando, Dispensationes quas­cun (que) aut gratias in praemissis concedendo & faciendo, & generaliter in aliquibus praedictorum potestatem nostram vel ordinariam vel absolu­tam exercendo, ut praefertur, actum, gestum, decretum, dispensatum, pronuntiatum, mandatum, aut executum fuerit, id omne & totum, cum primum poterimus, ratum, gratum & firmum habentes, in validissima & efficacissima forma confirmabimus, nec eorum aliqua unquam in [...]irma­bimus aut infringemus, aut eorum alicui contraveniemus, nec interim revocabimus; declarantes etiam & protestantes per praesentes, nostrae intentionis esse, ut praesens Commissio, sive Delegatio Autoritatis nostrae, perpetuo effectu gaudeat, & us (que) ad finalem praedictorum conclusionem extremum (que) terminum duret & consistat, non obstantibus quibuscun (que) [Page 34] decretis, sententiis, mandatis, rescriptis, literis aut Brevibus in contra­rium, deinceps per nos tanquam irritatoriis, derogatoriis aut revo­catoriis praesentis Concessionis nostrae, emittendis, destinandis aut pro­mulgandis; quibus omnibus expresse per praesentes derogantes, & illa omnia pro nullis, cassis, irritis & inanibus reputantes, ac talia esse & ha­beri, istis (que) omnino anteriora judicari, praesentia vero semper posterio­ra, & post illa repetita, emissa & destinata, censeri ac tanquam ultima & posteriora contrariis sic deinceps emittendis derogare debere, & caete­ris contrariis non obstantibus quibuscunque.

Rome Ian. 1528. XI. The Cardinal's Letter to John Cassali about it; Taken from a Duplicate written by his Secretary.

REverende Domine Protonotari, tanquam Frater Amantissime, cum aliis meis literis copiose ad vos perscripsi Regiae Majestatis ani­mum,Cott. libr. Vitel. B. 10. & desiderium super his rebus quas vobis in praesentia commisit, suo nomine S. D. N. declarandas.

Nunc vero ob humillimam sinceram (que) meam Devotionem, quae ex jure & officio non solum ejus Sanctitati, sed miseris Ecclesiae sublevandis rebus, dignitati (que) Apostolicae restituendae adstringor, his literis vos in­struam super quibusdam rebus, praecipue & accurate notandis & consi­derandis, quas post humillimam, reverentissimam (que) meam Commenda­tionem dictae Sanctitati, meo nomine sigillatim, speciatim declarabitis; & cum causam concernant, quam Regia Majestas nunc maxime optat & requirit, eandem Sanctitatem vehementissime rogabitis, ut cuncta legere & bene notare non gravetur.

Primo ita (que) indolens infaelicem adversum (que) praesentium rerum succes­sum, in quo S. D. N. Cardinalium (que) Collegium versatur, diu (que) ac noctu mente volvens, quo pacto quibusve modis, totis meis viribus, omni sumptu molestia (que) neglecta, & cum proprii sanguinis vitae (que) effusione, ministerium aliquod impendere, tantae (que) afflictioni solamen afferre, & Ecclesiae Sanctissimi Domini nostri collapso statui opitulari, in quam rem haud dubie quoad (que) vita suppetet incumbam; mihi (que) in hac cogitatio­ne versanti, in mentem recordationem (que) subiit, mirus quidem & gran­dis affectus. qui Divina sic disponente Providentia, ex instanti assidua (que) mea opera provenit, ut hunc optimum Dominum meum Regem indu­cerem, eique persuaderem quod ad arctissimam istam intimam (que) cordis & animi conjunctionem deveniret erga, S. D. N. Ecclesiae (que) & sedis Apo­stolicae tutelam ac patrocinium suscipiendum, memoriae (que) succurrunt innumerae rationes a me adductae, ut Regiam Majestatem, quae Caesari tenacissime inhaerebat, adducerem, ad S. D. N. defensionem, rerum (que) Italicarum tutelam amplectendam, ac inter omnes allegatas rationes, nul­la fuit validior aut vehementior, vel quae Regiae Majestatis pectus magis permoveret, quam intima securitas, perfecta (que) constantia, quam ei assi­due indesinenter (que) insinuavi de ejus Sanctitatis vera optima (que) & flagranti correspondentia in amore perpetuo indissolubili (que) amicitia, animo & vo­luntate, petitionibus semper suae R. Majest. & desideriis concedendis, quoad [Page 35] Ecclesiae Thesaurus & Autoritas ejus Sanctitati Christi Vicario concessa permittit, vel quoad se extendit, seu possit extendere; super id (que) om­nia uberrime promisi, meam etiam salutem, fidem, honorem animam­que adstringens, quod omnia ex ipsius Regiae Majestatis votis, in omne tempus praestarentur, abs (que) ulla prorsus occasione aut scrupulo, ab hu­jusmodi indulgendis petitionibus digrediendi, adeo quod Regia Maje­stas, ex hoc meo asseveranti relatu, hunc propensum S. D. N. in se ani­mum perspiciens, mihi (que) ejus Sanctitatis nomine, veluti Legato, & Se­dis Apostolicae membro loquenti, firmam, certam (que) fidem adhibens, pe­riculis omnibus post [...]abitis, laboribus sumptibus (que) spretis, nulla (que) sui Reg­ni aut subditorum habita ratione, animum adfixit, prorsus (que) statutum & decretum in omnibus se adjungere, at (que) perpetuo & constanter cum S. D. N. in affectu concurrere, in eo (que) certum habeo velle decrevisse (que) perstare, ad mortem usque, nisi forsan ex eventibus, longe diversis a meo promisso & ejus expectatione, occasio subministretur suam Regiam Majestatem ab hoc animi sui decreto amovendi. Id si illi accideret (quod avertat Deus) merito mihi posset adscribere perfidiam, levita­tem, violationem (que) promissionis, quo casu quid mox officii aut ministe­rii possem Sanctissimo Domino nostro praestare, aut quae fides in Ecclesiae rebus mihi haberetur, singulari ejus Sanctitatis prudentiae judicandum relinquo: nunquam enim meo in arbitrio posthac esset, quicquam ali­cujus momenti hinc efficere, in ejus Sanctitatis commodum, hac nunc in re Regiae Majestatis concepta spe, aut expectatione frustrata.

Est secundo accurate considerandum quantopere hoc negotium Regiae Majestati intersit, & quanti sit momenti, unde namque, praeter Con­scientiae Regiae exonerationem, omnis quo (que) Regiae lineae, & stemma­tis continuatio pendet; huic adnectitur totius Regni faelicitas, vel exci­dium, hic securitas & salus corum consistit, qui sub Regis sunt Imperio, & qui ullo unquam tempore nascentur in ejus Regno, qua ex re oriri potest occasio, & fomes tranquillitatis perpetuae, aut discordiae belli (que) atrocissimi in universum Christianum orbem, quae omnia majoris sunt momenti, & vigilantius prospicienda quam cujus (que) Principis vel Prin­cipissae gratia, favor & expectatio.

Tertio, Causa ex se est hujusmodi ut in animam meam spondere ausim, ejus concessionem, futuram non solum in conscientiae, honoris (que) Ponti­ficis exonerationem coram Deo & hominibus, sed in Coelis quo (que) gra­tam, acceptam (que) extituram: In hac deinde re secreta insunt nonnulla, secreto S. D. N. exponenda, & non credenda literis, quas ob causas, morbos (que) nonnullos, quibus abs (que) remedio Regina laborat, & ob animi etiam conceptum scrupulum, Regia Majestas nec potest, nec vult ullo unquam posthac tempore, ea uti, vel ut Uxorem admittere, quodcun­que advenerit. Non exigua praeterea habenda est ratio eorum, quae aliis meis literis continentur, concernentia, quae pro ingenti thesauro S. D. N. habere queat, tam certam Regiae Majestatis amicitiam, cum ejus Sanctitate constantissime conjunctam futuram in prosperis & adver­sis, in quas etiam partes amicos suos omnes pertraxit, & assidue pertra­hit: ad Ecclesiae defensionem, Sanctissimi Domini nostri conservationem, causas omnes suas & actiones dirigens; possent (que) hi omnes, Regia Maje­state deficiente, in contrarium verti, &, ut vera loquar, nullum Prin­cipem video in quo S. D. N. possit, quam in Regia Majestate plenius aut perfectius confidere, vel cujus medio Apostolicae sedis status in pri­stinam [Page 36] suam dignitatem queat certius restitui, cum abs (que) ejus subsidio, nisi solus Deus ex immensa sua bonitate manum citissime apponat, om­nino imminutus iri videatur. Quod si Sanctissimus Dominus noster nunc (quod absit) in his Regiis petitionibus durum se, aut difficilem se exhibuerit, mihi certe molestissimum est futurum vivere diutius, ob innumera mala, quae inde subsecutura videntur, hoc praesertim firmo, tuto (que) Regio subsidio tam ingrate abjecto; hoc (que) solum, & certum, & salubre remedium videtur tantae corrigendae calamitati superesse, quo neglecto omnia corruant necesse est. Hac autem in re S. D. N. sua erga Regiam Majestatem animi gratitudine comprobata, poterit de illius ami­citia & conjunctione quaecun (que) volet sibi polliceri, adversus eos omnes, qui ejus Autoritatem aut dignitatem voluerint oppugnare. Tandem his causis rationibus (que) omnibus in unum congestis, mecum ipse reputans, quam multa gravissimi momenti in hujus conjugii Dissolutione occur­rant, in tanta aquitate justo (que) fundamento posita, ob quae haec Dissolu­tio nec possit abs (que) gravissimo detrimento, nec debeat diutius protrahi aut intermitti; videns quo (que) quid allegari possit & allegabitur omnino ad Regiae Majestatis conscientiam coram Deo purgandam, etiamsi id a S. D. N. neutiquam admittatur, quae in hujusmodi allegationibus confisa, ve [...]eor ne in tanta rerum extremitate constituta, potius quam ingentia mala, quae hinc apertissime imminent, succedant, dicta Regia Majestas ex duobus malis minus malum eligat, & soli suae purae (que) conscientiae in­ [...]ns, id agat, quod nunc tam reverenter a Sedis Apostolicae Authori­tate exigit, unde Sedis contemptus indies gravior excresceret, hoc prae­sertim tempore admodum periculoso: quae omnia sunt a S. D. N. sum­ma sua prudentia alte consideranda, nullo prorsus dubio aut difficultate in re tam gravi mature concedenda interjecta; nec eam retardare debet cujusquam mortalis instantia, contemplatio vel satisfactio, praesertim quum in multis aliis rebus, forsan non tam manifestis & apparentibus, Sanctitas sua liberalem, facilem (que) erga alios se saepe praestiterit; cui hu­millima reverentia praemissa meo nomine dicetis, quod haec loquor tam­quam fidele, utcun (que) Ecclesiae indignum membrum, omnia excogitans quae possent in Ecclesiae augmentum & existimationem cedere, ea etiam admovens & consulens ut evitentur, quae cessura videantur in contrari­um. Quocirca Sanctissimo Domino nostro affirmabitis, quod praemissis omnibus tam maximi momenti existentibus probe consideratis, non ve­luti Mediator aut Intercessor, ob privatum illum affectum quem Regiae Majestatis causis, ut mei juris est, promovendis gero, sed tanquam is qui in re tanta & ex tam certa scientia & cognitione, velim Sanctissimo Do­mino nostro suadere, ut quod nunc petitur omnino concedat, idque suade­rem etiam si in hoc Regnum nunquam venissem, ne (que) hic commune quicquam haberem; rogoque, precor, & obtestor ejus Sanctitatem, ut omni dubio, respectu, metu (que) deposito, nullo pacto neget aut differat ea concedere aut adnuere, quae Regia Majestas urgentissimas ob causas tanta nunc animi sollicitudine exposcit; sed his potius benignius liberali­ter (que) adnuat, & omnia concedere non gravetur in pleniorem modum qui hujus rei gratia possit excogitari, compertissimum (que) sibi sua Sancti­ [...]as habeat, se id effecturum, quod coram Deo & hominibus justum om­nino habebitur, actissimeque Regiam Majestatem devinciet ad suae San­ctitatis, Ecclesiae Apostolicaeque Sedis, causasque omnes pro viri­bus juvandas protegendasque, nec ea in re, ulli labori, sumptui▪ [Page 37] Regno vel subditis parcet, nec (si opus fuerit) propriam Personam exponere recusabit, in ea opinione constantissime permansura, in eandemque sententiam Gallorum Regem & alios confaederatos at­trahet, tum pro suae Sanctitatis & Cardinalium liberatione, tum pro Sedis Apostolicae Authoritatis & dignitatis restitutione; & prae­terquam quum dicta Sanctitas mei humillimae suae Creaturae fidem & exi­stimationem conservabit, quo in omnem eventum & necessitatem ea possim hic facilius commodius (que) tractare quae in Ecclesiae commodum, be­neficium & securitatem cessura videbuntur, in quae officia omnem meam industriam, zelum, studium (que) adhibebo, hunc quo (que) Serenissimum Regem in perpetuum sibi lucrifaciet. Quod si harum rerum rationem non ha­buerit, vereor ne sit futurum in mea potestate, ut ullo modo hanc Regi­am Majestatem vel alium ullum Principem ad ea adducam, quae Sanctissi­mo Domino nostro solatio aut subsidio esse possunt. Sed confido ab ipsius Sanctitate tantam malorum occasionem sublatam iri, gratissimo, benignissimo, liberrimo (que) animo, omnia ut petuntur concessuram esse, nullo objecto impedimento, contradictione aut mora.

Romae Ian. 20. 1528. XII. Staphileus's Letter to the Cardinal, that shews how much he was persuaded of the justice of the King's Cause. The Original.

REverendissime & Illustrissime Domine D. mihi colendissime,Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 10. post humillimam cōmendationem D. V. Reverend. dignabitur intelligere, qualiter quintadecima die post recessum nostrum a Londino conscendi­mus navem, retenti interim in portu ob tempestatem Maris & contrarios ventos: interim in itinere fui cum Reverendo Domino Roffen. & di­sputavimus materiam multum, copiose, & satis prolixe, in praesentia Do­mini Doctoris Marmeduci, qui intellexit omnia ex utra (que) parte ab utro­que dicta & saepius replicata; penes quem autem steterit victoria, vel saltem, uter nostrum validius certaverit, D.V. Reverend. percipiet ex fide­li relatione praefati D. Marmeduci. Unum certifico D.V. Reverend. quod pro uno mediocri Episcopatu desiderassem quod huic nostrae Disputatio­ni interfuisset Serenissimus Rex noster & D.V. & Regina, pro intelligentia veritatis & pro modo disputandi: etenim commendo humiliter D. V. Reverend. istum bonum virum, bonum servitorem ac diligentem Serenissi­mae Regiae Majestatis & D.V. Reverendiss. Quibus me quo (que) humillimum ac ex toto devotissimum eorum servum quam humillime possum ex toto corde meo semper commendo, praestiturus utri (que) fideliss. & amantiss. obsequium in rebus & negotiis mihi commissis & committendis. Bene valeat D.V. Reverendiss. quae dignabitur tenere me semper in bona gratia Serenissimi Regis nostri, qui est decus & ornamentum Regiae Dignitatis.

Ex Bononia 20 Jan. 1528.
D. V. Reverendiss. Humillimus Servitor Episcopus Staphileus.

Ad Campegium, 1528. XIII. The Cardinal's Letter to Campegius, taken from the Draught of it; Corrected with his own hand.

Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 10.REverendissime in Christo Pater, grata semper huic Regiae Majestati extiterunt Vestrae Reverend. Dominat. officia, sed gratissimum omni­um illud fuit, quod tanta fide & sedulitate in ipsius promovenda causa ab ea fuisse praestitum ex Reverendi Domini Jerdonen. sermone cogno­vit: quam optimi amoris significationem toto pectore amplexatur, jus­sit (que) ut suis nominibus ingentes vestrae Reverendissimae D. gratias habe­remus: Cui ego eo quo (que) nomine maxime quo (que) me debere fateor, nulla enim in re magis obnoxium me sibi potest efficere, quam si totis suis viribus, omni gratia & Authoritate adnitatur, quo negotium hoc ex Regiae Majestatis sententia quam citissime conficiatur; hujusmodi enim est ut nullum gravius possit accidere, dilationem nullam patitur, utpote quod totius hujus Regni conservationem, Regiae sobolis continuationem & ejus animi salutem in se contineat: causa quidem manifestior est quam disputatione egeat, & sanctior quam debeat in controversiam adduci, hanc unam gratiam & nunc primum a Sede Apostolica votis omnibus petit, & eam tum ex rei justitia, tum ex sua in S. D. N. filiali devotione, spem concepit, ut nullo pacto sibi persuadeat unquam fieri posse ut sua expecta­tione frustretur, quam scit vestrae R. D. opera ac pio patrocinio maxime posse juvari.

Iterum igitur at (que) iterum Reverendissimam D. vestram obsecro, ut postquam recenti & claro hoc testimonio purgavit quicquid antea in Regiam Majestatem fide sinistre fuerat ad nos delatum, & nostrum ani­mum sibi totum devinxit, non gravetur nunc strenue in hoc Regio pro­movendo negotio ad optatum us (que) finem perseverare, quod ita cor no­strum premit, ut vel proprio sanguine id vellemus posse a S. D. N. im­petrare. Caetera, vestra Reverendissima D. uberius ac distinctius cog­noscet ex Reverendo Domino Episcopo Jerdonensi, & ex Domino Ste­phano Gardinero intimo meo servo, & Domino Edwardo Foxo Regio familiari, quibus rogo ut certissimam in omnibus fidem velit habere. Et faelicissime valeat.

Maii 7. 1528. XIV. The Cardinal's Letter to G. Cassali, desiring a Decretal Bull to be sent over. A Duplicate.

Cotton libr. Vitel. B. 10.MAgnifice Domine Gregori, &c. Ingentem Serenissima Regia Maje­stas & ego laetitiam concepimus, quum tum ex Domini Stephani literis, tum vero ex Domini Foxi relatu cognovimus, quanta fide, in­dustria, ac vigilantia usi sitis in ejusdem Regiae Majestatis conficiendo ne­gotio, quem vestrum animum, etsi saepe antea arduis in rebus exploratis­simum certissimum (que) haberemus, hoc tamen tam claro testimonio nihil a [Page 39] vobis omissum perspicimus, quod votum nostrum utcun (que) juvare potu­isset. Caeterum quum nonnulla adhuc meo aliorum (que) Doctiss. virorum judicio superesse videantur, ad Regiae Majestatis causam securissime sta­biliendam finiendam (que) de quibus ad D. Stephanum in praesentia perscri­bo; Vos iterum at (que) iterum rogo, ut de illis impetrandis apud S. D. N. una cum Domino Stephano vestram gratiam & Authoritatem, quam apud ejus Sanctitatem maximam esse & audio & gaudeo, pro viribus in­terponatis, maxime autem ut in Commissione illa Decretali a S. D. N. nullis Arbitris seu consultoribus admissis concedenda, & secreto ad me mittenda, omnes vires ingenii, prudentiae diligentiae (que) vestrae adhibea­tis, affirmabitis (que) & in salutem animam (que) meam eidem S. D. N. sponde­bitis, quod dictam Bullam secretissime nullis mortalium oculis conspi­ciendam apud me asservabo, tanta fide & cautione, ut ne minimum quidem ex ea re periculum, vel periculi metum ejus Sanctitas sit sensura; non enim eo consilio aut animo eam Commissionem impetrari tam ve­hementer cupio, ut vel illius vigore ullius processus aut aliud praeterea quicquid ageretur, vel eadem publice privatimve legere illa ulli exhi­beretur, sed ut hac quasi arrha & pignore summae paternae (que) S. D. N. erga Regiam Majestatem benevolentiae apud me deposito, quum videat nihil illi denegaturum quod petiverit, perspiciat (que) tantum fidei ejus Sanctitatem in me reposuisse, sic mea apud dictam Majestatem augeatur Authoritas, ut quanquam vires omnes suas opes (que) Apostolicae Sedis con­servationi & in pristinum statum reparationi sic sponte dicaverit, me tamen suasore & consultore omnia in posterum, & in sanguinis effusio­nem sit concessura & effectura, quae in ejusdem Sedis & suae Beatitudinis securitatem, tranquillitatem & commodum, quaquam ratione cedere poterunt.

XV. The Brieve of Pope Julius for the King's Marriage; suspected to be forged.

JUlius Papa Secundus. Dilecte Fili & dilecta in Christo Filia,Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 12. salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Romani Pontificis praecellens Au­thoritas concessa sibi desuper utitur potestate, prout (personarum, ne­gotiorum & temporum qualitate pensata) id in Domino conspicit ex­pedire. Oblatae nobis nuper pro parte vestra petitionis series contine­bat, quod cum alias tu Filia Catharina, & tunc in humanis agens quon­dam Arthurus Carissimi in Christo Filii nostri Henrici Angliae Regis illustrissimus primogenitus, pro conservandis pacis & amicitiae nexibus & foederibus inter praefatum Angliae Regem, & Carissimum in Christo Filium nostrum Ferdinandum Regem, & Carissimam in Christo Filiam nostram Elizabeth. Reginam Catholicos Hispaniarum & Siciliae, Matrimonium per verba legitime de praesenti contraxeritis, illudque carnali copula con­summaveritis, quia tamen Dominus Arthurus, prole ex hujusmodi Ma­trimonio non suscepta, decessit, & hujusmodi vinculum pacis & con­nexitatis inter praefatos Reges & Reginam ita firmiter verisimiliter non perduraret, nisi etiam illud alio affinitatis vinculo confoveretur & con­firmaretur, ex his & certis aliis causis, desideratis Matrimonium inter vos per verba legitime de praesenti contrahere: Sed quia desiderium [Page 40] vestrum in praemissis adimplere non potestis, Dispensatione Apostolica desuper non obtenta, nobis propterea humiliter supplicari fecistis, ut vobis providere in praemissis de Dispensationis gratia & benignitate Apo­stolica dignaremur. Nos igitur qui inter singulos Christi fideles, prae­sertim Catholicos Reges & Principes, pacis & concordiae amaenitatem vigere intensis desideriis affectamus, his & aliis causis animum nostrum moventibus, hujusmodi supplicationibus inclinati, vobiscum, ut aliquo impedimento affinitatis hujusmodi ex praemissis proveniente non obstante Matrimonium inter vos contrahere, & in eo postquam contractum fuerit, remanere, libere & licite valeatis, Authoritate Apostolica per prae­sentes Dispensamus; & quatenus forsan jam Matrimonium inter vos de facto publice vel clandestine contraxeritis, ac carnali copula consumma­veritis, vos & quemlibet vestrum ab excessu hujusmodi, ac Excommuni­cationis sententia quam propterea incurristis, eadem Authoritate ab­solvimus, ac etiam vobiscum ut in hujusmodi Matrimonio sic de facto contracto remanere, seu illud de novo contrahere, inter vos libere & licite valeatis, similiter Dispensamus, prolem ex hujusmodi Matrimonio sive contracto sive contrahendo suscipiendam legitimam decernendo. Volumus autem, si hujusmodi Matrimonium de facto contraxistis, Con­fessor, per vos & quemlibet vestrum eligendus, paenitentiam, quam ad­implere teneamini, propterea vobis injungat.

Dat. Romae apud San­ctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris, die 26 Decemb. millesimo quingen­tesimo tertio. Pont. nostri Anno primo.
Sigismundus.

XVI. A part of the Cardinal's Letter to G. Cassali, desiring leave to shew the Decretal Bull to some of the King's Council. A Du­plicate.

ILlud igitur video maxime necessarium superesse ut Decretalis Bulla, quam Reverendissimus Dominus Legatus secum defert, secreto le­genda exhibeatur nonnullis ex Regis Consultoribus,Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 10. eo quidem consi­lio, non ut in judicium proferatur, vel ad causam definiendam adhibea­tur, sed solum ut perspicientes illi, quorum prudentia & Autoritas non parva es [...], nihil a me fuisse omissum, quod causam Regis possit securissi­mam redere, omnia (que) fuisse a S. D. N. concessa, quae in causae firmamen­tum ullo pacto queant excogitari facilius, ubi Regiae Majestatis securi­tati, Regni quieti, & perpetuo totius rei stabilimento undi (que) consul­tum viderint, in sententiam nostram deveniant, summa (que) cum diligentia in Autoritate Apostolica ad Dei gloriam conjuncta rectissime absolvan­tur. Proinde, Domine Gregori, iterum at (que) iterum vos impense rogo, quod ad S. D. N. genua devoluti ejus Beatitudinem meo nomine obse­cretis, ut hoc reliquum meae fidei meae (que) dexteritati de Bulla Decretali ostendenda committere velit, quam rem sic moderabor, ut nullum pror­sus periculum, nullum damnum, nullum odium queat unquam sibi, vel Sedi Apostolicae provenire; hoc (que) tam instanter precor, ut pro salute mea conservanda petere queam ardentius nihil.

XVII. John Cassali's Letter about a Conference he had with the Pope. An Original.

Reverendissime ac Illustrissime Domine D. mi Colendissi­me, &c.

QUum Tabellarius D. Vestrae Reverendissimae cum ejus mandatis literis (que) die 2. Novemb. datis Bononiam ad Equitem fratrem per­vem [...]et,Cotton libr. Vitel. B. 10. ne (que) ipse tunc posset prae debilitate properatis itineribus Romam venire, ne ad eam rem longioris temporis moram interponeret, misit per dispositos equos D. Vicentium Cassalium fratrem nostrum patruelem, vo­lens ipsum statim subsequi; venit igitur D. Vincentius Cassalius. At ego Vestrae Dominationis Reverendissimae literis lectis ac perpensis, S.D.N. adivi, & ea quae D. V. Reverendissima scripserat, diligenter ejus San­ctitati exposui, ipsas (que) etiam literas recitavi, quae prudentissime & effica­cissime omnia explicabant. At (que) hujusmodi verbis sum loquutus.

Non locus hic nec tempus postulat, Beatissime Pater, ut ego nunc commemorem, quanto amore, quanto animi affectu, quibus (que) officiis illa Regia Majestas Apostolicam Sedem Sanctitatem (que) Vestram sit ubique omni tempore prosequuta, quanta (que) observantia & fide Reverendissimus Dominus Eboracen. semper coluerit; nec recensendum hic videtur, quot labores, quot incommoda subiverint, quae officia, quas multoties impen­sas effecerint, quaerentes Ecclesiasticum statum, Christianam Religio­nem, & Catholicam Fidem protegere ac conservare: Nec vestra Sancti­tas ignorare debet, quibus laboribus, quantis precibus, quot tabellariis, quot oratoribus missis, quot non dicam literis, sed voluminibus conscrip­tis, post multa insuper Jurisperitorum consilia, tum ex Anglia allata, tum hic etiam formata, fuerit tandem a vestra Sanctitate impetratum, ut res eo, quo fuit pacto, componeretur: Qua ratione Regiae Majestatis desiderio indulgebatur, & Beatitudinis vestrae honori ac conscientiae, ju­stitiae (que) & aequitati consulebatur: At nunc Sanctitas Vestra animadver­tit illos, praeter omnium nostrum spem & opinionem, omni auxilio pe­nitus esse destitutos: Reverendiss. Campegius non modo non ostendit, se adeo urgentibus precibus Serenissimi Regis obtemperare velle, sed ut primum ad Colloquium venit, rem totam pervertit, Regiam Majestatem a Divortio dissuasit, perinde ac si ei Legatio demandata fuerit, ut Sere­nissimo Regi ex parte Reginae persuadere debeat, ut se a Divortio ab­stineat, adeo ut non possit Regia Majestas stimulum hunc Conscien­tiae ex suo pectore evellere, semper (que) in ea mentis perturbatione illi sit permanendum, ut omnibus horis cogitet successorem sui Regni ex suo sanguine defuturum. Ne (que) adhuc Reverendissimus Campegius ullam significationem dedit, velle se ad id exequendum descendere, quod priore illa generali Commissione continetur; verum, quod pejus etiam est, quum multis precibus Bulla Decretalis in hac causa Regia impetrata fuerit, promiserit (que) Vestra Sanctitas se permissurum ut Serenissimo Regi ac Reverendiss. D. Eboracen. ostenderetur, & eorum manibus crederetur, quam ipsi aliquibus ex Secretissimis Consiliariis ostenderent, ut Sere­nissimus Rex de totius negotii aequitate instructior fieret, noluit Reve­rendissimus Campegius eam credere Serenissimo Regi, aut Reverendis­simo [Page 42] Domino Eboracen. suo in ea causa Collegae. Cur autem velit Ve­stra Sanctitas Regiam Majestatem in eam spem adduxisse, ut deinde ho [...] pacto illam frustretur ac deludat. Tunc S. D. N. injecta in meum bra­chium manu, me ulterius loqui prohibuit, se ira accensum non abscon­dens, dixit, Non parum sibi de D. V. Reverendissima conquerendum esse, atque sub ejus fide se deceptum esse; Bullam Decretalem dedisse, ut tan­tum Regi ostenderetur, concremaretur (que) statim: ad hoc me (inquit) multis ille magnisque precibus protraxit, ostendens, si id non dare­tur, manifestam suae saluti ruinam impendere; nunc autem eam Bullam, quae debuit esse Secretissima, vult divulgare, ne (que) unquam se promisisse concessurum ut Consiliariis ostendatur: literas (inquit) ipsas Reveren­dissimi Eboracen. proferre possum, quibus id tantum, quod dixi, petit, & ipsum Equitem Cassalium testem volo, quod Dominus Stephanus Gardinerus & ipse nil aliud a me postulaverunt, nec si postulassent, quic­quam amplius obtinuissent; at (que) utinam aliter rem petissent, eam nam (que) facile denegassem, nec ad hanc paenitentiam venissem, ex qua vel unius digiti jactura (modo fieri possit) quod factum fuit revocarem, video enim quantum mali ex eo mihi subeundum sit. Quum S. D. N. haec & similia contra suum morem dixisset, ego in eam sententiam subsequutus, sciendum esse, quod D. V. Reverendissima petit, non esse ab eo, quod ejus Sanctitas constitutum fuisse dicit alienum, nec D. V. Reverendissi­ma hanc rem divulgari velle, aut secundum eam Bullam sententiam ferri; Caeterum Regiae Majestati & sibi tradi, ut possent aliquibus fidelioribus carioribus (que) Consiliariis ostendere, ut ipsi de re tota fiant instructiores, quod perinde arcanum erit, ac si in nullius notitiam devenisset. An non (inquam) Sanctitas Vestra pleros (que) habet, quibus quum aliquid arcanum crediderit, putet id non minus celatum esse, quamsi uno tantum pectore contineretur, quod multo magis Serenissimo Angliae Regi evenire debet, cui singuli in suo Regno sunt subjecti, ne (que) etiamsi velint, possunt Regi non esse fidelissimi: Ve nam (que) illis si vel parvo momento ab illius volun­tate recederent, quid hoc praeterea obesse potest? an non sic petitum, sic constitutum fuit? quae ratio Sanctitatem Vestram propositum mutare cogit? Ibi Pontifex iracundus, & concitatior etiam quam paulo ante; Haud (inquit) ita fuit constitutum, nec me latet, quid de ea Bulla fa­cere cogitent & cujusmodi ex eo mihi damnum redundaturum sit; fir­mum igitur illud habeatis, me decrevisse, ne (que) sententiam muto, nolle quicquam amplius hac in re permittere. At ego, nolit (quaeso) Vestra Sanctitas sic ex certa animi sententia loqui, ac potius in his literis Reve­rendissimi Domini Eboracen. consideret damna, ruinas, haereses, quae Vestrae Sanctitatis culpa in illo Regno orirentur: Regia enim Majestas male a Vestra Beatitudine tractata, injuria, & ignominia affecta, studi­um & voluntatem, quam semper optimam in Sedem Apostolicam habuit, in contrariam partem convertere posset, hoc est Dominationi Vestrae toto pectore considerandum. Esto quod de hujus negotii aequitate discepta­tum non sit, concedamus etiam hanc rem malam, & mali exempli futu­ram (quod quidem secus esse judicaverunt omnes) an non Vestra San­ctitas novit plera (que) quae non bona sunt praeferri nonnunquam a nobis solere, ne pejora patiamur; at (que) hoc tum aliis in rebus, tum imprimis haeresium evitandarum causa providendum est, quas videmus, quum se­mel altiores radices egerint, non posse amplius extirpari: at (que) ibi ad illi­us pedes genibus flexis, eam precibus omnibus sum obtestatus, ut amici­tiam [Page 43] potentissimi Regis conservare, observantiam Dominationis Vestrae Reverendissimae erga ejus Sanctitatem, nostram (que) servitutem respicere vellet; relicta nam (que) Regiae Majestatis amicitia, religionis imminutio subsequeretur, & Regni illius a tam antiqua cum Sede Apostolica con­junctione dissolutio, ac Dominationis Vestrae Reverendissimae gratia & Autoritas apud Sereniss. Regem non suo merito deficeret, ejus (que) fortasse salus periclitaretur; Nos autem qui semper Beatitudini Vestrae inservivi­mus, pro qua tot bonis officiis functi sumus, & tantum operae perfeci­mus, ad integram amicitiam inter Regiam Majestatem & Vestram Sancti­tatem conservandam, in medio nostrarum actionum, Regni illius damna & calamitatem, nostram (que) certissimam ruinam conspiceremus. Ad haec S. D. N. & brachiorum & totius corporis agitatione, animum commo­tum ostendens, Volo (inquit) ego ruinam, quae mihi modo immineat considerare, & idipsum quod feci valde me angit; Si haereses, vel alia mala oritura sunt, quaenam in eo mea culpa erit, satis meae conscientiae fuerit me vacasse culpa, cui essem obnoxius, si hoc etiam quod nunc ex me petitur concederem: Nec Reverendissimus Dominus Eboracensis, nec vos ullam causam de me conquerendi habetis, quicquid nunc polli­citus sum praestiti, ne (que) aliud unquam, etsi mihi faciendi esset facultas, Regia Majestas & Reverendissimus Dominus Eboracen. a me petierunt, quod non promptissime concesserim, ut quis (que) facile intelligat, quanti eos semper fecerim; ad aliqua etiam Vestri causa faciliorem me praebui. Caeterum ubi vertitur meae conscientiae integritas omnia posthabenda cen­seo, agaut per se ipsi quod volunt, Legatum remittant eo praetextu, quod in causam ulterius procedi nolint, & deinceps ut ipsi volent rem confici­ant, modo ne me autore injuste quicquam agatur. Tunc ego, Nonne Vestra Sanctitas vult, ut ex vigore Commissionis procedatur? quod quum velle affirmasset, dixi, igitur Reverendissimus Campegius Sancti­tatis Vestrae voluntati adversatur, Divortium enim Regi dissuasit; At Pon­tifex, ego (inquit) illi imposui, ut Divortium Regi dissuaderet, persua­deret Reginae; quod autem ad Commissionem pertinet, si requiratur, exequetur. Sumus ergo (inquam) concordes, Beatissime Pater, quod quum ita sit, quid nocere poterit Decretalem Bullam aliquibus secretis­simis ac juramento addactis Consiliariis ostendisse: Tum quassans caput, Scio (inquit) quid de ea facere constituant, verum nondum Campegii literas ex Anglia legi, quapropter die crastino ad me redibitis. Hoc pacto S. D. N. primo die me dimisit. Ad fuit his sermonibus Dominus Vincentius Cassalius, quem ob equitem fratrem huc missum dixi, qui equitem ipsum excusavit, quod quamvis ille animadverteret negotium hoc tanti momenti esse, ut etiam cum vitae discrimine Romam per dispo­sitos equos sibi properandum esse videret, nihilominus supersedisse vi­dens quod si id fecisset necesse sibi futurum domi, & in lectulo permane­re potius, quam de re tanta coram ejus Sanctitate agere. Atque inte­rim Dominus Vincentius multas rationes ad persuadendum, equitis Cas­salii nomine adhibuit, quas eodem pacto ejus Sanctitas in sequentem diem rejecit.

Postridie ejus diei signatura habita est, cui ego tanquam referendarius interfui, in vesperum (que) est protracta, nec judicavi opportunum Pontifi­cem signaturae munere defessum aggredi, quum praesertim ejus Sanctitas diceret se nondum Campegii literas perlegisse. Res igitur iterum in diem proximum rejecta fuit, quo postea horam commodam nactus Pontificem [Page 44] adivi, quum (que) omnium Capitum, quae D. V. Reverendissimae literis continebantur, quasi summam effecissem, ne quicquam per oblivionem praeterirem, ab ea primum parte coepi, in qua dicitur suam Sanctitatem concessisse Commissionem generalem in amplissima forma, & promisisse ferendam sententiam, se ratificaturum. Pontifex hoc verum esse affirma­vit, dicens se contentum esse, ut ad sententiam procedatur; Qua vero parte est, ejus Sanctitatem Bullam Decretalem concessisse, ut secretiores Regiae Majestatis Consiliarios instrueret, id a veritate longe remotum dixit, posse (que) ad id se literas D. V. Reverendissimae ostendere: Atque ea repetivit, quae priore die super hoc dixerat, viz. Dominum Stephanum Gardinerum & Equitem Cassalium se testes habere, hanc Bullam non ea conditione petitam fuisse ut ostenderetur cuiquam, praeterquam Serenis­simo Regi & D. V. Reverendissimae, & Campegium nunc ad se scribere tantundem effecisse, quo facto ex conventione Bullam comburi debere, promissurum quo (que) se dixit, ut si quae allegantur, probentur, ad sen­tentiam ferendam procedatur, se id ratum habiturum. Quum (que) ego quaesissem an vellet, quae fierent per eam Bullam comprobare, minime id oportere dixit; negavit quo (que) eam Consiliariis ostendendam esse, qui tametsi rem bonam non judicarent, approbarent tamen super ejus Sanctitatis Conscientiam; ac saepius interim repetivit, non esse amplius in ea re commorandum. Ad aliam igitur partem deveni, in qua D. V. Reverendissima dicit, Reverendissimum Campegium Divortium inter Re­gem Serenissimum & Reginam conatum dissuadere: Tum Pontifex Cam­pegium scribere dixit, eo se etiam functurum officio, ut Reginae Divor­tium persuaderet, quam ab eo alienam invenerit; modeste tamen eam, ait, locutam fuisse, & Consiliarios petiisse, qui ex Hispania denegati fuerint, ex Flandria autem concessi. Dixit etiam S. D. N. se literas ad Regem, Reverendissimo Campegio ex suo Chirographo dedisse, ut Re­gia Majestas fidem his haberet, quae Reverendissimus Campegius suae Sanctitatis nomine diceret. Ad illam deinde partem deveni, ubi est: Causam Regis perinde differt, ac si nolit ad judicium, sententiam (que) in partem suae Majestatis ferendam descendere, donec S. D. N. certiorem prius effecerit, de his ad hanc causam concernentibus, quae ibi vidit & audivit. Ad haec respondit, Campegium quandocun (que) requisitus fue­rit, processurum, ne (que) de supersedendo Commissionem habere; se tan­tum injunxisse, ut quum procedi coeptum esset, se certiorem faceret, ne tamen interim morae aliquid interponeretur. At ubi est nullo pacto ad­duci vult, ut mihi suo Collegae Commissionem hanc Decretalem credat: Dixit verum id esse, ideo factum ne pluribus palam fieret, eaque con­ditione qua petitum fuit, ostensam nequicquam amplius expectandum, ea repetens, quae prius etiam circa hoc dixerat. At ego, videat Sancti­tas vestra quod ex his verbis, quae hic scripta sunt loquor, quae dicunt Sanctitatem Vestram Commissionem Decretalem concessisse, ea conditio­ne ut aliquibus Regiis Consiliariis ostenderetur. Tum Pontifex ite rum excandescens; Ostendam (inquit) literas ipsius Reverendissimi Eboracen. nec loquor mendacia, & non minus meis verbis, literis (que) prioribus Re­verendissimi Eboracen. fides est habenda, quam his quas nunc affertis. Tum ejus Sa nctitatem mitigari quaesivi, si minus urgenter mandata exe­querer, quo niam id a me fieri oportet. Quod ad Regni ruinas, damna, calamitates, scandala, & diminutionem Religionis, multa in eandem sententiam dixit, in quam primo die locutus fuit; quum diceret, Egregium [Page 45] vero decus Serenissimo huic Regi fuerit, si ipse, qui Fidei Defensor & sit & appelletur, qui libros etiam pro ejus defensione ediderit, eandem nunc impugnare cogatur; Ad haec quam recte sint venturi, viderint ipsi. Eo autem loco, in quo dicebatur aliquid de Regio negotio, inter Generalem Fatrum de observantia, & ejus Sanctitatem convenisse, & eo autore foedus inter ejus Sanctitatem & Caesarianos componendum, Dixit, id ostendere, quod de Regio negotio nihil promiserit, quod qui­cun (que) pollicitus sit, & quin poterit habita ratione suae conscientiae, re ipsa praestare velit: In eo autem quod de Pace tractanda affertur, dixit, se nullum modum in tali negotio invenire, ne (que) se adhuc scire, quod iste Generalis ullas pacis conditiones sit allaturus; at (que) ea insuper addi­dit, quae meis literis die 15 Novemb. datis D. V. Reverendissimae sig­nificavi.

Aliis deinde diebus S. D. N. saepissime sum alloquutus, qui decrevit cum Reverendissimis de Monte & Sanctorum Quatuor Cardinalibus de his rebus omnibus loqui, praeterquam de Bulla Decretali, de qua cum nemine vult ullam fieri mentionem, jussit (que) ex omni Scriptura ejus me­moriam eximi. De reliquis ita (que) rebus omnibus loquutus sum cum his duobus Cardinalibus qui dixerunt Pontificem contentum fore, ut ad sen­tentiam procedatur, tametsi id pleris (que) alienum videatur, deque eo non­nulli ex Cardinalibus cum obtrectatione loquuntur, & Caesaris Orator ne procedatur Protestatur, volunt (que) fieri in Curia Causae advocationem, Commissionem (que) cum Inhibitione ad partes; dicunt (que) hi duo Reveren­dissimi, quod quae postulant illi, justa sunt, nec minimo cui (que) denegari possent, nolle tamen Regiae Majestatis causa S. D. N. quicquam ex eo quod factum sit, immutare.

Quum alio etiam die Pontificem otiosum nactus essem, multa cum ejus Sanctitate, de rebus praeteritis disserui, deque eo, quod ego ad ejus utilitatem cum Venetis egissem, quoniam scirem Serenissimi Regis, & D. V. Reverendissimae voluntatem esse, ut quotiescun (que) occasio dare­tur, pro suae Sanctitatis commodo omnia fierent: Exposui deinde quan­topere elaborassem pro negotio Cerviae & Ravennae, ut (que) multa Gallici Oratores egissent a D. V. Reverendissima potissimum instigati; Addidi etiam efficacissima verba, quibus usus est Dominus Stephanus Gardi­nerus. Ad omnia S. D. N. respondit, se ea de re Regiae Majestati, ac D. V. Reverendissimae gratias habere, & mihi quoque gratias egit; dixitque, non tamen omnes simul tantum efficere potuistis, ut mihi mae civitates redderentur. Scitis autem conditiones foederis in quo ego quoque eram, f [...]isse, ut quum quis nostrum injuria affice­retur, ab eo caeteri confoederati injuriam propulsarent, quod multo magis pro me faciendum erat, quum qui in ipso foedere essent mihi inju­riarentur; Et inde Caesariani volunt mihi persuadere Venetos non fuisse id facturos, si putassent Regi Angliae aut Christianissimo displiciturum: Neque interim desistunt, multa, magna (que) mihi polliceri, unde ego, quod alias etiam dixi, id quod affertur, quum aliter facere nequeam, accipere cogar. Illud (que) etiam vos scire volo promissum mihi fuisse, si legatus hic in Angliam mitteretur, futurum ut mihi civitates a Venetis restitue­rentur. Tum ego, non omnia, Beatissime Pater, adhuc sunt perfecta, Rex enim potentissimus omnino operam dabit, ut illae civitates Beatitu­dini [Page 46] Vestrae restituantur: An non, quae ejus Majestas scribit Vestra San­ctitas animadvertit? Cui videndum imprimis est, ne de ipsa Serenissimo Regi sit conquerendum; & ex hac occasione iterum ad Regiam Cau­sam redii. At ejus Sanctitas dixit, se omnia quae potuisset pro Regia Majestate & D. V. Reverendissima fecisse, facturam (que) etiam libenter.

Nonne igitur (inquam) posset ratio aliqua inveniri qua concedere­tur eam Bullam aliquibus ex Secretioribus Consiliariis ostendi posse? Tum Pontifex, non (inquit) Non potest hoc fieri, nec a me impe­trari; quod si ullo modo fieri potuisset, minime tam multas magnas (que) preces a Serenissimo Rege, & Reverendissimo Domino Eboracen. ex­pectassem; quum (que) quibusdam validis Argumentis instarem, prohibuit me ulterius de hujusmodi re loqui. Nolui ego unquam dicere, equitem fratrem brevi esse venturum, ne Pontifex rem in illius adventum pro­traheret, ea tantum de causa, ut moram interponeret.

Omnibus deinde aliis diebus super eodem negotio institi, nunquam ta­men Pontifex sententiam suam ulla ex parte immutare voluit; tantum illud decrevit, Nuntium mittere velle, qui suam sententiam verbis expli­caret: quum (que) nulla mihi amplius spes relinqueretur quicquam ampli­us impetrandi, tum demum dixi, Equitem fratrem Romae futurum se­quenti die, qui quum adeo gravis momenti rem, cerneret, noluerit suae valetudini consulere, & quod is minime putasset, suae servitutis in ejus Sanctitatem merita hoc modo male tractanda fuisse. Gratum sibi dixit Pontifex Equitis adventum fore, quod (que) cum ipso & constituerentur omnia, negans tamen se ullo pacto id quod nunc petitur concessurum. Venit ita (que) Eques frater, qui non secus ac si nunquam quisquam de hac re cum Pontifice egisset, singula de integro tractavit, omnibus his modis & rationibus tentatis quae excogitari poterunt. Quae omnia minutim Dominus Vincentius Cassalius noster patruelis, quem ad ipsum mittimus, verbis coram explicabit, egoque ne D. V. Reverendissimae jam nimis molestus sim, de hac ulterius non scribam.

Quod ad Wintoniensem Expeditionem spectat, multum hi Reveren­dissimi Domini Cardinales offendebantur, nunc ab ipsis pecuniarum re­missiones postulari, quum depraedata eorum bona sint, ipsi (que) propter id ad Paupertatem redacti. Quibus ego ostendi, majus emolumentum ad ipsos venturum, si D. V. Reverendissima unam Ecclesiam acciperet, al­teram deponeret, quam si alter tantum Wintoniensis Ecclesiae expeditio­nem faceret; neque D. V. Reverendissimam nimis hanc permutationem optare dixi, quum Wintoniensis non multo Ecclesiae Dunelmensi sit di­tior. Ad haec dixerunt, quod libentius D. V. Reverendissimae quam cui­quam alteri erunt gratisicaturi, quoniam ipsa de sede Apostolica sit semper bene merita, non tamen se vereri, quin D. V. Reverendissima Wintoniensem Ecclesiam illius Regni primariam sit acceptura. Ego quum Pontificem, & deinde Cardinales eos qui magis rebus nostris student ambissem, effeci ut Pontifex, de ea re in Consistorio referret, quod ejus Sanctitas effecit, multis etiam additis laudibus D. V. Reverendissimae, quibus aliqui Cardinales, & maxime Neapolitani, responderunt ea quae superius dixi. Illud tandem decreverunt, quod quum D. V. Reveren­dissima solvere debeat, pro expeditione Wintoniensis Ecclesiae, & pro retentione Ecclesiae Eboracensis & Abbatiae Sancti Albani, habita ratione totius summae, ejus pars dimidia V. D. Reverendissimae [Page 47] condonaretur, & ut ad 13 vel 14 millia aureorum remittant, & non multo plus eo, quod pro Wintonien. tum Ecclesia deberet solvere. Id Reverendissimis Cardinalibus ideo displicebat, quoniam nollent res hu­jusmodi in exemplum trahi, quum praesertim Magnus Franciae Cancel­larius, ipse quoque in magna quadam Expeditione, idipsum in praesentia flagitat, quod isti concedere nolunt.

Caetera ex Domini Vincentio D. V. Reverendissima copiosius coram intelligat; Quae bene valeat.

Dat. Romae die 17 Decemb. 1528.
Humillimus servus Jo. Cassalius Prothonotar.

XVIII. The Pope's Letter to the Cardinal, giving Credence to Campana. An Original.

Dilecto Filio nostro Thomae Sanctae Ceciliae Presbytero Cardinali Eboracen. In Regno Angliae, nostro & Sedis de Latere Legato.

DIlecte Fili noster, salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem.Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 10▪ Existi­mavimus non tam commode per literas responderi posse his, de quibus postremo Oratores Carrissimi in Christo Filii nostri istius Regis nobiscum egerunt; Ita (que) proprium hominem Franciscum Campanam fa­miliarem nostrum istuc mittimus, ex quo sua Serenitas ac Circumspectio tua plenius intelligent quae nobis occurrant, tam de rebus ad pacem & publice ad universam Christianitatem spectantibus, quam super privatis Serenitatis suae, de quibus nobis per literas & Oratores vestros significa­stis, quas quidem summopere cordi habemus. Circumspectionem tuam hortamur, ut sibi ac Serenitati suae persuadeat nos paternam benevolen­tiam at (que) animum gessisse & gerere erga Serenitatem suam, ab eodem (que) amore proficisci omnia quaecun (que) illi significamus, ut pluribus Circum­spectionem tuam, quam merito multum amamus, exponet Dilect. Fil. Card. Campegius, Legatus una tecum noster, ac dictus Franciscus, qui­bus plenissimam fidem habebitis.

Datum Romae 15. Decembris M. D. XXVIII.
J. Clemens manu propria.

Decemb. 1. 1528. XIX. A part of Peter Vannes his Instructions, directing him to threaten the Pope. An Original.

— ANd Peter, as of himself, shall a-part say unto his Holiness; Sir, I being an Italian, cannot but with a more fervent zeal and mind than any other, study and desire the Weal, Honour, and [Page 48] Safety of your Holiness and the See Apostolick; which compelleth me to shew unto your Holiness, frankly, what I see in this matter. Surely, Sir, in case your Holiness continuing this particular respect of fear of the Emperor, do thus delay, protract, and put off the accomplishment of the King's so instant desire in this Matter, and not impart to his Ma­jesty therein bounteously of the Treasure and Goods of the Church, and the See Apostolick, quantum potestis ex Thesauro Ecclesiae & ex ple­nitudine Potestatis ac Autoritate a Deo vel ab Ecclesia collata. I see assured­ly, that it will be a means so to alienate the fast and entire mind which his Highness beareth to your said Holiness, as not not only thereby his Grace, Nobles, and Realm, but also many other Princes his Friends and Confederates, with their Nobles and Realms, shall withdraw their De­votion and Obedience from your Holiness, and the See Apostolick, stu­dying how they may acquite this your Ingratitude, in the highest cause that can be devised, shewed, and so long continued with the sembla­ble. And therefore, Sir, at the reverence of Almighty God, cast not from you the heart of this noble virtuous Prince, who finally cannot fail, the Peace had, which Christendom may not long forbear, to have in his puissance, such a stay as may be able, in the highest and largest man­ner, to recompence his Friends, and to acquite the contrary.

Henry R.

XX. The Cardinal's Letter to the Ambassadors about his promotion to the Popedom. An Original.

Magnifico Equiti Domino Gregorio Cassalio ac Domino Petro Vanni, Serenissimi Domini Angliae & Franctae Regis in Rom. Curia ora­toribus.

Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 10.MAgnifice Domine Gregori & Domine Petre salutem. Sicuti in­commodissimus totius Reipublicae Christianae, ac potissimum Re­gis Majestatis negotiis S. D. N. obitus accidit, ita etiam vos non latere puto quantum periculi & discriminis hujus Serenissimi Regis saluti & honori, ac Regni sui quieti ab hac futuri Pontificis Electione immineat, & quantopere vobis adnitendum, ac vestro studio, diligentia, industria & prudentia occurrendum & obstandum sit, ne aliquis eligatur Ponti­fex alienus ab hac Regia Majestate; & quid pro me promovendo facere ac tractare debeatis, cumulate per communes meas literas vos admonui: nec oportet per has quicquid aliud replicare, quas solum ad vos scribere volui, ut significem vobis me totum hoc gravissimum & omnium maxi­mum negotium, de quo acturi estis, vestrae prudentiae, fidei, & dexte­ritati, quam longo temporis usu exploratissimam habeo, committere & credere, spero (que) vos spei & opinioni meae de vobis conceptae omnino re­sponsuros, & bene valete.

Londini die 6 Feb. 1528.
Vester amantissimus Frater T. Cardin. Eborac.

XXI. An Information given to the Pope about the Divorce. An Original.

Adnotatio Summaria eorum quae aliis libellis fusius explicata S. D. N. tum licere, tum expedire, persuadent, ut in Causa Regiae Maje­statis Sententiam divortii ferat.

PRimum licet atque etiam expedit dirimere hoc Matrimonium,Cotton libr. Vitel. B. 11. quod juri tum divino tum humano repugnat.

Divinum enim jus duci prohibet Uxorem fratris, quin hic fratris Uxo­rem ductam fuisse sit notorium.

Humanum vero jus, duo hujus Matrimonii impedimenta continet, al­terum Affinitatis, quod divino jure inductum severissime sancivit; alterum publicae Honestatis, & justitiae, quod promulgavit Deus, si ex definitione Matrimonii, divini, humani (que) juris commutatio interveniret, quibus­nam auspiciis hoc Matrimonium constare dicemus, quod utroque jure adversante ac repugnante, contractum est, coit, & utcumque consistit?

Sed cessavit, inquiunt, in hac specie juris utrius (que) prohibitio per gra­tiam & Dispensationem summi Pontificis.

Respondetur quidem istis multis modis. Primo non esse videri, quod nullum est, nullum autem haberi quod sine Autoritate legitima fiat; deni (que) Pontificis Autoritatem non eatenus pertinere, ut in gradi­bus divina lege prohibitis dispensare possit: non opinionibus Scriptu­rientium, qui Pontificis Authoritatem imminutam velint, sed ipsius Pontificis sententia constat, quem suae Jurisdictionis modum, & optime novisse & ampliare velle potius quam restringere credendum est; quae quum ita sint, etiam si humani juris prohibitio per Dispensationem sub­lata videatur, manet nihilominus immotum, quod divinum est, si ipsis contra seipsos credimus Pontificibus.

Deinde, ut posse Pontifices dispensare fateamur, & in ea parte tribua­mus plus Authoritatis quam ipsi sibiipsis audeant arrogare, tamen non passim, non quocun (que) modo, non temere, & sine omni consideratione, posse eos dispensare; at (que) fatendum est ne suo testimonio Dissipatores verius, quam Dispensatores appellentur. Itaque ut causam urgentissimam & evidentissimam, tum etiam manifestissimam debet habere Dispensatio, precibus deni (que) veris, non ementitis at (que) confictis inniti.

In Dispensatione autem, quo constat hoc Matrimonium, verbis qui­dem pacis causa proponitur, sed non ideo quia sic refertur, re ipsa sub­sistit, Pontificis facta non ad verborum superficiem, sed rei ipsius solidam veritatem expendi convenit.

Certum est, pacem multis modis, tum firmissimam fuisse uno (que) Ma­trimonio conciliatam, pactorum deni (que) ac foederum vi constantem, istud necessario Matrimonium non desiderasse, & jam Dispensationem sine causa intervenisse dicimus, & consequenter nullam esse, manere (que) ad­huc divinam prohibitionem at (que) adeo & humanam.

Porro etiam, si aliqua sit, & causam haberet, tum mendaciis conflata [Page 50] est, subreptitia & obreptitia merito appellanda, jure tum divino, tum humano reprobata.

Nam quum quod alioqui Canonibus cautum sit, ipsius etiam Dispen­sationis proaemium contineat, ‘Romani Pontificis Autoritatem concessa sibi desuper uti potestate, prout personarum, causarum, & temporum qualitate pensata, id in Domino salubriter conspicit expedire; Quomo­do potuit S. D. N. hujus Serenissimi Regis qualitates pensare quas igno­ravit?’ Neque enim de aetate quicquam, quae in contrahendo hoc Ma­trimonio praecipua qualitas erat, narrabatur, & tamen illum annum eo tempore duodecimum non excessisse notorium est; & tacita ad hunc modum aetate, mendacium pro causa suggestum est manifestissimum; Cupiisse, viz. tunc Serenissimum Regem contrahere Matrimonium, ad hoc ut pacis foedera continuarentur: facti veritas est, tum quid agere­tur ignorasse, & etiamsi tum scivisset, tamen non fuisse verum quod cu­peret ad hoc ut pacis foedera continuarentur, aetas ostendit, quae per communis juris dispositionem discretionem non admittit; cupere quidem affectus est, caeterum cupere contrahere Matrimonium, ad hoc ut pacis foedera continuarentur, judicii est & discretionis. Porro autem, quum de continuandis inter duos Principes foederibus ageretur, alter ante man­datam exequutioni Bullam fatis concessit, & re integra, causa, si quae fuit, cessavit.

Sed producitur aliud Breve tenoris tam efficacis ut istas Objectiones non admittat.

Sed manet nihilominus eorum sententia, qui Pontificem non posse di­spensare affirmant, secundum quos nec Breve nec Bulla consistit; deinde Breve falsum esse, & pro falso judicari deberi, multis rationibus convin­citur; denique falsum cum sit, & tamen prioris Bullae errores corrigat, illam opinionem merito confirmet, ne prior Dispensatio efficax videatur, vel eorum judicio, qui hoc Matrimonium defendere studuerunt, viz. qui veris allegationibus diffisi, ad falsas & confictas Dispensationes, vitia ob­jecta removentes confugere coacti sunt.

Ista, si singula minus sufficiant, saltem collata, obtineant & persuade­ant licere. Illa vero opinio multis persuasa, Pontificem, viz. non po­tuisse dispensare, ut sola infirmet Dispensationem, non petitur, sed habet nihilominus aliquid considerationis; quanquam enim refellatur a qui­busdam & reprobetur, manet tamen scripta, atque adeo testimonio ipsi­us Pontificis comprobata. Perpendatur deinde causa & suggestionis veritas, si mendacium intervenisse apparet, & quod est notorium, illam Dispensationem adversariorum factis in novi Brevis fabricatione tacite reprobari, quis non videt ex his causis licere ut sententia Divortii pro­feratur?

Postremo expedit ut id pronuntietur, quod in omnium sententias consentiat, Reprobatio autem Dispensationis cum omnibus convenit opinionibus, sive quia Authoritas abfuit, sive quia non recte interposita dicatur; Approbatio vero cum istis dissentit omnibus.

Expedit ut firma sit & inconcussa Regni Successio, quae contra has opiniones confirmari non potest.

Expedit ut conscientia Serenissimi Regis his scrupulis impedita, & tur­bata, expedita & tranquilla reddatur.

[Page 51]Breviter, expedit votis Serenissimi Regis satisfieri, qui pro genuinis & innatis suis virtutibus, non nisi optima cupit, & modo etiam optimo votorum suorum compotem effici laborat; si non virtutem spectaret, caetera nihil haberent difficultatis, sed omnium virtutum cogitationem quandam esse animadvertens, suum justitiae decorum, quod temperantia est, quae­rit, ut justum, justo modo, obtineat & assequatur. Ita (que) expedit ne auxilium denegetur, vel differatur ei qui id juste implorat.

To my loving Friends Master Stephen Gardiner Doctor of both Laws; Sir Francis Brian, and Sir Gregory Cassalis, Knights; and Mr. Peter Vannes Secretary to the King's High­ness for the Latin Tongue; His Graces Orators, Residents in the Court of Rome.
XXII. The second part of a long Dispatch of the Cardinals con­cerning the Divorce. An Original.

—AN other part of your Charge consisteth in expedition of the King's great and weighty Cause of Matrimony,Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 11. where­upon depend so many high Consequences, as for no earthly Cause to suffer or tolerate, tract or delay, in what case soever the Pope's Holi­ness be of amendment or danger of life; nor as is aforesaid, oweth to be by his Holiness preteromitted, whether the same be in the state of Recovery, or in any doubt or despair thereof: for one assured and principal fundamental and ground is to be regarded, whereupon the King's Highness doth plant and build his Acts and Cogitations in this behalf, which is from the reasonable favour and justice, being the things from the which the Pope's Holiness, in prosperis nec adversis, may lawfully and honestly digress; and when the plainness of his Cause is well consi­dered, with the manifest Presumptions, Arguments, and Suspitions, both of the insufficiency of the Bull, and falsity of the Brief, such as may lead any Man of reason or intendment, well to perceive and know, that no sufficiency or assured truth can be therein; How may the Pope's Holiness, ex aequo & justo, refuse or deny to any Christian Man, much less to a Prince of so high merits, and in a Cause whereupon depend so many consequences, to his Holiness well known, for a vain respect of any Person, or by excuse of any Sickness, justifie, colour, or defend any manner refusal, tract, or delay, used in declaration of the truth in so great a Matter, which neither for the infinite conveniences that thereby might ensue, admitteth or suffereth to be delaied, nor by other than himself, his Act or Authority, may lawfully be declared. And well may his Holiness know, That to none it appertaineth more to look unto the justness of the King's desire in this behalf, than to his Highness his self, whose Interest, whose Cause, with the same of his Realm and Suc­cession resteth herein; for if his Grace were minded, or would intend to do a thing inique or injust, there were no need to recurr unto the Pope's Holiness for doing thereof. But because his Highness and his Council, who best know the whole of this Matter, and to whose part [Page 52] it belongeth most profoundly to weigh and ponder every thing con­cerning the same, be well assured of the truth of the Matter, needing none other thing but for observance of his Duty towards God and his Church, to have the same Truth also approbate and declared by him to whom the doing thereof appertaineth; his Grace therefore seeing an untruth alleadged, and that so craftily as by undue and perverse ways, the same, without good reason adhibited, may for a season bring things into confusion, doth communicate unto the Pope's Holiness presumpti­ons and evidences enough, and sufficient to inform the Conscience of his Holiness of the very truth: which then, if his Holiness will not see, but either for affection, fear, or other private cause, will hearken to every dilatory and vain allegation of such as led upon undue grounds would colour the Truth; What doth his Holiness less therein, than un­der a right vain colour expresly deny and refuse the said Justice, which to be done either in health or sickness, in a matter of so great moment, is in no wise tolerable? But for the same reasons that be before mention­ed, is the thing, whether the Pope's Holiness be in hope or despair of life, without further tract to be absolved and determined; for if Al­mighty God grant his Holiness life, this Act is, and always shall be, able to bear it self, and is meet to be an Example, a President, and a Law, in all like Cases emerging, the Circumstances and Specialities of the same in every part concurring as they do in this; nor can the Emperor make exceptions at the same, when he best knowing, percase, the un­truth shall see the grounds and occasions, that of necessity and meer Ju­stice have enforced and constrained the Pope's Holiness thereunto; which he could not refuse to do, unless he would openly and manifestly commit express injury and notorious injustice. For be it that the Pope's Holiness hearkning to the said frivolous and vain Allegations, would refuse to declare the Law herein to the King's purpose, then must his Holiness, either standing in doubt, leave and suffer the Cause to remain in suspence to the extream danger of the King's Realm and Succession for ever, or else declare the Bull or Breve, or both to be good, which I suppose neither his Holiness nor any true Christian Man can do, standing the manifest occasions, presumptions, and apparent evidences to the contrary. Then if the matter be not to be left in suspence, no judg­ment can be truly given to the approbation of the Bull or Breve; how can the Pope's Holiness of Conscience, Honour or Vertue, living or dying, thus procrastinate or put over the immediate finishing thereof, ac­cording to the King's desire? or how may his Holiness find his Conscience towards God exonerate, if either living he should be the cause of so many evils as hereof may arise; or dying, wilfully leave this so great a Matter, by his own default, in this confusion, incertainty and perplexi­ty? It is not to be supposed, that ever Prince most devout to the See Apostolick, could so long tolerate so high an Injury, as being so meri­ted towards the said See, is both unacquitted for his kindness with any special Grace, and also denied upon his petition of that, which is evi­dent to be plain Justice. This thing is otherwise to be looked upon, than for the Pope's Sickness, where most need were to put an end unto it, to be delaied, seeing that living and amending, it is of it self expe­dient and justifiable, and dying, it shall be an act both necessary, me­ritorious and honourable. For this cause ye now knowing the King's [Page 53] mind in this behalf, shall, if ye have not already before this time spo­ken with the Pope's Holiness at length in these Matters, as the King's Grace trusteth ye have done, sollicite as well by the means of Messiere Iacobo Salviati, as by the Bishop of Verone, and otherwise as ye can think best, to have such commodious access unto his Holiness, as ye may declare the Premises unto him; which by your wisdoms, in as ef­fectual and vive manner as ye can open it unto his Holiness. It is un­doubtedly to be thought the same shall rather be to his comfort and en­crease of Health, than to any his trouble or unquietness; and that his Holiness hearing these Reasons not evitable, will, whether he be in way and hope of amendment, or otherwise, both proceed to the said indi­cation, and also to the Declaration of the Law, and passing of a suffi­cient and ample Decretal, as hath been devised in the King's said Cause, with other such things, as by former Letters and Instructions, by the Decrees mentioned in the same, that failing have been committed unto you, to be solicited and procured there; in the labouring where­of, albeit since your departures from hence, the things have, by reasons of the Pope's sore sickness, otherwise chanced than was here supposed, by means whereof ye not instructed what to do in any such case, were peradventure not over-hasty or importune to labour these Matters, till the Pope's Holiness might be better amended, nor could percase find the means to have convenient access unto his presence for the same, ye must nevertheless adhibit such diligence, as howsoever the sickness of his Holiness shall cease, amend, or continue, these things be not for the same, or any other cause, tracted or left in longer suspense; but finding possible means to come unto the Pope's presence, to declare all such things unto the same, mentioned both in the former Letters and Instru­ctions given unto you, and also in these presents, as may make to the purpose; and failing of often access in your own Persons to his Holi­ness, ye cause the Bishop of Verone, and other such assured Friends as ye can attain, being about him at such times as they may have with his Holiness, to inculcate unto him the said Points and Considerations, and all other that ye can excogitate and devise to the furtherance and ad­vancement of these Matters, not forbearing or sparing also, if ye shall see difficulty at the Pope's hand, or in audience to be given to you or your Friends there, being about his Person, to break and open after a good fashion and manner the same unto such of the Cardinals, as ye may perceive assuredly and constantly to favour the King's Highness, and the French King in Election of a future Pope, in case (as God forbid) the Pope's Holiness should decease; and to shew unto the same Cardinals, all such things as you shall think meet, both for their more ample instru­ctions in the truth and specialities of the Matters, as well concerning the Indication of Truce, as the King's said Cause, and the presumptuous Reasons, and plainer Evidences, leading to the insufficiency of the Bull, and apparent falsity of the said Breve; to the intent, that as many of the said Cardinals as ye can win, made sure in those Matters, they may, both in time of sickness, and also of amendment, move and induce the Pope's Holiness thereunto, laying before him as well the Merits and Honour that may ensue by the perfection of the Premises, as the dan­ger imminent by the contrary: and semblably it shall be expedient that ye win and make sure to the same purpose, as many of the Officers of [Page 54] the Rota and other as ye can, who as ye write be not accustomed, nor will give counsel to any Person but the Pope's Holiness; for albeit, ye cannot have them to be of the King's Council, yet nevertheless they may do as much good, or more, in training and counselling the Pope's Holiness, upon the great Reasons that you can shew unto them, to hearken unto your Overtures in this behalf. To which purpose you shall adjure, make, and win, as many Friends of the Cardinals, of them, and other, as ye possibly may, as for the thing which the King's Highness and I more esteem than twenty Papalities; and amongst other, ye shall insist, by all means and good persuasions ye can, for the continuance there of the said Bishop of Verone, so as he may countervail the Arch-Bishop of Ca­puan; who, as it seemeth, is continually about the Pope's Person, and were necessary to be met with in the labours and persuasions, which by likelihood he maketh to the hindrance of the King's Purpose: For the better continuing of the which Bishop of Verone, not only the King's Highness and I write unto him at this time, as by the Copy of the same several Letters being herewith ye shall perceive, but also the French King will do the semblable. And furthermore, to the intent that the Pope's Holiness may well perceive, that not only the said French King mindeth the King's said Cause, and taketh it to heart as much as it were his own, and will effectually join and concur with the King's Highness therein, but that also he is and will be conformable to the said Indicati­on; He will send thither, with all speed, the Bishop of Bayon to fur­ther, sollicite, and set forth the same; who, before his departure from hence, which was a good season passed, was and is sufficiently and am­ply instructed in all things requisite to this purpose; and not only in these Matters, but also in such other as were written unto you by Vin­cent de Cassalis, and Hercules, upon advertisement given hither that the Pope's Holiness was deceased; so as ye may be sure to have of him ef­fectual concurrence and advice in the furtherance and sollicitation of your Charges, whether the Pope's Holiness amend, remain long sick, or (as God forbid) should fortune to die; trusting, that being so well furnished by all ways that can be devised, ye will not fail to use such diligence as may be to the consecuting and attaining of the King's Pur­pose: wherein, tho ye be so amply and largely instructed, that more cannot be, yet nevertheless having lately received from the Bishop of Worcester a Memorial of divers great things to be well noted and con­sidered, for trial of the falsity of the said Brieve, I send you herewith a Copy of the same Memorial, to the intent ye substantially visiting and perusing the same, may follow and put in execution such part thereof, for better trial of the falsity, as is to be done there, like as the rest meet to be done here, shall not fail to be executed with diligence ac­cordingly.

Thus be ye with these, and other former Writings, sufficiently in­structed what is to be done by you there, whether the Pope's Holiness continue long in his sickness, or whether the same fortune to decease, or soon, God willing, to amend. There resteth no more, but that ye always take for a perfect ground, That tho to every new chance not before known, sufficient Provision and Instruction could not be given to you at your departure, ye always note, remember, and regard, That this the King's Cause admitteth nor suffereth any manner negative, [Page 55] tract, or delay; wherefore knowing that so well as ye do, and also how much the Indiction of the Truce shall be commodious and necessa­ry, both to the King's Highness in particular, and to all Christendom in general, by means whereof his Grace shall avoid Contribution, and other Charges of the War, ye must now, if ever you will have thanks, laud, or praise for your Service, employ your selves opportune & impor­tune, to put an end to the Points to the King's satisfaction and desire; and in every difficulty to study, by your Wisdoms, the best and next Remedy, and not always to tract your doings, till upon your Advertise­ment hither, ye shall have new knowledg from hence: For thereby the matter it self, and also your demur there, be of over-long a continu­ance, and infinite inconveniences by the same may ensue. I therefore require you, according to the special trust and confidence that the King's Highness and I have in you, now for ever to acquit your selves herein with all effect possible, accordingly so as the King's Highness be not lon­ger kept in this perplexity and suspence, to his Graces intolerable in­quietness, and the great heaviness of all those that observe and love the same.

Furthermore, tho it so be that the King's Trust, and also mine is, Ye will by your Wisdom find such good means and ways as ye shall not fail, God willing, to open and declare unto the Pope's Holiness, the whole of the King's Mind, and all and singular the Premisses, with the residue above-mentioned in your former Instructions and Letters sent unto you: Yet nevertheless considering what ye wrote of the doubt of continuance of the Pope's sickness, and to make sure for all Events and Chances, in case his Holiness (as God forbid) should long remain in such state, as he might either take upon him the naming of the Peace, journying and repairing to the sacre Diet, nor also hear the whole of the things by you to be opened and propounded touching the King's said Cause; It hath been thought to the King's Highness convenient, ra­ther than these great and weighty Matters should hang in longer su­spense, to excogitate some other good means and way how these Mat­ters, so necessary, may by some ways be conduced and brought to an end: And it is this; That the Pope's Holiness not being able to travel to the place devised, where the Princes may be near him for Treaty, and managing of the Peace, he do depute me and my Lord Cardinal Campegius, conjunctim & divisim, as his Legats for that purpose, to do and execute all such things in his Holiness's Name, as the same should do in that behalf if he were there present; whereunto, for the well of Christendom, we shall be contented to condescend. So always, that as hath been written heretofore unto you, before I pass or set forth to any Convention or Place, to the intent before specified, the Kings Highness be fully satisfied and pleased in his said matter of Matrimony, without which, neither with nor without the Pope's presence, I will ever begin or take that Voyage: for performance whereof, this Article following is of new devised, to be by you propounded unto his Holiness, if the Decretals cannot be obtained, or some other thing, that ye shall well know and perceive, by advice of expert Counsel there, to be better to the Kings purpose than this thing now devised, and that may without tract be passed or granted; that is to say, That his Holiness do enlarge, extend, and amplify his Commission given to me and my Lord Legate [Page 56] Campegius, whereby we jointly and severally may be sufficiently fur­nished and authorized, to do as much in this cause of Matrimony, with all the emergents and dependencies upon the same, as his Holiness may do of his ordinary and absolute Power, with sufficient and ample Clau­ses, ad Decernend▪ & Interpretand. jura, leges, & Rescripta quae [...]un (que) hoc Matrimonium concernentia, una cum omnibus & singulis dubiis in eadem causa emergentibus. And further, to make out Compulsories to any Princes, or Persons of what preheminence, dignity, state, or condition soever they be, Etiam si in Imperiali, Regali, vel alia quacunque dignitate perfulgeant, sub quibuscun (que) poenis, and in what Countries and places soever they be, to exhibit and produce any manner Witness, Records, Ori­ginals, Rescripts, or other thing, in what place, or time we, or the one of us shall require them, or any of them in this behalf, with all and singular the Circumstances requisite and necessary to such a Commission, after such ample and assured manner, as the same once had, we shall not need for any Objections, doubt, or other thing that might infringe or lack, to send of new to the Pope's Holiness for other provision, whereby the King's said Cause might hang in any longer tract or delay. In which case of coming to this Commission, ye Mr. Stevins must have special re­gard to see the same sufficiently and substantially penned, by advice of the most expert Men that ye can find to that purpose: For the better doing whereof, I send unto you herewith a Copy of the said Commis­sion to me and my Lord Campegius, with certain Additions thereunto noted in the Margin, such as have been here devised; and also a Copy of certain Clauses in a Bull, to the intent ye may see how amply the same be couched, to avoid appellations and other delays in Causes of far less moment and importance than the King's is. Nevertheless ye must, if it shall come to the obtaining of this new Commission, see to the pen­ning and more fully perfecting thereof, so as the same may be in due perfection, without needing to send eftsoons for remedying of any thing therein, as is aforesaid; looking also substantially whether the Chiro­graph of Policitation, being already in your hands, be so couched, as the Date, and every thing considered, it may sufficiently oblige and astringe the Popes Holiness to confirm all that we, or one of us, shall do, by virtue of this New or the Old Commission: And if it be not of such efficacy so to do, then must ye in this case see, that either by suffi­cient and ample words to be put in this new Commission, if it may be so had, or by a new Chirograph the Pope's Holiness may be so astrin­ged; which Chirograph, with the Commissions before specified, if ye obtain the same, the King's pleasure is, That ye Sir Francis Brian shall bring hither, in all possible diligence, after the having and obtaining thereof, solliciting nevertheless, whether the Pope be to be facilly spo­ken with, or not, the immediate Indication of the Truce, as is aforesaid, without which in vain it were for me, either with or without the Pope, to travel for labouring and conducing of the Peace. And so by this way should the Pope's Holiness, with his merit and sufficient justifica­tion, proceed for the Truce, as a fundament of Universal Peace, satis­fy the King's desires, and avoid any doubt of the Emperor; forasmuch as his Holiness might alledg, That being so extreamly sick, that he was not able to know of the Cause himself, he could no less do of ju­stice, than to commit it unto other, seeing that the same is of such [Page 57] importance as suffereth no tract or delay. And finally, the King's Highness, God willing, by this means, should have an end of this Mat­ter. One thing ye shall well note, which is this; Albeit this new De­vice was now for doubt of the Pope's long continuance in sickness, first excogitate; yet is it not meant, nor ye be limited to this Device, in case ye can obtain any other, nor ye be also commanded, to prefer this before all the other Devices: but now that ye shall see and understand what this Device is, and knowing what thing is like or possible to be obtained there, without long putting over of your pursuits, expend, consider, and regard well with your self, what thing of this, or any other that may best serve to the brief and good expedition of the King's Cause. So always that it be a thing sure, sufficient, and available to his Grace's Purpose, that may without any further tract be there had; and then by your Wisdom taking unto you the best Learned Counsel that ye can have there, leave you to the expedition of that which so may be most meet, as the times require and suffer, to the brief furnishing of the King's said Cause to this purpose, without tract or delay, and that ye may see is the thing, which as the matter stands, can speedily be ob­tained and sped, as is aforesaid. For whether the Decretal be better than this, or this better than that, or which soever be best, far it shall be from Wisdom to stick, and still to rest upon a thing that cannot be obtained; but since ye know the King's meaning, which is to have a way sufficient and good for the speedy finishing of this Cause to his Grace's purpose, note ye now, and consider with your self, by advice of Learned Counsel, as is aforesaid, how ye may bring that to pass, and shall ye deserve as high thanks as can be possible. So always that it be so well provided and looked upon, that in it be no such limitations or defaults, as shall compel us any more to write or send for reformation thereof: And coming to this Commission, tho percase ye can by no means or sticking have it in every point as the Copy, which I send you with the Annotations do purport; yet shall ye not therefore refuse it, but take it, or any other thing as can be had, after such form as may sub­stantially serve, and as ye can by your wisdom and good sollicitations obtain, for the speedy finishing of the King's Cause to his purpose, as is aforesaid, which is the scope whereunto we must tend at this time; and therefore ye be not limited or coacted within any such bounds as ye should thereby be compelled or driven, for lack of obtaining any thing or point mentioned in these or other your Instructions, or former Writings, to send hither again for further knowledg of the King's plea­sure; but ye be put at liberty so to qualify, so to add, detray, immix, change, chuse or mend as ye shall think good; so always that ye take the thing that best can be had, being such as may as effectually as ye can bring about, serve to the King's purpose, and to put indelayed end to it, according to his Grace's desire, without further tract, or sending thither, which is as much as here can be said or devised. And therefore at the reverence of Almighty God, bring us out of this perplexity, that this Vertuous Prince may have this thing sped to the purpose desired, which shall be the most joyous thing that this day in Earth may chance and succeed to my heart; and therefore I eftsoons beseech you to regard it accordingly: Howbeit if the Pope's Holiness refusing all your desires, shall make difficulty and delay therein, it is an evident sign and token, [Page 58] that his Holiness is neither favourable to the King's reasonable Peti­tions, nor indifferent, but should thereby show himself both partial, and expresly averse unto his Grace; wherefore in that case finding in his Holiness such unreasonableness, as it can in no wise be thought ye shall do, The King's pleasure is, that ye proceed to the Protestations mentioned in the first Instructions given to you Mr. Stevins, for you and the residue of your Collegues; and that ye not only be plain and round with the Pope's Holiness therein, if ye come to his speech, but also ye show and extend unto the Cardinals, and other that be your Friends, which may do any good with him, the great peril and danger imminent unto the Church and See Apostolick; thereby exhorting them, That they like vertuous Fathers have regard thereunto, and not to suf­fer the Pope's Holiness, if he would thus wilfully, without reason or discretion to precipitate himself and the said See, which by this refusal is like to suffer ten times more detriment, than it could do for any mis­contentment that the Emperor could take with the contrary: for ye shall say, sure they may be, and so I for my discharge declare, both to the Pope's Holiness and to them, If this Noble and Vertuous Prince, in this so great and so reasonable a Cause, be thus extreamly denied of the grace and lawful favour of the Church, the Pope's Holiness shall not fail for the same to lose Him and his Realm, the French King and his Realm, with many other their Confederates; besides those that having particular Quarrels to the Pope, and so aforesaid will not fail, with di­verse other, as they daily seek occasions, and provoke the King's High­ness thereunto, which will do the semblable, being a thing of another sort to be regarded, than the respect to the Emperor; for two Cities, which nevertheless shall be had well enough, and the Emperor neither so evil contented, nor so much to be doubted herein, as is there sup­posed, This, with other words mentioned in your Instructions con­cerning like matter, ye shall declare unto his Holiness, and to the said Cardinals, and other being your Friends, if it come to that point; whereby it is not to be doubted, but they perceiving the dangers afore­said, shall be glad to exhort and induce his Holiness, for the well of himself and the Church, to condescend to the King's desire; which is as much as can be here thought or devised, to be by you done in all Events and Chances: And therefore I pray you, eft-soons, and most instantly require you, as afore, to handle this Matter with all effect possible. Coming to this new Commission, when you shall have once attained such thing as shall be sufficient for the King's purpose, as is aforesaid; and that ye have it in your hands and custody, and not afore, lest there­by ye might hinder the expedition thereof, ye shall by all ways and means possible, labour and insist, That the King's Highness, as need shall be, may use and enjoy the benefit of the Decretal, being already in my Lord Cardinal Campegius's hands, whereunto his Highness and I desire you to put all your effectual labour for the attaining of the Pope's con­sent thereunto accordingly.

Ye shall furthermore understand, That it is thought here, in case, as God forbid, the Pope should die before ye should have impetrate any thing that may serve to the absolution of the King's Matter, That the Colledg of Cardinals have Authority, Power, and Jurisdiction, sede [Page 59] vacante, to inhibit, avoke, & ex consequenti, to pass and decide the King's Matter, seeing that the same is of so high moment and importance, concerning the surety of a Prince and his Realm, as more amply ye shall perceive in the Chapters, ubi Periculum de Electione, ne Romani, de Iure­jurando, & capite primo de Scismaticis; Wherefore the King's pleasure is, That ye Mr. Stevins shall diligently weigh and ponder the effect of the said Chapters, not only with your self, but also with such the King's Learned Counsel as ye and your Collegues have conducted there; and what Jurisdiction, sede vacante, the Colledg of Cardinals have, either by the Common Law, usage or prescription, which may far better be known there than here: And if ye find that the Cardinals have in this the King's Cause, and such other like Authority and Jurisdictions to in­hibite, avoke and decern, then, in casu mortis Pontificis, quod Deus aver­tat, ye shall specially foresee and regard that for none Intercession or pur­sute made by the Emperor and his Adherents, they shall either inhibit or avoke: And also if before such Death, ye shall not have obtained such thing to the Kings desire and purpose, as these present Letters before do purport, his Grace's pleasure is, That ye shall pursue the effectual expedition of the same, at the hands of the said Colledg, Sede vacante, ne res quae nullam dilationem exposcit, tantopere usque ad Electionem novi Pontificis quoquam modo differatur; using for this purpose all such Rea­sons, Allegations, and Persuasions mentioned in those Letters, and your former Instructions, as ye shall see and perceive to serve to that effect; and so to endeavour and acquit your self, that such things may be attained there, as may absolve this the King's Matter, without any further tract or delay; whereby ye shall as afore highly deserve the King's and my special thanks, which shall be so acquitted, as ye shall have cause to think your pains and diligences therein in the best wise imployed, trusting in God that howsoever the World shall come, ye shall by one means or other bring the King's Matter, which so highly toucheth his Honour and quiet of Mind, unto the desired end and per­fection.

Finally; Ye shall understand that the French King, among other things, doth commit at this time to the Bishop of Bayon, and Mr. Iohn Ioachim to treat and conclude the Confederation heretofore spoken of, between his Holiness and the King's Highness, the French King, the Ve­netians, and other Potentates of Italy, for a continual Army to be en­tertained to invade Spain in case it stand by the Emperor, that the Peace shall not take effect: Wherefore the King's pleasure is, That ye having conference with them at good length in that Matter, do also for your parts, sollicite, procure, and set forth the same; entring also on the King's behalf unto the Treaty, and conclusion thereof, after such manner as your former Instructions and Writings do purport. So as like as the French King is determined, that his Agents shall join and concur with you in the King's Pursuits and Causes; So ye must also con­cur with them in advancement of their Affairs, the successes whereof, and of all other your doings there, it shall be expedient ye more often notify hitherto than ye do, for many times in one whole month no knowledg is had from you, which is not meet in those so weighty Mat­ters, specially considering that sometime by such as pass to Lyons, ye [Page 60] might find the means to send your Letters, which should be greatly to the King's and my consolation, in hearing thereby from time to time, how the things succeed there; I pray you therefore to use more dili­gence therein, as the Kings and my special trust is in you. And hearti­ly fare you well. From my Palace besides Westminster, the sixth day of April.

The French King hath sent hither an Ambassiate, Monsieur de Langes, Brother to the said Bishop of Bayon, with certain clauses in his Instru­ctions, concerning the said Treaty of Confederation, the Copy whereof ye shall receive herewith, for your better carrying on that Matter. Praying God to speed you well, and to give you grace to make a good and short end in your Matters. And eft-soons fare ye well,

Your Loving Friend, T. Cardin. Eborac.

XXIII. Another Dispatch to the Ambassadours to the same purpose. A Duplicate.

Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 11.RIght well beloved Friends, I commend me unto you in my hearty manner, letting you wit, that by the hands of Thadeus bearer hereof, the King's Highness hath received your several Letters to the same, directed with the Pope's Pollicitation mentioned in the same, and semblablie I have received your Conjunct and several Letters of the date of the 18 and 29 days of March; the 8, 19, 20, and 22 of April, to me directed, wherein ye at right good length have made mention of such Discourses, Conferences, Audiences and Communications as ye have had concerning your Charge, since the time of your former Adver­tisements made in that behalf, with all such Answers and Replications as have been made unto you by the Pope's Holiness, and other on his be­half concerning the same. In the Circumstances whereof ye have so diligently, discreetly, and substantially, acquitted your selves, as not only your firm and fervent desire, to do unto the King's Highness spe­cial and singular service in this his great and weighty Cause, but also your Wisdom, Learning, and perfect dexterities, heretofore well known, hath every one for his part thereby been largely of new shewed, com­probate and declared to the King's good contentment, my rejoice and gladness, and to your great laud and praise. For the which his Grace giveth unto you right hearty thanks, and I also for my part do the sem­blable; assuring you, in few words, though the time and state of things hath not suffered that your desires might at this time be brought unto effect, yet the King's Grace well knoweth, perceiveth, and taketh, that more could not have been done, excogitated, or devised, than ye have largely endeavoured your self unto for conducing the King's pur­pose, which his Grace accepteth, as touching your merits and acquittal [Page 61] in no less good and thankful part, than if ye finding the disposition of things in more direct state, had consecute all your pursuits and desires: Nor ye shall doubt or think, that either the King's Highness or I have conceived, or thought any manner negligence in you for such things as were mentioned, in the last Letters sent unto you by Alexander, Mes­senger, but that albeit his Highness had cause, as the same wrote, to mar­vel of your long demor, and lack of expedition of one or other of the things committed to your charge; yet did his Highness right well per­suade unto himself the default not to be in you, but in some other cause, whereof his Grace not knowing the same, might justly and meritoriously be brought unto admiration, and marvel: And therefore be ye all of good comfort, and think your perfect endeavours used, and services done, to be employed there, as it can right well, in every part regar­ded and considered.

In effect coming to the Specialities of the things now to be answered, The King's Highness having groundly noted and considered the whole continue and circumstances of all your said Letters and Advertisements, findeth and perceiveth evidently, that whatsoever Pursuits, and Instan­ces, and Requests have been, or shall be for this present time, made there by you on his Grace's behalf to the Pope's Holiness, for the fur­therance of the said great and weighty Cause; and how much soever the necessity of Christendom for the good of Peace, the importance of the Matter, the justness of the thing it self, reason, duty, respect to good Merits, detecting of Falsities used, evident Arguments and Pre­sumptions to the same, or other thing whatsoever it be, making for the King's purpose, do weigh; the Times be now such, as all that shall be done in any of the Premisses there, is apparent by such privy Intelli­gence and promise as is between the Pope and the Emperor, to hang and depend upon the Emperor's Will, Pleasure, and Arbitre, as whom the Pope's Holiness neither dare nor will in any part displease, offend, or miscontent, nor do by himself any thing notable therein, which he shall think or suppose to be of moment, the said Emperor first inconsulted, or not consenting thereunto. And for that cause, since the Emperor not only is the Adversary of Universal Peace, Letter, and Impeacher there­of, but also, as hath appeared by sundry Letters heretofore, and now of new sent out of Spain, doth shew himself adverse, and enterponing him­self as a Party against the King's said great Matter; It were in manner all one to prosecute the same at the Emperor's hands, as at the Popes, which so totally dependeth upon the Emperor; and as much Fruit might be ho­ped of the one as of the other, so as far discrepant it were from any wisdom in a thing so necessary, and which as ye know must needs be brought unto an end without any further delay, to consume and spend the time, where such express contrariety and in manner dispair appeareth to do good therein, and where should be none other but continual craft, colour, abuses, refuses and delays, but rather to proceed unto the same in place, and after such form as may be a appearance of some good and brief effect to ensue. Wherefore to shew you in Counsel, and to be reserved unto your selves, The King's Highness finding this ingratitude in the Pope's Holiness, is minded for the time to dissemble the Matter, and taking as much as may be had and attained there to the benefit of his Cause, to proceed in the Decision of the same here, by virtue [Page 62] of the Commission already granted unto me and my Lord Legate Cam­pegius.

And for because that ye Mr. Stevins be largely ripened and acquainted in this Matter, and that both the King's Highness and I have right large experience of your entire zeal and mind to the studying and setting forth of such things concerning the Law, as may be to the furtherance hereof; considering also that for any great thing like to be done there herein, such Personages as be of good Authority, Wisdom, and Expe­rience, tho they be not learned in the Law, may with such Counsel as ye have retained there, right well serve to the accomplishment of such other things as shall occur, or be committed unto them on the King's behalf, tho so many Ambassadors do not there remain and continue: His Grace therefore willing and minding to revoke you all by little and little, except you Sir Gregory being his Ambassadour there continually residing, willeth, That after such things perfected and done, as here­after shall be mentioned, ye Mr. Stevins, and you Sir Francis Brian, shall take you leave of the Pope's Holiness, and with diligence return home. For if ne had been the absence of you Mr. Stevins, seeing that there is small appearance of any Fruit to be obtained there, the King's Highness would have entred into Process here before this Whitsuntide: But because his Grace would have you here present, as well for the forming of the said Process, and for such things as be trusted that ye shall obtain and bring with you, as also for the better knowledge to be had in sundry Matters, wherein you may be the better ripened and informed by means of your being in that Court: And otherwise his Highness will somewhat the longer defer the commencement of the said Process, and respite the same, only for your coming; which his Grace therefore desireth you so much the more to accelerate, as ye know how necessary it is, that all diligence and expedition be used in that Matter. And so ye all to handle and endeavour your selves there, for the time of your demor, as ye may do the most benefit and advantage that may be to the speedy furtherance of the said Cause.

And forasmuch as at the dispatch of your said last Letters, ye had not opened unto the Pope's Holiness, the last and uttermost Device here conceived, and to you written in my Letters sent by the said Alexander, but that ye intended, as soon as ye might have time and access, to set forth the same; wherein it is to be trusted, since that thing could by no colour or respect to the Emperor be reasonably denied, ye have before this time done some good, and brought unto perfection; I therefore re­mitting you to such Instructions as ye received at that time, advertise you that the King's mind and pleasure is, ye do your best to attain the Ampliation of the said Commission, after such form as is to you, in the said last Letters and Instructions, prescribed; which if ye cannot in every thing bring to pass, at the least to obtain as much to the King's purpose, and the benefit of the Cause as ye can; wherein all good policy and dexterity is to be used, and the Pope's Holiness by all perswasions to be induced thereunto; shewing unto the same how ye have received Let­ters from the King's Highness and me, responsives to such as ye wrote of the Dates before rehearsed; whereby ye be advertised that the King's Highness, perceiving the Pope's strange demeanour in this his great and weighty Cause, with the little respect that his Holiness hath, either [Page 63] to the importance thereof, or to do unto his Holiness at this his great necessity, gratuity and pleasure; not only cannot be a little sorry and heavy to see himself frustrate of the future hope and expectation that his Grace had, to have found the Pope's Holiness a most loving, fast, near and kind Father, and assured Friend, ready and glad to have done for his Grace, that which of his Power Ordinary or Absolute, he might have done in this thing, which so near toucheth the King's Conscience, Health, Succession, Realm, and Subjects; But also marvelleth highly, That his Holiness, both in Matters of Peace, Truce, in this the King's Cause, and in all other, hath more respect to please and content him of whom he hath received most displeasures, and who studieth nothing more than the detriment of the See, than his Holiness hath either to do that which a good common Father, for the well of the Church, Himself, and all Christendom, is bounden, and oweth to do, or also that which every thing well pondered, it were both of Congruence, Right, Truth, Equity, Wisdom, and conveniency for to do. Thinking ve­rily that his Highness deserved to be far otherwise entreated, and that not at his most need in things nearest touching his Grace, and where the same had his chief and principal confidence, thus to have his just and reasonable Petitions rejected and totally to be converted, to the arbitre of his Enemy, which is not the way to win, acquire and conserve Friends to the Pope's Holiness and See Apostolick, nor that which a good and indifferent Vicar of Jesus Christ, and common Father unto all Princes, oweth and is bound to observe. Nevertheless ye shall say the King's Highness, who always hath shewed, and largely comprobate himself a most devout Son unto the See Apostolick, must and will take patience; and shall pray to God to put in the Pope's mind, a more di­rect and vertuous intent, so to proceed in his acts and doing, as he may be found a very Father, upright, indifferent, loving and kind; and not thus for partial respect, fear, or other inordinate Affection, or cause, to degenerate from his best Children, showing himself unto them, as a Step-Father, nor the King's Highness ye shall say can persuade unto himself, that the Pope's Holiness is of that nature and disposition, that he will so totally fail his Grace in this Matter of so high importance, but that by one good mean or other, his Holiness will perfectly comprobate the intire love that always the same hath shewed to bear towards his Highness, wherein ye shall desire him now to declare by his Acts the uttermost of his intent and disposition; so as ye Mr. Stevins and Mr. Bri­an, who be revoked home, do not return with void hands, or bring with you things of such meagerness, or little substance, as shall be to no pur­pose: And thus by these, or like words, seconding to the same effect, which as the time shall require, and as he shall have cause, ye by your Wisdoms can qualifie and devise, It is not to be doubted, but that the Pope's Holiness perceiving how the Kings Highness taketh this Matter, and that two of you shall now return, will in expedition of the said Ampliation of the Commission, and other things requisite, strain him­self to do unto the King's Highness as much gratuity and pleasure as may be; for the better attaining whereof, ye shall also shew, how heavy and sorry I with my Lord Legate Campegius be, to see this manner of pro­ceeding, and the large promises which he and I so often have made unto the King's Highness, of the Pope's fast and assured mind, to do all that [Page 64] his Holiness, etiam ex plenitudine potestatis, might do, thus to be disap­pointed: most humbly beseeching his Holiness on my behalf, by his high Wisdom to consider, what a Prince this is; the infinite and excellent gratitudes which the same hath exhibited to the Pope's Person in parti­cular, and to the See Apostolick in the general; the magnitude and im­portance of this Cause, with the Consequences that may follow, by the good or ill entreating of the King's Highness in the same; wherein ye shall say, I have so largely written, so plainly for my discharge declared the truth unto his Holiness, and so humbly, reverently, and devoutly, made intercession, that more can I not add or accumulate thereunto, but only pray unto God that the same may be perceived, understood, and taken, as the exigence of the Case, and the merits of this Noble Prince doth require; trusting always, and with fervent desire, from day to day, abiding to hear from his said Holiness some such thing as I shall now be able constantly to justifie and defend, the great things which I and my said Lord Legate have said and attested on his Holiness behalf.

This, with all other such matter as may serve to the purpose, ye shall extend as well as ye can, and by that means get and attain as much to your purpose for the corroboration and surety of all things to be done here as is possible, leaving to speak any more, or also to take or admit any rescripts for exhibition of the Brief, advocation of the Cause, or other of the former degrees, seeing that all which shall or can be done or attained there, shall hang meerly upon the Emperor's Will, Consent, and Arbitre: and therefore nothing is now or hereafter to be procured, that may tend to any Act to be done, in decision of the Cause or other­wise there, or which may bring the adverse Party to any advantage to be taken by the favour or partiality, that the same may have in that Court; but to convert and employ all your suit, to that thing which may be to the most convalidation and surety of the Process, and things to be done here, as well by attaining, as ample, large, and sufficient words, clauses and sentences as ye can get, for ampliation of the new Commission.

As for the defeating of any thing that may be procured to the im­peachment of the Process thereof, and the corroboration of the things to be passed, and done, by virtue of the same. And amongst other things, whereas ye with these last Letters, sent the Pope's Pollicitation, for the non-inhibition or avoking of the Cause, the ratifying and confir­ming of the Sentence by us his Legates herein to be given, and other things mentioned in the same, ye shall understand, that the said Pollici­tation is so couched and qualified, as the Pope's Holiness whensoever he will may resile; like-as by certain Lines and Annotations, which in the Margin of a Copy of the said Pollicitation I send you herewith, ye shall perceive more at large: And therefore after your other suits, for the ampliation of the new Commission, if any such may be attained, brought unto as good a purpose as ye can, ye shall by some good way find the mean to attain a new Pollicitation, with such, or as many of the words and additions newly devised as ye can get; which ye may do under this form and colour, that is to say, to shew unto the Pope's Holiness, by way of sorrow and doleance, how your Courier, to whom ye committed the conveyance of the said Pollicitation, so chanced, in [Page 65] wet and water in the carriage thereof, as the Pacquet wherein it was, with such Letters as were with the same, and amongst other the Re­scripts of Pollicitation, were totally wet, defaced, and not legible; so as the Pacquet and Rescript was and is detained by him to whom ye direct your Letters, and not delivered amongst the other unto the King's hands; and unless his Holiness, of his goodness unto you, will grant you a double of the said Pollicitation, ye see not but there shall be some no­table blame imputed unto you for not better ordering thereof, to the conservation of it from such chance. And thus coming to a new Polli­citation, and saying, ye will devise it as near as ye can remember, ac­cording to the former, ye by your Wisdoms, and namely ye Mr. Stevins, may find the means to get as many of the new and other pregnant, fat, and available words as is possible, the same signed and sealed as the other is, to be written in Parchment; the politick handling whereof, the King's Highness and I commit unto your good discretions; for therein, as ye Mr. Stevins know, resteth a great strength and corroboration of all that shall be done there, in decision of the King's said Cause; and as ye write, may be in manner as beneficial to the King's purpose, as the Com­mission Decretal.

And to the intent ye may the better know how to proceed in this Bu­siness, I advertise you that the King's Highness hath now received fresh Letters out of Spain, answering to those sent by Curson jointly with a Servant of the Queens, for exhibition of the Original Brief here, of whose expedition you Mr. Stevins were privy before your departure. The Letters were of sundry dates, the last whereof is the 21 of April, at which time the Emperor was at Caesar Augusta, upon his departure to­wards Barselona. In effect, the Emperor minding by his departure thi­ther, and other his Acts, to make a great demonstration of his coming into Italy, who is to nothing, as the King's Ambassadours write, more unmeet and unfurnished to that voyage, not having any Gallies there but three, which lay on dry Land unrigged, as they have done a long time passed, none Assembly of the States of that Land, none order, pro­vision of Victual, towardness in conscription of Men of War, or ap­pearance of such thing, but that his going to Barselona, is chiefly under pretext to attain certain old Treasure there remaining, and to give the better reputation to his Affairs in Italy. As to the matter of Peace and Truce, he seemeth not so alien from it, but that he would, under colour thereof, be glad to separate and dis-join other from the sincerity of con­fidence that is between them, working somewhat with the French King, which he himself confesseth to be but abuses. On the other side, he maketh overture of Peace or Truce to be had with the King's Highness apart; and in the mean time entertaineth the Pope's Holiness, as one whom won from the residue of the Confederates, he thinketh himself most assured of: Howbeit in all this his Business, ye may constantly af­firm, that his Compasses cannot prevail in any thing that may be exco­gitate to the separation of the King's Highness and the French King, who so entirely proceed together, that the Emperor coming or not coming into Italy, the said French King intendeth to prosecute him in the place where his Person shall be. To whom the King's Highness now sendeth the Duke of Suffolk, with the Treasurer of his honourable Houshold; [Page 66] who, if the Pope will not really and actually intend to the maintaining of the Peace, coming to the convention of his Holiness, moved as the case shall require, shall be furnished of a substantial number of Men of War out of his Realm to the assistance of the said French King, if the Emperor happen to descend in Italy. So as his things there, be not like to be in such surety as might bring the Pope's Holiness to this extremity of fear and respect. And all the Premisses touching this knowledg had out of Spain, and the French King's Interest with the King's Concur­rence, as afore; It shall be well done ye declare to the Pope's Holiness, whereby peradventure the same shall be removed from some part of his said overmuch respect to that part.

As to sending of the Brief, the Emperor refusing to send it into England, sheweth some towardness of sending it to Rome, minding and intending to have the King's Matter decided there and not here; how­beit all be but vain Collusions: For as ye shall perceive by such things as be extracted out of the Letters of the King's Orators Resident in Spain, a Copy whereof I send you herewith, the more the said Breve cometh into light and knowledg, the more falsities be deprehended therein; and amongst other, one there is specially to be noted, making, if it be true, a clearer and manifest proof of the same Falsity; which because if it were perceived by the adverse Party, or any of their Friends, Counsellors, or Adherents, it might soon by a semblable falsity be reformed, is above all other things to be kept secret, both from the Pope, and all other there, except to your selves: for in computation of the Year of our Lord is a diverse order observed in the Court of Rome in Bulls and Breves; That is to say, in the Bull beginning at the Incar­nation of our Lord, in the Brief at the Nativity; So as the thing well searched, it is thought it shall be found, that the date presupposed to be of the Breve, which is 26 Decemb. Anno Dom. 1503. Pontificatus Iulii anno primo, well conferred with the manner and usages of that Court: He that counterfeited the Brieve, not knowing such diversity between the date of the Bull and Breves, and thinking to make both Dates of one day, dated the Breve at a day before Pope Iulii was Pope; which ye shall more plainly perceive by the said Copy, and specially if under some good colour ye ripen your selves there, whether the year in the date of Breves change upon Christmass day, or upon New-years day, wherein the King's pleasure is, that ye ensearch and certifie here what ye shall know and perceive. And if ye shall by such inquiry find matter making to the purpose, as it is not doubted but ye shall do, then for the more sure justification and proof thereof before the Judges; It shall be expedient ye in writing make mention of such a doubt, finding the means that it may be answered and declared in the same Writing, by certain expert Persons of the Secretaries, and other Officers of that Court, with subscription of their Answer and Names; whereby it may appear here before us as Judges, as a thing true and ap­proved: Howbeit, great dexterity is to be used for the secrecy thereof; for if such Exceptions might come to the knowledg of the Adverse Party, they might, as the said Orators write, soon reform that default by detrahing one Letter, or Title, or forging a new Brief, alledging error in the Transumpts, which might be the total disappointment of [Page 67] deprehension of the falsity in that chief and principal point. I pray you therefore to regard that Matter substantially, and to order it by your good Wisdoms accordingly.

XXIV. The two Legates Letter to the Pope, advising a Decretal Bull. A Duplicate.

PRioribus nostris ad Sanctitatem Vestram literis quid hic ageremus,Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 11. quove in statu causa haec esset exposuimus; postea quum, & res ip­sa, & desiderium Regis admodum urgeret, ut ad Causae ipsius merita agnoscenda accingeremur, quando in suspenso, non modo horum Regum vota, sed nec hujus Regni firmandi ratio, diutius haberi potest, omni suasionis genere horum animis prius adhibito, ut alterius voluntati alter cederet, eique morem gererent, cum nihil profecerimus, ad Judicii in­stitutionem accedentes, de modo causam ipsam pertractandi, multa lon­gioribus colloquiis inter nos commentati sumus; qua in re, dum quae ne­cessaria sunt adornantur, exhibitum est per Reginam exemplum Brevis Julii 2. eodem tempore quo & Bulla super hac materia, dati & scripti, sed attentiore cura & longe consideratiore mente confecti, quod, quia in substantialibus etiam ab ipsa Bulla diversum est, non modo Regium, sed nostrum quo (que) animum, mire suspensum habuit, us (que) adeo ut de ejus veritate plurimum suspicari libeat; nam praeter insperatam in tanta opportunitate ejus apparitionem, incredibile videtur, ut eodem tempore idem▪ author, eisdem partibus, in eadem Causa, diversa admodum ra­tione caverit, & permansuro Diplomati ejus (que) Decreto, ad perpetuam rei memoriam, proferendo, & plumbeo caractere excudendo dormitave­rit, brevioribus vero literis, molli cera communiendis exactissimi studii & sobriae cogitationis speciem impresserit: ne tamen Majestas haec rem hanc damnatam priusquam exploratam habeat, quippe quae magis in veritate quam in voto suo, Causae hujus eventum susceptura videtur, ad ipsius Brevis exhibitionem instat, quod, quia honestum & rationi consonum videtur, a nobis etiam probatur, propterea omni studio curamus, ut Breve ipsum, quod in Hispaniis esse dicitur, & a quo exemplum hoc effigiatum aiunt proferatur; atque ut hoc expeditiore cura, & ma [...]ore compendio assequamur, praeter primam & summam illam de Causa cog­noscendi potestatem, quam a Sanctitate Vestra habemus, aliam quoque ad hunc specialiter articulum habendam putamus, per quam possimus etiam per censuras, omnes etiam Regia & Imperiali Authoritate fulgen­tes, monere & adigere ut dictum Breve nobis exhibeant, sine quo causa haec nedum absolvi, sed nec commode tractari queat. Atque hoc pri­mum est, quod Majestas haec, in tanta animi fluctuatione qua nunc aestuat, a nobis curandum putat, quo impetrato, Judicii via insistenres ad Causae cognitionem procedemus; quod si non proferatur, velinutile & vitiatum, & fide sua facile rejiciendum, prolatum fuerit, nihil prohi­bebit, hoc sublato obice, quin ex officio nostro reliqua prosequamur: sin vero exhibeatur, & veritate sua, vel adeo scite con [...]icta fallacia, ita se tueatur ut acriori examine id inquiri debeat, patefacto jam patronorum cavillis & calumniis foro, quibus undis & judicii fluctibus non solum ar­ticulum hunc Brevis, sed universam Causam implicaturi simus, nullus [Page 68] non viderit; neque enim deerunt quae suspectam ipsius Brevis fidem fa­ciant, vel ex hoc maxime, quod cum maxime Regis & Regni hujus in­tersit, nihil prorsus de eo antehac auditum fuerit, nec ejus memoria aut ratio ulla extet in Scriniis Regiis, in quibus etiam minima quaeque ad Regnum spectantia asservari solent: nam verisimile non est in Hispaniis majorem Anglicae rei curam fuisse quam in ipsa Anglia, ne (que) quempiam solerti & acri adeo ingenio fuisse, qui hujuscemodi dissidium vigesimo quinto ab hinc anno suboriturum, & hac sola ratione sublatum iri posse divinaverit, nulla ut diximus apud hunc Regem, & in hoc Regno talis rei memoria extante. Porro si ex Brevi ad Bullam, & ex Bulla ad Breve transitus fiat, atque illius jejunitatem & ariditatem insectemur, hujus praegnantia verba, & ad omnes fere exceptiones tollendas, superstitio­sam quodammodo vigilantiam conferamus, & quae utrin (que) deduci pote­runt in Rescriptis Apostolicis aequo animo audiamus, periclitaturi certe sumus, ne, quod minime cupimus, Sedis Apostolicae Authoritatem pa­tientia nostra in discrimen rapiamus, atque dum Regno, & Regi hinc suppetias ferre volumus, rem dignitatem (que) nostram multo minorem fa­ciamus, cui tum posita etiam anima, favere & adesse semper cupimus & debemus. Propterea, Beatissime Pater, non solum pro Regis & Causae hujus commodo, sed pro dignitate quo (que) Ecclesiastica & Sanctitatis Ve­strae Autoritate hic tuenda & conservanda, nullo pacto committendum ducimus, ut nobis spectantibus & audientibus, de Potestate Romani Pontificis, de literarum Apostolicarum sub plumbo & sub annulo scrip­tarum fide, & repugnantia, deque juris divini abrogatione disceptetur, maxime in Regum causa oppugnanda & defendenda, qui, ut sublimiore sunt fastigio collocati, ita iniquiori animo patiuntur Causae suae casum, cum qua & dignitatem & existimationem suam diminutam iri intelli­gunt, quae si ignobilium etiam animos quos (que) exulcerare, ipsa rerum experientia docti cernimus, qualiter quaeso putamus Regios & generosos affectura. Ita (que) quoniam hanc carybdim & hos scopulos evitasse sem­per tutum erit, propterea hujusmodi incommoda quodammodo praeter­vecti, ubi ad litis molestias & incertas fori fluctuationes causam deducen­dam perspicimus, suadere, rogare & summis precibus pari (que) reverentia contendere non desinemus, ut si exhibito Brevi pura veritas ita latitave­rit, quod rectumne an falsum, vitiatum ceu adulterinum fuerit judicare ac decernere minime valeamus, Sanctitas Vestra Causam hanc ad se avo­cet, non solum ut tanto discrimine, & perplexitate nos eximat, sed ut paterno affectu Causae & Regi huic optimo subveniat & opem ferat, at­que ex Potestatis suae plenitudine & summa prudentia finem huic rei optatum imponat, quae non sine magno hujus Regni & Ecclesiasticae dignitatis periculo diutius trahi potest: Speramus autem Serenissimū hunc Regem in hujusmodi avocandae Causae consilio facile quieturum, sale­brosa haec litium itinera & labirinthos evitaturum, modo in fide Sancti­tatis Vest [...]ae chyrographo manus suae testata, cognoverit, se diutius su­spenso in hac re animo detinendum non fore, at (que) ab hujusmodi Ma­trimonio se tandem liberandum, in quo nec humano nec divino jure permanere se posse putat, ex causis Sanctitati Vestrae forsan notis, & per hos suos nuntios longioribus verbis explicandis. Quod si Sanctitas Vestra commodius existimaverit, Avocatione hujusmodi posthabita, per Decre­talis unius concessionem huic causae occurri & succurri posse, in hanc quoque rationem Regis animum paratum dabimus; & propterea concepto [Page 69] quodam Decretalis modulo, eum per hos ipsos Majestatis suae nuntios mittimus, ex quibus abunde intelliget, quodque non absque exemplo istiusmodi auxilia proponantur, & quam non temere nec absque ratione Majestas haec desiderio huic suo inhaereat: interea vero, dum hac vel illa ratione huic rei occurritur & Breve ipsum perquiretur, posset uti (que) Sanctitas Vestra iterum Reginae animum tentare, & ad Religionem emol­lire, curando (ut quod maxime apud eam gratia & Autoritate esse debeant) & literis, & precibus, & nuntiis, omni (que) alia ratione, hac ipsa via, sibi, suis (que) rebus omnibus, at (que) aliis optime consulat. Cujusmodi multa, pro salute Regni & publica cum dignitate, tum tranquillitate animo agitamus, ut tandem optimo Regi praesidio simus, qui incredibili patientia & humanitate, nostram & Sanctitatis Vestrae opem expectat, sed tanta obsessus cura, sollicitudine & anxietate, ut nullus facile expli­care possit, vix enim in hoc ipso, oculis & auribus nostris credimus; cu­jus usque adeo nos miseret, ut nihil ingrato magis animo audiamus quam ejus de hac re verba, querelas & cruciatum: jure, an injuria liceat nobis hoc, Beatissime Pater, cum Sanctitate Vestra tacere, ne prae­judicium nobis aut aliis faciamus, sed quem non excitet tot annorum Conscientiae Carnificina, quam ut transversum & modo in has & modo in illas partes agant Theologorum disputationes, & Patrum decreta, nul­lus non videt; qua in re enucleanda ita ambiguo laboratur sensu, ut jam non doctioris sed melioris hominis lumine & pietate egeamus, & propterea factum est ut cum ab utra (que) parte stant assertores maximi, in illam magis Majestas sua inclinat, quae ab offensionibus & periculis ma­gis remota videtur. Quem praeterea non moveat dulcis illa insitaque sobolis successio, in qua morientes & animam exhalaturi conquiescere, natura ipsa, videmur omnes? quem insuper non accendat, Regni atque imperii propagatio, & per solos liberos continuata quaedam fruitio? quem deni (que) populorum fidei ac ejus curae commissorum tranquillitas & securitas, quae in designatis jam regibus & principibus nutritur & vivit, non sollicitet? ita ut tanti adeo (que) communis boni fundamenta nulla a se jacta, non doleat & suspiret, cum in extremis ejus diebus, extrema quo­que tempora eis adventare sentiat, at (que) secum omnia quodammodo in ruinam trahi? Majores habet, Beatissime Pater, Causa haec anfractus & difficultates, quam superficie tenus inspectantibus offerantur, in qua vel hae potissimae sunt quod nec moram patitur, & in alteram partem non inclinat quidem, sed omnino cogit, ni velimus ab ea praecipites & maxi­ma cum privatae tum publicae rei jactura cadere; nam qui vel Reginae odio, vel speratae, nec dum forsan notae, futurae conjugis illecebra & titillatione Regem agi putant, ii excordes plane & toto, quod aiunt, coelo errare videntur: ut enim credere dignum est, nullis illius quamli­b [...]t duris moribus aut injocunda consuetudine, vel ulterioris sobolis spe desperata, Regium animum tanto periculo ad odium impelli posse; ita nec in hominis bene sani mente cadere debet, Regem hunc imbecillo adeo esse animo, ut sensuum suadela eam abrumpere cupiat consuetudi­nem, in qua adolescentiae suae florentes annos exegerit persancte adeo, ut in hac quo (que) fluctuatione, non sine reverentia & honore versetur. Inest, credite omnes, voluntati ejus non modo divinae legis timor, sed humani quo (que) juris ratio eximia, haec (que) non privata sed publica, ad quam cum ejus animum trahant, utrius (que) juris peritissimi, & Regni hujus sui proceres, & primates omnes, nihil tamen suo, aut suorum tantum [Page 70] arbitrio constitutum habere cupit, sed Apostolicae Sedis judicio; qua in re quanta sit pietate, maxime ostendit, quum non ex magorum carmi­nibus, & circulatorum impos [...]uris, aliisve malis artibus, sed Sanctissima Pontificis manu, tanto huic vulneri suo opem petat, de quo vel plura forte quam licuisset Sanctitati Vestrae subjecimus, quoniam haec ipsa ul­cera manibus nostris contrectavimus, & quantum vitales spiritus exhalent cognovimus: proinde Sanctitas Vestra, pii patris & peritissimi medici more, dum virtus adhuc stat, dum salus non desperatur, dum aeger ipse sese sustinet & legitima petit auxilia, Regem de se & Apostolica sede optime meritum in piaetatis suae sinu foveat, illud (que) ei indulgeat quod nec disputationum immortalia dissidia, nec litium immensum chaos un­quam dabit, nec sine maximo discrimine unquam tractabitur; atque illud etiam secum reputet, quam injurium, & cum privatis tum publicis rebus incommodum sit, extremos juris apices consectari, quan­quam non expediat ex scripto jure semper judicari; cui, quia Pon­tifices & Principes miro omnium consensu, a Deo ipso praefecti, cen­sentur Spiritus & animae vice, merito in ambigui [...], & ubi multa peri­clitatur hominum salus, arbitrio suo ejus duritiem moderari possunt & debent, in quo Sanctitas Vestra & Regem & Regnum hoc plane serva­verit. Quod si alia ratione vel aliunde paranda sibi fuerint auxilia, ve­remur ne de Regno & Rege hoc actum sit, quicquid enim alia manu hui [...] vulneri impositum fuerit, nihil minus faciet quam sanitatem, sedi­tionibus enim & tumultibus omnia exponentur, at (que) imprimis Ecclesia­stica Dignitas & Apostolicae Sedis Authoritas hinc deturbabitur; quod non erit difficile, aut ingratum quibusdam, qui Rege cum Sanctitate Ve­stra nunc conjunctissimo, impietatis suae venenum perbelle dissimulant; Cujusmodi jacturam si dura haec tempora nostra fecerunt, quod deinde sperandum sit, non videmus. Conservandus ita (que) Rex est, ejus (que) exi­mia in Apostolicam Sedem voluntas & fides, ne eo a nobis abalienato, non modo Angliae Regem, sed Fidei quo (que) Defensorem amittamus, cu­jus virtutes & Religionem tanto plausu orbi commendavimus. Brevi­tati studentes multa praeterimus, & praesertim quid Regni proceres, No­biles aeque atque ignobiles dicant, qui fremunt & acebtissime indignan­tur, se tamdiu suspensos haberi, at (que) ab aliorum nutu & voluntate ex­spectare, quid de fortunis eorum omnibus & capitibus statuant, aut de­cernant: at (que) hac potissimum via insistunt, qui nullam aut certe dimi­nutam hic Romani Pontificis Authoritatem vellent, quorum pleri (que) in his disceptationibus, quibus alter alteri, ut usu venire solet, re in am­biguo posita, adversatur, ea dicunt quae non abs (que) horrore referri que­ant; nam inter caetera illud maxime in ore obvium habent, & praedi­cant, se nunquam satis demirari, aut ridere posse quorundam ignaviam, qui patienter audiunt, Pontificibus in Jure Divino figendo & refigendo licere, Pontifici Pontificis ceram aut plumbum conflare non permitti; nos, ut hos scopulos & has syrtes evitemus, nihil non agimus, & ne praeceps, huc vel illuc, Rex hic ruat, curamus, quem in officio vix con­tineri posse confidimus, dum a Sanctitate Vestra his literis rescribatur: quibus si ut speramus & cupimus aliquid rescriptum fuerit, per quod & Regem & horum omnium animos quietiores reddere val [...]amus, accedet nobis quo (que) vis aliqua caetera faelicius perficiendi; sin minus, omnia in deterius itura non ambigimus. Quae ut celerius Majestas sua cognos [...]at, praesentes hos nuntios suos per dispositos equos ad Sanctitatem Vestram [Page 71] mittit, ex quorum sermone plura quoque intelliget quam literae ipsae commode capere potuerunt. Ignos [...]et vero Sanctitas Vestra literarum nostrarum prolixitati, quae tametsi modum excedunt, rei tamen hujus difficultatem & periculum majori ex parte minime attingunt.

May 21. 1529. Richmont. XXV. Another Dispatch to Rome. An Original.

RIght well beloved Friends, I commend me unto you in my most hearty manner, by the hands of Alexander, Messenger; I have in good diligence received your Letters of the 4th of this Month; and semblably the King's Highness hath received your other Letters, sent by the same Messenger unto his Grace: By tenour whereof it well appear­eth that the King's Highness is now frustrate of the good hope and ex­pectation that his Grace and semblably I were in of the Pope's determi­nation, to have done for his Highness in this great and weighty Cause of Matrimony, as his Holiness by his Chamberlain promised; not only that which might be done of power ordinary, but also of absolute; and that ye be utterly in despair to consecute or attain any thing to the purpose there, to the benefit of the said Cause, with the strange demea­nour that hath been used in calling you to make answer, why the sup­plications presented by the Emperor's Ambassador for advocation of the Cause should not proceed; and how discreetly and substantially ye have answered and ordered your selves therein: Affirming finally, that as to that Matter, ye think it shall not serve to any purpose, but only to stop your suit in the obtaining of a new Commission, and desiring to be ascer­tained of the King's pleasure touching the Protestation mentioned in your Instructions, and how the same is meant and understood, with ma­ny other things comprised in your said Letters, right well and substan­tially couched and handled; for the which the Kings Highness giveth you hearty thanks, and I also thank you in most hearty manner for my part.

Ascertaining you, that by Thadeus, Courier, upon receipt of your former Letters sent by him, who I trust be arrived with you long before this time; I wrote unto you the King's mind and pleasure, as well to forbear any further pursuits of the Degrees committed unto your Charge, except only the expedition of a new Commission and Pollicitation men­tioned in the same. As also that you Mr. Stevins, and Sir Francis Brian, should return home, like as my said Letters purported. And forasmuch as now it appeareth, that there is no hope for you to attain the said Commission and Pollicitation, the King's Highness supposing that ye the said Mr. Stevins and Sir Francis be on your way homeward; and per­ceiving that it should be necessary for his Grace to have there a substan­tial Counsellor of his, well learned in the Laws, as well to defend all such things as shall be procured or set forth by the Caesareans, to the hin­drance of the King's Cause, as to let and impeach any Advocations, In­hibitions, or other thing that may be dammageable thereunto, hath di­spatched thither this Bearer and Mr. Bennet, who hath commandment [Page 72] to shew unto you, and every of you, wheresoever he shall meet with or find you, his whole Instructions, by tenour whereof ye shall be ad­vertised of the King's further mind and pleasure in that behalf; where­fore this shall be only to signifie unto you, how his Highness will that ye now forbear any further pursuit, either for Commission, Pollicitation or Rescript to be sent to the Emperor for exhibition of the Brief, either here or at Rome, but that following in every part the tenor of the said Instructions, ye Mr. Stevins and Sir Francis Brian use all the diligence possible in your Voyage homeward, and the residue of you to intend to such things as be mentioned in the said Instructions; ascertaining you, that whereas ye were in doubt what is meant by the Protestation spoken of in my former Letters and your Instructions, it was none other thing than in the same Instructions was plainly specified and declared; That is to say, Failing of all your Requests and Pursuits touching the King's great Matter, to have shewed unto his Holiness the danger that might ensue, by losing the entire favour of this Prince, by mean of his so strange and unkind dealing with his Grace; howbeit, considering in what state the things now be, and how much the Pope's Holiness seem­eth to be inclined to the Emperors part. And yet as appeareth both by your Letters, and by such other knowledg as the King hath, his Holiness would gladly conserve the King's Love and Favour, and is loth to do any thing to the prejudice of his Cause: It is no time to come to any ri­gorous or extream words with his Holiness, but in gentle and modest manner to shew himself in such words as be mentioned in my said last Let­ters sent by Thadeus; and so without irritation of him, but with conser­vation of his favour to entertain his Holiness in the best manner that may be, without medling in any other Protestation, but only to look what may be done touching such Protestations apart, as is mentioned in the said Instructions given to Mr. Benet, which with these Letters shall be a sufficient information of you all what to do in the Causes to you com­mitted, not doubting but in all other particular suits of Bulls, and other things committed unto you, ye Mr. Stevins and Sir Francis Brian, have or will do your best to bring the same with you; the expedition whereof, if they be not sped already, the King's Highness committeth to the Wisdoms of such of you as shall fortune to be in the Court of Rome at the receipt hereof; wherein, and in all other things, his High­ness trusteth, and I do the semblable, that ye will order your selves with all effectual diligence, as the special confidence that is put in you doth appertain.

And forasmuch as the greatest thing that is to be looked unto is the importune Suit of the Caesareans, not only to stop any further things to be granted to the King's Highness, but also to revoke the Commission given to the Lord Legate Campegius and to me, which should be a clear disappointment and frustration of the King's Cause; ye shall therefore look substantially by all politick means to withstand, that no such thing be granted; assuring the Pope and all the Cardinals, and such other as have respect to the well of the See Apostolick, that if he should do such an high injury to the King and his Realm, and an Act so contumelious to us his Legates, and so contrarious to his Faith and Promise, he should thereby not fail so highly to irritate the King and all the Nobles of this Realm, that undoubtedly they should decline from the obedience of [Page 73] the See Apostolick, and consequently all other Realms should do the semblable, forasmuch as they should find in the Head of the same, nei­ther justness, uprightness, nor truth; and this shall be necessary, as the case shall require, well to be inculked and put in his head, to the intent his Holiness by the same may be preserved from granting, passing, or condescending to any such thing.

After these Letters perfected hither, and read unto the King's High­ness, albeit that mention is made in sundry places heretofore, that [...] well ye Mr. Stevins, and Sir Francis Brian, if ye be not returned fro [...] the Court of Rome, as also the rest of the King's Ambassadors, which a [...] the arrival of Mr. Doctor Bennet shall fortune to be there, shall forbea [...] to make any further means or pursuit for the New Commission and Pollicitation, but clearly to use silence therein; yet nevertheless regarding and more profoundly considering the effect of your Letters last sent, i [...] doth plainly appear, that tho after the overture made to the Pope's Ho­liness of the said New Commission, the Business chanced to be made by the Emperor's Ambassador, upon preferring a Supplication for advoca­tion of the Cause; which thing by your writing, Mr. Stevins, to Capisuke was well avoided; yet was there none express refusal made by the Pope's Holiness to condescend unto the said New Commission, but order given that you should consult and confer with the Cardinal Anconitane and Symonette upon the same; which Conference, by mean of the said Busi­ness, was deferred and disappointed, without any final conclusion or re­solution taken thereupon. Wherefore inasmuch as yet there appeareth none utter despair of obtaining the said New Commission and Pollicita­tion, with some more fat, pregnant, and effectual Clauses than the other hath; The King's pleasure is, That notwithstanding any words before mentioned, both ye the said Mr. Stevins, and Sir Francis Brian, if ye be not departed from the Court of Rome, do for the time of your demur there, which the King's pleasure is, shall not be long, but only for taking of your leave; and also the rest of the King's said Orators, after your departure, shall, as ye shall see the case require, endeavour your selves as much as may be, to obtain the said New Commission and Pollicitation, foreseeing always that you handle the matter after such manner, as thereby the Pope be not the rather induced to hearken and incline to any persuites of the Imperials for advocation of the Cause, which were a total frustration of all the King's intent, but so to use your selves, as ye shall see to be to the benefit, and not to the hindrance thereof: Which done, the King's Grace doth refer the good handling of this thing to your wisdoms and discretions, neither to leave the persuit for the said Commission and Pollicitation, if it may without dammage be followed; nor to follow it, if thereby you shall see apparent danger of any such Advocation, or advantage to ensue to the purpose of the Im­perialists, like as his Highness doubteth not, knowing now the King's mind and pleasure, you will with wisdom and dexterity, order your selves herein accordingly.

And furthermore, you shall in any wise dissuade the Pope for sending either by his Nuntio, to be sent unto Spain, or otherwise, for the Original Brief: And if the Nuntio be already passed, having charge to speak for send­ing the same to the Court of Rome, then to find the means that a Command­ment be by the Pope's Holiness sent after him, not to make any mention [Page 74] thereof: Which done to you, the King's said Ambassador shall have a good colour to induce the Pope's Holiness, saying, as of your self, That you have well considered your own pursuits for producing the Brief at Rome; and because the Emperor might per-case think that the Pope were about to arect unto him the falsity of the said Brief, therefore you can be contented that that matter be put off, and no mention to be made thereof by his Nuntio, or otherwise; whereunto it is not to be doubted but the Pope's Holiness will have special regard, and facilly con­descend to your desires in that behalf.

Finally; It appeareth also by certain your Letters sent, as well to the King's Highness as to me, that the Pope's Holiness is much desirous to study and find a mean and way to satisfy the King's Highness in this behalf: Amongst which one clause in his Letters to me is this; Tametsi enim jurisperitorum consilium quaesiverimus, sed nihil reperimus, quod bonis or [...]toribus simul & justitiae ac honori nostro satisfaceret; sed tamen agimus omnia, & tentamus omnes modos Regiae suae Serenitati, ac circumspectio­ni tuae satisfaciendi. (And it is added in the Margin, with Wolsey's hand;

Mi Petre, referas tuis literis pervelim quid tibi & mihi Pontifex dixerit de modis excogitandis, & quomodo subridens dicebat, In nomine Pa­tris, &c.)

Wherefore since his Holiness so plainly declared, that he seeketh the ways and means to satisfie the King's Highness, it shall be in any wise expedient, that you the said Orators perceiving any towardness of Ad­vocation, lay this to the Pope's Holiness, saying, That that is not the way to satisfy his Grace; and yet besides that, by your Wisdoms to find the means to understand and know of his Holiness what be the ways and means, which his Holiness hath studied or can study to sa­tisfie the King according to his writing in this behalf, whereof they shall say his Grace is glad, and is very desirous to know and under­stand the same; and as you shall perceive any towardness or untoward­ness in the Pope in that behalf, so to set forth your pursuits to the best purpose accordingly. And thus heartily fare you well.

From Rich­mond, the 21 day of May.
Your loving Friend, T. Cardinalis Eborac.

May 31. Romae 1529. XXVI. A Letter of the Popes to the Cardinal. An Original.

Dilecto Filio nostro Thomae tituli Sanctae Ceciliae Presbytero Cardi­nali Eboracensi, nostro & sedis Apostolicae Legato de latere. Clemens manu propria.

DIlecte Fili noster, salutem & Apostolicam benedictionem.Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 11. Cum An­gliae Rex ac Circumspectio vestra, vetera vestra erga nos & Sedem Apostolicam merita novis officiis augeretis, optabamus occasionem, in qua & vos nostrum amorem cognoscere possetis; sed molestissime tuli­mus eam primum esse oblatam, in qua circumsepti angustis terminis Justitiae, non possemus progredi quantum vellemus, studio vobis grati­ficandi, multis ac rationabilibus Causis desiderium vestrum impedienti­bus, quod quidem Regiis Oratoribus istuc redeuntibus demonstrare conati sumus. Sed super his & publicis negotiis copiosius vobiscum lo­quetur Dilectus Filius noster Cardinalis Campegius.

Datum Romae die ultima Maii, 1529.
J.

April 6. 1529. XXVII. The King's Letter to his Ambassadours, to hinder an Avocation of the Suit. An Original.
By the King.

Henry Rex,
TRusty and right well-beloved we greet you well.
Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 11

Since your de­parture from hence, we have received sundry your Letters to us directed, whereof the last beareth date at Rome, the 4th day of the last month; and have also seen such other as from time to time ye have sent to the most Reverend Father in God, our most entirely well-beloved Counsellor the Lord Legate, Cardinal, Archbishop of York, Primate of England, and our Chancellour: By continue whereof, we have been advertised of the Successes, as well of your Journey thitherwards, as of such things as ye to that time had done in our Causes to you commit­ted; for the which your diligent advertisement, and good acquittal, we give unto you condign thanks: ascertaining you, We do not a little marvel, that in your said last Letters you shew so much desperation of any great favour to be had at the Pope's hand in our said Causes; considering that neither ye then had spoken with his Holiness in the same, nor by [Page 76] such Conferences as ye had had with Mr. Iacobo Salviati, or other on his behalf, we can perceive but all good favour and towardness; tho per-case the superiority of the Imperials, and the common fame, led you to think the contrary: Howbeit as you know no credence is to be given unto such common report, nor we trust the same shall prove more true, than hath done the Opinion that was of the Lord Legate Cam­pegius now here Resident, whom we find and certainly know to be of a far other sort in his love and inclination towards us, than was spoken, not having such affection towards the Emperor, as in him was suspected. And to be plain with you, if ever he had been of other mind, we have said somewhat to him after such manner as might soon change that in­tention. So that little Faith is to be given to the outward Sayings and Opinions of such People as measure every thing at their pleasure; which we doubt not but ye right wisely do consider, and that ye have before this time, by your diligent sollicitation made to speak with the Pope's Holiness for declaration of your Charge, proved the contrary. Whereof we shall be glad and joyous to hear; willing and desiring you therefore, according to the great and special confidence that we have in you, to pretermit no time in the diligent handling and execution of your said Charge, but by one good way or other to find the mean, if you have not already done it, to declare the same unto the Pope, wherein the good advice and address of the Bishop of Verone shall, We trust, do you great furtherance; and by whose means, if ye for the Pope's extreme debility or sickness might in no wise be often admitted unto his presence, ye may signify unto him at great length, our whole Mind, Desire, and Intent, after such form as your Instructions and Letters given and sent unto you in that behalf do purport: For sure ye may be, it shall highly confer unto the benefit of our Causes, that ye have there present one so fast and assured Friend unto us, as we trust the Bishop of Verone is, who shall be able right largely to countervail, and meet with the malicious practices of the Archbishop of Capua, who is thought to be one of the chief Authors and Contrivers of the Falsities, Crafts, and Abuses, set forth to the hindrance of our said Causes; which no Man shall more politickly and facilly deprehend, than the said Bishop of Verone may do: And therefore he is by you, with all good means and ways possible, to be entertained; as we doubt not but you will have special eye and regard to the making, winning, and conservation of as many Friends to our purpose as ye can possibly ob­tain; so handling your self, as now may appear your dexterity and perfect endeavour to conduce, with your diligent labour and policy, our Matters to the speedy, indelayed, and desired end and effect, which ye may be sure we shall not put in oblivion, but will have the same in remembrance accordingly. Marvelling nevertheless, that though ye Mr. Stevins could not bring hitherto our great Causes to perfection, ye had not in the mean season advertised us what is done touching such Bulls as were to be sped for our other particular Matters, whereof no mention is made in your said Letters; willing and desiring you there­fore, by your next Letters, to advertise us in what state and train the same be; knowing right well that ye being not only by the former Letters and Writings, but also by such as be sent unto you▪ at this time sufficiently and amply instructed of our Mind and Pleasure, will now [Page 77] so acquit your self, as shall correspond to the perfect expectation, and firm opinion that we have of you, which we shall not fail to have in our tender consideration to your well, as is aforesaid. Ye shall also, in your Conferences with the said Bishop of Verone, understand and know of him, by what ways and means ye may best further his advancement to the Cardinality; exhorting him, for the manifold good effects that thereof may ensue, to conform himself to the acceptation thereof, if it may be obtained; for doubtless his Vertue, Wisdom, Experience, Fi­delity, and other great and commendable merits well considered, we think no Man more meet at this time to be preferred thereunto than him: And therefore our express Mind and Pleasure is, that ye do it by all the ways and means to you possible. And finally we will that ye show unto him how effectually we have written unto you in that behalf, to the intent, being advanced thereunto, he may give us the better thanks, and in every way bear to us the more perfect affection. And by your next Letters, We will that ye advertise us what Advocates ye have on our part, with their Names and Qualities; finding the means also, if it be possible, to retain some notable and excellent Divine, a Frier, or other that may, can, or will firmly stick to our Causes, in leaning to that, Quod Pontifex ex Iure Divino non potest dispensare, &c. And of all the Successes to advertise us, as our special trust is in you.

Given under our Signet, at our Mannor of Greenwich, the 6th of this April.

XXVIII. The King's Letter to his Ambassadours, about his appearance before the Legates. An Original. Iune 23. 1529.

To our trusty and right well-beloved Counsellors, Mr. William Ben­net, Doctor of both Laws; Sir Gregory de Cassalis, Knight; and Mr. Peter Vannes our Secretary for the Latin Tongue, our Ambassadours, resident in the Court of Rome, and to every of them. By the KING. Henry R.

TRusty and right well-beloved, we greet you well.Cotton libr. Vitel. B. 11. By former Let­ters and Writings sent to you Sir Gregory and Mr. Peter, with other of your Collegues then being at Rome, and by such conference as was had with you Mr. Benet before your departure, you were adver­tised in what state then stood our Cause and Matter of Matrimony, and how it was intended that the Process of the same should with diligence be commenced before the Pope's Legates here, being authorized for that purpose. Since that time, ensuing the deliberation taken in that be­half, the said Legates, all due Ceremonies first observed, have directed [Page 78] Citations both to us and to the Queen, for our and for her appearing before them the 18th of this month; which appearance was duly on either Party kept, performed, and all requisite Solemnities accom­plished: At which time the Queen trusting more in the power of the Imperialists, than in any justness of her Cause, and thinking of likely­hood, by frustratory allegations and delays, to tract and put over the Matter to her advantage, did protest at the said day, putting in Libels, Recusatories of the Judges; and also made a provocation, alledging the Cause to be avoked by the Pope's Holiness, & litis pendentiam coram eodem; desiring to be admitted for probation thereof, and to have a term competent for the same: Whereupon day was given by the Judges till the 21 of the same month, for declaration of their minds and intentions thereunto; The Queen in Person, and we by our Proctor enjoined to appear the same day, to hear what the said Judges should determine in and upon the same. At which time both we and the Queen appeared in Person; and notwithstanding that the said Judges amply and suffici­ently declared, as well the sincerity of their minds directly, justly to proceed without favour, dread, affection, or partiality; as also that no such Recusation, Appellation, or term for proving of Litis pendentiam, could or might be by them admitted: yet she nevertheless persisting in her former wilfulness, and in her Appeal, which also by the said Judges was likewise recused: And they minding to proceed further in the Cause, the Queen would no longer make her abode to hear what the said Judges would fully discern, but incontinently departed out of the Court; wherefore she was thrice preconnisate, and called eft-soons to return and appear; which she refusing to do, was denounced by the Judges Contumax, and a Citation decerned for her appearance on Friday next, to make answer to such Articles and Positions as should be objected unto her: So as now it is not to be doubted, but that she will use all the ways and means to her possible, to impetrate and attain such things, as well by her own pursute, as by her Friends, as may be to the impeach­ment of the rightful Process of this Cause, either by Advocation, Inhi­bition, or otherwise: Wherefore seeing now in what state this our Matter standeth and dependeth, necessary and requisite for the great Consequences hanging upon the same, not only for the exoneration of our Conscience, but also for the surety of our Succession, and the well of this our Realm and People, to be with all celerity perfected and ob­served. It was thought convenient to advertise you of the Premisses, to the intent ye being well and sufficiently instructed in all things con­cerning the same, shall by your wisdoms and diligences have special regard that nothing pass or be granted there by the Pope's Holiness, which may either give delay or disappointment to the direct and speedy pro­cess to be used in this Cause, neither by Advocation of the Cause, Inhi­bition, or otherwise; but that if any such thing shall, by the Caesareans; or by her Agents, or other, be attempted, or desired, the like Men of Wisdom, good Zeal, Learning, and Experience, diligently procure the stopping thereof, as well upon such Reasons and Considerations as be­fore have been signified unto you, as by inferring the high and extream dishonour, and intolerable prejudice that the Pope's Holiness thereof should do to his said Legates; and also the contrariety both of his Bull and Commission, and also of his Promise and Pollicitation passed upon the [Page 79] same; beside the notable and excellent displeasure thereby to be done by his Holiness to us, and our Realm, clear contrary to our merits and deserts; extending also the other dangers mentioned in the said former Writings, apparent to ensue thereby to his Holiness, and the See Apo­stolick, with the manifold, and in manner, in [...]inite inconveniences like to follow of the same to all Christendom, and all other such reasons, in­troductions and perswasions ye can make and devise for that purpose: putting him also in remembrance of the great Commodity coming unto his Holiness herein, by reason that this Cause being here decided, the Pope not only is delivered from the pains that he should in this time of Disease and Sickness, to the extream peril of his Life sustain with the same, seeing that it is of such moment and importance, as suffereth no tract or delay; but also his Holiness shall by such decision here eschew and avoid all displeasure that he should not fail to have, if it were or should be passed elsewhere: which matter is no little wisdom well to foresee and consider, and not only to forbear to do or pass any thing derogatory or prejudicial to his said Commission, but also by all means possible to corroborate and fortify the same, and all such Acts judicial as shall pass by his said Legates by virtue thereof. Like-as we doubt not but that the Pope's Holiness, of his Uprightness, Vertue, and perfect Wisdom will do; and rather like a most loving Father and Friend, ten­der and favour our good, just and reasonable Causes and Desires, put­ting thereunto all the furtherance he may do, than to do or consent to be done any thing hurtful, prejudicial, dammageable, or displeasant un­to us, or this our said Cause. And finally; If need shall be, we will ye also infer, as the case shall require, how inconvenient it were this our Matter should be decided in the Court of Rome; which now de­pendeth totally in the Emperor's Arbitre, having such puissance near thereunto, that, as hath been written by the Pope's own Letters, their State and Life there is all in the Emperor's hands, whose Armies may fa­mish or relieve them at their pleasure. And semblably ye shall not for­get the prerogative of our Crown and Jurisdiction Royal, by the anci­ent Laws of our Realm, which admitteth nothing to be done by the Pope to the prejudice thereof, and also what danger they should incur that would presume to bring or present any such thing unto the same, as in our last Letters sent by Alexander was touched at good length. Wherein since ye be already so well and amply instructed, knowing also how much the Matter imports and toucheth us, and what profit and agreeable service ye may do unto us herein, with the high thanks that ye may deserve for the same; We shall not be more prolix, but refer the substantial, perfect, and assured handling hereof to your circum­spections, fidelities, and diligences, not doubting but that ye will now above all other things, look vigilantly hereunto, and so acquit your selves in the same, as it may well appear that your Acts shall be corre­spondent to our firm trust and expectation, and no less tender this thing than ye know it to be imprinted in the bottom of our Heart, nor then as ye know both the importance and high moment, and also the very necessity of the Matter doth require. In which doing, beside the laud and praise that ye shall consecute thereby of all good Men, we shall so have your acquittals in our remembrance, as ye shall have cause [Page 80] to think your travels, pains, and studies herein, in the best wise collo­cate and emploied.

Given under our Signet, at our Palace of Bride­wel, the 23d day of Iune.

Rome 9 Iuly 1529. XXIX. Doctor Bennet's Letter to the Cardinal, shewing how little they might expect from the Pope. An Original.

Cotton libr. Vitel. B. 11.PLease it your Grace to understand, that the 6th day of this month the Pope's Holiness send for us: Albeit we had made great sute for audience before to his Holiness, soon after that we had understand­ing that his Holiness was recovered of this his last Sickness, into the which he fell the second day, after I had my first audience of his Holiness, which was the 21 day of the last month: And after our long communi­cation and reasoning in the King's Highness Cause, which, at length, we have written to your Grace in our common Letter, for a confirmation of many inconveniences and dangers which we perswaded to his Holi­ness, to follow both to himself and to the See Apostolick, in case his Holiness should avoke the cause; I thought much convenient at that same time to deliver the King's familiar, and likewise your Grace's Let­ter, and so to shew your Grace's Credence to his Holiness. After the fore­said Letters delivered, and by his Holiness read, his Holiness shewed me, that he perceived by your Grace's Letters, that I had certain Credence to shew unto him of great moment and importance, concerning him and the See Apostolick. I shewed to his Holiness your Grace's Faith and observance, his Holiness doth best know; most humbly besought his Holiness to believe these undoubtedly to follow, That if his Holiness should, at the labours of the Caesareans, avoke the Cause, he should not alonely offend the King's Highness, which hitherto hath been a stay, a help, and a defence of the See Apostolick; but also by reason of this injury, without remedy, shall alienate his Majesty and Realms, with others, from the devotion and obedience of the See Apostolick. This I shewed his Holiness, that your Grace doth evidently perceive to follow, in case his Holiness should incline to the Caesareans desire on this behalf: Yea further, I said, that your Grace most clearly perceiveth also by that Act, the Church of England utterly to be destroyed, and likewise your Person; and that these your Grace, with weeping tears, most lamen­tably committed unto me to shew to his Holiness. Furthermore I shewed to his Holiness, that your Grace, howsoever you should proceed in this Cause, did intend to proceed so sincerely, indifferently, and justly, that you would rather suffer to be jointed, Joint by Joint, than either for affection or fear, do any act either against your Conscience or Ju­stice. Furthermore I said, that seeing his Holiness may be so well assu­red, that your Grace will do nothing but according to Justice in this Cause, he may the more boldly deny Avocations to the Caesareans, seeing that the Queen and the Emperor can desire but Justice, which they may have at your Grace's hand, and my Lord Campegius, as well there [Page 81] as here; and by this means his Holiness should deliver himself from great pains and unquietness of mind, which he should sustain in case the Cause should be known here, where he should have the King's Highness on one part, and the Emperor on the other side, daily calling upon his Holiness. To this his Holiness most heavily, and with tears, answered and said, That now he saw the destruction of Christendom, and lamented that his fortune was such to live to this day, and not to be able to remedy it, (saying these words) For God is my Judg, I would do as gladly for the King, as I would for my self; and to that I know­ledg my self most bounden, but in this case I cannot satisfy his desire, but that I should do manifestly against Justice to the charge of my Con­science, to my rebuke, and to the dishonour of the See Apostolick; af­firming, that his Counsel shews him, that seeing the Caesareans have a Mandate or Proxie of the Queen, to ask the Avocations in her Name, he cannot of Justice deny it, and the whole Signature be in that same opinion; so that though he would most gladly do that thing that might be to the King's pleasure, yet he cannot do it, seeing that Signature would be against him whensoever the Supplication should be up there: And so being late, we took our leave of his Holiness, and departed, seeing that we could obtain nothing of the Pope for stopping the A­vocation, we consulted and devised for the deferring of it, till such time as your Grace might make an end in the Cause there. And so concluded upon a new Device, which at length we have written in our common Letter, wherein I promise your Grace, Mr. Gregory has used great diligence, and taken great labours at this time, we can do no more for our lives: And if your Grace saw the importune labour of the Am­bassadors of the Emperor's and Ferdinandoes, you would marvel, I promise your Grace they never cease; wherefore in staying hitherto, as we have done, it is marvel, as God knoweth, whom I pray to preserve your Grace in health and prosperity ad multos annos. I beseech your Grace most humbly to commend me to the King's Highness; and like­wise I beseech your Grace to pardon my ill writing.

At Rome, the 9th day of Iuly.
Your daily Beadman and Servant, W. Benet.

XXX. A Letter of the Pope's to the Cardinal concerning the Avocation. An Original. 19 Iulii, 1529.

DIlecte Fili noster, salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem.Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 11. Difficile est nobis explicare literis, qua nostra molestia seu potius dolore fuerimus coacti, ad Avocationem Causae istic commissae concedendam; nam etsi res ita fuit justa ut tanto tempore differri non debuerit, tamen [Page 82] nos qui isti Serenissimo Regi pro ejus singularibus erga nos & Apostoli­cam sedem meritis placere in omnibus cupimus, sicut consuevimus, aegre nunc adducti sumus, ut quamquam justitia cogente, quicquid contra ejus voluntatem concederemus. Nec vero minus, Fili, doluimus tua causa▪ cui rem hanc tantae curae esse perspeximus quantum tua erga dictum Re­gem fides & amor postulat; sed tamen quod datur justitiae minus esse molestum debet, cum praesertim id fuerit tam dilatum a nobis, omnia (que) antea pertentata ne ad hoc descenderemus. Ita (que) optamus in hoc ad­hiberi a te illam tuam singularem prudentiam & aequitatem, persuadere (que) te tibi id quod est, nos qui semper vobis placere quantum nobis licuit studuimus, id quod vestro maximo merito fecimus, & semper facturi su­mus, nunc non nisi invitos & justitia coactos quod fecimus fecisse: Te­que omni studio & amore hortamur, ut dictum regem in solita erga nos benevolentia retinere velis, ei (que) persuadere, nihil ex hoc apud nos de benevolentia erga se veteri imminutum unquam fore, quod recipiemus a Circumspectione tua longe gratissimum. Quemadmodum plenius dile­ctus Filius noster Cardinalis Campegius haec circumspectioni tuae explica­bit.

Dat. Romae apud Sanctum Petrum sub annulo Piscatoris die 19 Julii 1529. Pont. nostri anno sexto.
Blosius.

Act 26. Anno Regni 21. Henr. 8. XXXI An Act for the releasing unto the King his Highness of suck Sums of Mony as was to be required of him, by any his Subjects, for any Manner of Loan, by his Letters Missives, or other ways or manner whatsoever.

ITem quaedam alia billa formam cujusdam actus in se continens, exhibita est praefato Domino Regi in Parliamento praedicto, cujus quidem billae tenor sequiturin haec verba. The King's humble, faithful, and loving Subjects, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, considering and calling to their remembrances, the inestima­ble Costs, Charges, and Expences, which the King's Highness necessari­ly hath been compelled to support and sustain, since his assumption to his Crown, Estate, and Dignity Royal; as well first for the extinction of a right dangerous and damnable Schism sprung and risen in the Church; which by the providence of the Almighty God, and the high prudence, and provision, and assistance of the King's Highness, was, to the great honour, laud, and glory of his Majesty, repressed; the Enemies then being of the Church reformed, returned, and restored to the unity of the same, and peace over all componed and concluded, as also for the modifying of the insatiable and inordinate ambition of those which do aspire unto the Monarchy of Christendom, did put universal trouble, divisions in the same, intending, if they might, not only to have subdued this Realm, but also all the rest unto their Power and [Page 83] Subjection: For the resistance whereof, the King's Highness was compel­led, after the Universal Peace, by the great study, labour, and travel of his Grace conduced, and the same by some of the Contrahents new­ly violate and infringed; in shewing the form of the Treaties thereupon made again, and take Armour. And over and besides the notable and excessive treasure and substance which his Highness in his first Wars had emploied for the defence of the Church, the Faith Catholick, and this his Realm, and of the People and Subjects of the same, was eft-soons brought of necessity to new, excellent, and marvellous Charges, both for the supportation of sundry Armies by Sea and by Land; and also for divers and manifold Contributions outward, to serve, keep, and contain his own Subjects at home in rest and repose; which hath been so politickly handled and conduced, that when the most part of all reli­gious Christians have been infested with cruel Wars, Discords, Divisi­ons, and Dissensions, the great Heads and Princes of the World brought unto Captivity; Cities, Towns, and Places, by force and sedition, ta­ken, spoiled, burnt, and sacked; Men, Women, and Children found in the same slain and destroyed; Virgins, Wives, Widows, and Reli­gious Women, ravished and defloured; Holy Churches and Temples polluted, and turned unto prophane use; the Reliques of the Holy Saints irreverently treated; Hunger, Dearth, and Famine, by mean thereof in the said outward Regions, insuing and gentily over all, was depopulation, destruction and confusion; the King's said Subjects in all this time, were by the high providence and politick means of his Grace nevertheless preserved, defended, and maintained, from all these inconveniences and dangers; and such provisions taken, by one way or other, so as reasonable commodity was always given unto them to exer­cise their Traffiques of Merchandise, and other their Crafts, Mysteries, and Occupations for their living; which could not possibly have been brought about, unless then the King's Highness, with continual studies, travels, and pains, and with his infinite Charges and Expences, had converted the peril and danger of the Enterprises and Exploits, set forth for the reduction of the Enemies unto Peace, from his own Sub­jects unto Strangers: Whereof finally such Fruit and Effect is ensued, as by the King's policy, puissance, and means, general and universal Peace is established amongst all Christian Princes; and this Realm now, thanked be God, constitute in free, better, and more assured and pro­fitable Amity with all outward Parties, than hath been at any time whereof is memory or remembrance. Considering furthermore, That his Highness, in and about the Premisses, hath been fain to employ, not only such sums of Mony as hath risen and grown by any manner of con­tribution made unto his Grace by his said loving Subjects, but also over and above the same, sundry other notable and excellent Sums of his own Treasure, and yearly Revenues, which else his Grace might have kept and reserved to his own use; amongst which manifold great Sums so employed, his Highness also, as is notoriously known, and as doth evidently appear by the accompts of the same, hath to that use and none other, converted all such Mony, as by any his Subjects and People, Spiritual and Temporal, hath been advanced unto his Grace by way of Prest and Loan, either particularly, or by any Taxation made of the same, being a thing so well collocate and bestowed, seeing the said high [Page 84] and great Fruits and Effects thereof ensued, to the honour, surety, well, perfect commodity, and perpetual tranquillity of this said Realm, as nothing could better nor more to the comfort of his said Subjects be desired, studied, or imagined; Of one mind, consent and assent, and by Authority of this present Parliament, do for themselves, and all the whole Body of the Realm whom they do represent, freely, liberally, and absolutely, give and grant unto the King's Highness, by Authority of this present Parliament, all and every Sum and Sums of Mony, which to them, and every of them, is, ought, or might be due, by reason of any Mony, or any other thing, to his Grace at any time heretofore ad­vanced, or payed, by way of Prest or Loan, either upon any Letter or Letters under the King's Privy Seal, general or particular, Letter, Mis­sive, Promise, Bond, or Obligation of payment, or by any Taxation, or other Assessing, by virtue of any Commission or Commissions, or by any other mean or means whatsoever it be heretofore passed for that purpose, and utterly, frankly, liberally, and most willingly and bene­volently, for them, their Heirs, Executors, and Successors, do remit, re­lease, and quit claim, unto his Highness, his Heirs and Successors for ever, all and every the same Sums of Mony, and every parcel thereof, and all and singular Suits, Petitions, and Demands, which they, or any of them, their Heirs, Successors, or Executors, or the Heirs, Executors, or Successors of any of them, have, had, or may have for the same, or any parcel thereof; most humbly and lovingly, beseeching his High­ness, for the more clear discharge for the same, that it may be ordained and enacted by the King, our said Sovereign Lord, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons of this present Parliament assembled, and by authority of the same, that all Promises, Bonds, Writings, Obligatory Letters, under the King's Privy Seal, Signet, Sign Manual, or Great Seal passed, and other Bonds or Promises, whatsoever they be, had, or made, to any Person or Persons, Spiritual or Temporal, Shire, City, Burrough, Waxentale, Tranship, Hamlet, Village, Monastry, Church, Cathedral, or Collegiat, or to any Guild, Fraternity, or Body Corporate, Fellowship, or Company, or other whatsoever, having ca­pacity to take any Bond, especially and generally, jointly or severally, touching or concerning the same Prest or Loan, or every of them, or the repaiment of any Sum or Sums of Mony for the same, be from henceforth void and of none effect. Cui quidem billae probe & ad ple­num intellectae per dictum Dominum Regem ex assensu & Authoritate Par­liamenti praedicti taliter est responsum. Le Roy remercie Les Seigneurs & ses communes de leur bonne cueurs en faifant cest graunt, & icelle se Maje­ste accepte & tout le contenu, & cest escriture a graunt & aprove avecques tous les articles en ceste escripture specifies.

XXXII. A Letter from Gardiner and Fox, about their Pro­ceedings at Cambridg. An Original.

Feb. 1530. from Cambridg by Stephen Gardiner.
To the King's Highness.

PLeaseth it your Highness to be advertised,Cotton Libr. Vitell. B. 13. That arriving here at Cambridg upon Saturday last past at noon, that same night, and Sun­day in the Morning, we devised with the Vice-chancellour, and such other as favoureth your Grace's Cause, how and in what sort to com­pass and attain your Grace's Purpose and Intent; wherein we assure your Grace, we found much towardness, good will, and diligence, in the Vice-Chancellour and Dr. Edmunds, being as studious to serve your Grace as we could wish or desire: Nevertheless there was not so much care, labour, study, and diligence employed on our Party, by them, our self, and other, for attaining your Grace's Purpose, but there was as much done by others for the lett and empeachment of the same; and as we assembled they assembled, as we made Friends they made Friends, to lett that nothing should pass as in the Universities Name; wherein the first day they were Superiors, for they had put in the ears of them, by whose Voices such things do pass, multas fabulas, too tedious to write unto your Grace. Upon Sunday at afternoon were assembled, after the manner of the University, all the Doctors, Batchellors of Divinity, and Masters of Art, being in number almost two hundred: In that Congregation we delivered your Grace's Letters, which were read openly by the Vice-Chancellor. And for answer to be made unto them, first the Vice-Chancellor calling apart the Doctors, asked their Advice and Opinion; whereunto they answered severally, as their Affections led them, & res erat in multa confusione. Tandem they were content Answer should be made to the Questions by indifferent Men: But then they came to Exceptions against the Abbot of St. Benets, who seemed to come for that purpose; and likewise against Dr. Reppes, and Dr. Crome; and also generally against all such as had allowed Dr. Cranmer's Book, inasmuch as they had already declared their Opi­nion. We said thereunto, That by that reason they might except against all; for it was lightly, that in a Question so notable as this is, every Man Learned hath said to his Friend as he thinketh in it for the time; but we ought not to judg of any Man, that he setteth more to defend that which he hath once said, than Truth afterward known. Final­ly; The Vice-Chancellor, because the day was much spent in those al­tercations, commanding every Man to resort to his Seat apart, as the manner is in those Assemblies, willed every Man's mind to be known secretly, whether they would be content with such an Order as he had conceived for answer to be made by the University to your Grace's Letters; whereunto that night they would in no wise agree. And for­asmuch as it was then dark night, the Vice-Chancellor continued the Congregation till the next day at one of the Clock; at which time the Vice-Chancellor proponed a Grace after the form herein inclosed; and [Page] [...] [Page 85] [...] [Page 86] it was first denied: When it was asked again, it was even on both Par­ties, to be denied or granted; and at the last, by labour of Friends to cause some to depart the House which were against it, it was obtained in such form as the Schedule herein enclosed purporteth; wherein be two Points which we would have left out; but considering by putting in of them, we allured many, and that indeed they shall not hurt the Determination for your Grace's part, we were finally content there­with. The one Point is that where it was first, that quicquid major pars of them that be named decreverit, should be taken for the Determinati­on of the University. Now it referred ad du [...]s partes, wherein we suppose shall be no difficulty. The other Point is, That your Grace's Question shall be openly disputed, which we think to be very honou­rable; and it is agreed amongst us, That in that Disputation, shall an­swer, the Abbot of St. Benets, Dr. Reppes, and I Mr. Fox, to all such as will object any thing or reason against the conclusion to be sustained for your Grace's part. And because Mr. Doctor Clyss hath said, That he hath somewhat to say concerning the Canon-Law; I your Secretary shall be adjoined unto them for answer to be made therein. In the Schedule which we send unto your Grace herewith, containing the names of those who shall determine your Grace's Question, all marked with the Letter A. be already of your Grace's Opinion; by which we trust, and with other good means, to induce and obtain a great part of the rest. Thus we beseech Almighty God to preserve your most Noble and Royal Estate.

From Cambridg the day of February.
Your Highness's most humble Subjects and Servants,
  • Stephen Gardiner,
  • Edward Foxe.

The Grace purposed and obtained, Feb. 1530.

Placet vobis ut

  • A. Vicecancellarius.
  • Doctores.
    • A. Salcot. The Abbot of St. Benets.
    • Watson.
    • A. Repps.
    • Tomson.
    • Venetus, de isto bene speratur.
    • A. Edmunds.
    • Downes.
    • A. Crome.
    • A. Wygan.
    • A. Boston.
  • Magistri in Theologia.
    • Middelton.
    • A. Heynes.
    • Mylsent. de isto bene speratur.
    • A. Shaxton.
    • A. Latimer.
    • A. Simon.
    • Longford. De isto bene speratur.
    • Thyxtel.
    • Nicols.
    • Hutton.
    • A. Skip.
    • A. Goodrich.
    • A. Heth.
    • Hadway, de isto bene speratur.
    • Dey.
    • Bayne.
    • A.A. Duo Procuratores.

HAbeant plenam facultatem & Authoritatem, nomine totius Univer­sitatis, respondendi Literis Regiae Majestatis in hac Congregatione lectis, ac nomine totius Universitatis definiendi & determinandi quae­stionem in dictis literis propositam: Ita quod quicquid duae partes eorum praesentium inter se decreverint, respondendi dictis literis, & defi­nierint ac determinaverint super quaestione proposita, in iisdem habea­tur, & reputetur pro Responsione, Definitione & determinatione totius Universitatis, & quod liceat Vicecancellario, Procuratoribus & Scruta­toribus, literis super dictarum duarum partium definitione & determi­natione concipienda sigillum commune Universitatis apponere; sic quod disputetur Quaestio publice & antea legatur coram Universitate abs (que) ulteriori gratia desuper petenda aut obtinenda.

Your Highness may perceive by the Notes, that we be already sure of as many as be requisite, wanting only three; and we have good hope of four; of which four if we get two, and obtain of another to be absent, it is sufficient for our purpose.

July 1. 1530. XXXIII. A Letter from Crook out of Venice, concerning the Opinions of Divines about the Divorce. An Original.

Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 13.PLease it your Highness to be advertised, That as this day I obtained the Common Seal of the University of Padua, in substantial and good form; for all the Doctors were assembled upon Sunday, and the Case was amongst them solemnly and earnestly disputed all Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, and this present Friday in the morning again; and thereupon they concluded with your Highness, and desired a No­tary to set his Sign and Hand unto an Instrument, by Leonicus and Simo­netus devised, in corroboration of your Cause, and thereby to testify that this Instrument was their Deed, Device, Act, and Conclusion; and for the more credence to be given to the said Instrument, they caused the Chan­cellor of the Potestate here to set his Hand and Seal for the approbation of the Authority of the Notary: A Copy of all the which things I send unto your Highness by this Bearer, in most humble wise beseeching the same to be advertised, that the General of the Black-Friers hath gi­ven a Commandment, That no Black-Frier dispute the Pope's Power: Notwithstanding Prior Thomas Omnibonus procureth daily new Subscrip­tions, and will do till the Brief of contrary Commandment shall come unto his hands.

My fidelity bindeth me to advertise your Highness, that all Lutherans be utterly against your Highness in this Cause, and have letted as much with their wretched Power, Malice, without Reason or Authority, as they could and might, as well here, as in Padua and Ferrara, where be no small Companies of them. I doubt not but all Christian Universi­ties, if they be well handled, will earnestly conclude with your High­ness. And to obtain their assent, as well through Italy, France, Al­magne, Austrich, Hungary, and Scotland, I think it marvellous expedi­ent, for the preferment of this your most honourable and high Cause; As from the Seigniory and Dominion of Venice towards Rome, and be­yond Rome, I think there can be no more done than is done already, albeit, gracious Lord, if that I had in time been sufficiently furnished with Mony. Albeit I have beside this Seal procured unto your Highness an hundred and ten Subscriptions, yet it had been nothing in comparison of that that I might easily and would have done; and at this hour I assure your Highness, that I have neither Provision nor Mony, and have bor­rowed an hundred Crowns, the which also are spent about the getting of this Seal; of the which my need, and divers impediments in your Highness's Cause here, I have advertised your Highness by many and sundry Letters, and with the same sent divers Books and Writings, part to Hierom Molins a Venetian, and factor to Mappheus Bernardus, by the hands of your Subject Edmund Herwell, part directed to Mr. Tuke, whereof I am nothing ascertained whether they be exhibited unto your Highness or not, to no little discomfort unto me; notwithstanding I have reserved a Copy of all things, Letters, and other, and herein enclosed a Bill, specifying by whom and to whom I directed my said [Page 89] Letters, in most humble wise, beseeching your most Royal Clemency, to ponder my true, sure, and good endeavours, and not to suffer me to be destitute of Mony, to my undoing, and utter loss of your most high Causes here; for of my self I have nothing whereby to help my self. And thus the most Blessed Trinity keep and preserve your High­ness in his most Royal Estate.

At Venice, the first day of Iuly at night, Anno—30.
R. Crook.

XXXIV. The Judgment of the Universities concerning the King's Marriage; taken from the Printed Edition of them. London, 1532.

Censura Facultatis Sacrae Theologiae a [...]mae Universitatis Parisiensis.

DEcanus & Facultas Sacrae Theologiae almae Universitatis Parisiensis, omnibus, ad quos praesens scriptum pervenerit, salutem in eo, qui est vera Salus. Cum nuper suborta magnae difficultatis controversia super invaliditate Matrimonii, inter Serenissimum Henricum Octavum Angliae Regem, Fidei Defensorem, & Dominum Hiberniae, ac Illustris­simam Dominam Catharinam Angliae Reginam, clarae memoriae Ferdi­nandi Regis Catholici Filiam contracti, & carnali copula consummati, illa etiam nobis Quaestio in justitia & veritate discutienda & examinanda proposita fuerat, videlicet, Anducere relictam fratris mortui sine liberis sic esset jure divino & naturali prohibitum, ut interveniente summi Pon­tificis Dispensatione, non posset fieri licitum, ut quis Christianus reli­ctam fratris ducat, & habeat in Uxorem; Nos Decanus & Facultas ante­dicta, cogitantes, quam esset pium & sanctum, nec-non debito charita­tis, & nostrae Professioni consentaneum, ut his, qui in lege Domini se­cura, tranquilla (que) conscientia vitam hanc ducere, & transigere cupiant, viam justitiae ostenderemus, noluimus tam justis & piis votis deesse. Hinc more solito, apud aedem S. Mathurini per juramentum convenientes, & solemni Missa cum Invocatione Spiritus Sancti ob hoc celebrata, nec-non praestito juramento de deliberando super praefata quaestione, secundum Deum & Conscientiam; Post varias & multiplices Sessiones, tam apud aedem S. Mathurini, quam apud Collegium Sorbonae, ab octava Junii us (que) ad secundum Julii habitas, & continuatas, perscrutatis prius excus­sis (que) quam diligentissime, ac ea qua decuit, reverentia & Religione, Sa­crae Scripturae Libris eorum (que) probatissimis interpretibus, nec-non Sacro­sanctae Ecclesiae generalibus ac Synodalibus Concilii Decretis & Constitu­tionibus longo usu receptis & approbatis: Nos praedicti Decanus & Fa­cultas de praedicta Quaestione disserentes, & ad eam respondentes, se­quentes unanime judicium & consensum Majoris partis totius Facultatis, Asseruimus & Determinavimus, prout & in his Scriptis per praesentes Asserimus & Determinamus, quod praedictae nuptiae cum Relictis fratrum decedentium sine liberis, sic naturali jure pariter & divino sunt prohi­bitae, ut super talibus Matrimoniis contractis, sive contrahendis, Summus Pontifex dispensare non possit. In cujus nostrae Assertionis & Deter­minationis fidem & testimonium, sigillum nostrae Facultatis cum signo nostri Notarii, seu Bedelli praesentibus apponi curavimus. Datum in [Page 90] generali nostra Congregatione per juramentum celebrata apud S. Ma­thurinum.

Anno Dom. Millesimo quingentesimo trigesimo, Mensis vero Julii die secundo.

Censura Facultatis Decretorum almae Universitatis Parisiensis.

IN Nomine Domini Amen. Cum proposita fuisset coram nobis Deca­no & Collegio Consultissimae Facultatis Decretorum Parisiensis Uni­versitatis Quaestio; An Papa possit Dispensare, quod Frater possit in Uxorem ducere, sive accipere relictam Fratris sui, Matrimonio consum­mato per Fratrem praemortuum? Nos Decanus & Collegium praefatae Facultatis, post multas Disputationes & Argumenta hinc inde super hac materia facta ac habita, cum magna & longa librorum, tam divini, quam Pontificii & Civilis, jurium revolutione consulimus, & dicimus, Papam non posse in [...]acto proposito dispensare. In cujus rei testimonium, has praesentes Sigillo nostrae Facultatis, & signo nostri scribae primi Bedelli muniri fecimus.

Datum in Congregatione nostra apud Sanctum Joan­nem Lateranensem, Parisiis die vicesima tertia mensis Maii, Anno Dom. millesimo quingentesimo trigesimo.

Censura almae Universitatis Aurelianensis.

CUm ab hinc aliquod tempus nobis Collegio Doctorum Regentium almae Universitatis Aurelianensis propositae fuerint, quae sequntur Quaestiones, videlicet; Si jure divino liceat fratri Relictam fratris (quam Fratriam vocant) accipere Uxorem? Item & si hoc sit eo jure vetitum, utrum divinae Legis prohibitio Pontificali Dispensatione remitti possit? Nos praedictum Collegium, post multas ad praedictorum dubiorum Di­sputationem (de more nostro) factas Sessiones & Congregationes, post­que Juris tum Divini tum Canonici locos (quod facere potuimus) exa­minatos, & omnibus mature atque exacte pensatis & consideratis: Desi­nivimus, praedictas nuptias citra divinae legis injuriam attentari non posse, etiamsi summi Pontisicis accedat indulgentia, vel permissus. In cujus rei testimonium praesens publicum Instrumentum a Scriba praefatae almae Universitatis subsignari fecimus, ejusdem (que) Sigillo communiri. Actum in Sacello Beatae Mariae Boninuncii Aurelianensis.

Anno Dom. Millesi­mo quingentesimo vigesimo nono, die quinto Mensis Aprilis.

Censura Facultatum Iuris Pontificii & legum Almae Universitatis Andegavensis.

CUm certo ab hinc tempore nobis Rectori & Doctoribus Regenti­bus in Pontificia & legum disciplina almae Universitatis Andega­vensis sequentes Quaestiones propositae fuerint, scilicet, Utrum Jure Di­vino pariter & naturali illicitum sit homini Christiano Relictam fratris sui, etiam abs (que) liberis, sed Matrimonio jam consummato defuncti, du­cere Uxorem? Et an Summo Pontifici liceat super hujusmodi nuptiis dispensare? Nos praefati Rector & Doctores, post plures ad Disputatio­nem hujusmodi quaestionum, & veritatem comperiendam factas, ex mo­re, Congregationes & Sessiones, post (que) varios Juris tam Divini, quam [Page 91] humani locos, qui ad eam rem pertinere videbantur, discussos, multas quo (que) rationes in utram (que) partem adductas & examinatas, omnibus fide­liter consideratis, & matura deliberatione praehabita, Definimus neque Divino neque Naturali Jure permitti homini Christiano, etiam cum Sedis Apostolicae Authoritate seu Dispensatione super hoc adhibita, Re­lictam fratris, qui etiam sine liberis post consummatum Matrimonium decesserit, Uxorem accipere vel habere. In quorum omnium supradi­ctorum fidem, praesens publicum Instrumentum a Scriba seu Notario prae­fatae Almae Universitatis subsignari jussimus, ejusdem (que) Universitatis Magno Sigillo muniri. Actum in aede sacra Divi Petri Andegavensi, in Collegio nostro.

Anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo tricesimo, die septimo Maii.

Censura almae Universitatis Bituricensis.

NOs cum Decano Theologiae, Facultas in Universitate Bituricensi (ut Doctoris Gentium Pauli exemplo pleris (que) locis auspicemur scriptum nostrum a precatione) omnibus dilectis Dei in quibus vocati estis, Lectores Charissimi, qui (que) ad quos scribimus, Gratia vobis & pax a Deo Patre & Domino nostro Jesu Christo. Dum complerentur dies inter Octavas Pentecostes, & essemus omnes pariter in eodem loco, cor­pore & animo congregati, sedentes (que) in domo dicti Decani; facta est nobis rursus Quaestio eadem, quae saepius antea, non quidem parva, hunc in modum: An rem faciat illicitam necne, frater accipiens Uxorem a praemortuo fratre relictam, consummato etiam Matrimonio? Tandem rei ipsius veritate disquisita & perspecta, multo singulorum labore, & Sa­crorum iterata at (que) iterata revolutione codicum, unusquis (que) nostrum non fascinatus, quo minus veritati obediret, caepit, prout Spiritus Sanctus dedit, suum hoc unum arbitrium eloqui, abs (que) personarum acceptione, in veritate comperi, personas memoratas in Capite Levitici octavo supra decimum prohibitas esse jure ipso naturali, authoritate humana minime relaxabili, & vetitas, ne invicem Matrimonium contrahant, quo fit fra­ternae turpitudinis abominabilis Revelatio. Et hoc nobis signum nostri Bedelli Notarii publici, cum Sigillo dictae supra nostrae Facultatis prae­sentibus appenso. Die decimo Junii, Anno vero a Christi Nativitate, Millesimo quingentesimo tricesimo. Ut autem nostrae scriptionis pes & caput uni reddantur formae, quemadmodum sumus auspicati a preca­tione, ita claudamus illius quo utimur exemplo. Gratia Domini nostri Jesu Christi, charitas Dei, & communicatio Sancti Spiritus sit cum omni­bus vobis. Amen.

Censura Almae Universitatis Tholosanae.

TRactabatur in nostra Tholosana Academia perquam difficilis Quae­stio, Liceatne fratri eam, quae jam olim defuncto fratri Uxor fue­rat (nullis tamen relictis liberis) in Matrimonio sibi conjungere? Ac­cedebat & alius scrupulus, qui nos potissimum torquebat, Si Romanus Pontifex, cui est commissa gregis Christiani cura, id sua, quam voca­mus, Dispensatione permittat, tunc saltem liceat? Ad utram (que) Quaestio­nem agitandam Doctores omnes Regentes, qui tunc Tholosae aderant, coegit Rector in Concilium, neque id semel tantum sed etiam iterum: [Page 92] Quippe existimavit praecipitari non oportere Consilia, indigere (que) nos tempore, ut aliquid maturius agamus. Demum, cum in unum locum convenissent omnes, tum Sacrarum Literarum disertissimi Interpretes, tum utrius (que) Censurae Consultissimi, deni (que) qui quavis in re & judicio & oratione viri foelicibus ingeniis non mediocriter exercitati essent, ac sese Sacrosanctis Conciliis parere velle, Sanctorum (que) Patrum haud qua­quam piis animis violanda Decreta imitari jurassent, & unusquis (que) suam sententiam protulisset, at (que) in utram (que) partem diffuse decertatum esset; tandem in eam Sententiam sic frequentius itum est, ut uno omnium ore Alma nostra Universitas animis sincerissimis nullo (que) fermento vitiatis censuerit, Jure Divino pariter & Naturali Uxorem relictam fratris sui nemini licere accipere. At postquam id lege eadem non licet, responsum est, non posse Pontificem aliquem ea lege solvere. Nec huic sententiae refragari potest, quod cogeretur olim frater Uxorem demortui fratris accipere. Nam hoc sigura erat, atque umbra futurorum, quae omnia adveniente luce & veritate Evangelii evanuerunt. Haec quoniam ita se habent, in hanc formam redegimus, & per Notarium, qui nobis est a Secretis, signari, sigilli (que) autentici ejusdem nostrae Almae Universita­tis jussimus Appensione Communiri.

Tholosae. Kal. Octob. Ann. a Chri­sto nato M.D.XXX.

Censura Facultatis Sacrae Theologiae Universitatis Bononiensis.

CUm Deus Optimus Maximus veterem Legem ad morum vitae­que informationem ac institutionem ore suo tradiderit, idemque humanitate sumpta, mortalium Redemptor Deus novum condiderit Te­stamentum, sed ad dubia, quae in multis emergebant, tollenda declaran­daque contulerit, quae ad hominum perfectionem elucidata nonnihil con­ferunt; nostras partes semper fore duximus hujusmodi sanctissima Patris a [...]terni documenta sectari, & in rebus arduis ac dubitabilibus, superno illustratos lumine, nostram ferre sententiam, ubi causa mature consulta, multis (que) hinc inde rationibus, scriptis (que) Patrum dilucidata fuerit, nihil quod possumus, in aliquo temere ferentes. Cum ita (que) nos, praestantes quidam & clarissimi viri, obnixe rogarint, ut subsequentem casum maxi­ma diligentia pers [...]rutaremur, nostrum (que) subinde in eum judicium fer­remus aequissime, soli veritati innitentes, in unum omnes Almae Universi­tatis hujus Doctores Theologi convenimus, casu prius per unumquem (que) nostrum sigillatim domibus propriis examinato, summa (que) solertia per dies plurimos contracto: Illud una mox vidimus, examinavimus, contuli­mus, ad amussim (que) singula quae (que) pertractantes ponderavimus, rationes quascun (que) contrarias, quas fieri posse censuimus, in medium afferentes at (que) solventes, etiam ipsius Reverendissimi D. D. Card. Cajetani, nec­non Deuteronomicam Dispensationem de fratris suscitando semine, & reliquas tandem omnes sententias oppositas, quae ad id negotii face­re viderentur. Quaesitum est igitur a nobis, An ex sola Ecclesiae in­stitutione vel etiam Jure Divino prohibitum fuerit, ne quis Relictam a a fratre sine liberis in Uxorem ducere valeat? Quod si utra (que) lege ne fieri possit, cautum est; An quenquam possit Beatissimus Pontifex super ejusmodi contrahendo Matrimonio dispensare? Qua diligentissime (ut diximus) ac exactissime seorsim palam (que) examinata, ac pro viribus no­stris, optime discussa Quaestione, Censemus, Judicamus, dicimus, con­stantissime [Page 93] Testamur & indubie affirmamus, huj [...]smodi Matrimonium, tales nuptias, tale conjugium horrendum fore, execrabile, detestandum, viro (que) Christiano, immo etiam cuilibet insideli prorsus abominabile, es­seque a Jure naturae divino & humano diris paenis prohibitum. Nec posse Sanctissimum Papam (qui tamen fere omnia potest) cui collatae sunt a Christo claves Regni Coelorum: Non inquam posse aliqua ex causa super hujusmodi contrahendo Matrimonio, quenquam dispensare. Ad hujus Conclusionis veritatem tutandam, omnes in omnia loca & tem­pora parati sumus. In quorum fidem has scripsimus, almae (que) nostrae Uni­versitatis ac Sacri Venerabilium Theologorum Collegii Sigillo munivi­mus, solita nostra generali subscriptione Signantes.

Bononiae in Eccle­sia Cathedrali, decima Junii, Anno Dom. M.D.XXX. sub Divi Cle­mentis 7. Pontificatu.

Censura Facultatis Sacrae Theologiae Almae Universitatis Pataviensis.

TEstantur, qui Catholicam fidem astruunt, Deum Optimum Maximum legis veteris praecepta filiis Israel ad exemplar vitae ac morum no­strorum institutionem ore proprio tradidisse, eundem (que) trabea humani­tatis indutum, Redemptorem omnium factum, Novum Testamentum condidisse, & nedum propter hoc, sed ad dubia quaecun (que) emergentia removenda, dilucidanda (que) nobis misericorditer condonasle, quae ad no­stri perfectionem enucleata fructus uberes conferunt & salutares. No­strum semper fuit erit (que) per saecula (uti Christicolas decet) hujusmodi celebratissima Summi Pontificis instituta sectari, & in quibus (que) dubita­tionibus, ac arduis Quaestionibus supernaturali lumine freti, nostrum proferre Judicium, ubi res ipsa optime considerata, multis (que) hinc inde demonstrationibus, at (que) Patrum Authoritatibus mature declarata fuerit, temere quoad possumus nihil omnino judicantes. Cum igitur nos, qui­dam oratores clarissimi, suppliciter exorarint, ut subsequentem casum di­ligentissime perscrutari dignaremur, at (que) nostram ferremus exinde sen­tentiam, soli veritati simpliciter attendentes: Qua ex re omnes hujus Almae Universitatis Doctores Theologi in simul convenimus, re ipsa prius per nostrum quemlibet particulariter propriis domibus examinata, summa (que) cum solertia enucleata, mox in unum redacti cuncta conside­ravimus, examinavimus, omnia (que) sigillatim ponderavimus, Argumenta quaecun (que) contraria, quae fieri quoquomodo posse putavimus, adducen­tes, at (que) integerrime dissolventes, necnon Deuteronomicam Dispensa­tionem de Fratris suscitando semine, & reliquas omnes rationes at (que) sententias oppositas, quae ad id facere videbantur: Quaestio igitur talis fuit exposita, An ex sola Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae institutione, vel etiam de Jure Divino prohibitum fuerit, ne quis Relictam fratris abs (que) liberis in Uxorem ducere valeat? Quod si utrobi (que) fieri nequeat cautum est, An Beatissimus Pontifex super hujusmodi contrahendo Matrimonio quenquam dispensare legitime possit? Quo exactissime (ut dictum est) seorsim publice (que) discusso, ac pro viribus dilucidato quaesito, Dicimus, Judicamus, Decernimus, Attestamur, atque veridice Affirmamus, Ma­trimonium hujusmodi, tale conjugium & tales nuptias nullas esse, immo detestabiles, atque execrandas Christiano cuilibet esse, prophanas, &, ut [Page 94] scelus abominandas, crudelissimis paenis, jure naturae, divino & humano▪ clarissime esse prohibitas. Nec Beatissimum Pontificem, cui claves Reg­ni coelestis a Christo Dei Filio sunt collatae, ulla ex causa posse super tali Matrimonio contrahendo quenquam juridice dispensare. Cum illa, quae sunt a Jure Divino prohibita, non subsint ejus potestati, nec in illa gerit vicem Dei, sed solum super ea, quae sunt commissa jurisdictioni ho­minum. Ad cujus Sententiae ac Conclusionis veritatem tutandam & ejus­dem certissimam defensionem, Nos omnes unanimes semper & ubique parati sumus. In quorum fidem has nostras fecimus, Almae Universita­tis nostrae, ac Sacri Reverendorum Theologorum Collegii Sigillo solito communivimus.

Datum Paduae in Ecclesia Hermitarum S. Augustini, die primo Julii, M.D.XXX.

XXXV. The Iudgment of the Lutheran Divines about the King's Marriage, ex MSS. R. Smith, London.

EX hac Collatione in qua audivimus Argumenta de Controversia Divortii Serenissimi & Illustrissimi Regis Angliae, Franciae, &c. proposita & diligenter agitata a Reverendo D. D. Edwardo Hereford. Episcopo, D. Nicolao Archdiacono & D. D. Barnes, intelleximus Sere­nissimum Regem maximis & gravissimis Causis adductum, superatum & conclusum esse, ut in hoc negotio Matrimonii sui faceret quod fecit: Nam hoc manifestum est & negare nemo potest, quod Lex Levit. tradita Lev. 18. v. 20. prohibet ducere fratris Uxorem, &c. sed Divina, natu­ralis, & moralis Lex est intelligenda tam de vivi quam de mortui fratris Uxore, & quod contra hanc legem nulla contraria lex fieri aut constitui possit, sicut & tota Ecclesia semper hanc Legem retinuit, & judicavit hujusmodi nuptias incestas esse, sicut testantur Synodorum Decreta & Sanctissimorum Patrum Clarissimae Sententiae, & has nuptias prohibent & vocant incestas etiam jura Civilia. Proinde & nos sentimus, & hanc Legem de non ducenda Uxore fratris in omnibus Ecclesiis servandam esse veluti divinam, naturalem, & moralem Legem; Nec in nostris Ecclesiis vellemus dispensare aut permittere, praesertim ante factum, ut ejusmodi nuptiae contraherentur, & hanc Doctrinam possumus & volumus Deo volente facile defendere. Caeterum quantum ad Divortium pertinet, nondum sumus plene persuasi ut sententiam nostram ferre possimus, An post Contractum Matrimonium in hoc casu Serenissimi Regis debuerit fieri Divortium. Rogamus igitur Seren. Regem ut aequo animo ferat, differri nostram Sententiam in hac re donec erimus certiores.

XXXVI. An Abstract of the Grounds of the Divorce. Written in the beginning, Thomas Cantuarien, with his own hand.

Articuli ex quibus plane admodum demonstratur Divortium inter Henr. 8. Angliae Regem Invictiss. & Serenissimam Catharinam necessario esse faciendum.

1. AFfinitas quae Divino & Naturali Jure impedit ne Matrimonium contrahatur, & contractum dirimit,Cotton Libr. Vesp. B. 5. solo nuptiali foedere indu­citur.

2. Substantia Matrimonii, verum perfectum (que) conjugium, sola conju­gali pactione, & non carnali copula efficitur.

3. Vir & Uxor solo foedere conjugali, Deo inprimis operante, una mens & una caro fiunt.

4. Carnalis Copula affinitatem solo Jure Ecclesiastico repertam in­ducit.

5. Affinitas sola Carnis concubitu orta Sanctione humana solum impe­dit, ne Matrimonium contrahatur, & contractum dissolvit.

6. Carnalis Copula Matrimonium necessario reddit consummatum.

7. Potest Matrimonium Carnali Copula consummari, etiam Uxoris Virginitate irrecuperabili non amissa.

8. Serenissimam Catharinam ab Illustrissimo Principe Arthuro relictam Virginem non fuisse affirmamus.

9. Sereniss. Catharinam ex Judiciis quam plurimis attestantibus, & violentam praesumptionem inducentibus, ab eodem Illustrissimo Principe Arthuro corruptam, atque Matrimonium inter eos consummatum fuisse non dubitamus.

10. Serenissima Catharina, praesumptione violenta hujusmodi con­stante, Virginitatem suam Juramento praesertim publico probare ne­quit.

11. Judex eandem Serenissimam Catharinam, super ea causa jurare volentem, ad juramentum jure quidem admittere non potest.

12. Henrici octavi Angliae Regis Invictissimi & Serenissimae Catharinae praetensum Matrimonium, lege Divina & naturali prohibente, nullum omnino fuisse ne (que) esse posse Censemus.

XXXVII. A Bull sent to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, against the Statutes of Provisors.Ex M S. D. Petyt.

MArtinus Episcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, venerabili Fratri Ar­chiepiscopo Cantuariensi salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Si quam districto Dei Judicio de commissis tibi ovibus rationem reddi­turus es, aliquando cogitares, si meminisses & tu quae pastoralis officii cura esse debet, quantum (que) Ecclesiae Romanae, a qua dignitatem & au­ctoritatem vendicas, jus atque honorem tueri obligatus es, in considera­tionem [Page 96] duceres; profecto non usque adeo dormitares neque negligeres: Surrexisses jamdudum, & post oves jam longe aberrantes inclamares, ac pro viribus resisteres iis, qui jura ac privilegia a summo Ecclesiarum ca­pite omnium Christo, Ecclesiae Romanae tradita, sacrilego vel ausu vio­lant atque contemnunt. Numquid ideo Pontificalis Dignitas tibi com­missa est ut hominibus praesis, opes cumules, & quae tua sunt non quae Jesu Christi quaerere debeas? Si id existimas vehementer erras, & a Christi intentione longe abes, qui cum Beato Petro oves suas committe­ret, nil ei aliud nisi ut illas pasceret indixit, priusque non semel, sed bis ac tertio, an ab eo diligeretur expostulans. Estne haec in Christum dile­ctio quam habes? Estne hoc amare ac pascere oves? Itane debitum quo Ecclesiae Romanae astringeris, recte exsolvis? En ante oculos tuos ab ovili errantes in praecipitium labuntur oves, nec illas revocas neque re­ducis. In conspectu tuo herbas pergunt pestiferas pascere, nec illas pro­hibes, immo (quod abominabile est) tuis quasi manibus hujusmodi praebes mortiferum cibum. Te vidente, lupus illas dispergit, & taces tanquam canis mutus non valens latrare. Aspicis simul & Christi & Ec­clesiae & sedis Apostolicae mandata, auctoritatem, reverentiamque con­temptui haberi, nec semel unum murmuras verbum, clauculum saltem, si nolles palam. An ignoras ante aeterni tribunal judicis hujusmodi reatus & culpae usque ad minimum quadrantem redditurum te rationem? num credis, si qua tuo neglectu perierit ovium (pereunt autem multae) de tuis manibus sanguis earum exigetur? Quid per os Ezechielis Dominus comminatur, memorare & extimesce. Ipse, inquit, Speculatorem Do­mini posuit te Deus, si videris gladium venientem, & non insonueris buccina, & aliquis perierit, sanguinem ejus de manibus tuis requiram; haec dicit Dominus. Qualis autem & qualis iniquitatis & abominationis gladius in Angliae Regnum, atque oves tuas descenderit, tuo judicio (si ratione uteris) relinquimus. Perlege illud Statutum Regium, si tamen Statutum, si tamen Regium dici fas est. Nam quomodo Statutum, quod Statuta Dei & Ecclesiae destruit? Quomodo Regium? quod Instituta peremit? contra illud quod scriptum est, Honor Regis Judicium diligit. Et judica, venerabilis Frater & Christiane Episcope, ac Catholice Prae­sul, si justum, si aequum, si a Populo Christiano servari est. Imprimis per illud execrabile Statutum ita Rex Angliae de Ecclesia cum Provisio­nibus & Administrationibus disponit, quasi Vicarium suum Christus eum instituisset. Legem condit super Ecclesias, beneficia, Clericos & Eccle­siasticum statum, ad se suam (que) laicalem Curiam nonnullas causas Spiri­tuales & Ecclesiasticas jubet introduci; & ut uno verbo concludamus, ita de Clericis statuit, de Ecclesiis & Ecclesiastico Statu, quasi Ecclesiae claves in manibus haberet, & non Petro, sed sibi hujusmodi cura com­missa foret. Praeter hanc nefandam Dispositionem, vipereas quasdam contra Clericos adjecit poenas, quae ne quidem contra Judaeos vel Sara­cenos, per ullum de Statutis suis, promulgatae inveniuntur. Possunt ad Angliae Regnum cujuslibet generis homines libere proficisci; soli ac­ceptantes beneficia Auctoritate Summi Pontificis, Vicarii Jesu Christi, jubentur exulari, capi, incarcerari, omnibus (que) bonis exui, executores (que) literarum Apostolicarum, Procuratores, Notarii, ac quicun (que) alii Cen­suram seu Processum ab Apostolica sede in Regnum mittentes aut defe­rentes, ultimo supplicio deputantur, projecti (que) extra protectionem Re­gis exponuntur ab omnibus captivandi. Vide si audita est unquam similis [Page 97] Statuti iniquitas: Consideret prudentia tua, si Regem aut Regnum hu­jusmodi Statuta decent: Cogita si te talia inspicientem silere oporteat, & non magis clamare, contradi [...]re, & pro viribus resistere. Estne ista si­lialis Reverentia? Estne ista Christiana devotio quam Regnum Angliae suae Matri Ecclesiae ac Se [...]i Apostolicae exhibet? Potestne Catholicum Regnum dici, ubi hujusmodi statuuntur profanae leges & observantur, ubi prohibetur adiri Vicarius Christi, ubi oves suas Successor Apostoli Petri pascere juxta mandatum Domini non permittitur? Christus dixit Petro suis (que) Successoribus, Pasce oves meas; Statutum autem Reg­ni pascere ipsas non sinit, sed vult ut Rex ipse pascat, devolvendo ad eum in certis casibus Apostolicam Auctoritatem. Christus aedificavit su­pra Petrum Ecclesiam; sed Regni Statutum, id prohibet: Nam non patitur Petri Cathedram de Ecclesia prout judicaverit, expedire, ordinare vel dissponere. Christus voluit quod quicquid summus Pontifex in terris solverit aut ligaverit, solutum ligatumve esset in coelis; Statutum huic divinae voluntati non assentit: Nam si quos Sacerdotes ad ligandum sol­vendum (que) animas Christi Vicarius in Regnum contra Statuti tenorem destinaret, non modo ipsos non admittit Statutum sed exulare jubet, bonis privari, aliis (que) poenis affligi, & censuram seu Processum Apostoli­cum in Regnum deferens, tanquam Sacrilegus capite punitur. Quid ad hoc tua Discretio respondebit? Estne hoc Catholicum Statutum? Po­testne sine Christi in [...]uria, sine Evangelii transgressione, sine animae in­teritu tolerari aut observari? Cur igitur non clamas, & quasi tuba ex­altas vocem tuam, annuncians populo tuo peccata sua, Dom [...]i Israel scelera eorum, ne sanguis eorum de manibus tuis requiratur. Quod & si omnes quibus populorum cura commis [...]a est, facere teneantur, quanto magis id tibi erit necessarium exequi, cui populos & populorum mini­stros, oves & ovium pastores, tuae solicitudini Romana deputavit Eccle­sia, a qua & Primatum & Sedis Apostolicae legationem super Anglicanas Ecclesias suscepisti, & ipsius gloriosissimi Martyris Beati Thomae olim Cantuariae Archepiscopi Successor effectus es, qui adversus similia decer­tans Statuta, holocaustum se Deo offerens pro libertate Ecclesiastica oc­cubuit. Tu certe ob haec, omnium primus qui vexillo assumpto in aci­em prodire deberes, & fratres Co-episcopos tuos tuo exemplo in certa­mine sistere, primus omnium terga vertis, & aliquos qui forte resistendi impetum caperent, tua sive pusillanimitate, sive dissimulatione, sive (ut omnes attestantur) evidenti praevaricatione a bono proposito dejicis. Ita (que) si de te queritur Ecclesia, si in te omnis culpa transfertur, non mirari sed dolere, immo potius teipsum corrigere debes, & debitum quo ovium jure astrictus es audacter exolvere: pro qua re efficienda, si velis quam potes operam adhibere, non magnum certamen subeundum est. Persuade tuo pro officio & Auctoritate tua, secularibus, & eos ve­ritatem instrue. Ostende eis peccatum quo observantes praedictum Sta­tutum illaq [...]antur: Et erunt (ut omnes asserunt) prava in directa, & aspera in vias planas. Ne ergo, si tacueramus & nos, tuam aliorum (que) de­sidiam dissimulantes similis apud omnipotentem Deum culpae reos efficiat, neve ovium nostrarum sanguis (si neglexerimus) de manibus nostris exigatur, tuam fraternitatem qua pos [...]umus instantia, toto corde, toto (que) affectu hortamur, monemus, requirimus, & in virtute Sanctae obedien­tiae, & sub Excommunicationis poena cui (si neglexeris) ipso facto te subjicimus, districte praecipiendo mandamus, quatenus quamprimum ad [Page 98] locum ubi Consiliarii Charissimi in Christo Filii nostri Henri [...]i Angliae Regis Illustris conveniunt, personaliter accedas, eos (que) tam Ecclesiasticos quam Seculares pro sapientia tua, quam tibi Dominus inspiraverit, ra­tionibus ac monitionibus reddas instructos, ut praedictum Statutum in proximo Parliamento tollant penitus & aboleant: Cum enim Divinae & Humanae rationi, veteris ac Novi Testamenti, Conciliorum, Sanctorum Patrum, Summorum Pontificum Decretis, ipsius denique Universalis Ecclesiae observantiae evidentissime contradicat, nec sine interitu salutis aeternae quovis modo servari possit. Illud (que) inter alia dicere non omit­tas, qualiter Ecclesiasticae libertatis violatores, facientes (que) Statuta aut consuetudines contra libertatem servari, Officiales, Rectores & Consi­liarii, locorum ubi hujusmodi Statuta vel consuetudines editae fuerunt vel servatae, Ac etiam qui secundum praedicta judicaverint, ipso jure Excommunicationem incurrunt, quae quantum sit Christi fidelibus me­tuenda, ipsis plene poteris declarare. Idem sub poena eadem te facere volumus cum Parliamentum inchoabitur, tam erga praedictos Consilia­rios quam Communitates, & alios qui vocem in ipso habuerint Parlia­mento. Insuper ut pluribus viis honori Dei & Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae, & animarum saluti provideatur, sub simili poena mandes ac praecipias omnibus tam Rectoribus Ecclesiarum, quam aliis officium praedicationis obtinentibus, Secularibus & Religiosis, ut frequenter in sermonibus suis populos de praedicta materia instruere non omittant. Volumus autem ut quicquid super praedictis feceris per tuas literas (quibus saltem duae graves personae, quae ipsis requisitionibus per te faciendis interfue­rint, se subscribant) nos certiores efficias.

Dat. Rom. apud Sanctos Apostolos quinto die Decembris, Pontificatus nostri Anno decimo.

XXXVIII. A Letter to King Henry the Sixth for Repealing that Statute.

MArtinus Episcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, Charissimo in Christo Filio Henrico Regi Angliae Illustri, salutem & Apostolicam Bene­dictionem. Quum post multos nuncios ad tuam Serenitatem pro aboli­tione illius detestabilis Statuti contra libertatem Ecclesiasticam editi olim transmissos, postremo dilectum filium Magistrum Julianum causarum curiae Camerae Apostolicae Auditorem, pro eadem causa destinassemus; per ipsum tua Celsitudo tunc nobis respondit, quod quamprimum com­mode possit, Parliamentum, sine quo idem nequit aboleri Statutum, convo­caret, & in eo quod sibi possibile foret pro nostrae requisitionis implemento faceret, Protestans quod Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae sedis (que) Apostolicae Ju­ribus ac Privilegiis nullo modo detrahere aut derogare intendebat: Nos ob hoc, sicut deinde aliis literis tibi significavimus, us (que) ad id tempus cum patientia expectare decrevimus, sperantes quod in Verbo Regio no­bis pollicitus fueris, id tempore suo exequi non differres; ita (que) quicquid ex parte nostra hactenus faciendum fuit, omnem mansuetudinis & pa­tientiae modum experientes jam fecimus. Et licet gravibus interim per aliquos de Regno tuo lacessiti sumus injuriis, volumus tamen (ne quid contra promissum fieri videretur) us (que) ad id tempus (non sine rubore [Page 99] Sedis Apostolicae) expectare, ut merito illud verbum Evangelicum jam dici possit, Quid debui huic vineae facere & non feci? Tu vero, Fili Charissime, cum ipsius Parliamenti jam tempus instet, quod ex tua parte agendum restat, juxta promissionem tuam ac verbum Regi­um implere non omittas, ad quod & Jure Divino & Humano tan­quam Christianissimus Princeps obligatus, sine cujusvis requisitione pro tua & tuorum subditorum salute & honore facere teneris: prae­sertim quum talia obtuleramus, ob quae nec tibi nec dicto Regno ex praedicti Statuti abolitione praejudicium ullum redundare possit; providere enim iis omnibus quae causam Statuto dedisse dicuntur, jam saepe nostro nomine oblatum est, & nunc de novo offerimus. Jam igitur cum nulla quaevis contradicendi occasio praetendi possit, spe­ramus in dicto Parliamento tuam Serenitatem ita facturam, ut praedictum tam execrabile Statutum penitus de eodem Regno tollatur. Quod si feceris, salvabis primum tuam, tum vero multorum animas, quae ob dictum Statutum gravi crimine illaqueatae tenentur: Providebis deinde tuo & ipsius Regni honori, quod uti (que) propterea non modicum est notatum: Demum nos ac sedem ipsam semper tuis justis desideriis obli­gabis. Super iis autem omnibus & de nostra intentione plene per literas nostras instructo, dilecto Filio magistro Joanni de Obizis in dicto Regno Nuncio & Collectori nostro, dabis credentiae fidem plenam.

Dat. Rom. die decimo tertio Octobris, Pontificatus nostri Anno decimo.

XXXIX. A Letter to the Parliament upon the same occasion.

MArtinus Episcopus, Servus Servorum Dei, venerabilibus Fratribus & dilectis Filiis, Nobilibus viris Parliamenti Regni Angliae, salu­tem & Apostolicam Benedictionem. Multis nunciis ac frequentibus ex­hortationibus, pro debito pastoralis officii, vos ac Regnum vestrum ha­ctenus admonuimus, ut pro salute animarum vestrarum, & ipsius Regni honore, quoddam detestabile Statutum contra Divinum & Humanum Jus editum, quod sine interitu salutis aeternae nullatenus servari potest, aboleretur. Et quoniam id sine Parliamento tolli non posse, ex parte Charissimi in Christo Filii nostri Henrici Regis Angliae illustris, Dilecto Filio Magistro Juliano Causarum curiae Camerae Apostolicae Auditori, tunc Nuncio nostro, responsum extitit, in quo (quam primum posset) convocato, quod sibi possibile foret pro nostrae Requisitionis execu­tione se facturum, idem Rex pollicitus est, protestans Juribus ac Privi­legiis Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae & Sedis Apostolicae in nullo velle detra­here aut derogare. Nos volentes solita erga vos mansuetudine uti, de­crevimus us (que) ad ipsius Parliamenti tempus expectare, sperantes quod tam Rex juxta suam Regiam Promissionem, quam vos pro salute anima­rum vestrarum, Sancte ac Catholice secundum nostram Requisitionem concludetis. Ita (que) cum Parliamentum (ut fertur) jam instet, vos om­nes, quorum animas nostrae curae Dominus noster Jesus Christus commisit, hortamur, monemus, obsecramus, ut unanimes vestrarum animarum sa­lutem, ac conscientiarum puritatem prae caeteris rebus amantes, praedi­ctum abominabile Statutum (quod qui observat vel observari faciat sal­vari non potest) penitus tollatur, & de Regno in perpetuum abolea­tis. Quod si quis forsitan vobis contrarium persuadere audeat, quicun (que) [Page 100] ille sit, Saecularis vel Ecclesiastici Status, tanquam hostem animarum ve­strarum & honorum, nullatenus audite; nec eum virum Catholicum [...] re­putetis, qui adversus Romanae Ecclesiae Auctoritatem, Juraque & Privi­legia Sedi Apostolicae Divinitus concessa, aliquid machinari praesumpse­rit, quibus ipse Rex vester Illustris nolle ullatenus derogare publice pro­testatus est. Nos quidem ipsi sumus ab omnipotenti Deo Jesu Christo super vos & Universalem Ecclesiam constituti, cujus Doctrinae ac persua­sioni sine ulla contradictione omnimodam fidem vos & quilibet Christia­nus habere debetis: Nos tamen, etsi indignos, oves suas pascere Christus voluit, claves (que) aperiendi ac solvendi Coelos tradidit. Et si quis nos audit, servi Christi testimonium Christianum audit; & si quis nos spe­rnit, Christum spernere convincitur. Et quoniam de vobis ac singulis Christianis in districto Dei Judicio rationem reddituri sumus, ideo vos pro salute vestra tam saepe tam (que) efficaciter admonemus; & ne quisquam sub alicujus damni temporalis praetextu vos ab hac nostra Catholica Doctrina submoveat, ecce nos promptos paratos (que) offerimus, omnibus causis, prop­ter quas dictum Statutum conditum esse praetenditur, salubriter providere, ita ut nec Regno nec cuiquam privatae personae praejudicium aliquod ex ipsius Statuti abolitione possit accidere. Super his omnibus & nostra intentione plene instructo dilecto Filio Magistro Joanni de Obizis, in dicto Regno Nuntio & Collectori nostro, dabitis Credentiae plenam fidem.

Dat. Romae apud Sanctos Apostolos tertio die Octobris, Pontificatus no­stri Anno decimo.

XL. An Instrument of the Speech the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made to the House of Commons about it.

DIe Veneris, penultimo mensis Januarii, Anno Domini secundum cursum & computationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae millesimo quadrin­gentesimo decimo septimo, indictione sexta, Pontificatus Sanctissimi in Christo Patris & Domini nostri Domini Martini Divina Providentia Papae quinti Anno undecimo, Reverendissimi in Christo Patres & Domi­ni, Domini, Henricus Dei Gratia Cantuariensis & Johannes Eboracensis Archiepiscopi, necnon Reverendiss. Patres W. Londinensis, Benedictus Menevensis, Philippus Eliensis, Jochen & W. Norvicensis, Episcopi, & cum eis venerabiles Patres & viri religiosi Westmonasterii & Radingiae Abbates de palatio regio Westmonasteriensi de Camera, viz. Ubi tam Domini Spirituales quam Temporales in Parliamento adtunc tento ne­gotia Regni tractaverint & tractare solebant, recedentes, & dimissis ibi Dominis Temporalibus, in simul transierunt ad viros illos qui pro com­munitate Regni ad Parliamentum hujusmodi venerant in loco solito, viz. in Refectorio Abbatiae Westmonasteriensis praedictae personaliter existentes, & incontinenter eisdem Dominis Spiritualibus cum reveren­tia debita, prout decuit a viris hujusmodi communitatem Regni facien­tibus & repraesentantibus, receptis: Praefatus Reverendissimus Pater Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis causam adventus sui & con-fratrum suorum ad tunc exponere coepit in vulgari; Protestando primitus, & protesta­batur idem Dominus Cantuariensis vice sua & confratrum suorum prae­dictorum, [Page 101] quod pro dicendo tunc ibidem non intendebat ipse Reveren­dissimus Pater, aut aliquis confratrum suorum, Domino Regi Angliae aut Coronae suae vel communitati Regni in aliquo derogare, & sic ad­haerendo Protestationi suae hujusmodi, idem Reverendissimus Pater pro­sequebatur & exposuit solemniter causam adventus sui & con-fratrum suorum, sumpto quasi pro themate, Reddite quae sunt Caesaris, Caesari, & quae sunt Dei Deo. Super quo procedendo, ea quae ad Jurisdictio­nem Ecclesiasticam, & ea quae ad Caesaream pertinebant, notabiliter & ad longum declaravit, materiam Provisionis & pro Statuti illius contra Provisores editi abolitione, cum bona & matura deliberatione prose­quendo, & in processu declarationis hujusmodi jura nonnulla & Sacrae Scripturae Auctoritates convenientes allegavit, pro jure Domini nostri Papae in Provisionibus habendis, sicut Sancti Praedecessores sui summi Pontifices in Regno Angliae & alibi per Universalem Christianitatem habuerunt, ipse (que) Dominus Papa modernus in caeteris Regnis habet & possidet in praesenti: Unde praemissis, Bullis (que) & literis Apostolicis, quas pro hac re idem Dominus Papa jam tarde ad Regnum transmiserat, di­ligenter consideratis, & quod dictus Dominus noster Papa tot Ambassia­tas & nuncios solemnes ad prosequendum jus suum & Ecclesiae libertatem in praemissis, non abs (que) laboribus magnis, periculis & expensis; de Curia Romana ad Regnum Angliae destinavit, idem Reverendissimus Pater Cantuar. Archiepiscopus, nomine suo & confratrum suorum ad tunc ibidem praesentium, & absentium in dicto Parliamento per Procuratores comparentium, ad quos ut asseruit divisim saltem principalis cura anima­rum totius Communitatis Regni pertinere dignoscitur, dictos viros omnes & singulos tunc praesentes, Communitatem (ut praemittitur) repraesen­tantes, requisivit & in Domino exhortabatur, quatenus ob salutem ani­marum suarum totius (que) Regni prosperitatem & pacem, materiam praedi­ctam sic ponderarent, & taliter in eodem Parliamento super eadem deli­berarent, ut Sanctissimus Dominus noster Papa placari, ac Regis zelum ad Sedem Apostolicam totius (que) Regni devotionem in hac parte habere posset materiam commendandi. Et addidit ultra hujusmodi Requisitio­nem & Exhortationem praefatus Reverendissimus Pater Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis; & ex corde, ut apparuit, exposuit lacrymando, pericula per censurarum, viz. Ecclesiasticarum & etiam Interdicti fulminatio­nem, & alias tam Regi quam Regno (quod absit) verisimiliter eventu­ra alia, in casu quo responsio Parliamenti illius, in materia tunc decla­rata, grata non foret Domino Papae & accepta, sic dicendo; Forte vi­detur quibusdam vestrum, quod haec quae Regni Praelatos potissime con­cernunt ex corde non profero, Sciatis pro certo, & in fide, qua Deo teneor & Ecclesiae, affirmo coram vobis, quod magis mihi foret accep­tum nunquam conferre aut etiam habere aliquod beneficium Ecclesiasti­cum, quam aliqua talia pericula seu processus meo tempore in Ecclesiae Anglicanae Scandalum venirent. Ulterius idem Reverendissimus Pater expresse declaravit, qualiter dictus Dominus noster Papa in diversis Bul­lis suis obtulit & promisit, se & Sedem Apostolicam, ad quascun (que) causas & occasiones editionis Statuti praedicti rationabile, remedium apponere, & materias causarum & occasionum hujusmodi Statuti in toto tollere & abolere; & sic Requisitione, Exhortatione & periculorum hujusmodi ex­positione finitis, Reverendissimi Patres Cantuar. & Eborac. Archiepisco­pi, cum confratribus suis Episcopis & Praelatis praedictis, recesserunt, [Page 102] Regni Communitate, seu saltem dictis viris Communitatem Regni re­praesentantibus remanentibus, & circa materiam eis expositam tractanti­bus, praesentibus, & Declarationem, Requisitionem, & Exhortationem, hujusmodi (que) periculorum expositionem per dictum Dominum Archie­piscopum Cantuariensem (ut praemittitur) factas audientibus, vene­rabilibus viris Richardo Coudray Archidiacono Norwici in Ecclesia Norwicensi, Magistro Joanne Forster Canonico Lincolnensi, &c. & Johanne Boold Notario Publico & multis aliis.

Act. 33. Anno Regni vicesimo tertio. XLI. An Act concerning Restraint of payment of Annates to the See of Rome.

FOrasmuch as it is well perceived, by long approved experience, that great and inestimable Sums of Mony have been daily conveyed out of this Realm, to the impoverishment of the same; and specially such sums of Mony as the Pope's Holiness, his Predecessors, and the Court of Rome, by long time have heretofore taken of all and singular those Spi­ritual Persons which have been named, elected, presented, or postula­ted to be Arch-Bishops or Bishops within this Realm of England, under the Title of Annates, otherwise called First-Fruits. Which Annates, or First-Fruits, have been taken of every Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, within this Realm, by restraint of the Pope's Bulls, for Confirmations, Elections, Admissions, Postulations, Provisions, Collations, Dispositi­ons, Institutions, Installations, Investitures, Orders, Holy Benedicti­ons, Palles, or other things requisite and necessary to the attaining of those their Promotions; and have been compelled to pay, before they could attain the same, great Sums of Mony, before they might receive any part of the Fruits of the said Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, whereunto they were named, elected, presented, or postulated; by occasion whereof, not only the Treasure of this Realm hath been greatly conveighed out of the same, but also it hath hapned many times, by occasion of death, unto such Arch-Bishops, and Bishops, so newly pro­moted, within two or three years after his or their Consecration, that his or their Friends, by whom he or they have been holpen to advance and make paiment of the said Annates, or First-Fruits, have been thereby utterly undone and impoverished. And for because the said Annates have risen, grown, and encreased, by an uncharitable Custom, grounded upon no just or good title, and the paiments thereof obtained by restraint of Bulls, until the same Annates, or First-Fruits, have been paied, or Surety made for the same; which declareth the said Paiments to be exacted, and taken by constraint, against all equity and justice. The Noble Men therefore of the Realm, and the Wise, Sage, Politick Commons of the same, assembled in this present Parliament, consider­ing that the Court of Rome ceaseth not to tax, take, and exact the said great Sums of Mony, under the Title of Annates, or First-Fruits, as is aforesaid, to the great damage of the said Prelates, and this Realm; [Page 103] Which Annates, or First-Fruits, were first suffered to be taken within the same Realm, for the only defence of Christian People against the Infidels, and now they be claimed and demanded as mere duty, only for lucre, against all right and conscience. Insomuch that it is evident­ly known, that there hath passed out of this Realm unto the Court of Rome, sithen the second year of the Reign of the most Noble Prince, of famous memory, King Henry the Seventh, unto this present time, under the name of Annates, or First-Fruits, payed for the expedition of Bulls of Arch-Bishopricks and Bishopricks, the sum of eight hundred thou­sand Ducats, amounting in Sterling Mony, at the least, to eightscore thousand pounds, besides other great and intolerable Sums which have yearly been conveighed to the said Court of Rome, by many other ways and means, to the great impoverishment of this Realm. And al­beit, that our said Sovereign the King, and all his natural Subjects, as well Spiritual as Temporal, been as obedient, devout, Catholick and humble Children of God, and Holy Church, as any People be within any Realm christned; yet the said exactions of Annates, or First-Fruits, be so intolerable and importable to this Realm, that it is considered and declared, by the whole Body of this Realm now represented, by all the Estates of the same assembled in this present Parliament, that the King's Highness before Almighty God, is bound, as by the duty of a good Chri­stian Prince, for the conservation and preservation of the good Estate and Common-Wealth of this his Realm, to do all that in him is to obviate, repress, and redress the said abusions and exactions of Annates, or First-Fruits. And because that divers Prelates of this Realm being now in extream Age, and in other debilities of their Bodies▪ so that of likely­hood, bodily death in short time shall or may succeed unto them; by reason whereof great sums of Mony shall shortly after their deaths, be conveighed unto the Court of Rome, for the unreasonable and unchari­table Causes abovesaid, to the universal damage, prejudice, and im­poverishment of this Realm, if speedy remedy be not in due time pro­vided: It is therefore ordained, established, and enacted, by Authori­ty of this present Parliament, That the unlawful paiment of Annates, or First-Fruits, and all manner Contributions for the same, for any Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, or for any Bulls hereafter to be obtained from the Court of Rome, to or for the foresaid purpose and intent, shall from henceforth utterly cease, and no such hereafter to be payed for any Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, within this Realm, other or otherwise than hereafter in this present Act is declared; And that no manner, Per­son, nor Persons hereafter to be named, elected, presented, or postula­ted to any Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, within this Realm, shall pay the said Annates, or First-Fruits, for the said Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, nor any other manner of Sum or Sums of Mony, Pensions or Annates for the same, or for any other like exaction, or cause, upon pain to forfeit to our said Sovereign Lord the King, his Heirs and Suc­cessors, all manner his Goods and Chattels for ever, and all the Tempo­ral Lands and Possessions of the same Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, during the time that he or they which shall offend, contrary to this pre­sent Act, shall have, possess, or enjoy, the Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishop­rick; wherefore he shall so offend contrary to the form aforesaid. And furthermore it is enacted, by Authority of this present Parliament, That [Page 104] if any Person hereafter named and presented to the Court of Rome by the King, or any of his Heirs or Successors, to be Bishop of any See or Diocess within this Realm hereafter, shall be letted, deferred, or delay­ed at the Court of Rome from any such Bishoprick, whereunto he shall be so represented, by means of restraint of Bulls Apostolick, and other things requisite to the same; or shall be denied, at the Court of Rome, upon convenient suit made, any manner Bulls requisite for any of the Causes aforesaid, any such Person or Persons so presented, may be, and shall be, consecrated here in England by the Arch-Bishop, in whose Pro­vince the said Bishoprick shall be, so alway that the same Person shall be named and presented by the King for the time being to the same Arch-Bishoprick: And if any Persons being named and presented, as afore­said, to any Arch-Bishoprick of this Realm, making convenient suit, as is aforesaid, shall happen to be letted, deferred, delayed, or otherwise disturbed from the same Arch-Bishoprick, for lack of Pall, Bulls, or other to him requisite, to be obtained in the Court of Rome in that be­half, that then every such Person named and presented to be Arch-Bishop, may be, and shall be, consecrated and invested, after presenta­tion made, as is aforesaid, by any other two Bishops within this Realm, whom the King's Highness, or any of his Heirs or Successors, Kings of England for the time being, will assign and appoint for the same, accord­ing and in like manner as divers other Arch-Bishops & Bishops have been heretofore, in ancient time by sundry the King's most noble Progenitors, made, consecrated, and invested within this Realm: And that every Arch-Bishop and Bishop hereafter, being named and presented by the King's Highness, his Heirs or Successors, Kings of England, and being consecrated and invested, as is aforesaid, shall be installed accordingly, and shall be accepted, taken, reputed, used, and obeyed, as an Arch-Bishop or Bishop of the Dignity, See, or Place whereunto he so shall be named, presented, and consecrated requireth; and as other like Pre­lates of that Province, See, or Diocess, have been used, accepted, ta­ken, and obeyed, which have had, and obtained compleatly, their Bulls, and other things requisite in that behalf from the Court of Rome. And also shall fully and entirely have and enjoy all the Spiritualities and Temporalities of the said Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, in as large, ample, and beneficial manner, as any of his or their Predecessors had, or enjoyed in the said Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, satisfying and yielding unto the King our Sovereign Lord, and to his Heirs and Suc­cessors, Kings of England, all such Duties, Rights, and Interests, as be­fore this time had been accustomed to be paid for any such Arch-Bishop­rick, or Bishoprick, according to the Ancient Laws and Customs of this Realm, and the King's Prerogative Royal. And to the intent our said Holy Father the Pope, and the Court of Rome, shall not think that the pains and labours taken, and hereafter to be taken, about the writing, sealing, obtaining, and other businesses sustained, and here­after to be sustained, by the Offices of the said Court of Rome, for and about the Expedition of any Bulls hereafter to be obtained or had for any such Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, shall be irremunerated, or shall not be sufficiently and condignly recompensed in that behalf. And for their more ready expedition to be had therein, it is therefore enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That every Spiritual Person of this Realm, [Page 105] hereafter to be named, presented, or postulated, to any Arch-Bishoprick or Bishoprick of this Realm, shall and may lawfully pay for the writing and obtaining of his or their said Bulls, at the Court of Rome, and en­sealing the same with Lead, to be had without payment of any Annates, or First-Fruits, or other charge or exaction by him or them to be made, yielden, or paied for the same, five pounds Sterling, for and after the rate of the clear and whole yearly value of every hundreth pounds Sterling, above all charges of any such Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, or other mony, to the value of the said five pounds, for the clear yearly value of every hundreth pounds of every such Arch-Bishoprick, or Bishoprick, and not above, nor in any other wise, any things in this pre­sent Act before written notwithstanding. And forasmuch as the King's Highness, and this his High Court of Parliament, neither have, nor do intend to use in this, or any other like cause, any manner of extremity or violence, before gentle courtesie or friendship, ways and means first approved and attempted, and without a very great urgent cause and oc­casion given to the contrary, but principally coveting to disburden this Realm of the said great exactions, and intolerable charges of Annates, and First-Fruits, have therefore thought convenient to commit the final order and determination of the Premisses, in all things, unto the King's Highness. So that if it may seem to his high wisdom, and most prudent discretion, meet to move the Pope's Holiness, and the Court of Rome, amicably, charitably, and reasonably, to compound, other to extinct and make frustrate the payments of the said Annates, or First-Fruits; or else by some friendly, loving, and tolerable composition to moderate the same in such wise as may be by this Realm easily born and sustained; That then those ways and compositions once taken, concluded, and agreed, between the Pope's Holiness and the King's Highness, shall stand in strength, force, and effect of Law, inviolably to be observed. And it is also further ordained, and enacted by the Authority of this present Parliament, That the King's Highness at any time, or times, on this side the Feast of Easter, which shall be in the Year of our Lord God, a thousand five hundred and three and thirty, or at any time on this side the beginning of the next Parliament, by his Letters Pattents under his Great Seal, to be made, and to be entred of Record in the Roll of this present Parliament, may and shall have full power and liberty to declare, by the said Letters Patents, whether that the Premisses, or any part, clause, or matter thereof, shall be observed, obeyed, execu­ted, and take place and effect, as an Act and Statute of this present Parliament, or not. So that if his Highness, by his said Letters Patents, before the expiration of the times above-limited, thereby do declare his pleasure to be, That the Premisses, or any part, clause, or matter there­of, shall not be put in execution, observed, continued, nor obeyed, in that case all the said Premisses, or such part, clause, or matter, as the King's Highness so shall refuse, disaffirm, or not ratifie, shall stand and be from henceforth utterly void and of none effect. And in case that the King's Highness, before the expiration of the times afore-pre­fixed, do declare by his said Letters Patents, his pleasure and determi­nation to be, that the said Premisses, or every clause, sentence, and part thereof, that is to say, the whole, or such part thereof as the King's Highness so shall affirm, accept, and ratifie, shall in all points stand, [Page 106] remain, abide, and be put in due and effectual execution, according to the purport, tenour, effect, and true meaning of the same; and to stand and be from henceforth forever after, as firm, stedfast, and avail­able in the Law, as the same had been fully and perfectly established, enacted, and confirmed, to be in every part thereof, immediately, wholly, and entirely executed, in like manner, form, and effect, as other Acts and Laws; The which being fully and determinately made, ordained, and enacted in this present Parliament: And if that upon the foresaid reasonable, amicable and charitable ways and means, by the King's Highness to be experimented, moved, or compounded, or otherwise approved, it shall and may appear, or be seen unto his Grace, that this Realm shall be continually burdened and charged with this, and such other intolerable Exactions and Demands, as heretofore it hath been. And that thereupon, for continuance of the same, our said Holy Father the Pope, or any of his Successors, or the Court of Rome, will, or do, or cause to be done at any time hereafter, so as is above rehear­sed, unjustly, uncharitably, and unreasonably vex, inquiet, molest, trouble, or grieve our said Sovereign Lord, his Heirs or Successors, Kings of England, or any of his or their Spiritual or Lay-Subjects, or this his Realm, by Excommunication, Excomengement, Interdiction; or by any other Process, Censures, Compulsories, Ways, or Means; Be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That the King's Highness, his Heirs and Successors, Kings of England, and all his Spiritual and Lay-Subjects of the same, without any scruples of Conscience, shall and may lawfully, to the honour of Almighty God, the encrease and continuance of vertue and good example within this Realm, the said Censures, Excommunications, Interdictions, Compulsories, or any of them notwithstanding, minister, or cause to be ministred, throughout this said Realm, and all other the Dominions or Territories belonging or appertaining thereunto; All and all manner Sacraments, Sacramen­tals, Ceremonies, or other Divine Services of the Holy Church, or any other thing or things necessary for the health of the Soul of Man­kind, as they heretofore at any time or times have been vertuously used or accustomed to do within the same; and that no manner such Cen­sures, Excommunications, Interdictions, or any other Process or Com­pulsories, shall be by any of the Prelates, or other Spiritual Fathers of this Region, nor by any of their Ministers or Substitutes, be at any time or times hereafter published, executed, nor divulged, nor suffered to be published, executed, or divulged in any manner of ways. Cui quidem Billae praedictae & ad plenum intellectae per dictum Dominum Regem ex assensu & Autoritate Parliamenti praedicti taliter est Responsum.

Le Roy le Volt Soit Baille aux comunes A cest Bille Les comunes sont assentes.

[Page 107]MEmorand. quod nono die Julii, Anno Regni Regis Henrici vi­cesimo quinto, idem Dominus Rex per Literas suas Patentes sub magno sigillo suo sigillat. Actum praedictum ratificavit & confirmavit, & actui illo assensum suum regium dedit, prout per easdem Literas Pa­tentes, cujus tenor sequitur in haec verba, magis apte constat.

Here follows the King's Ratification, in which the Act is again recited and ratified.

XLII. The King's last Letter to the Pope. A Duplicate.

To the Pope's Holiness, 1532.

AFter most humble commendations,Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 13. and most devout kissing of your blessed Feet. Albeit that we have hitherto differred to make answer to those Letters dated at Bonony, the 7th day of October; which Letters of late were delivered unto us by Paul of Cassali: Yet when they appear to be written for this Cause, that we deeply considering the Contents of the same, should provide for the tranquillity of our own Conscience, and should purge such Scruples and Doubts conceived of our Cause of Matrimony; We could neither neglect those Letters sent for such a purpose, nor after that we had diligently examined and perpended the effects of the same, which we did very diligently, no­ting, conferring, and revolving every thing in them contained, with deep study of mind, pretermit ne leave to answer unto them. For sith that your Holiness seemeth to go about that thing chiefly, which is to van­quish those Doubts, and to take away inquietations which daily do prick our Conscience; insomuch as it doth appear at the first sight to be done of Zeal, Love, and Piety, we therefore do thank you of your good will. Howbeit sith it is not performed in Deed, that ye pretend, we have thought it expedient to require your Holiness to provide us other Remedies; wherefore forasmuch as your Holiness would vouchsafe to write unto us concerning this Matter, we heartily thank you, greatly lamenting also both the chance of your Holiness, and also ours, unto whom both twain it hath chanced in so high a matter of so great mo­ment to be frustrated and deceived; that is to say, That your Holiness not being instructed, nor having knowledg of the Matter, of your self, should be compelled to hang upon the Judgment of others, and so put forth and make answers, gathered of other Men, being variable and re­pugnant among themselves. And that we being so long sick, and exagi­tate with this same Sore, should so long time in vain look for Remedy; which when we have augmented our aegritude and distress, by delay and protracting of time, ye do so cruciate the Patient and Afflicted, as who seeth it should much avail to protract the Cause, and thorough vain hope of the end of our desire to lead us whither ye will. But to speak plainly to your Holiness; Forasmuch as we have suffered many Injuries, which with great difficulty we do sustain and digest; albeit [Page 108] that among all things passed by your Holiness, some cannot be laid, alledged, nor objected against your Holiness, yet in many of them some default appeareth to be in you, which I would to God we could so di­minish, as it might appear no default; but it cannot be hid, which is so manifest, and tho we could say nothing, the thing it self speaketh. But as to that that is affirmed in your Letters, both of God's Law, and Man's, otherwise than is necessary and truth, let that be ascribed to the temerity and ignorance of your Counsellors, and your Holiness to be without all default, save only for that ye do not admit more discreet and learned Men to be your Counsellors, and stop the mouths of them which liberally would speak the Truth. This truly is your default, and verily a great fault, worthy to be alienate and abhorred of Christ's Vi­car, in that ye have dealt so variably, yea rather so inconstantly and deceivably. Be ye not angry with my words, and let it be lawful for me to speak the Truth without displeasure; if your Holiness shall be displeased with that we do rehearse, impute no default in us, but in your own Deeds; which Deeds have so molested and troubled us wrongful­ly, that we speak now unwillingly, and as enforced thereunto. Never was there any Prince so handled by a Pope, as your Holiness hath in­treated us. First; When our Cause was proponed to your Holiness, when it was explicated and declared afore the same; when certain Doubts in it were resolved by your Counsellors, and all things discus­sed, it was required that answer might be made thereunto by the order of the Law. There was offered a Commission, with a promise also that the same Commission should not be revoked; and whatsoever Sen­tence should be given, should streight without delay be confirmed. The Judges were sent unto us, the Promise was delivered to us, subscribed with your Holiness's hand; which avouched to confirm the Sentence, and not to revoke the Commission, nor to grant any thing else that might lett the same; and finally to bring us in a greater hope, a certain Commission Decretal, defining the Cause, was delivered to the Judges hands. If your Holiness did grant us all these things justly, ye did in­justly revoke them; and if by good and truth the same was granted, they were not made frustrate nor annihilate without fraud; so as if there were no deceit nor fraud in the Revocation, then how wrongfully and subtilly have been done those things that have been done! Whether will your Holiness say, That ye might do those things that ye have done, or that ye might not do them? If ye will say that ye might do them, where then is the Faith which becometh a Friend, yea, and much more a Pope to have, those things not being performed, which lawfully were promised? And if ye will say that ye might not do them, have we not then very just cause to mistrust those Medicines and Remedies with which in your Letters ye go about to heal our Conscience, espe­cially in that we may perceive and see those Remedies to be prepared for us, not to relieve the Sickness and Disease of our Mind, but for other means, pleasures, and worldly respects? And as it should seem profitable, that we should ever continue in hope or despair, so always the Remedy is attempted; so that we being always a-healing, and never healed, should be sick still. And this truly was the chief cause why we did consult and take the advice of every Learned Man, being free, without all affection, that the Truth (which now with our labour and [Page 109] study we seem partly to have attained) by their judgments more mani­festly divulged, we might more at large perceive; whose Judgments and Opinions it is easy to see how much they differ from that, that those few Men of yours do shew unto you, and by those your Letters is signified. Those few Men of yours do affirm the prohibition of our Marriage to be inducted only by the Law positive, as your Holiness hath also written in your Letters; but all others say the prohibition to be inducted, both by the Law of God and Nature: Those Men of yours do suggest, that it may be dispensed for avoiding of slanders; The others utterly do con­tend, that by no means it is lawful to dispence with that, that God and Nature hath forbidden. We do separate from our Cause the Authority of the See Apostolick, which we do perceive to be destitute of that Learning whereby it should be directed; and because your Holiness doth ever profess your ignorance, and is wont to speak of other Mens mouths, we do confer the sayings of those, with the sayings of them that be of the contrary Opinion; for to confer the Reasons it were too long. But now the Universities of Cambridg, Oxford, in our Realms; Paris, Orleance, Biturisen, Andegavon, in France; and Bonony in Italy, by one consent; and also divers other of the most famous and Learned Men, being freed from all affection, and only moved in respect of veri­ty, partly in Italy, and partly in France, do affirm the Marriage of the Brother with the Brother's Wife, to be contrary both to the Law of God and Nature; and also do pronounce that no Dispensation can be lawful or available to any Christian Man in that behalf: But o­thers think the contrary, by whose Counsels your Holiness hath done that, that sithence ye have confessed ye could not do, in promi­sing to us as we have above rehearsed, and giving that Commission to the Cardinal Campege to be shewed unto us; and after, if it so should seem profitable to burn it, as afterwards it was done indeed as we have perceived. Furthermore, those which so do moderate the Power of your Holiness, that they do affirm, That the same cannot take away the Appellation which is used by Man's Law, and yet is available to Divine Matters every-where without distinction. No Princes heretofore have more highly esteemed, nor honoured the See Apostolick than we have; wherefore we be the more sorry to be provoked to this contention, which to our usage and nature is most alienate and abhorred. Those things so cruel we write very heavily, and more glad would have been, to have been silent if we might, and would have left your Authority untouched with a good will, and constrained to seek the verity, we fell, against our Will, into this contention; but the sincerity of the Truth prohibited us to keep silence, and what should we do in so great and many perplexities? For truly if we should obey the Letters of your Holiness, in that they do affirm that we know to be otherwise, we should offend God and our Conscience, and we should be a great slander to them that do the contrary, which be a great number, as we have before rehearsed: Also, if we should dissent from those things which your Holiness doth pronounce, we would account it not lawful, if there were not a Cause to defend the Fact, as we now do, being compelled by ne­cessity, lest we should seem to contemn the Authority of the See Apostolick. Therefore your Holiness ought to take it in good part, tho we do somewhat at large and more liberally speak in this Cause, [Page 110] which doth so oppress us, specially forasmuch as we pretend none a­trocity, nor use no rethorick in the exaggerating and encreasing the indignity of the Matter; but if I speak of any thing that toucheth the quick, it proceedeth of the meer verity, which we cannot nor ought not to hide in this Cause, for it toucheth not Worldly Things but Di­vine, not frail but eternal; in which things no feigned, false, nor pain­ted Reasons, but only the Truth, shall obtain and take place: and God is the Truth to whom we are bound to obey rather than to Men; and nevertheless we cannot but obey unto Men also, as we were wont to do, unless there be an express cause why we should not; which by those our Letters we now do to your Holiness: and we do it with charity, not intending to spread it abroad, nor yet further to impugn your Autho­rity, unless ye do compel us; albeit also, that that we do, doth not impugne your Authority, but confirmeth the same, which we revocate to its first foundations; and better it is in the middle way to return, than always to run forth head-long and do ill. Wherefore if your Holiness do regard or esteem the tranquillity of our Mind, let the same be esta­blished with verity, which hath been brought to light by the consent of so many Learned Men; So shall your Holiness reduce and bring us to a certainty and quietness, and shall deliver us from all anxiety, and shall provide both for us and our Realm, and finally shall do your Office and Duty. The residue of our Affairs we have committed to our Am­bassadours to be propounded unto you, to whom we beseech your Ho­liness to give credence, &c.

XLIII. A Promise made for engaging the Cardinal of Ravenna. An Original.

Rome, Februar. 7. 1532.

Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 13.EGo Willielmus Benet Serenissimi Domini mei D. Henrici Octavi Angliae, &c. Regis, in Romana Curia Orator, habens ad inscripta ab ipso Rege potestatem & facultatem, prout constat per ipsius Maje­statis Literas Patentes datas in Regia sua Greenewici die penultima De­cemb. M. D. XXXI. manu sua propria suprascriptas, & secreto sigillo suo sigillatas; Quoniam in ipsius Regis arduis negotiis expertus sum sin­gularem & praeclaram operam Reverendissimi in Christo Patris & Domi­ni D. Henrici Sancti Eusebii S. R. E. Presbyteri Cardinalis Ravennae, quibus & deinceps uti cupio, ut eandem semper voluntatem & operam sua Dominatio Reverendissima erga ipsum regem praestet, libere promit­to eidem Cardinali nomine dicti mei Regis, quod sua Majestas provideri faciet eidem Cardinali, de aliquo Monasterio seu Monasteriis aut aliis beneficiis Ecclesiasticis in Regno Galliae primo vacaturis, us (que) ad valorem annuum sex millium ducatorum: Et insuper promitto quod Rex Angliae praedictus praesentabit, seu nominabit eundem Cardinalem ad Ecclesiam Cathedralem primo quovis modo vacaturam, seu & ad praesens vacan­tem, in Regno Angliae, & de illa ei provideri faciet; & casu quo Eccle­sia primo vacatura hujusmodi, ceu ad praesens vacans, non sit Ecclesia [Page 111] Eliensis, promitto etiam quod succedente postea vacatione Ecclesiae Elien­sis, Rex Angliae transferri faciet eundem Cardinalem, si ipsi Cardinali magis placuerit, ab illa alia Ecclesia de qua provisus erit, ad Ecclesiam Elien­sem: & dictorum Monasteriorum & Beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum in Regno Galliae, & Ecclesiae Cathedralis in Regno Angliae possessionem pa­cificam, cum fructuum perceptione, ipsum Cardinalem assequi faciet: Et haec omnia libere promitto, quod Rex meus supradictus plenissime & sine ulla prorsus exceptione ratificabit & observabit & exequetur; in quorum fidem praesentes manu mea propria scripsi & subscripsi, sigillo (que) munivi.

Dat. Rom. die septimo Februarii, M. D. XXXII.

XLIV. Bonner's Letter about the proceedings at Rome. An Original.This is all written with his own hand, and was sent over by him to the King.

Rome, April 29. 1532.

PLeaseth it your Highness; This is to advertise the same,Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 13. That sithen we William Benet, Edward Karne, and Edmond Bonner, sent our Letters of the 7th of this present to your Highness; There hath been two Disputations publick, the one the 13th of this, the other the 20th day of the same, according to the order given and assigned, which was three Conclusions to be disputed every Consistory; and what was spo­ken, as well by your Highness's Counsel, for the justification of the Con­clusion purposed the said 13th, as also for the impugnation thereof by the Party adverse, with Answers made thereunto by your Highness's said Counsel as fully as were any wise deduced, your said Highness shall perceive by the Books sent herewithal containing the same; and also the Justifications, Objections, and Answers, made in the 6th of this pre­sent, according as I Edward Karne in my said Letters promised. The Copies of all the which Justifications, Objections, and Answers, after that they were fully noted and deduced in writing, and maturely con­sidered by your Highness's Learned Counsel, I Edward Karne did bring to the Pope's Holiness, and to the Cardinals, for their better informa­tion; and likewise did of the first, alwise afore the Consistory, according to the order assigned at the beginning; looking in likewise that the Queen's Counsel should do this same, but as yet they have done nothing therein, tho your Ambassadors and I have called upon the Pope many times for the same. And as concerning such things as were spoken and done for either part in the Disputation of the 20th day, it is not possi­ble for us, by reason of the shortness of time, to reduce all in good or­der, and to send the same to your Highness at this time; nevertheless with all speed it shall be made ready, and sent to your Highness by the next Courier. After the Disputation done, the said 13th day of this present, the Advocate of the Party adverse did alledg, That we did seek this Disputation but only to defer the Process; protesting therefore, That the Queen's Counsel would dispute no more; and desiring therefore the Pope's Holiness, and the whole Consistory, to make Process in the prin­cipal Cause. Whereunto I Edward Karne said, That the Pope's Holiness, with the whole Senate, had granted the Disputations upon the Matters, and given an order that the Conclusions published should be disputed according to the same. Whereupon I desired that forasmuch as there [Page 112] remained sixteen Conclusions not disputed, (which to propose and ju­stify, with your Highness's Counsel, I would be ready at all times) that if the Party adverse knowing the Conclusions to be Canonical, would not confess them, and thereby avoid Disputations, that then the said Party should dispute them, and upon the refusal of both the same, the Mat­ters excusatories to be admitted byhis Holiness, especially because the said Party adverse hath nothing material that could be percei­ved to lett the same. The Pope's Holiness answered, That he would deliberate upon the demand of both Parties. The 16th of this present, the Datary on the Pope's behalf sent unto me Edward Karne an Inti­mation for disputation of the Consistory to be kept the 20 of this present, and that I should send the Conclusions not disputed, that they might be in the said Consistory disputed; adding withal, that the said Consi­story should be, ultimus & peremptorius terminus quoad alias Disputatio­nes. Of the which Intimation your Highness shall receive a Copy here­with. Upon this, with the advice of your Ambassadors and Counsel here, I repaired unto the said Datary, and brought unto him three Con­clusions to be disputed, with a Protestation, De non recedendo ab ordine hactenus observato, according to the Proem of the said Conclusions, the Copy whereof your Highness shall receive herewith. Afterwards, with the same Conclusions and Protestation, I went to Cardinal de Monte, who said, at the beginning, That all the Consistory crieth out upon the Disputations, and that we had been heard sufficiently, and that it was enough that we should have the fourth Disputation; adding withal, That it was a thing never seen before after such sort; and that it stood not with the honour of the See to have such Disputations in the Consistory, to the great disquieting of the Pope and the Cardi­nals, especially considering the manner that is used, and that all the Conclusions be touched which should content us. To this I answered, and desired his most Reverend Lordship to call to his remembrance, what he had promised to your Highness's Ambassadors and me, in the Castel-Angel upon Shrove-Sunday, the Pope being present, and allowing the same, contented that all the Conclusions should be disputed singula­riter; and that I should at my pleasure, from time to time, chuse the Conclusions to be disputed. And how also afterward, viz. 17 Febr. the Pope's Holiness, Cardinal Ancona, and his Lordship, not going from that promise, gave direction for three Conclusions to be disputed every Consistory; the choice whereof to be at my liberty (according to the Copy of the said Order which I sent to your Highness with my Letters, of the date of the 22 of the last): And furthermore, that what time the order to dispute three Conclusions in a Consistory was sent unto me, and I required to send the Conclusions first to be disputed accor­ding to the said order; I did, to avoid all manner of doubts, protest afore I would accept it, and in the deliverance of the said Conclusions, that I would not otherwise accept it, but that all the Conclusions, ac­cording to the order promised in Castel-Angel, should be disputed and examined singulariter, and that standing, and not otherwise, I delivered my said Conclusions according to the Order of the 17th of February; which Order the Pope's Holiness hitherto had approved and observed, and from that I neither could nor would go from: And where he said that we had been heard sufficiently; I said, that Audience and Infor­mation [Page 113] of less than the one half of a Matter could not be sufficient; and if they intended to see the truth of the whole, every point must be discussed. And as for the crying out of the Cardinals, I said, They had no cause so to do, for it was more for the honour of the See Apo­stolick, to see such a Cause as this is, well and surely tried, so that the Truth may appear, and the Matters be well known, than to proceed praecipitanter, as they did at the beginning of this Matter, afore they well knew what the Matter was. And as touching the disquieting the Pope's Holiness, and the said Cardinals, I said, your Highness for their pains was much beholden unto them; nevertheless, I said, that they might on the other side ponder such pains as your Highness hath taken for them, in part declared by me; which was much more than for them to sit in their Chairs two or three hours in a week, to hear the justice of your defence in this cause. And as touching the manner used in the said Disputation, I said, his Lordship knew well that it was by the Party ad­verse, which all manner of ways goeth about to fatigate and make wea­ry the Consistory of the Disputations, specially in chiding, scolding, and alledging Laws and Decisions that never were, nor spoken of by any Doctor, and vainly continuing the time, to the intent that the Pope's Holiness, and the Cardinals, dissolving the Consistory, and not giving audience, the said Party, without Law, Reason, or any good ground, might attain their desire, and keep under the Truth, that it should not appear; and if any thing was sharply spoken of our Party, I said it was done only for our defence, and to shew the errors and falsity of the Queen's Advocates in their Allegations, wherein, I said, they should not be spared. And forasmuch as on the behalf of your High­ness there was nothing spoken but that which was grounded upon Law, and declared in what place, so that it cannot be denied; I desired his Lordship that he would continue his goodness in this Matter, as your Highness's especial trust was he would do; and that we might always, as we were accustomed, have recourse unto the same in all our Business for his good help and counsel. His Lordship not yet satisfied, said, That as concerning the Order, the Pope's Holiness might interpretate and de­clare what he meaned by it; and as touching the Conclusions, they were superfluous, impertinent, and calumnious, only proposed to defer the Matter. I answered, and said, That to interpretate the said Order, where it is clear out of doubt, the Pope's Holiness considering the promise made on Shrove-Sunday, with my Protestation foresaid, and the execu­tion of the said Order to that time, in divers Consistories observed, could not by right interpretate the said Order, admitting disputation upon all the Conclusions; and of this I said, That if such alterations were made, without any cause given of your Highness's Party, there was little certainty to be reckoned upon amongst them. And as touching the superfluity and impertinency of the said Conclusions, I said, That that was the saying of the Party adverse, that did not under­stand the same Conclusions. And further, that such Conclusions as were clamorously, by the Advocates of the Party adverse, alledged to be superfluous, his Lordship in the Disputation and trial thereof in the Consistory, did manifestly perceive that it was not so. And where it was alledged the said Conclusions to be calumnious, and laid in to de­fer the Process. I answered, That we might well alledg again the [Page 114] Counsel of the Party adverse, the thing against us alledged, and say truly, that we were calumniously dealed withal, seeing the matters were so just and clear, and yet not admitted. Then his Lordship went fur­ther, and said, that Impedimentum allegatum erat perpetuum, because your Highness, ex causa reipublicae, could not come out your Realm, and quia dignitas vestra est perpetua; and also quod Causa requirit celeritatem. To this, I said, that his Lordship mistook the Matter, for we said not in the Matters that your Highness could not go out of your Realm to no place, but we said, that the same could not go, ad loca tam remota, as Rome is; so that it was not perpetuum impedimentum. And to the other I shew­ed him a Text, and the common opinion of Doctors in a Cause of Ma­trimony, being inter Regem & Reginam, which took away the thing that he had said. Then his Lordship said, That it was enough that the place were sure to the Procurator by the Chapter, Cum olim de testibus. I said, That that Chapter did not prove that Allegation, and that they mistook the Text that so did understand it, for the Alternative that is in that Text is not referred ad locum tutum, but ad ordinem Citationis in­choandae in persona principali, aut ejus procuratore; and so Petrus de An­chorano understandeth that Text; and otherwise understanding the same it should be against the Chapter, Ex parte de appellatione, and the com­mon opinion there. Then he said that Aretine saith, Quod sufficit quum locus sit tutus procuratori. I said, that under his favour, Aretine saith the contrary, for he saith, Quod partibus debet locus tutus assignari si poterit, & si non poterit partibus, detur procuratoribus. Then his Lordship said to me, That I knew well he began to set forward these Disputations, and that he would do the best he could for the furtherance thereof.

The 19th of this present I went with your Highness's Ambassadors to the Pope, and delivered his Holiness in writing those things that were done in the Disputation of the 13th of this: And then your Ambassa­dors were in hand with the Pope to alter the Intimation, and to put out the term peremptory, and other that were exclusory of further Disputa­tions to be had upon the same Conclusions. The Pope's Holiness said, That Disputations was no act Judicial requiring to be in the Consistory; and therefore he said, he would call certain Congregations of Cardi­nals, on Friday and Monday following, to hear the Disputations. Then I William Benet said, That that could not stand very well with the De­cree of the Intimation, which was peremptory for any further Disputa­tions after the 20th of this present; and therefore I spake that the same term peremptory might be put out of the Intimation, alledging withal, that upon the said Friday or Monday it was no time to hear the Disputa­tion, being so nigh after; and that his Holiness hitherto hath observed the Consistory for the Disputations, which Consistory cannot be unto after Easter, if the manner of the Court be observed. Then the Pope said, he might call a Consistory when he would, as he hath done in making of Cardinals, an Act much more solemn than a Disputation. To that, I said, his Holiness might so do if he would; howbeit, it should be praeter solitum morem: and therefore desired his Holiness to consider therein the order before assigned, and that this term peremptory would not stand with the order. His Holiness then willed we should inform the Cardinals, Anchona, and de Monte, and so we did; Anchona shewed himself somewhat reasonable, and was contented the term peremptory [Page 115] should be put out. De Monte said that the Pope would promise to hear the Conclusions disputed in Congregations, calling thereto certain Car­dinals, so that the term peremptory should not be prejudicial. Then I Edward Karne desired him, that if the said term should not be prejudi­cial, that it might be stricken out, for I told him plainly that I would not stand to words, the writing shewing the contrary; adding withal, that I would not dispute in this term, tanquam peremptorio, but would mani­festly shew and protest, That I, with other your Highness's Counsel, were ready to defend the Conclusions published, according to the order given, and hitherto observed; alledging also, that the Conclusions be­ing justified, the Matters ought to be admitted; and that if the Pope's Holiness and the Cardinals would not give audience to me and your Highness's said Counsel, for the manifest trial and showing of the truth, they should give us cause to complain upon them, and to cry out, usque ad Sidera, your Highness's Ambassadors all affirming the same. Then the said Cardinal de Monte said, that the Pope's Holiness would provide for the Disputations, notwithstanding the term peremptory assigned, and said also, that in the Morning he would speak with the Pope, and give your Ambassadors and me an answer.

In the morning, which was the 20th of this present, the said Cardi­nal would, that nothing of the Decree of Intimation should be mani­fested, because the other part had a Copy thereof, but would the Pope's Holiness to give an order that the word peremptory should be only for Disputations to be had in the Consistory, and not in Congregations, in which Congregations, the Conclusions remaining might be disputed; and tho they had drawn out this Order, yet because it was nothing plain, neither certain to be conformable to the former Order, I would have had the said Cardinal to speak to the said Datary for to make it as afore: and he was then contented, howbeit the Pope's Holiness commanded all the Cardinals to their places, so that I could not have the said Order, and was driven thereby either to dispute and accept the term, tanquam peremptorium, or else to fly the Disputations, giving occasion to the ad­verse Party to say, that I diffided in the justness of the Matters, and de­fence of the Conclusions. Whereupon your Highness's Ambassadors and we, with other your Learned Counsel, concluded, that I Edward Karne should protest, De non consentiendo in termino, tanquam perempto­rio, and afterward to proceed to the proposing of the Conclusions, and so I did by mouth according to the tenour of a Copy, which here with­al your Highness shall receive. When I had protested, and the Pope had spoken this word Acceptamus, the Queen's Advocate began to protest that they would dispute no more, and desired his Holiness to proceed in the principal Cause. Then I Edward Karne said, That the Pope's Holiness did well perceive, that the Conclusions were published and proposed, not only for them to dispute, but also for all other, come who would, for the information of his Holiness, and the whole Consistory. And therefore I said, that tho they would not dispute, yet I was there, with other your Highness's Learned Counsel, to propose the Conclusions, according to the Order given, justifying them to be Canonical, and ready to defend them against all those that would gain­say them; and thereupon desired the Pope's Holiness, that tho the Counsel of the Party Adverse would not dispute, yet I with your [Page 116] Highness's Learned Counsel might be heard again; against which my de­sire the Queen's Advocate made great exclamations, till at the last the Pope commanded him to silence, and willed us to go to the Conclusions, which we did.

And here now it is determined, That we shall have no more Dispu­tations in the Consistory, but the rest of the Conclusions to be disputed in Congregations before the Pope, purposely made for the same; and what therein shall be determined or done, your Highness from time to time shall thereof by us be advertised, and of all other our doings in that behalf.

And as concerning the Letters which your Highness sent by Francis the Courier, of the last of February, as well to the Pope, as to me Ed­ward Karne, for the admission of me and the Matter excusatory, we shall, according to your Highness's pleasure and order assigned, in the common Letter sent unto us by your said Highness, proceed and do therein as may be most beneficial and profitable for the same.

And thus most humbly we commend us to your Highness, beseeching Almighty God to preserve the same in felicity and health many years.

At Rome the 28th of March 1532.
Your Highness's most humble Subjects, Servants, and Chaplains,
  • William Benet,
  • Edward Karne,
  • Edmond Bonner.

XLV. Another Letter concerning the Process at Rome. An Original.

Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 13.PLeaseth it your Highness, sithen our Letters of the 23 of March, here hath been great labour, and solliciting, to bring the Dispu­tation publick out of the Consistory kept once in the week, into the Congregations, to be observed and kept before the Pope's Holiness and the Cardinals, in such place, and as oft as should please them; to the in­tent, as we perceived, that the said Disputation might be the sooner ended, and not take such effect as it was devised for. And upon this great importune labour, I, Edward Karne, was monished oftentimes to send Conclusions to be proposed in the said Congregations, as well in Palm-Sunday week, as in Easter-week, as appeareth by the Copies of the Intimations sent herewithal to your Highness: Upon which Intima­tions I delivered certain Conclusions, according to the order taken at the beginning, with a Protestation devised by your Grace's Counsel here, De non recedendo ab eodem ordine, & de proponendo easdem Conclusiones [Page 117] in Consistorio, juxta eundem ordinem & non aliter. That notwithstanding the Pope's Holiness caused me to be monished again, cum Comminatione, that if I would not come in, cum Advocatis, the third day of April, procederet ad ulteriora protestatione me a praevia non obstante. Whereupon, with the advice of your said Learned Counsel, I conceived a Protesta­tion, and the same delivered to the Pope's Holiness the said third day in the morning, protesting as it was therein contained, and causing it to be registred by the Datary; of the which Protestation your Highness shall also receive a Copy herewithal. This notwithstanding, the Pope's Holiness, the said third day in the afternoon made a Congregation, where the said Protestation was examined; and after the Treaty had upon the same, we were in conclusion remitted again to the Consistory, there to be heard, as much as the Consistory intendeth to hear, upon the Conclusions that are published; which was much more beneficial to us, than to have had all proposed in Congregations to have been kept, as is afore. And by this means the Matter was shifted off, and deferred unto the 10th of this month; at which time the Pope's Holiness kept the Consistory. And one Mr. Providal, a singular good Clerk, which came from Bonony for the furtherance of your Highness's Cause, very compendiously, and after good fashion and handling, to the great con­tentation, as appeared, of the Audience there, purposed three Conclusi­ons, of the which two concerned the habilitation of me Edward Karne, to lay in the Matters Excusatory: And the third was, that the Cause ought to be committed, extra curiam, ad locum tutum utrique parti: Of the which Conclusions, and also his Sayings, the said 10th day, your High­ness shall receive a Copy here-withal. And forasmuch as at the said Consistory, neither the Imperials, neither yet the Queens Counsel did appear; I, Edward Karne, with the advice of your Highness's Counsel, said to the Pope's Holiness, after the Proposition made by Mr. Providel, that his Holiness might perceive well, that if the Party adverse had any good matter to alledg, against such things as were deduced for the ju­stification of the Conclusions, and matter Excusatory, and did not dif­fide of their part, they would not have absented themselves, or shrun­ken from the Disputations, which they afore had accepted and taken; wherefore I accused their contumacy and absence, desiring that it might be enacted, and thereupon departed from the Consistory, for that day dissolved.

The 14th of this present, the Pope's Holiness caused Intimation to be made unto me, of the Consistory to be kept the 17th of the same; willing me to be there, cum Advocatis, to dispute all the Conclusions not proposed and disputed: Upon the which Intimation, I delivered to the Datary three Conclusions, the 19, the 20, and the 21 in order, with a Protestation devised by your Learned Counsel, sent here-withal to your Highness: And in the said Consistory, Mr. Providel did also alledg for the justification of the Matters and Conclusions; and over that an­swered to such Objections as he thought the Party adverse to make foundation upon, and that very compendiously, being sorry that the Imperials, and Queen's Counsel, did not come in to dispute the said Conclusions, and the sayings of the said Mr. Providel in the said Consi­story, with my Protestation also, in not agreeing to the term, as peremptory, your Highness shall perceive in writing sent here-withal.

[Page 118]As concerning the seven Conclusions yet remaining undisputed, we think the Pope's Holiness will hear us no further in the Consistory; saying, that the Part adverse will not abide the Disputations, nor come in to the same: Nevertheless to take otherwise out of the Consistory, with the Cardinals Information, his Holiness is well contented.

And verily, Sir, to study, labour, set forward, and call upon such things as may confer to the advancement of the Matter, and your High­ness's Purpose, there shall not want, neither good will, neither dili­gen [...] to the uttermost, that we can excogitate or desire, as hitherto surely neither Party hath failed; trusting in God that thereby, if Ju­stice be not oppressed, some good effect shall follow, to the good con­tentation of your Highness. With these Presents, your Highness shall also receive a Copy of all things that were spoken, as well for your Highness's behalf, as by the Party adverse, in the Consistory, the 20th day of March.

And thus most humbly we commend us to your Highness, beseeching Almighty God long to continue the same in his most Royal Estate.

At Rome, the 29th of April.
Your Highness's most humble Subjects, and poor Servants, Edward Karne. Edmond Bonner.

XLVI. A Letter from Benet and Cassali about the Process. An Original.

SErenissime & Invictissime Domine noster Supreme, salutem. Tribus Superioribus Consistoriis ante vacationes habitis,Cotton Libr. Vitel. B. 13. de Causa Excusato­ria actum fuit; sed quid illud fuerit quod in primo egerunt rescire non potuimus, quia Cardinales poena Excommunicationis prohibiti fuerant quicquam revelare. Secundo etiam aliquid super eadem causa tractarunt, quod itidem nos celaverunt. Sed ultimo illo, quod die octavo Julii Congre­gatum fuit, ita ut inferius patebit, constituerunt. Quum ergo postero die Pontificem adivissemus, ut quod decretum foret cognosceremus, ab eo sic accepimus; nolle se ore suo, propterea quod Jurisperitus non sit, Consistorii deliberationem pronunciare; quocirca die sequenti ad ip­sum rediremus, quoniam vellet Cardinales Montem & Anconitanum id ipsum nobis proferre: Et nihilominus idem quod deinde ex ipsis Cardi­nalibus audivimus tunc explicavit, noluit tamen nobis esse Responsi lo­co. Igitur sicut dixerat, redivimus, & nobis duo illi Cardinales sic retulerunt summum Dominum & Cardinales decrevisse, literas Exhorta­torias cum a Pontifice, tum a Collegio Cardinalium, Majestati vestrae scri­bendas [Page 119] esse, quibus vestram Majestatem adhortarentur, ut velit hic ad Causam Procuratorem constituere, id (que) per totum Octobrem proximum facere. Pontifex praeterea suadebat ut ad idem nos Majestatem Vestram cohortaremur, iidem (que) fecerunt Cardinales, volentes omnes ambiguitates & dubitationes tollere. Respondimus, velle quod nobis injungebatur Ma­jestati Vestrae scribere; verum illud non posse reticere quod erga Maje­statem Vestram inique actum videbatur; quum ne (que) Excusator admissus, ne (que) ipsius allegationes forent probatae ac receptae, id quod tam saepe in­stantissime petitum fuerat. Praeterea non posse nos non valde mirari, ac etiam summopere conqueri, quod quum pro comperto haberemus juris esse id fieri, esset nihilominus denegatum; quum praesertim pe­tendo Mandatum procuratorium, tacite viderentur rejicere Excusato­rem, & per ipsum allegata. Sic autem illi nobis Responderunt, neque Excusatorem fuisse rejectum, ne (que) per ipsum allegata, sed in eodem, quo prius, statu permanere; hoc autem excusatorium negotium minime, ut nobis judicibus clarum, sed dubium videri. Ibi (que) Anconitanus quae­dam nostris contraria adduxit, quae D. Karne suis literis recenset. Dice­bant quo (que) in hac re favorabilius nos, quam adversarios fuisse tractatos; illud etiam addentes, quod si procuratorium mandatum mittatur, justi­tia optime ministrabitur, ac etiam quatenus fieri possit, favorabiliter; id­que & Pontifex & Cardinales ambo constanter asseverabant. Quum ve­ro nos saepius diceremus, excusatorem admitti debuisse, dixerunt, si recte considerare velimus, nos idem ipsum re habuisse; si enim (ai­bant), Procurator hic constituatur, literae Remissoriae & Compulso­riae decernentur, ad testes in partibus examinandos. Item (que) vir aliquis probus ad id delegabitur ad utram (que) partem, testesque scil. examinan­dos, ita ut processus in partibus fiat; Atque hoc pacto nos id consequi quod desideramus, quoniam quod ad totius causae decisionem pertinet, ex eo quod de Pontificis potestate cognoscendum, & de jure Divino dis­ceptandum sit, ac aliis etiam de causis, ipsam Decisionem Pontifici in­tegram semper reservari nihilominus oporteret, quamvis causam alibi quam Romae cognosci permissum fuisset. Nobis certe visum est, haud parum esse quod obtinuimus, longe enim pejora timebamus, quum ne­mo in urbe esset, qui non crederet Excusatorem una cum suis allegatio­nibus rejectum iri. Hunc quidem eventum rei Caesariani aegerrime tule­runt. Optime valeat Majestas Vestra.

Romae die 13 Julii 1532.
Vestrae Regiae Majestatis Hier. Episcopus Wigornien. W. Benet. Gregorio Cassali.

XLVII. The Sentence of Divorce.

Anno Incarnationis millesimo quingentesimo tricesimo tertio, Indictione sexta, Clementis Papae decimo, mensis Maii vicesimo tertio, in Ecclesia Conventuali Monasterii Sancti Petri Dunstabliae, Ordinis Sancti Augustini Lincoln. Dioces. nostri Cantuarien. Provinciae.

In an Inspexi­mus Rot. Pat. 25. Reg. 2d. Pa [...]t.IN Dei Nomine, Amen. Nos Thomas Permissione Divina Cantua­rien. Archiepiscopus, totius Angliae Primas, & Apostolicae Sedis Le­gatus, in quadam causa inquisitionis de & super viribus Matrimonii inter Illustrissimum & Potentissimum Principem & Dominum nostrum Hen­ricum Octavum Dei Gratia Angliae & Franciae Regem, Fidei Defenso­rem & Dominum Hiberniae, ac Serenissimam Dominam Catharinam no­bilis memoriae Ferdinandi Hispaniarum Regis Filiam contracti & consum­mati, quae coram nobis in judicio ex officio nostro mero aliquandiu ver­tebatur, & adhuc vertitur, & pendet indecisa, rite & legitime procedentes, visis primitus per nos & diligenter inspectis, articulis sive capitulis in dicta causa objectis & ministratis, una cum responsis eis ex parte dicti Illustris­simi & Potentissimi Principis Henrici Octavi factis & redditis, visisque & similiter per nos inspectis plurimorum Nobilium & aliorum testium fide dignorum dictis & dispositionibus in eadem causa habitis & factis, visis (que) praeterea & similiter per nos inspectis, quamplurium fere toti­us Christiani orbis Principalium Academiarum Censuris ceu Conclusio­nibus Magistralibus, etiam tam Theologorum quam Jurisperitorum re­sponsis & opinionibus, utrius (que) deni (que) Provinciae Anglicanae Consilio­rum Provincialium assertionibus & affirmationibus, aliisque salutaribus monitis & doctrinis super dicto matrimonio desuper respective habitis & factis; visis (que) ulterius, & pari modo per nos inspectis, pactis seu foederi­bus pacis & amicitiae inter perennis famae Henricum septimum nuper Regem Angliae, & dictum nobilis memoriae Ferdinandum nuper Regem Hispaniae desuper initis & factis; visis quoque peramplius, & diligenter per nos inspectis, omnibus & singulis actis, actitatis, literis, processibus, instrumentis, scripturis, monumentis, rebus (que) aliis universis in dicta causa quomodolibet gestis & factis, ac aliis omnibus & singulis per nos visis & inspectis, at (que) a nobis cum diligentia & maturitate ponderatis & recensi­tis, servatis (que) ulterius per nos in hac parte de jure servandis, necnon partibus praedictis, videlicet praefato illustrissimo & potentissimo Princi­pe Henrico Octavo per ejus Procuratorem idoneum coram nobis in dicta causa legitime comparente, dicta vero Serenissima Domina Catharina per contumaciam absente, cujus absentia Divina repleatur praesentia, de Consilio Jurisperitorum & Theologorum, cum quibus in hac parte com­municavimus, ad sententiam nostram definitivam sive finale Decretum nostrum in dicta causa ferendam sive ferendum sic duximus pro­cedendum, & procedimus in hunc modum. Quia per acta actita­ta, deducta, proposita, exhibita, & allegata, probata pariter & con­fessata, articulataque, capitulata, partis responsa, testium depositiones, & dicta instrumenta, monumenta, literas, scripturas, censuras, conclusio­nes Magistrales, opiniones, consilia, assertiones, affirmationes, tractatus & foedera pacis, processus, res alias, & caetera promissa coram nobis in [Page 121] dicta causa respective habita, ges [...]a, facta, exhibita & producta; Nec­non ex eisdem, & diversis aliis ex causis & considerationibus, argumen­tis (que) & probationum generibus variis, & multiplicibus, validis quidem & efficacibus, quibus animum nostrum hac in parte ad plenum informa­vimus, plene & evidenter invenimus & comperimus dictum Matrimonium inter praefatos Illustrissimum & Potentissimum Principem & Dominum nostrum Henricum Octavum, ac Serenissimam Dominam Catharinam, ut praemittitur, contractum & consummatum, nullum & omnino invalidum fuisse & esse, & Divino Jure prohibente contractum & consummatum extitisse: Idcirco nos Thomas Archiepiscopus Primas & Legatus ante­dictus, Christi nomine primitus invocato, ac solum Deum prae oculis nostris habentes, pro nullitate & invaliditate dicti Matrimonii pronun­ciamus, decernimus & declaramus, ipsum (que) praetensum Matrimonium fuisse & esse nullum & invalidum, ac Divino Jure prohibente contractum & consummatum, nullius (que) valoris aut momenti esse, sed viribus & fir­mitate juris caruisse & carere, praefato (que) Illustrissimo & Potentissimo Principi Henrico Octavo & Serenissimae Dominae Catharinae non licere in eodem praetenso Matrimonio remanere, & pronunciamus, decernimus & declaramus; ipsos (que) Illustrissimū & Potentissimum Principem Henricum Octavum ac Serenissimam Dominam Catharinam, quatenus de facto & non de jure dictum praetensum Matrimonium ad invicem contraxerunt & consummarunt, ab invicem separamus & divorciamus, at (que) sic sepa­ratos & divorciatos, necnon ob omni vinculo Matrimoniali respectu dicti praetensi Matrimonii liberos & immunes fuisse & esse, pronunciamus, de­cernimus & declaramus, per hanc nostram sententiam definitivam, sive hoc nostrum finale Decretum, quam sive quod ferimus & promulga­mus in his scriptis. In quorum praemissorum fidem & testimonium, has literas nostras testimoniales, sive praesens publicum sententiae vel Decreti instrumentum, exinde fieri ac per Notarios Publicos subscriptos, scribas & actuarios nostros in ea parte specialiter assumptos, subscribi & signari, nostri (que) sigilli appensione jussimus & fecimus communiri.

He likewise passed Iudgment (confirming the King's Marriage with Queen Ann) at Lambeth, May, 28 1533. which is in the same Inspeximus.

Act 5. Anno Regni 25. XLVIII. An Act concerning the Deprivations of the Bishops of Salisbury and Worcester.

WHere before this time the Church of England, by the King's most noble Progenitors, and the Nobles of the same, have been founded, ordained, and established, in the Estate and degree of Prela­tie Dignities, and other Promotions Spiritual, to the intent and pur­pose that the said Prelates, and other Persons, having the said Dignities and Promotions Spiritual, continually should be abiding, and Reseants upon their said Promotions within this Realm; and also keep, use, and exercise Hospitality, Divine Services, teaching and preaching of the [Page 122] Laws of Almighty God, to such Persons as were and have been within the precinct of their Promotions or Dignities, for the Wealth of the Souls of their Givers and Founders, greatly to the honour of Almighty God. Of the which said Spiritual Persons, the King's Highness, and his most noble Progenitors, have had right honourable, and well-learned Personages, apt, meet, and convenient, for to guide and in­struct his Highness, and his most noble Progenitors, in their Counsels, concerning as well their Outward as Inward Affairs, to be devised and practised for the utility and preservation of this Realm; by reason whereof the Issues, Revenues, Profits, and Treasure, rising and com­ing of the said Spiritual Promotions and Dignities, were and should be spent, employed, and converted within this Realm, to the great profit and commodity of the King's Subjects of the same. And where also by the laudable Laws and Provisions of this Realm, before this time made, it hath been ordained, used, and established, that no Person nor Per­sons, of whatsoever Estate, Degree, or Quality he or they were, should take or receive within this Realm of England, to Farm, by any Procu­racy, Writ, Letter of Attorney, Administrations, by Indenture, or by any other Mean, any Benefice, or other Promotion within this Realm, of any Person or Persons, but only of the King's true and lawful Sub­jects, being born under the King's Dominions. And also that no Per­son or Persons, of what estate and degree soever he or they were, by reason of any such Farm, Procuracie, Letter of Attorney, Admini­stration, Indenture, or by any other mean, as is aforesaid, should car­ry, conveigh, or cause to be carried and conveighed out of this Realm, any Gold, Silver, Treasure, or other Commodity, by Letter of Ex­change, or by way of Merchandise, or otherwise, for any of the Causes aforesaid, to the profit or commodity of any Alien, or other Stranger, being born out of this Realm, having any such Promotion Spiritual within the same, without license of the King's Highness, by the advice of his Council, as by the same Laws, Statutes, and Provisions, more plainly at large it may appear; which said laudable Laws, Statutes, and Provisions, were made, devised, and ordained, by great policy and foresight of the King's most noble Progenitors, the Nobles and Com­mons of this Realm, for the great profit, utility, and benefit of the same, to the intent that the Gold, Silver, Treasure, Riches, and other Com­modity of the same, by the occasion aforesaid, should not be exhau­sted, employed, converted, and otherwise transported out of this Realm and Dominions of the same, to the use, profit, and commodity of any Stranger being born out of this Realm, or the Dominions of the same; But only to be spent, and used, and bestowed within the same, to the great comfort and consolation of the Subjects of this Realm. Notwith­standing which said wholsome Laws, Statutes, and Provisions, the King's Highness being a Prince of great benignity and liberality, having no knowledg, nor other due information, or instruction of the same Laws, Statutes, and Provisions, heretofore hath nominated, and prefer­red, and promoted, Laurence Campegius Bishop of Sarum, with all the Spiritual and Temporal Possessions, Promotions, and other Emoluments and Commodities in any wise belonging or appertaining to the same: And also hath nominated, preferred, and promoted, Hierome, being another Stranger, born out of the King's said Realm and Dominions, to [Page 123] the See and Bishoprick of Worcester, with all the Spiritual and Tempo­ral Promotions, and other Emoluments and Commodities, in any wise belonging or appertaining to the same. Which said two Bishops, and namely the Bishop of Sarum, nothing regarding their Duties to Almigh­ty God, nor their Cures of the said Bishopricks, eversith or for the more part of the time of their said Promotions or Profections into the same, have been, and yet be resident, dwelling and abiding at the See of Rome, or elsewhere, in other parts beyond the Sea, far out and from any of the King's said Dominions; by reason whereof, the great Ho­spitality, Divine Service, teaching and Preaching the Laws, and Exam­ples of good living, and the other good and necessary effects before re­hearsed, have been many years by-past, and yet continually be, not only withdrawn, decayed, hindred, and minished, but also great quantity of Gold, Silver, and Treasure, to the yearly sum and value of 3000 l. at the least, have been yearly taken and conveighed out of this Realm, to the singular profit, and great enriching of the said Bishops, and daily is like to be conveighed, transported, and sent, contrary to the pur­port and effect of the said former wholsome Laws and Statutes, to the great impoverishing of this Realm, as well presently as for to come, if speedy remedy be not had therefore in brief time provided. In consi­deration whereof, be it enacted by the Authority of this present Par­liament, that the said two several Sees and Bishopricks of Salisbury and Worcester, and either of them from henceforth, shall be taken, reputed, and accounted in the Law to be utterly void, vacant, and utterly desti­tute of any Incumbent, or Prelate, &c.

XLVIII. A Letter from Cromwel to Fisher, about the Maid of Kent, Anno 34, or end of 35.

MY Lord,Cotton Libr. Cleopat. E. 4. in my right hearty wise I commend me to your Lord­ship, doing you to understand, that I have received your Letters dated at Rochester, the 18th day of this Month; in which ye declare what craft and cunning ye have to persuade, and to set a good Counte­nance upon an ill Matter, drawing some Scriptures to your purpose; which well weighed, according to the places whereout they be taken, make not so much for your purpose as ye alledge them for; and where in the first Leaf of your Letters ye write, that ye doubt nothing, nei­ther before God nor before the World, if need shall that require, so to declare your self, whatsoever hath been said of you, that ye have not deserved such heavy words, or terrible threats, as hath been sent from me unto you by your Brother.

How ye can declare your self afore God and the World, when need shall require, I cannot tell; but I think verily that your Declaration made by these Letters, is far insufficient to prove that ye have deserved no heavy words in this behalf. And to say plainly, I sent you no heavy words, but words of great comfort, willing your Brother to shew you [Page 122] [...] [Page 123] [...] [Page 124] how benign and merciful the Prince was: And that I thought it expe­dient for you to write unto his Highness, and to recognize your Offen­ces, and desire his pardon, which his Grace would not deny you now in your age and sickness; which my counsel I would you had followed, ra­ther than to have written these Letters to me, excusing your self altho there were no manner of default in you. But, my Lord, if it were in an other manner of case than your own, and out of the Matter which ye favour, I doubt not but that ye would think him that should have done as ye have done, not only worthy heavy Words, but also heavy Deeds; for where ye labour to excuse your self of your Hearing, Bribing, and concealing of the Maiden's false and feigned Revelations, and of your manifold sending of your Chaplains unto her, by a certain intent which ye pretend your self to have had, to know by communing with her, or by sending your Chaplains to her, whether for Revelati­ons, Word of God, or no, alledging divers Scriptures that ye were bound to prove them, and to receive them after they were proved. My Lord, whether ye have used a due means to try her and her Reve­lations, or no, it appeareth by the process of your own Letters. For where you write that ye had conceived a great opinion of the holiness of this Woman, for many considerations rehearsed in your Letters, comprised in six Articles; whereof the first is grounded upon the bruit and fame of her; the second, upon her entring into Religion after her trances and diffiguration; the third, upon rehearsal that her Ghostly Fa­ther being Learned and Religious, should testify that she was a Woman of great holiness; the fourth, upon the report that divers other vertuous Priests, Men of good Learning and Reputation, should so testify of her, with which Ghostly Father, and Priests, ye never spake, as ye confess in your Letters; the fifth, upon the praises of my late Lord of Canterbury, which shewed you, as ye write, that she had many great Visions; the sixth, upon the saying of the Prophet Amos, Non faciet Do­minus Deus Verbum, nisi revelaverit secretum suum ad servos suos Prophe­tas. By which Considerations ye were induced to the desire to know the very certainty of this Matter, whether these Revelations which were pretended to be shewed to her from God, were true Revelations or not. Your Lordship in all the sequel of your Letters, shew not that ye made no further trial upon the truth of her and her Revelations, but only in communing with her, and sending your Chaplains to her with idle Que­stions, as of the 3 Mary Magdalens, by which your communication and sending, ye tried out nothing of her falshood, neither (as it is credibly supposed) intended to do as ye might have done, in any wise more easily than with communing with her, or sending to her; for little credence was to be given to her, affirming her own feigned Revelations to be from God; for if credence should be given to every such lewd Person as would affirm himself to have Revelations from God, what readier way were there to subvert all Common-Weals and good orders in the World?

Verily, my Lord, if ye had intended to trace out the truth of her, and of her Revelations, ye would have taken an other way with you; first, you would not have been converted with the vain Voices of the People, making bruits of her Trances and Diffiguration, but like a wise, discreet, and circumspect Prelate, ye should have examined (as [Page 125] other since) such sad and credible Persons as were present at her Traun­ces and Diffigurings, not one or two, but a good number, by whose testimony ye should have proved, whether the Bruits of her Traunces and Diffigurations were true or not. And likewise ye should have tried by what craft and persuasion she was made a Religious Woman; and if ye had been so desirous, as ye pretended, to enquire out the truth or falshood of this Woman, and of her Revelations; it is to be supposed ye would have spoken with her good, religious, and well-learned Ghostly Father e're this time, and also with the vertuous and well-learned Priest, (as they were esteemed) of whose reports ye would have been informed by them which heard them speak; or ye would also have been minded to see the Book of her Revelations, which was offered you, of which ye might have had more trial of her and her Revelations, than of a hundred communications with her, or of as many sendings of your Chaplains unto her. As for the late Lord of Canterbury's saying unto you, That she had many great Visions, it ought to move you never a deal to give credence unto her or her Revelations; for the said Lord knew no more certainty of her, or of her Revelations, than he did by her own report. And as touching the saying of Amos the Prophet, I think verily the same moved you but a little to hearken unto her; for si­thence the Consummation and the end of the Old Testament, and sithen the Passion of Christ, God hath done many great and notable things in the World, whereof he shewed nothing to his Prophets that hath come to the knowledg of Men. My Lord, all these things moved you not to give credence unto her, but only the very matter whereupon she made her false Prophesies; to which matter ye were so affected, as ye be noted to be in all matters which ye enter once into, that nothing could come amiss that made for that purpose. And here I appeal your Conscience, and instantly desire you to answer, Whether if she had shewed you as many Revelations for the confirmation of the King's Graces Marriage, which he now enjoyeth, as she did to the contrary, ye would have given as much credence to her as the same done, and would have let the trial of her and her Revelations, to overpass those many years, where ye dwelt not from her but twenty miles in the same Shire where her Traunces, and Diffigurings, and Prophesies in her Traunces were surmised, and reported. And if percase ye will say (as it not unlike but ye will say, minded as ye were wont to be) that the matter be not like, for the Law of God, in your opinion, standeth with the one and not with the other: Surely, my Lord, I suppose there had been no great cause more to trust the one more than the other; for ye know by Scriptures of the Bible, that God may by his Revelation di­spense with his own Law, as with the Israelites spoiling the Egyptians, and with Iacob to have four Wives, and such other. Think you, my Lord, that any indifferent Man, considering the quality of the Matter, and your Affections, and also the negligent passing over of such lawful Trials as ye might have had of the said Maiden, and her Revelations, is so dull, that cannot perceive and discern that your communing, and often sending to the said Maid, was rather to hear and bruit many of her Re­velations, than to try out the truth or falshood of the same. And in this Business, I suppose, it will be hard for you to purge your self before God, or the World, but that ye have been in great default in hearing, [Page 126] believing, and concealing such things as tended to the destruction of the Prince; and that her Revelations were bent and purposed to that end, it hath been duly proved afore as great Assembly and Council of the Lords of this Realm, as hath been seen many years meet out of a Parlia­ment. And what the said Lords deemed them worthy to suffer, which said, heard, believed, and concealed those false Revelations, be more ter­rible than any threats spoken by me to your Brother.

And where ye go about to defend, that ye be not to be blamed for concealing the Revelations concerning the King's Grace, because ye thought it not necessary to rehearse them to his Highness, for six Causes following in your Letters; afore I shew you my mind concerning these Causes, I suppose that albeit you percase thought it not necessary to be shewed to the Prince by you, yet that your thinking shall not be your Trial, but the Law must define whether ye oughted to utter it or not.

And as to the first of the said seven Causes; Albeit she told you that she had shewed her Revelations concerning the King's Grace to the King her self; yet her saying, or others, discharged not you, but that ye were bound, by your fidelity, to shew to the King's Grace that thing which seemed to concern his Grace and his Reign so nighly: for how knew you that she shewed these Revelations to the King's Grace, but by her own saying, to which ye should have given no such credence, as to forbear the utterance of so great Matters concerning a King's Weal? And why should you so sinisterly judg the Prince, that if ye had shewed the same unto him, he would have thought that ye had brought that tale unto him, more for the strengthening and confirmation of your Opi­nion, than for any other thing else. Verily, my Lord, whatsoever your Judgment be, I see daily such benignity and excellent humanity in his Grace, that I doubt not but his Highness would have accepted it in good part, if ye had shewed the same Revelations unto him, as ye were bounden by your fidelity.

To the second Cause; Albeit she shewed you not that any Prince, or other Temporal Lord, should put the King's Grace in danger of his Crown; yet there were ways enough by which her said Revelations might have put the King's Grace in danger, as the foresaid Council of Lords have substantially and duly considered: And therefore albeit she shewed you not the means whereby the danger should ensue to the King, yet ye were nevertheless bounden to shew him of the dan­ger.

To the third; Think you, my Lord, that if any Person would come unto you, and shew you, that the King's destruction were conspired against a certain time, and would fully shew you that he were sent from his Master to shew the same to the King, and will say further un­to that, he would go streight to the King; were it not yet your duty to certify the King's Grace of this Revelation, and also to enquire whe­ther the said Person had done his foresaid Message or no? Yes verily, and so were ye bound, tho the Maiden shewed you it was her Message from God to be declared by her to the King's Grace.

To the fourth; Here ye translate the temporal Duty that ye owe to your Prince, to the spiritual Duty of such as be bound to declare the Word of God to the People, and to shew unto them the ill and punish­ment [Page 127] of it in another World; the concealment whereof pertaineth to the Judgment of God, but the concealment of this Matter pertaineth to other Judges of this Realm.

To the fifth; There could no blame be imputed to you, if ye had shewed the Maidens Revelation to the King's Grace, albeit they were afterward found false, for no Man ought to be blamed doing his Duty: And if a Man would shew you secretly, that there were a great Mischief intended against the Prince, were ye to be blamed if ye shewed him of it; albeit it was a feigned talk, and the said mischief were never ima­gined.

To the sixth; Concerning an Imagination of Mr. Pary, it was known that he was beside himself, and therefore they were not blamed that made no report thereof; but it was not like in this case, for ye took not this Maiden for a mad Woman, for if ye had, ye would not have given unto her so great credence as ye did.

To the final, and seventh Cause; Where ye lay unto the charge of our Sovereign, that so hath unkindly entreated you with grievous Words, and terrible Letters, for shewing his Grace truth in his great Matter, whereby ye were discomforted to shew unto him the Maidens Revelations: I believe that I know the King's Goodness, and natural Gentleness so well, that his Grace would not so unkindly handled you, as your unkindly writings him, unless ye gave him other Causes than be expressed in your Letters. And whatsoever the King's Grace hath said or written unto you heretofore, yet notwithstanding ye were neverthe­less bounden to utter to him those pernicious Revelations.

Finally; Where ye desire, for the Passion of Christ, that ye be no more twitched in this matter, for if ye be put to that strait, ye will not lose your Soul, but ye will speak as your Conscience bindeth you, with many more words of great courage. My Lord, if ye had taken my counsel sent unto you by your Brother, and followed the same, sub­mitting your self, by your Letters, at the King's Grace, for your offences in this behalf, I would have trusted that ye should never be quykkrand in this matter more. But now, where ye take upon you to defend the whole Matter, as ye were in no default, I cannot so far promise you: And surely, my Lord, if the Matter come to trial, your own confession in this Letter, besides the Witness which be against you, will be suffici­ent to condemn you: Wherefore, my Lord, I will eft-soons advise you, That laying apart all such excuses as ye have alledged in your Let­ters, which in my opinion be of small effect, as I have declared, ye be­seech the King's Grace, by your Letters, to be your Gracious Lord, and to remit unto you your negligence, over-sight, and offence, committed against his Highness in this behalf; and I dare undertake that his High­ness shall benignly accept you into his gracious favour, all matters of displeasure past afore this time forgotten and forgiven. As touching the speaking of your Conscience, It is thought that ye have written and have spoken as much as ye can, and many things, as some right probably be­lieves, against your own Conscience: and many report, that at the last Convocation, ye spake many things which ye could not well defend; and therefore it is not greatly feared what ye can say or write in that Matter, howsoever ye be qukkrane and startled. And if ye had taken, &c.

L. A Renunciation of the Pope's Supremacy; signed by the Heads of six Religious Houses.

QUum ea sit non solum Christianae Religionis & pietatis ratio, sed nostrae etiam obedientiae regula, ut Domino nostro Henrico ejus nominis pro Dominio Regio Octavo, cui uni & soli post Christum Iesum Salvatorem nostrum debentur omnia, non modo omnimodam in Christo, & eandem sinceram perpetuam (que) animi devotionem, fidem, observan­tiam, honorem, cultum, reverentiam praestemus, sed etiam de eadem fide & observantia nostra rationem quotiescun (que) postulabitur reddamus, & palam omnibus si res poscat libentissime testemur: Norint universi ad quos praesens scriptum pervenit, quod nos Priores & Conventus fratrum, viz. praedicatoris Langley Regis ordinis Sancti Dominici Minorum de Ails­bury, Ordinis Sancti Francisci praedicatorum Dunstopliae, Ordinis ante­dicti Minorum de Bedford, Ordinis Sancti Francisci Fratrum Carmelita­rum de Hechyng, Ordinis Beatae Mariae Minorum de Morea, Ordinis Sancti Francisci, uno ore & voce, atque unanimi omnium & singulorum consensu & assensu, hoc scripto nostro sub sigillis nostris communibus, & in domibus nostris capitularibus dato, pro nobis & successoribus nostris omnibus singulis, in perpetuum profitemur, testamur & fideliter promit­timus & spondemus, nos dictos Priores & Conventus & Successores no­stros, omnes & singulos, integram, inviolatam, sinceram perpetuam (que) fidem, observantiam & obedientiam semper praestituros erga Dominum Regem nostrum Henricum Octavum, & erga Serenissimam Reginam Annam Uxorem ejusdem, & erga castum Sanctum (que) Matrimonium nu­per non solum inter eosdem juste & legitime contractum, ratum & con­summatum, sed etiam tam in duabus Convocationibus Cleri, quam in Parliamento Dominorum Spiritualium & Temporalium at (que) Communi­um in eodem Parliamento Congregatorum & praesentum determinatum, & per Thomam Cantuarien. Episcopum solenniter confirmatum, & erga quamcun (que) aliam ejusdem Henrici Regis nostri Uxorem, post mortem praedictae Annae nunc Uxoris suae legitimae ducendam, & erga sobolem dicti Domini Regis Henrici ex praedicta Anna legitime tam progenitam quam progignendam, & erga sobolem dicti Domini Regis ex alia qua­cun (que) legitima Uxore post mortem ejusdem Annae legitime progignen­dam, & quod eadem populo notificabimus, praedicabimus & suadebimus, ubicun (que) dabitur locus & occasio. Item, quod confirmatum ratum (que) ha­bemus semper (que) perpetuo habituri sumus, quod praedictus Rex noster Henricus est Caput Ecclesiae Anglicanae. Item, quod Episcopus Roma­nus, qui in suis Bullis Papae nomen usurpat & summi Pontificis Prin­cipatum sibi arrogat, nihilo majoris ne (que) Auctoritatis aut jurisdictionis habendus sit, quam caeteri quivis Episcopi in Anglia alibi in sua cujus (que) Diocese. Item, quod soli dicto Domino Regi & Successoribus suis ad­haerebimus, at (que) ejus & Proclamationes, insuper omnes Angliae leges at­que etiam Statuta omnia, in Parliamento & per Parliamentum decreta, confirmata, stabilita & ratificata, perpetuo manutenebimus, Episcopi Romani legibus, decretis & Canonibus, si qui contra legem Divinam & Sacram Scripturam esse invenientur, in perpetuum renunciantes. Item, quod nullus nostrum omnium in ulla vel privata vel publica concione [Page 129] quicquam ex Sacris Scripturis desumptum ad alienum sensum detorquere praesumet, sed quisquis Christum ejus (que) vera, praedicabit Catholice & Orthodoxe. Item, quod unusquis (que) in suis orationibus & comprecatio­nibus de more faciendis, primum omnium Regem, tanquam Supremum Caput Ecclesiae Anglicanae, Deo & populi precibus commendabit; dein­de Reginam cum sua sobole, tum demum Archiepiscopum Cantuarien. cum caeteris Cleri Ordinibus, prout videbitur. Item, quod omnes & singuli praedicti Priores & Conventus & Successores nostri, Conscien­tiae & Jurisjurandi Sacro firmiter obligamur, quod omnia & singula prae­dicta sideliter & in perpetuum observabimus. In cujus rei testimonium huic Instrumento, vel scripto nostro, communia sigilla nostra appendi­mus, & nostra nomina propria quis (que) manu subscripsimus, Sacris in Do­mibus nostris Capitularibus, die quinto Mensis Maii, Anno Christi mil­lesimo quingentesimo trigesimo quarto, Regni vero Regis nostri Hen­rici Octavi vicesimo sexto.

Ego Frater Richardus Ingerth Prior Conventus, & Praedicator Langley Regis, cum consensu omnium Fratrum Conventus praedicti, non coactus sed sponte subscribo.Ego Frater Edwardus Tryley Sacrae Theologiae Bacalaureus, & Conventus Ailsberiae, cum assensu omnium Fratrum Conventus prae­dicti, non coactus sed sponte sub­scribo.
Ego Frater Joannes Cotton, Prior Conventus Praedicatorum Dunstabliae, cum assensu omnium Fratrum Conventus praedicti, non coactus sed sponte subscri­bo.Ego Frater Joannes Wyatt, Sacrae Theologiae Doctor Con­ventus Bed. una cum assensu om­nium Fratrum, sponte hoc scribo & non coactus.
Ego Frater Joannes Sutler, Prior Conventus Carmelitarum Hicchiae, cum Assensu omnium Fratrum Conventus praedicti, non coactus sed sponte subscri­bo.Ego Frater Joannes Chapma­nus, Sacrae Theologiae Bacalaure­us, Magister immerito Conven­tus Mare, cum assensu omnium Fratrum, mea sponte subscribo.

Another Declaration to the same purpose, Mutatis Mutandis, is made by the Prioress of Bedford in Kent, of the Order of St. Dominick, May 4. 1534. Regn. vicesimo sexto. Rot. Clausa.

LI. A Mandate for the Consecration of a Suffagran Bishop. Rot. Pat. 2. par. 27 Regni.

REX Reverendissimo in Christo Patri & perdilecto Consiliario no­stro Thomae Cantuariensi Episcopo salutem. Reverendus Pater & dilectus Consiliarius noster Richardus Norvicensis Episcopus nobis sig­nificavit, quod Diocesis sua Episcopi Suffraganei solatio, qui suae sollici­tudinis partem sustinere consuevit, destituta est & existit; & ideo reve­rendos Patres Gregorium Abbatem Monasterii Beatae Mariae de Leystone, & Thomam Mannynge Priorem Monasterii Beatae Mariae de Butley, Norvicen. Dioc. Ordine Sacerdotali rite insignitos, & legitimo Matri­monio natos, & in aetate legitima constitutos, viros (que) in Spiritualibus & Temporalibus multum circumspectos, quibus de Canonicis nihil ob­viant instituta, quo minus (ut asserunt) ad Episcopalem Suffraganei Dignitatem admitti possint & deberent, nobis per suas literas suo magno sigillo munitas praesentavit, humiliter & devote supplicans, quatenus nos alterum ipsorum sic praesentatorum ad aliquam sedem Episcopi Suffraga­nei infra Provinciam Cantuariensem existentem nominare, ipsique sic nominato stylum, Titulum & Dignitatem hujusmodi sedis donare dig­naremur: unde nos ex gratia nostra speciali & mero motu nostris, di­ctum Reverendum Patrem Thomam Manynnge Priorem Monasterii Beatae Mariae de Butley praedicti, alterum ex dictis, Praesentamus in Episcopum Suffraganeum Sedis Gips vici Norvicen. Diocesantedictae, no­minamus, eique Stilum, Titulum & Dignitatem ejusdem Sedis Episcopi Suffraganei damus & conferimus. Atque haec vobis tenore praesenta­mus, significamus, requirentes vos, quatenus eundem Patrem sic per nos nominatum, in Episcopum Suffraganeum ejusdem Sedis Gips vici conse­cretis, eique Benedictionem ac omnia Episcopalia Insignia conferatis; caetera (que) omnia & singula quae vestro in hac parte incumbunt officio pa­storali, juxta modum & formam Statuti Parliamenti in vicesimo sexto Anno Regni nostri apud. Westmonasterium nuper editi peragetis.

T. R.
apud Westm. 6. die Martii 27. Regn.

Ad Librum Tertium.

I. Instructions for the General Visitation of the Monasteries.

Articuli Regiae Inquisitionis, in Monasticam vitam agentes, exponendi, & praecipue in exemptos a jurisdictione Diocaesana, jam tantum Regiae Majestati & ejus jurisdictioni subditos & subjectos, ac hu­jus inclyti sui Regni Statutis & legibus, nullis (que) aliis penitus, ob­noxios & astrictos.

1. IN primis; Whether Divine Service be solemnly sung, said,Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. 4. ob­served, and kept in this Monastery, according to the Number and the Abilities thereof, by Night and by Day, in due time and hours? and how many be present commonly at Mattins, and other Service, and who be absent, and so accustomed to be, without cause or sickness?

2. Item; How many Monks, Cannons Regulars, or Nuns, be with­in this Monastery, and how many there ought to be, and whether the number be compleat according to the Founder's Will, or the Statutes, Ordinances, and laudable custom of this House; and whether the num­ber be augmented or diminished now of late?

3. Item; Who were the first Founders of this House?

Fundationem primam, secundam, tertiam, & quotquot habent, exhibeant.

4. Item; Whether this House hath had any encrease of Lands given to it sithence the first Foundation thereof? by whom? by how many? and when?

5. Item; To what Sum of Mony those Revenues and Rents of this House do extend and amount unto yearly?

6. Item; Whether this House was ever translated from on habit and order to another? by whose Authority? and for what Cause?

Translationem exhibeant.

7. Item; How the Lands and Possessions appertaining unto this Mo­nastery, given by the first Founder, and all other Lands given sithence the first Foundation, were granted, given, and established, and so first brought to Morte main? whether by the only Authority of the Giver, or by the Authorization of the Prince for that time reigning, and by what tenour and form ye hold them?

Donationem & Confirmationem exhibeant.

8. Item; What evidence have you to shew for all and singular your Lands, Manors, Tenements, and other your Possessions Mortisate, and given unto you, and this your Monastery?

[Page 132]9. Item; Wherefore, for what Causes and Considerations ye were exempt from your Diocesan? and what was your Suggestion and Mo­tive at the obtaining of your said Exemption?

Exemptionem exhibeant.

10. Item; Whether ye have any private, peculiar, or local Statutes, Confirmations, Ordinances, or Rules, made only for the behoof, good order, and singular weal of this House, besides the Rules of your Pro­fession? and whether they were made either by your Founders before your Exemption, or by the good Fathers of this House, with the whole consent of the Brethren, being sinneth your exemption: to what use they were made, and how ye observe them?

Statuta illa localia, & alia quotquot habent, exhibeant.

11. Item; By what way and form the Master of this House was ele­cted and chosen? And whether all the Brethren having, or ought to have by the Law, Statutes, or laudable custom of this House, Voices in the Election, were present in the same Election, or lawfully called or cited to it?

12. Item; Whether any Persons Excommunicate, Suspended, or In­terdicted, did give Voices in the same Election?

13. Item; Within what time after the Election was made and done, the Master of this House was confirmed? and by whom?

14. Item; Whether unto the Confirmation, all that had Interest, or that would object against the same, were lawfully cited, monished, and called?

Exhibeat Electionem, Confirmationem, & Titulum suae Incumbentiae.

15. Item; What Rule the Master of this House, and other the Bre­thren, do profess?

16. Item; How many be Professed, and how many be Novices; and whether the Novices have like Habit, or use to wear an Habit di­stinct from the Habit of the Brethren Professed?

17. Item; Whether ye do use to profess your Novices in due time, and within what time and space after they have taken the Habit upon them?

18. Item; Whether the Brethren of this House do know the Rule that they have professed, and whether they keep their Profession ac­cording to that their Rule, and Custom of this House; and in especial, the three substantial and principal Vows, that is to say, Poverty, Cha­stity, and Obedience?

19. Item; Whether any of the Brethren use any propriety of Mony, or of Plate, in their Chambers; or of any other manner thing unwarre of the Master, and without his knowledg and license, or by his sufferance and knowledg? and for what cause?

20. Item; Whether ye do keep Chastity, not using the company of any suspect Woman within this Monastery, or without? And whether the Master, or any Brother of this House be suspected upon Incontinen­cy, or defamed for that he is much conversant with Women?

21. Item; Whether Women useth and resorteth much to this Mo­nastry by back-ways, or otherwise? and whether they be accusto­mably, [Page 133] or at any time lodged within the Precinct thereof?

22. Item; Whether the Master, or any Brother of this House, useth to have any Boys or young Men laying with him?

23. Item; Whether the Brethren of this House keep their Obedi­ence, being ready at their Master's Commandment, in all things honest, lawful, and reasonable?

Sequuntur Regulae Caeremoniales.

24. Item; Whether ye do keep silence in the Church, Cloister, Fraitrie, and Dormitorie, at the hours and time specified in your Rule?

25. Item; Whether ye do keep Fasting and Abstinence, according to your Rules, Statutes, Ordinances, and laudable Customs of this House?

26. Item; Whether ye abstain from Flesh in time of Advent, and other times declared and specified by the Law, Rules, and laudable Customs of this House?

27. Item; Whether ye wear Shirts and Sheets of Woollen, or that ye have any Constitution, Ordinance, or Dispensation, granted or made to the contrary, by sufficient and lawful Authority?

Profitentes Regulam Benedicti quam arctissime tenentur ad praedicta Caeremonialia observanda.

28. Item; Whether ye do sleep altogethers in the Dormitorie, under one Roof, or not?

29. Item; Whether ye have all separate Beds, or any one of you doth lay with an other?

30. Item; Whether ye do keep the Fraitry at Meals, so that two parts, or the least, the two part of the whole Covent be always there, unless the Master at every one time dispense with you to the con­trary?

31. Item; Whether ye do wear your Religious habit continually, and never leave it off but when ye go to bed?

32. Item; Whether every Brethren of this House have lightly de­parted hence, and hath gone to any other House of like Order and Pro­fession, without special Letters and License of their Master?

33. Item; Whether the Master and Brethren of this House have re­ceived and admitted any Brother of another House, without special Li­cense and Letters of his Master and Head?

34. Item; Whether any of you, sithence the time of your Professi­on, hath gone out of this House to his Friends, or otherwise?

35. Item; How oftimes he did so, and how long at every time ye [...]arried forth?

36. Item; Whether ye had special license of your Master so to go forth, or not?

37. Item; Whether at every time of your being forth, ye changed or left off your habit, or every part thereof?

38. Item; Whether ye, or any of you be, or hath been, in manifest Apostasy, that is to say, Fugitives or Vagbonds?

39. Item; For what cause or occasion ye have so gone forth and been in Apostasy? and whether the cause of your going forth was by reason of the great cruelty of your Master, or by his negligence, not calling you home to your Cloister?

[Page 134]40. Item; Whether ye be weekly shaven, and do not nourish or suffer your Hair to be long? and whether ye wear your Apparel accor­ding to the Rule, not too excessive, nor too exquisite; and in like wise the trappo's of your Horses, and other your bearing Beasts?

41. Item; Whether the Master and Head of this House do use his Brethren charitably, without partiality, malice, envy, grudg, or dis­pleasure more shewed to one than to another?

42. Item; Whether he do use his Disciplines, Corrections, and Pu­nishments upon his Brethren, with mercy, pity, and charity, without cruelty, rigorousness, and enormous hurt, no more favouring one than another?

43. Item; Whether any Brother, or Religious Person of this House, be incorrigible?

44. Item; Whether the Master of this House do use his Brethren cha­ritably when they be sick and diseased? and whether in time of their sickness he do procure unto them Physicians, and all other necessaries?

45. Item; Whether he make his Accompts (as he ought to do) once every year before his Brethren, and chiefly the Seniors and Officers, to the intent they may be made privy to the state and condition of the House, and know perfectly the due administration thereof?

46. Item; Whether the Prior, Subprior, Sellerar, Kitchener, Ter­rure, Sacristen, or any such-like Officer, having Administration of every manner Revenues of this House, do make his whole and true Accompt, according as he is bound to do, not applying any thing by him received to his own proper use or commodity?

47. Item; Whether any Religious Person of this House do bear, occupy, or exercise more Offices than one, for, and to his own singular commodity, advantage, or profit, by the partial dealing of the Master?

48. Item; Whether all and singular the Revenues and Profits of this House be converted and employed to the behove and use thereof, and of the Brethren, and according to the Founder's mind and Giver?

49. Item; Whether the Master do make sufficient reparations upon his Monastery, as the Church and all other housing thereto adjoined, and also upon all other the Lands, Granges, Farms, and Tenements belong­ing to the same, and whether he suffer any dilapidation, decay, or ruine in any part of them?

50. Item; Whether there be any Inventory made of all and singular the Moveables, Goods, which from time to time have been, and yet be in this House, as of Jewels, Reliques, Ornaments, Vestiments, ready Mony, Plate, Bedding, with other Utensils; also of Corn, Chattels, and other Commodities, to the intent the state and condition of this House may be always known?

51. Item; That ye express truly and sincerely the whole state and condition of this House, as in Mony, Plate, Cattel, Corn, and other Goods?

52. Item; Whether this Monastery be indebted? to whom? and for what cause?

53. Item; Whether any of the Lands be sold, or mortgaged? and for what Sums?

54. Item; Whether any be lett to Farm by the Master of this House for term of years, and for how many years? and specially whether they [Page 135] be letten for small Sums, or for less Sums than they were wont to be letten for, to the intent to have great sums of ready Mony before hand?

55. Item; Whether he do enforce, compel, or constrain his Bre­thren, or any of them, to consent to the sealing of any Leases, Grants, Farm-Holds, Annuities, Corrodies, or any other Alienations?

56. Item; Whether the Plate and Jewels, or any part or parcel thereof, or of any other moveable Goods of this House be laid to pledg, sold, or alienated for a time, or for ever? for what cause, and to whom? or otherwise imbezled, or consumed?

57. Item; Whether the Master of this House be wont to give under his Seal of Office, or Covent-Seal, Farms, Corrodies, Annuities, or Of­fices, to his Kinsfolk, Alliances, Friends, or Acquaintance, for term of years, or otherwise, to the hurt, hindrance, dammage, and impove­rishment of this House?

58. Item; Whether he be wont to grant any Patent, or Covent-Seal, without the consent of his Brethren?

59. Item; Whether the Covent-Seal of this House be surely and safely kept under three Keys; that is to say, one remaining and being in the custody of the Master, and the other two in the custody of two Seniours?

60. Item; Whether the Muniments and Evidences of the Lands, Rents, and Revenues of this House, be safely kept from Vermine and Moistness?

61. Item; Whether the Master do keep Hospitality according to the ability of his House, and in like manner as other Fathers hereof have done heretofore?

62. Item; Whether the Master of this House, in receiving any No­vice, being of willing and toward mind to enter into Religion, hath demanded or received, or convented to receive any Mony, Rewards, or any other temporal Commodities of him so entring, or willing to en­ter, or of any other his Friends? and whether for not promising, granting, or giving such Rewards or Gifts, any hath been repelled and not received?

63. Item; Whether the Novices, and other received into Religion, have a Preceptor and Master deputed unto them to teach them Gramar and good Letters?

64. Item; Whether any Seniour of this House be deputed to declare, inform, and instruct them their Rules, and whereunto they shall be bounden to observe and keep, after their Profession?

65. Item; Whether any of you have taken upon him the Habit and Profession of your Religion, chiefly for the intent, hope, or trust to be made Head and Master of this House?

66. Item; Whether the Master of this House, in giving any Advo­cation, Nomination, Presentation, or Collation of any Parsonage, Vi­carage, Chapel, or Benefice of the Patronage and Gift this House, do take, or use to take any manner Pension, Portion, or other Commo­dity or Gains; or else doth make any Convention or Compaction, whereby any lucre may ensue to him in that behalf?

67. Item; Whether he do receive, or use to receive, the Fruits and Revenues of every such Benefice vacant, or use to borrow any Mony [Page 136] of him to whom he intendeth to give such Benefice unto, expresly co­venanting or intending, that he so obtaining the said Benefice, shall freely and clearly remit the said Mony so borrowed?

68. Item; What, and how many Benefices the Master of this House doth occupy and keep in his own hands?

69. Item; Whether the same Benefices be appropriate and united to this House by sufficient authority?

70. Item; Whether the Master of this House doth make distributions amongst the Parishoners of the Benefices appropriate, and doth keep and observe all and singular other Provisions and Ordinances specified and expressed in the Appropriations of the same Benefices?

Exhibeant omnes & singulas Appropriationes, una cum Ordinationi­bus & Dotationibus Vicariatuum.

71. Item; Whether he do promote unto such Benefices as be of his Gift, sufficient and able Persons in Learning, Manners, and Vertue?

72. Item; Whether any Brother of this House do serve any Parish-Church, being appropriate and united to the same, and how many Churches appropriate be so served?

73. Item; Whether the Master of this House hath and possesseth any Benefice with Cure, or any other Dignity with his Abbey?

Si aliquod tale habet, Dispensationem exhibeat.

74. Item; Whether the Master of this House at any time since he was first made Abbot, or Master, did know or believe that he was Su­spended, or Excommunicate, either by the Law, or by any Judg; and whether he knowing or supposing himself so to be, did sing Mass in the mean time, and before he was absolved?

In Visitatione Monialium ad Praemissa addantur haec.

75. Item; Whether this Monastery hath good and sufficient Enclosure, and whether the Doors and Windows be diligently kept shut, so that no Man can have any entry into the same, or any part thereof, at in­convenient times?

Propter quod necessarium erit Visitatori circumire Monasterium, ac videre & rimare dispositionem aedificiorum, & an sint aliqua loca pervia per quae secrete intrari possit; & una secum habeat Abba­tissam cum duabus aut tribus senioribus Monialibus, a quibus tum interroget, an ostia Monasterii singulis quibusque noctibus sub cla­vibus clausa teneantur, & quae earum Monialium senio confectarum, vel an Abbas ipsa clavium custodiam tempore nocturno habeant & teneant: nam non est tutum clavium custodiam Iunioribus com­mittere.

76. Item; Whether Strangers, both Men and Women, useth com­monly to have communication with the Sisters of this House, without license of the Abbess or Prioress, specially in secret places, and in the ab­sence of their Sisters?

[Page 137]77. Item; Whether any Sister of this House were professed for any manner of compulsion of her Friends and Kinsfolks, or by the Abbess or Prioress?

78. Item; Whether any of the Sisters of this House useth to go forth any whither out of the Precinct thereof, without special license of their Abbess or Prioress?

79. Item; Whether any Sister doth use her Habit continually out of her Cell?

80. Item; Wherein every one of you occupieth her self, beside the time of Divine Service?

81. Item; Whether any Sister of this House hath any familiarity with Religious Men, Secular Priests, or Lay-Men, being not near of kin un­to them?

82. Item; Whether any Sister of this House hath been taken and found with any such accustomably so communing, and could not shew any reasonable cause why they so did?

83. Item; Whether any of you doth use to write any Letters of Love, or lascivious fashion to any Person, or receive any such, or have any privy Messengers coming and resorting unto you, or any of you, with Token or Gifts, from any manner secular Person or other?

84. Item; Whether any of you doth use to speak with any manner of Person, by night or by day, by Grates or back Windows, or other privy Places within this Monastry, without license of your Head?

85. Item; Whether the Confessor of this House be a discreet Man, of good learning, vertue and honest behaviour, of good name and fame, and whether he hath been always so taken?

86. Item; How oftimes in the year the Sisters of this House useth to be Confessed and Communicate?

Restat pro Ecclesiis Collegiatis, Hospitalibus, Ecclesiis Cathedralibus, Parrochialibus, Ecclesiis, Episcopo, & Archiepiscopo, pro ordine Ierosolomitarum?

Exhibeant omnia scripta, munimenta, Inventaria, Scedulas quascunque, unde aliquid cognitionis eorum reformationi Monasteriorum, sive domorum utilitati, necessariae explicari, aut quoquo modo colligi possit.

II. General Injunctions to be given on the King's Highness's behalf, in all Monastries and other Houses, of whatsoever Order or Religion they be.

FIrst; That the Abbot, Prior, or President,Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. 4. and all other Brethren of the Place that is visited, shall faithfully, truly, and heartily, keep and observe, and cause teach, and procure to be kept and obser­ved of other, as much as in them may lie, all and singular Contents, as well in the other of the King's Highness Succession, given heretofore by them, as in a certain Profession lately sealed with the Common Seal, and subscribed and Signed with their own hands: Also that they shall [Page 138] observe and fulfil, by all the means that they best may, the Statutes of this Realm, made, or to be made, for the suppression and taking away of the usurped and pretensed Jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome within this Realm: and for the assertion and confirmation of the Authority, Jurisdiction, and Prerogative of our most noble Sovereign Lord the King, and his Successors; and that they shall diligently instruct their Juniors and Youngers, and all other committed to their Cure, That the King's Power is by the Laws of God most excellent of all under God in Earth; and that we ought to obey him afore all other Powers, by God [...] Prescript; and that the Bishop of Rome's Jurisdiction or Authority here­tofore usurped, by no means is founded or established by Holy Scripture: but that the same, partly by the craft and deceit of the same Bishop of Rome, and by his evil and ambitious Canons and Decretals; and partly by the toleration and permission of Princes, by little and little hath grown up; and therefore now, of most right and equity, is taken away and clean expelled out of his Realm.

Also, that the Abbot, Prior, or President and Brethren, may be decla­red, by the King's Supream Power and Authority Ecclesiastical, to be absolved and loosed from all manner Obedience, Oath, and Profession by them heretofore perchance promised, or made, to the said Bishop of Rome, or to any other in his stead, or occupying his Authority; or to any other Forreign Prince, or Person: And nevertheless let it be en­joined to them, that they shall not promise or give such Oath or Profes­sion to any such Forreign Potentate hereafter. And if the Statutes of the said Order Religious, or Place, seem to bind them to Obedience, or Subjection, or any other Recognizance of Superiority to the said Bi­shop of Rome, or to any other Forreign Power, Potentate, Person or Place, by any ways; such Statutes, by the King's Graces Visitors, be utterly an­nihilate, broken, and declared void and of none effect; and that they be in no case bounden or obligate to the same, and such Statutes to be forth­with utterly put forth and abolished out of the Books, or Muniments of that Religion, Order or Place, by the President and his Brethren.

Also, that no Monk, or Brother of this Monastery, by any means go forth of the Precinct of the same.

Also, that Women, of what state or degree soever they be, be utter­ly excluded from entring into the Limits or Circuit of this Monastery, or place, unless they first obtain license of the King's Highness, or his Visitor.

Also, that there be no entring into this Monastery but one, and that by the great fore-gate of the same, which diligently shall be watched and kept by some Porter specially appointed for that purpose, and shall be shut and opened by the same both day and night, at convenient and accustomed hours; which Porter shall repel all manner Women from entrance into the said Monastery.

Also, that all and singular Brethren, and Monks of this Monastery, take their refections altogether in a place called the Misericorde, such days as they eat Flesh, and all other days in their Refectory; and that at every Mess there sit four of them, not of duty demanding to them any certain, usual, or accustomed duty or portion of Meat as they were wont to do; but that they be content with such Victuals as is set before them, and there take their Refections soberly, without excess, with giving due [Page 139] thanks to God; and that at every such Refection, some Chapter of the New Testament, or Old, by some of the said Brethren, be read and recited to the other, keeping silence, and giving audience to the same.

Also, that the Abbot and President do daily prepare one Table for himself and his Guests thither resorting, and that not over-sumptuous and full of delicate and strange Dishes, but honestly furnished with common Meats; At which Table, the said Abbot, or some Senior in his stead, shall sit to receive, and gently entertain the Strangers, the Guests.

Also, that none of the Brethren send any part of his Meat, or the leavings thereof to any Person, but that there be assigned an Almoner, which shall gather the Leavings, both of the Covent and Strangers Ta­bles, after that the Servants of the House have had their convenient Re­fections, and distribute the same to poor People; amongst whom special consideration be had of such, before other, as be Kinsfolk to any of the said Brethren, if they be of like power and debility as other be; and also of those which endeavour themselves, with all their will and labour, to get their living with their hands, and yet cannot fully help themselves for their chargeable Houshold, and multitude of Children: yet let not them be so cherished, that they shall leave labour and fall to idleness; with consideration also specially to be had of them, which by weakness of their Limbs and Body be so impotent that they cannot labour; and by no means let such Alms be given to valiant mighty and idle Beggars and Vagabonds, as commonly use to resort about such places; which rather, as drove-Beasts and Mychers, should be driven away and com­pelled to labour, than in their idleness and lewdness, against the form of the King's Graces Statute in this behalf made, cherished, and main­tained, to the great hindrance and damage of the Common-Weal.

Also, that all other Almses or Destributions due, or accustomed to be made, by reason of the Foundation, Statutes, or customes of this place, be made and given, as largely and as liberally as ever they were at any time heretofore.

Also, that the Abbot, Prior, or President, shall find Wood and Fewel sufficient to make Fire in the Refectory, from Allhallow-even to Good-Friday.

Also, that all the Brethren of this House, except the Abbot, and such as be sick, or evil at ease, and those that have fulfilled their Iubilee, lie together in the Dormitory, every one by himself, in several Beds.

Also, that no Brother, or Monk, of this House, have any Child or Boy laying, or privily accompanying with him, or otherwise haunting unto him, other than to help him to Mass.

Also, that the Brethren of this House, when they be sick, or evil at ease, be seen unto, and be kept in the Infirmary duly, as well for their sustenance of Meat and Drink, as for their good keeping.

Also, that the Abbot, or President, keep and find in some Universi­ty, one or two of his Brothers, according to the Ability and Possessi­ons of this House; which Brethren, after they be learned in good and holy Letters, when they return home, may instruct and teach their Brethren, and diligently preach the Word of God.

[Page 140]Also, that every day, by the space of one hour, a Lesson of Holy Scripture be kept in this Covent, to which all, under pain by this said President to be moderated, shall resort; which President shall have Au­thority to dispense with them, that they, with a low and treatable voice▪ say their long hours, which were wont to be sung.

Also, that the Brethren of this House, after Divine Service done, read or hear somewhat of Holy Scripture, or occupy themself in some such like honest and laudable exercise.

Also, that all and every Brethren of this House shall observe the Rule, Statutes, and laudable Customs of this Religion, as far as they do agree with Holy Scripture and the Word of God. And that the Abbot, Prior, or President of this Monastery, every day shall expound to his Bre­thren, as plainly as may be, in English, a certain part of the Rule that they have professed, and apply the same always to the Doctrine of Christ, and not contrariwise; and he shall teach them, that the said Rule, and other their Principles of Religion (so far as they be lauda­ble) be taken out of Holy Scripture; and he shall show them the pla­ces from whence they were derived; and that their Ceremonies, and other observances of Religion, be none other things than as the first Letters or Principles, and certain Introductions to true Christianity, or to observe an order in the Church. And that true Religion is not con­tained in Apparel, manner of going, shaven Heads, and such other marks; nor in silence, fasting, up-rising in the night, singing, and such other kind of Ceremonies, but in cleanness of mind, pureness of living, Christ's Faith not feigned, and brotherly Charity, and true honouring of God in Spirit and Verity: And that those above-said things were instituted and begun, that they being first exercised in these, in process of time might ascend to those as by certain steps, that is to say, to the chief point and end of Religion: and therefore let them be diligently exhorted, that they do not continually stick and surcease in such Cere­monies and Observances, as tho they had perfectly fulfilled the chief and outmost of the whole true Religion; but that when they have once past such things, they endeavour themselves to higher things, and convert their minds from such external Matters, to more inward and deeper Considerations, as the Law of God and Christian Religion doth teach and show. And that they assure not themselves of any Reward or Commodity any wise, by reason of such Ceremonies and Observances, except they refer all such to Christ, and for his sake observe them; and for that they might thereby the more easily keep such things as he hath commanded, as well to them as to all Christian People.

Also, that the Abbot and President of this Place shall make a full and true reckoning and accompt of his Administration every year to his Brethren, as well of his Receipts as Expences; and that the said Accompt be written in a great Book remaining with the Covent.

Also, that the Abbot and President of this House shall make no waste of the Woods pertaining to this House, nor shall set out unadvisedly any Farmes or Reversions, without the consent of the more part of the Convent.

Also, that there be assigned a Book and a Register that may copy out into that Book all such Writings, word by word, as shall pass under the Convent-Seal of this House.

[Page 141]Also, that no Man be suffered to profess, or to wear the Habit of Re­ligion in this House e're he be 24 years of Age compleat; And that they entice nor allure no Man with suasions and blandyments to take the Re­ligion upon him.

Item, that they shall not shew no Reliques, or feigned Miracles, for encrease of Lucre, but that they exhort Pilgrims and Strangers to give that to the Poor, that they thought to offer to their Images or Re­liques.

Also, that they shall suffer no Fairs, or Markets, to be kept or used within the limits of this House.

Also, that every Brother of this House that is a Priest, shall every day in his Mass, pray for the most happy and most prosperous estate of our Sovereign Lord the King, and his most noble and lawful Wife Queen Ann.

Also, that if either the Master, or any Brother of this House, do in­fringe any of the said Injunctions, any of them shall denounce the same, or procure to be denounced, as soon as may be, to the King's Majesty, or to his Visitor-General, or his Deputy. And the Abbot, or Master, shall minister spending Mony, and other Necessaries, for the way to him that shall so denounce.

Other Spiritual Injunctions may be added by the Visitor, as the place and nature of the Comperts shall require, after his discretion.

Reserving Power to give more Injunctions, and to examine and dis­cuss the Comperts, to punish and reform them that be convict of any notable Crime, to search and try the Foundations, Charters, Donati­ons, Appropriations and Muniments of the said Places; and to dispose all such Papistical Escripts as shall be there found, to the Right Honou­rable Mr. Thomas Cromwell General-Visitor to the King's said Highness, as shall seem most expedient to his high wisdom and discretion.

III. Some Particulars relating to the Dissolution of Monasteries.

Section I. The Preamble of the Surrender of the Monastery of Langden.

OMnibus Christi fidelibus, &c. Willielmus Dyer, Abbas Monasterii Beatae Mariae Virginis & S. Thomae Martyris de Langden, in Com. Kent, & ejusdem loci Conventus, Ordinis Praemonstrat. capitulum di­ctae domus plene facientes, ejusdem (que) domus (quae in suis fructibus, red­ditibus, provenien. even. & emolumen. non mediocriter deteriorata est, & quasi in totum diminuta, ingenti (que) aere alieno obruta, oppressa, & gravata extitit) statum us (que) adeo matura deliberatione, & diligenti tractatu, considerantes, ponderantes, & pensantes, quod nisi celeri re­medio, regia provisione huic Monasterio sive Prioratui (quippe quod de ejus fundatione & personatu existit) brevi succuratur & provideatur, [Page 142] funditus in Spiritualibus & Temporalibus annihiletur, per praesentes da­mus & concedimus, &c.

The rest follows in the ordinary form of Law: but the ordinary Preamble in most Surrenders is.

Omnibus Christi fidelibus, &c. Nos—Salutem. Sciatis quod nos, de­liberate, certa scientia, & mero motu, nostris, ex quibusdam causis, ju­stis, & rationabilibus, nos, animas & conscientias nostras, specialiter moventibus, ultro & sponte dedisse & concessisse, Domino Regi, &c.

But it seems some few Houses, though they were prevailed with to surrender, yet would not do it with such a Preamble, for there are about twenty Surrenders without any Preamble at all, made to Iohn London Clerk, ad usum Domini Regis.

Section II.

A List of Religious Houses, which by the King's Letters Patents were of new founded and preserved from the dissolution of Lesser Monasteries.
ST. Mary of Betlesden, Buckinghamshire, Cistercians.
Anno Reg­ni 28.
17 August.
St. Mary of Huntington, Augustians.
17 August.
Chertsey, Cambridg-shire, Benedict. Nuns.
17 August.
St. Mary in Winton, Southamp. shire, Benedict. Nuns.
17 August.
Grace-dieu, Leicester-shire, August. Nuns.
17 August.
St. Michael Hull, York-shire, Carthusians.
27.
St. Clare of Denby, Cambridg-shire, Nuns.
28.
Kymme, Lincoln-shire, Augustin.
2. September.
St. Ann Marrick, York-shire, Benedict. Nuns.
9.
St. Mary of Bindon, Dorset-shire, Cistercians.
16. November.
St. Mary Harpa, Westmor. Praemonstrat.
16.
St. Mary of Hynnings, Lincoln-shire, Cisterc. Nuns.
27.
St. Mary de-la-Pray, Northamp. shire, Nuns.
13. December.
St. Mary of Kelling, York-shire, Nuns.
14.
St. Mary of Cockersand, Lancash. Praemonstrat. Nuns.
19.
De-la-val, York-shire, Carthus.
2. Ianuary.
St. Mary Newstead, Nottinghamsh. August. Nuns.
2.
Wormsley, Herefordsh. August.
27.
St. Mary of Alnewick, Northumb. Praemonst.
30.
Bellalanda, Yorksh. Cisterc.
30.
St. John Bapt. Egglestone, Yorksh.
30.
St. Mary de Nith, Glamorgansh. Cisterc.
30.
St. Mary Ulnestock, Leicestersh.
30.
St. Mary of Dale, Derbysh. August.
30.
St. Katharine of Polesloo, Devonsh. Benedict. Nuns.
30.
St. Mary Lacock, Wiltsh. August. Nuns.
30.
St. Mary Chester, Nuns.
30.
St. Mary of Studley, Oxfordsh. Nuns.
30.
[Page 143]St, Mary of Canon Leigh, Devonsh. Nuns.
12. February.
Cockhill, Worcestersh. August. Nuns.
5. March.
St. Bartholomew, New-Castle, Nuns.
30.
St. Mary of Wallingwells, Yorksh.
April.

The Grants for these Houses are all in the 28 year of the King, to be held in perpetuam eleemosynam, and are enrolled in the 1st, 2d, 4th, and 5th parts of the Patent Rolls for that Year.

Section III.
A List of all the Surrenders of Abbies, which are yet extant in the Augmentation Office.

LAngden, Praemonst. signed by the Abbot and 10 Monks, Com. Kent.
13. November.
Regni 27.
Folkeston, Benedict. the Prior, Kent.
15.
Dover, the Prior, 8 Monks, Kent.
16.
Merten, August. the Prior, and 5 Friers, Yorksh.
9. February.
Hornby, Premonst. the Prior and two Monks.
23.
Tilty, Cisterc. the Abbot and 5 Monks, Essex.
28.
Bilsington, the Prior and two Monks, Kent,
21.
These are all enrolled Rot. Claus. Part 1st.
Regni 28.
Furnesse, the Abbot and 30 Monks, Lancashire.
9. April.
Bermondsey, the Abb. Surrey.
1. Iune.
Bushlisham, Bp of St. Davids, Commendator, Berk.
5. Iuly.
The Originals of these two last are lost, but enrolled Rot. Claus. Part 2d. Regn. 28.
Lanthony, August. the Prior and 21 Monks, Glocestsh.
10. May.
Regni 29.
Abbington, Bened. the Abbot and 25 Monks, Berksh.
29.
Charterhouse, the Prior. London.
10. Iune.
Chertsey,—the Abbot and 14 Monks,
6. Iuly.
Wardon, Cisterc. the Abbot and 14 Monks, Bedfordsh.
4. December.
St. Austins Canterb. the Abbey-Seal.
5.
Westacre, August. the Prior and 8 Monks, Norfolk,
14. Ianuary.
Kingswood, Cisterc. Glocestsh. the Abbot and 13 Monks.
1. February.
Coxhall, Cisterc. the Abbot, Essex.
5.
St. Andrew, Bened. Northampt. the Prior and 12 Fr.
2. March.
Holmcultrin—the Abbot and 25 Monks, Cumberland,
6.
Butley, August, the Commend. and 8 Monks, Suffolk.
7.
Stradford-Langthorn, Cisterc. the Abbot and 14 Mon. Essex.
8.
Southwick, August. Hampsh.
7. April.
Kennelworth, Bened. the Prior and 16 Mon. Warwicksh.
14.
Merton, August. the Abbot and 14 Monks, Surrey,
16.
Pont-Robert, Cisterc. the Abbot and 8 Monks, Sussex,
16.
Belloloco, Cisterc. the Abbot and 19 Monks, Hampsh.
17.
Besides these, the following Surrenders are enrolled.
[Page 144]Lewes, Cluniac. Sussex, the Prior.
16. November.
Castle-Acre, Cluniac. Norfolk, the Prior.
22.
Titchfield, Praemonst. the Commend. Southamptsh.
18. December.
Muchelling, Bened. Sommersetsh. the Abbot.
3. Ianuary.
Boxley, Cisterc. Kent, the Abbot.
26.
Walden, Bened. Essex the Bpp. Suffr. of Colchester, Com­mend.
2 [...]. March.
Almost all these Abbies were above the value of two hundred pound, so that they were not within the Statute for suppres­sing the lesser Abbies, but the Abbots were prevailed on by other Motives to surrender their Houses to the King.
Batle, Bened. Sussex, the Abbot and 16 Monks.
Regni 30.
27. May.
Thurgarton, August. Yorksh. the Prior and 8 Frat.
14. Iune.
Bushlisham, Bened. Berksh. the Abbot and 15 Monks.
19.
Axiholm, Carthus. Lincolnsh. the Prior and 8 Monks.
23.
Rupa, Cisterc. Yorksh. the Abbot and 17 Monks.
23.
Walbeck, Praemonst. Nottingsh. the Abbot and 18 Mon.
20.
Huntington Cannons, Aug. the Prior and 8 Cannons.
11. Iuly.
Lincoln, Gilbertines the Prior, and 15 Monks.
14.
Feversham, Cluniac. Kent, the Abbot and 8 Monks.
8.
Bordesley, Cisterc. Worcestsh. the Abbot and 19 Monks.
17.
Cumbermore, August. Chesh. the Abbot.
27.
St. Austins, Canterb. Bened. the Abbot and 30 Monks.
30.
St. James, Northamptonsh. Bened. the Abbot Elect and 5 Monks.
25. August.
Fordham, Gilbertines, Cambridgsh. the Prior and 3 Frat.
1. September.
Chateras, Black-Nuns, Cambridgsh. the Abbess & 10 Nuns.
3.
Val-royal, Chessh. the Abbot and 14 Monks.
7.
Croxton, Premonst. Leicestersh. the Abbot and 22 Mon.
8.
Haughmond, Cannons, Shropsh. the Abbot and 10 Mon.
9.
Tudburry, Bened. Staffordsh. the Prior and 8 Monks.
14.
De-la-pray, no Subscriptions, only the Common Seal.
16.
Rostiter, August. Staffordsh. the Abbot and 8 Monks.
16.
Crockesden, Cisterc. Staffordsh. the Abbot & 12 Mon.
17.
Hilton, Cisterc. Staffordsh. the Abbot and 8 Monks.
18.
Semperingham, * Gilbertines, the Prior and 8 Monks.
In the Houses of this Order there were Cloisters for both Sexes. St. Gilbert L. of Sempering­ham founded it: the Bpp. of Laudaff was at this time Commendator of the whole Order.
18.
Sulby, Praemonst. Northamp. sh. the Abbot and 11 Mon.
20.
Haberholm, Gilb. Lincolnsh. the Prior and 6 Cann.
24.
Betlesden, Cisterc. Bedfordsh. Abbot and 11 Monks.
25.
Cately, Gilb. Lincolnsh. the Prior.
25.
Bolington, Gilb. Lincolnsh. the Prior and 9 Monks.
26.
Thelsford, the Holy Trinity, Warwicksh. Prior & 3 Mon.
26.
Sixhill, Gilb. Lincolnsh. the Commend. and 8 Monks.
27.
Thetford, August. Norfolk, the Prior.
27.
Alvinghame, Gilb. Lincolnsh. the Prior and 27 Monks.
29.
Ormesby, Gilb. the Prior and 6 Frat.
30.
Linn Carmelites, The Prior and 10 Fra.
30.
Linn Dominicans, The Prior and 11 Fra. Norfolk.
30.
Linn August. The Prior and 14 Fra.
30.
[Page 145]Linn, Francisc. the Warden and 9 Frat.
1. October.
Ailesbury, Francisc. Buckinghamsh. the Warden & 6 Frat.
1.
Coventry, Carm. Warwicksh. the Prior and 13 Frat.
1.
Newstead Gilb. the Prior and 5 Monks.
2.
Mattersey, Gilb. the Prior and 4 Monks.
3.
Coventry, Franc. Warden and 10 Frat.
5.
Marmond, Cannons, Cambridgsh. the Prior and 1 Monk.
5.
Stamford, August. Lincolnsh. the Prior and 5 Frat.
6
Stamford, Dominic. the Prior and 9 Frat.
7.
Grinsbey, Francisc. Lincolnsh. the Prior and 5 Frat.
9.
Miraval, Cisterc. Warwicksh. the Abbot and 9 Monks.
13.
Shouldham, Gilb. Norfolk, the Prior, 9 Monks, 7 Nuns.
15.
Braywood, Black-Nuns, Staffordsh. the Prioress.
16.
Lilleshull, August. Shropsh. the Abbot and 10 Monks.
16.
Stafford, August. the Prior and 5 Monks.
16.
Northampton, Dominic. the Prior and 7 Frat.
16.
Northallerton, Carmel. Yorksh. the Prior and 9 Frat.
17.
Warwick, Dominic. the Prior and 6 Frat.
20.
Northampton, Carmel. the Prior and 8 Frat.
20.
Weatheral, Dominic. Cumberland, the Prior.
20.
Chicksand, Gilb. Bedfordsh. the Prior, 6 Monks, 18 Nuns,
22.
Darley, August. Derbysh. the Abbot and 13 Monks.
22.
Dale, Premonst. Derbysh. the Abbot and 16 Monks.
24.
Repton, August. Derbysh. the Subprior and 8 Monks.
25.
Grace-dieu, August. Nuns, Leicestersh. the Prioress.
27.
Northampton, Francisc. the Warden and 10 Frat.
28.
Northampton, August. the Prior and 9 Frat.
28.
Mallen Nuns, Kent, the Abbess and 10 Nuns.
29.
Bardeny, Bened. Lincolnsh. the Abbot and 13 Monks.
1. November
Barnwell, August. Can. Cambridgsh. the Prior and 6 Monks.
8.
Leicester, Francis. the Warden and 7 Frat.
10.
Dominic. the Prior.
10.
August. the Prior.
10.
London, Dominic. the Bp of Rochest. Commend. & 15 Frat.
10.
August. the Prior and 12 Frat.
12.
Francis. the Warden and 25 Frat.
12.
Cross-Friers, 6 Frat.
13.
Doncaster, Carm. Yorksh. the Prior and 6 Friers.
13.
Werksop, August. Notting. sh. the Prior and 15 Friers.
14.
Pipewell—Lincolnsh. the Abbot and 13 Monks.
15.
Wigemore—Herefordsh. the Commend. and 10 Friers.
18.
York, August. the Prior and 7 Friers.
18.
Doncaster. Francisc. Guardian, 6 Friers, 3 Novices.
20.
Monkbreton, Bened. Yorksh. the Prior and 13 Monks.
21.
St. Helens London, a Nunnery, no hands, only the Seal.
25.
Pomfret, Dominic. Yorksh. the Prior, 7 Friers, 1 Novice.
26.
York, Carmel. the Prior, 9 Friers, 3 Novices.
27.
Francis. the Guardian, 15 Friers, 5 Novices.
27.
Dominic. the Prior, 6 Friers, 4 Novices.
27.
Gilbertines, the Prior, 3 Monks.
28.
August. the Prior, 9 Friers, 4 Novices.
28.
[Page 146]Bellalanda, Cisterc. Yorksh. the Abbot and 24 Monks.
30. November.
Dunnington, the Order of the Trinity, Berksh. the Minister.
30.
Ryeval, Cisterc. Yorksh. the Abbot and 23 Monks.
3. December.
St. Albans, Bened. Herfordsh. the Abbot and 37 Monks.
5.
Ansham, Bened. Oxfordsh. the Prior and 8 Monks.
4.
Kirkham, August. Yorksh. the Prior and 17 Friers.
8.
Notely—Yorksh. the Abbot and 17 Monks.
9.
Ellerton, Gilber. Yorksh. the Prior and 4 Friers.
11.
York, the H. Trin. the Minister and 10 Priests.
 
Yarom, Dominic. the Prior, and 5 Friers, 6 Novices.
 
Darby, Dominic. the Prior and 5 Friers.
3. Ianuary.
Semperingham, Gilber. the Commend. and 3 Monks.
6.
Newcastle, Francis. the Warden, with 8 Friers, & 2 Novices.
9.
Newcastle, August.
9.
Newcastle, Dominic. the Prior and 12 Friers.
10.
Newcastle, Carmel. the Prior, 7 Friars, and 2 Novices.
10.
Walknell, Newcastle, H. Trin. the Prior.
10.
Tinmouth, Bened. Northumberl. Prior, 15 Prebend. 3. Nov.
12.
Warwick, Bened. the Prior and 12 Monks.
15.
Coventry, Carthus. the Prior and 7 Monks.
16.
York, August. the Prior and 17 Fellows.
17.
Brednestock, Wiltsh. the Prior and 13 Monks.
18.
Richmond, Yorksh. Francis. the Prior and 14 Friers.
19.
Lacock, Wiltsh. Nunnery, the Abbess.
21.
Combe, Warwicksh. Cisterc. the quondam Abbot, 13 Monks.
21.
Kenisham, Sommer. sh. August. the Abbot and 10 Monks.
23.
Bolton, Yorksh. August. the Prior and 14 Friers.
29.
Cockersand, Lank. sh. Premons. the Abbot and 22 Monks.
29.
Pollsworth, Warwicksh. Nunnery, no Hands, only the Seal.
31.
Nottingham, Carmel. the Prior and 6 Friers.
5. February.
Francis. the Prior and 7 Friers.
5.
Athelny, Sommer. sh. Bened. the Abbot and 8 Monks.
8.
Taunton, Sommer. sh. August. the Prior and 12 Monks.
10.
Buckland, Sommer. sh. Nunnery, the Prioress.
10.
Dunkeswell, Sommer. sh. Cisterc.
12.
Polleslow, Devonsh. Nunnery, the Prioress.
14.
Witham, Sommer. sh. Carthus. the Prior and 12 Monks.
15.
Bushsham, Devonsh.
19.
Cannonleigh, Devonsh. Nunnery, no Hands but the Seal.
19.
Hartland, Devonsh. August. the Abbot and 4 Monks.
21.
Torry, Premonst. Devonsh. the Abbot and 15 Monks.
23.
Launceston, Cornwal, August. the Prior and 8 Monks.
24.
Buckfast, Devonsh. Cister. the Abbot with 10 Monks.
25.
Buckland, Devonsh. Cister. the Abbot.
27.
Bodmyn, Cornwal, August. the Prior and 8 Monks.
27.
Edingdon, Wiltsh. August. the Rector and 12 Monks.
28.
Plimptone, Canons, August. Devonsh. the Prior & 18 Monks.
1. March.
St. Germans, Can. Aug. Cornwal, the Prior and 7 Monks.
2.
Ford, Cister. Devon. the Abbot and 13 Monks.
8.
Midleton, Bened. Devonsh. Abbot & Bp. Suff. of Shafts. 12 Mo.
11.
Abbots-bury, Bened. Dorsetsh. the Prior and 10 Monks.
12.
[Page 147]Tarent, Nunnery, Dorsetsh. the Abbess and 18 Nuns.
13.
Bindon, Cisterc. Dorsetsh. the Abbot and 7 Monks.
14.
Cerne, Bened. Dorsetsh. the Abbot and 16 Monks.
15.
Sherburne, Bened. Dorsetsh. the Abbot and 16 Monks.
18. March.
Montecute, Cluniac. Sommer. sh. the Abbot and 13 Monks.
20.
Tavenstock, Bened. Sommer. sh. the Abbot and 20 Monks.
20.
Shaf [...]sbury Nunnery, Dorsetsh. the Abbess.
23.
Willton Nunnery, Wiltsh. the Abbess.
25.
Hinton, Carthus. Sommersetsh. the Prior and 19 Monks.
31.
Brutton Cannons-August. Sōmer. sh. the Abbot & 14 Monks.
1. April.
Hide, Bened. Hampsh. Bp. Bangor Commend. and 21 Mon.
in April, but no date.
Without date there are four.
  • Franciscans Cambr. the Guardian and 23 Frat.
  • Dominicans Cambr. the Prior and 15 Fr.
  • Thetford Dominic. the Prior.
  • Sancta Maria de Pratis, the Abbot and 19 Monks.
Hospitals resigned this Year.
St. Thomas Southwark, the Master and one Brother.
25. Iuly.
St. John Wells, the Master and 3 Brothers.
3. February.
Bridgwater, the Master and 7 Brothers.
3.
St. John Exon, the Master and 2 Brothers.
20.

All the former Resignations have the Covent Seals put to them, except those of some few Houses of Begging Friars, which per­haps had no Seals; they are also enrolled in the 1st, 2d, 3d, and 5th Claus. Rolls of that Year. There are likewise some few more enrolled, of which the Originals are lost, which follow.

Hales-Owen, Premonst. Sallop. the Abbot.
9. Iune.
Clattercott. Gilbert. the Prior.
22. August.
Bedford, Francis. the Warden.
3. October.
Stamford, Francis. the Warden.
8.
Derleyghs, Cisterc. Staffordsh. the Abbot.
20.
Pipeldeth, Cisterc. Northam. sh. the Abbot.
5. November.
De-la-pray Nunnery, Northam. sh. the Abbess.
16. December.
Northallerton. Carmel. Yorksh. the Prior.
20.
Pulton Gilbert. the Prior.
16. Ianuary.
Newburg, August. Yorksh.
22.
Bath Cathedral, Bened.
27.
Brusyard Nunnery, Suffolk, the Abbess.
17. February.
Newham, Cisterc. Devonsh. the Abbot.
8. March.
Here follow the Resignations made in the 31 Year of the King's Reign, of which the Originals are yet extant.
KImme Can. August. Lincolnsh. the Prior and 9 Monks.
6. Iuly.
Bevoll Carthus. Notting. sh. the Prior and 7 Monks.
8.
Irthforth Nunnery, Lincolnsh. the Prioress and 17 Nuns.
9.
Nuncotton Nunnery, Yorksh. without Subscriptions.
11.
Hynings Nunnery, Lincolnsh. no Subscriptions.
11.
Fosse Nunnery, Lincolnsh. the Prioress.
11.
Newstead Premonst. Notting. sh. the Prior and 11 Monks.
21.
St. Osith. Can. August. Essex. the Abbot and 16 Monks.
28.
Elistu Nunnery, Bedfordsh. the Abbess.
26. Agust.
Hamond, a Cōmission to the Bp. of Chester to take the Sur­render of it.
31.
Swine Nunnery, Yorksh. no Subscriptions.
3. September.
Haughmond Can. August. Sallop. the Abbot and 10 Mon.
9.
Nunnkeling Nunnery, Yorksh. no Subscription but the Seal.
10.
Nunniton Nunnery, the Prioress, 27 Crosses for Subscript.
12.
Ulnescroft, Liecestersh. the Prior and 11 Friers.
15.
Marrick Nunnery, Yorksh. the Prioress.
15.
Burnham Nunnery, Bucks, the Abbess and 9 Nuns.
19.
St. Bartholomew Smithfield, the Prior.
25. October.
Edmundsbury Bened. Suffolk, the Abbot and 44 Monks.
4. November.
A Commission for the surrender of St. Allborrough, Chesh.
7.
Berkin Nunnery, Essex, the Abbess.
14.
Tame, Oxfordsh. Bp. * Reonen. and 16 Monks.
What this See was I can­not conjecture.
16.
Osney, ibid. id. and 12 Monks.
17.
Godstow Nunnery, Oxfordsh. subscribed by a Notary.
17.
Studley Nunnery, Oxfordsh. signed as the former.
19.
Thelsford, Norfolk, the Prior and 13 Monks.
16. February.
Westminster Bened. the Abbot and 27 Monks.
16. Ianuary.
A Commission to the Arch-Bpp. of Canterb. for taking the Surrender of Christ's-Church Canterb.
20. March.
And another for the surrender of Rochester, both dated
20. March.
Waltham Benedict. Essex, the Abbot and 17 Monks.
23.
St. Mary Watte, Gilber. Bpp. of Landaffe Commend. 8 Fri­ers and 14 Nuns.
 
There is also in the Augmentation-Office, a Book concerning the Resignations and Suppressions of the following Monasteries.
St. Swithins Winchester.
15. November.
St. Mary Winchester.
17.
Wherewell, Hampshire.
21.
Christ's Church, Twinham, the Commendator thereof is called Episcopus Neopolitanus.
28.
Winchelcomb.
3. December.
Ambrose Bury.
4.
St. Austins, near Bristol.
9.
[Page 149]Billesswick, near Bristol.
9. December.
Malmesbury.
15.
Cirencester.
19.
Hales.
24.
St. Peter's, Glocester.
2. Ianuary.
Teuksbury.
9.
There are also several other Deeds enrolled, which follow.
St. Mary-Overhay, in Southwark.
14. October.
St. Michael, near Kingston upon Hall, Carthus.
9. November.
Burton upon Trent. Staffordsh.
14.
Hampol Nunnery, Yorksh.
19.
St. Oswald, Yorksh.
20.
Kirkstall, Yorksh.
22.
Pomfret, Yorksh.
23.
Kirkelles, Yorksh.
24.
Ardyngton, Yorksh.
26.
Fountains, Yorksh.
26.
St. Mary York.
29.
St. Leonard York.
1. December.
Nunnapleton Nunnery, Yorksh.
5.
St. Gelmans Selbe, Yorksh.
6.
Melsey, Yorksh.
11.
Malton, Yorksh.
11.
Whitby, Yorksh.
14.
Albalanda, Northumb.
18.
Montgrasse Carthus. Yorksh.
18.
Alnewick Premonstrat. Northumb.
22.
Gisburne August. Yorksh.
22.
Newshame, Dunelme.
29.
St. Cuthberts Cathedral of Duresme.
31.
St. Bartholomew Nunnery, in Newcastle.
3. Ianuary.
Egleliston, Richmondsh.
5.
St. Mary Carlile, Cumber.
9.
Hoppa Premonst. Westmorland.
14.
St. Werburg. Chester.
20.
St. Mary Chester, a Nunnery.
21.
St. Peters Shrewsbury.
24.
St. Milburg Winlock, Salop.
26.

Section IV.

IT seems there was generally a Confession made with the Surrender: Of these some few are yet extant, though undoubtedly great care was taken to destroy as many as could be in Queen Mary's time. That long and full one made by the Prior of St. Andrews in Northampton, the Preamble whereof is printed by Fuller, and is at large printed by Wea­ver, is yet preserved in the Augmentation-Office. There are some few more also extant, six of these I have seen, one of them follows.

[Page 150]FOrasmuch as we Richard Green, Abbot of our Monastery of our Blessed Lady St. Mary of Betlesden, and the Convent of the said Mo­nastery, do profoundly consider, That the whole manner and trade of living, which we and our pretensed Religion have practised, and used many days, does most principally consist in certain dumb Ceremonies, and other certain Constitutions of the Bishops of Rome, and other Fo­rinsecal Potentates, as the Abbot of Cistins, and therein only noseled, and not taught in the true knowledg of God's Laws, procuring always Exemptions of the Bishops of Rome from our Ordinaries and Diocesans: submitting our selves principally to Forinsecal Potentates and Powers, which never came here to reform such disorders of living and abuses. as now have been found to have reigned amongst us. And therefore now assuredly knowing, that the most perfect way of living, is most principally and sufficiently declared unto us by our Master Christ, his Evangelists and Apostles, and that it is most expedient for us to be go­verned and ordered by our Supream Head, under God, the King's most noble Grace, with our mutual assent and consent, submit our selves, and every one of us, to the most benign Mercy of the King's Majesty; and by these presents do surrender, &c.

The Surrender follows in common form, Signed by the Abbot, Subprior, and 9 Monks, 25. Septemb. Regni 30.

There are others to the same purpose Signed by the Guardian and se­ven Franciscans at Alisbury, the 1st of October. By the Franciscans at Bedford the 3d of October. The Franciscans in Coventry the 5th of Octo­ber. And the Franciscans in Stamford the 8th of October. And the Carmelites in Stamford on the same day, which I shall also insert, the former four agreeing to it.

FOrasmuch as we the Prior and Friers of this House of Carmelites in Stamford, commonly called the White Friers in Stamford, in the County of Lincoln, do profoundly consider that the perfection of Chri­stian living doth not consist in some Ceremonies, wearing of a white Coat, disguising our selves after strange fashions, dockying and becking, wear­ing Scapulars and Hoods, and other-like Papistical Ceremonies, wherein we have been most principally practised and noseled in times past; but the very true way to please God, and to live a true Christian Man, without all hypocrisy and feigned dissimulation, is sincerely declared to us by our Master Christ, his Evangelists, and Apostles; being minded hereafter to follow the same, conforming our self to the Will and Plea­sure of our Supream Head, under God, on Earth, the King's Majesty; and not to follow henceforth, the superstitious Traditions of any Fo­rinsecal Potentate or Power, with mutual assent and consent, do submit our selves unto the Mercy of our said Sovereign Lord, and with the like mutual assent and consent do surrender, &c.

Signed by the Prior and 6 Friers.

Section V. Of the manner of suppressing the Monasteries after they were Sur­rendred.

THe Reader will best understand this by the following account of the Suppression of the Monastery of Teuksbury, copied from a Book that is in the Augmentation-Office, which begins thus:

THe Certificate of Robert Southwell Esquire, William Petre, Edward Kairne, and Iohn London, Doctors of Law; Iohn Ap-rice, Iohn Kingsman, Richard Paulet, and William Bernars, Esquires, Commissio­ners assigned by the King's Majesty, to take the Surrenders of divers Monasteries, by force of his Grace's Commission to them, 6, 5, 4, or 3 of them, in that behalf directed; bearing date at his Highness's Palace of Westminster, the 7th day of Novemb. in the 31 year of the Reign of our most dread Sovereign Lord Henry the Eighth, by the Grace of God, King of England, and of France, Defender of the Faith, Lord of Ire­land, and in Earth immediately under Christ Supreme Head of the Church of England, of all and singular their Proceedings, as well in and of these Monasteries by his Majesty appointed to be altered, as of others to be dissolved, according to the tenour, purport, and effect of his Graces said Commission; with Instructions to them likewise deli­vered, as hereafter ensueth.

Com. Glocester.

Teuksbury late Monastery Surrendred to the use of the King's Majesty, and of his Heirs and Successors for ever made; bearing date un­der the Covent-Seal of the same late Monastery, the 9th day of Ianuary, in the 31 year of the Reign of our most dread victorious Sovereign Lord, King Henry the Eighth: and the said day and year clearly dissol­ved and suppressed.

The clear year­ly value of all the Possessions belonging to said late Mona­stery. As well Spiritual as Temporal, over and besides 136 l. 8 s. 1 d. in Fees, Annuities, and Custodies, granted to divers Persons by Letters Pat­tents under the Covent-Seal of the said late Monastery for term of their lives.

l.s.d.
1595:15:06

[Page 152]Pensions as­signed to the late Religi­ous dispat­ched; that is to say, to

 l.s.d. 
Iohn Wich, late Abbot there26613045510608
Iohn Beley late Prior there160000
I. Bromesgrove late Prior of Delehurst130608
Robert Circester Prior of St. Iames130608
Will. Didcote Prior of Cranborne100000
Robert Cheltenhem B. D.100000
Two Monks 8 l. a piece160000
One Monk070000
27 Monks 6 l. 13 s. 4 d. each1800000

And so remains clear

l.s.d.
10440810

Records and Evidences Belonging to the late Monastery Remains in the Treasury there under the Cu­stody of Iohn Whittington Kt. the Keys whereof being delivered to Richard Paulet Receiver.

Houses and Buildings assigned to remain un­defaced.The Lodging called the Newark, leading from the Gate to the late Abbots Lodging, with Buttery, Pantry, Cellar, Kitching, Larder, and Pastry thereto adjoining. The late Abbot's Lodging, the Hostery, the great Gate entring into the Court, with the Lodging over the same; the Abbot's Stable, Bakehouse, Brewhouse and Slaughterhouse, the Almry, Barn, Derryhouse, the great Barn next Aven, the Maltinghouse, with the Garnees in the same, the Oxhouse in the Barton, the Barton-gate, and the Lodging over the same.Committed to the custo­dy of Iohn Whittington Knight.
Deemed to be superflu­ous.The Church, with Chappels, Cloister, Chapter-house, Misericord, the two Dormitories, the Infirmary, with Chappels and Lodgings with­in the same; the Work-hay, with another House adjoining to the same, the Covent-Kitching, the Library, the old Hosteory, the Chamberers Lodging, the new-Hall, the old Parlor adjoining to the Abbot's Lodging; the Cellarers Lodging, the Poultry-house, the Gardner, the Almary, and all other Houses and Lodgings not above reserved.Committed as above-said.
Leads re­maining uponThe Quire, Iles, and Chappels annext the Cloi­ster Chapter-houser, Frater, St. Michaels Chap­pel, Halls, Fermory, and Gate-house, esteem­ed to180 Foder.
Bells remainingIn the Steeple there are eight poize by estima­tion14600 weight.
[Page 153]Jewels reserved to the use of the King's Majesty.Miters garnished with gilt, rugged Pearls, and counterfeit Stones.2.
Plate of Silver reserved to the same use.
Silver gilt
329 ounces,
Silver parrel gilt
605 ounces.
Silver white
497 ounces.
1431.
Ornaments re­served to the said use.One Cope of Silver Tissue, with one Clesible, and one Tunicle of the same; one Cope of Gold Tissue, with one Cles. and two Tunicles of the same. 
Sum of all the Ornaments, Goods, and Chat­tels belonging to the said late Mo­nastery.Sold by the said Commissioners, as in a particular Book of Sales thereof made ready to be shewed, as more at large may appear.
l.s.d.
1940800
Pay­ments To the late Re­ligious & Servants dispatchtTo 38 late Religious Persons of the said late Monastery of the King's Mat. reward.
801304
To an 144 late Servants of the said late Monastery, for their Wages and Liveries.
751000
Pay­ments For debts owing by the said late Mo­nastery,To divers Persons for Victuals and Ne­cessaries of them had to the use of the said Monastery, with 10 l. paied to the late Abbot there, for and in full paiment of 124 l. 5 s. 4 d. by him to be paid to certain Creditors of the said late Monastery, by Covenants made with the aforesaid Commissioners.
181200

And so remains clear—

191208

Then follows a List of some small Debts owing to and by the said Monastery.

Then follows a List of the Livings in their Gift.

Com. Glocest.
Four Parsonages and 10 Vicarages.
Com. Wigorn.
Two Parsonages and 2 Vicarages.
Com. Warwic.
Two Parsonages.
[Page 154]Com. Will. Bristol.
Five Parsonages and 1 Vicarage.
Com. Wilts.
00 2 Vicar.
Com. Oxon.
One Pars. and 2 Vicar.
Com. Dors.
Four Pars. and 2 Vicar.
Com. Sommers.
Three Pars.
Com. Devon.
00 1 Vicar.
Com. Corub.
00 2 Vicar.
Com. Glamorg. and Morgan.
00 5 Vicar.

In all 21 Parsonages and 27 Vicarages.

IV. Queen Ann Boleyn's last letter to King Henry.

SIR,

Cotton Libr. Otho C. 10.YOur Grace's displeasure, and my Imprisonment, are things so strange unto me, as what to write, or what to excuse, I am altogether ig­norant. Whereas you send unto me (willing me to confess a Truth, and so obtain your favour) by such an one whom you know to be mine ancient professed Enemy. I no sooner received this Message by him, than I rightly conceived your meaning; and as if, as you say, confessing a Truth indeed may procure my safety, I shall with all wil­lingness and duty perform your Command.

But let not your Grace ever imagine that your poor Wife will ever be brought to acknowledg a Fault, where not so much as a thought thereof preceded. And to speak a Truth, never Prince had Wife more loyal in all duty, and in all true affection, than you have ever found in Ann Boleyn, with which Name and Place I could willingly have con­tented my self, if God, and your Grace's pleasure had been so pleased. Neither did I at any time so far forget my self in my Exaltation, or re­ceived Queenship, but that I always looked for such an alteration as now I find; for the ground of my preferment being on no surer Foun­dation than your Grace's Fancy, the least alteration, I knew, was fit and sufficient to draw that Fancy to some other Subject. You have cho­sen me, from a low estate, to be your Queen and Companion, far be­yond my desert or desire. If then you found me worthy of such ho­nour, Good your Grace let not any light Fancy, or bad counsel of mine Enemies, withdraw your Princely Favour from me; neither let that Stain, that unworthy stain of a disloyal heart towards your good Grace, ever cast so foul a blot on your most dutiful Wife, and the [Page 155] Infant-Princess your Daughter: Try me, good King, but let me have a lawful Trial, and let not my sworn Enemies sit as my Accusers and Judges; yea, let me receive an open Trial, for my Truth shall fear no open shame; then shall you see, either mine innocency cleared, your suspicion and Conscience satisfied, the ignominy and slander of the World stopped, or my Guilt openly declared. So that whatsoever God or you may determine of me, your Grace may be freed from an open censure; and mine Offence being so lawfully proved, your Grace is at liberty, both before God and Man, not only to execute worthy punish­ment on me as an unlawful Wife, but to follow your Affection, already setled, on that Party, for whose sake I am now as I am, whose Name I could some good while since have pointed unto: your Grace being not ignorant of my suspicion therein.

But if you have already determined of me, and that not only my Death, but an infamous slander must bring you the enjoying of your desired happiness; then I desire of God, that he will pardon your great sin therein, and likewise mine Enemies, the Instruments thereof; and that he will not call you to a strict account for your unprincely and cruel usage of me, at his General Judgment-Seat, where both you and my self must shortly appear, and in whose Judgment I doubt not (what­soever the World may think of me) mine Innocence shall be openly known, and sufficiently cleared.

My last and only request shall be, That my self may only bear the burthen of your Grace's displeasure, and that it may not touch the in­nocent Souls of those poor Gentlemen, who (as I understand) are likewise in strait Imprisonment for my sake. If ever I have found fa­vour in your sight, if ever the Name of Ann Boleyn hath been pleasing in your ears, then let me obtain this request; and I will so leave to trou­ble your Grace any further, with mine earnest Prayers to the Trinity to have your Grace in his good keeping, and to direct you in all your Acti­ons. From my doleful Prison in the Tower this 6th of May.

Your most Loyal and ever Faithful Wife, Ann Boleyn.

V. The Iudgment of the Convocation concerning General-Councils. Published by the L. Herbert from the Original.

AS concerning General-Councils, like-as we (taught by long ex­perience) do perfectly know that there never was, nor is, any thing devised, invented, or instituted by our Fore-Fathers, more expe­dient or more necessary for the establishment of our Faith, for the ex­tirpation of Heresies, and the abolishing of Sects and Schisms; and fi­nally, for the reducing of Christ's People unto one perfect unity and concord in his Religion, than by the having of General-Councils. So [Page 156] that the same be lawfully had and congregated in Spiritu Sancto, and be also conform and agreeable, as well concerning the surety and indiffe­rency of the Places, as all other Points requisite and necessary for the same, unto that wholsome and godly Institution and usage, for the which they were at first devised and used in the Primitive Church. Even so on the other side, taught by like experience, we esteem, repute, and judg, That there is, ne can be any thing in the World more pestilent and pernicious to the Common-weal of Christendom, or whereby the Truth of God's Word hath in times past, or hereafter may be sooner defaced or subverted, or whereof hath and may ensue more contention, more discord and other devilish effects, than when such General Coun­cils have or shall be assembled, not christianly nor charitably, but for and upon private malice and ambition, or other worldly and carnal Re­spects and Considerations, according to the saying of Gregory Nazianze­nus, in his Epistle to one Procopius, wherein he writeth this Sentence following; Sic sentio, si verum scribendum est, omnes Conventus Episco­porum fugiendos esse, quia nullius Synodi finem vidi bonum, neque habentem magis solutionem malorum, quam incrementum: Nam cupiditates contentio­num, & gloria (sed ne putes me odiosum ista scribentem) vincunt rationem. That is to say; ‘I think this, if I should write truly, That all General Councils be to be eschewed, for I never saw that they produced any good End or Effect, nor that any Provision or Remedy, but rather increase of Mischiefs proceeded of them. For the desire of mainte­nance of Men's Opinions and ambition of Glory (but reckon not that I write this of malice) hath always in them overcomed reason.’ Wherefore we think that Christian Princes, especially and above all things, ought and must, with all their wills, power, and diligence, fore­see and provide; Ne Sanctissima hac in parte majorum Instituta, ad im­probissimos ambitionis aut malitiae effectus explendos, diversissimo suo fine & sceleratissimo pervertantur: Neve ad alium praetextum possint valere, & lon­ge diversum effectum orbi producere quam Sanctissima rei facies prae [...]se ferat. That is to say, ‘Least the most noble wholsome Institutions of our El­ders in this behalf be, perverted to a most contrary and most wicked end and effect; that is to say, to fulfil and satisfy the wicked affecti­ons of Men's Ambition and Malice; or, lest they might prevail for any other colour, or bring forth any other effect than their most vertuous and laudable countenance doth outwardly to the World shew or pre­tend.’ And first of all we think that they ought principally to consi­der who hath the Authority to call together a General Council. Second­ly, Whether the Causes alledged be so weighty and so urgent, that ne­cessarily they require a General Council, nor can otherwise be remedied. Thirdly, Who ought to be Judges in the General Council. Fourth­ly, What order of proceeding is to be observed in the same, and how the Opinions or Judgments of the Fathers are to be consulted or asked. Fifthly, What Doctrines are to be allowed or defended, with diverse other things which in General Councils ought of reason and equity to be observed. And as unto the first Point, We think that neither the Bishop of Rome, nor any one Prince, of what estate, degree, or pre­heminence soever he be, may by his own Authority, call, indite, or summon any General Council without the express consent, assent, and agreement of the residue of Christian Princes, and especially such as [Page 157] have within their own Realms and Seigniories, Imperium merum, that is to say, of such as have the whole, intire, and supream Government and Authority over all their Subjects, without knowledging or recognizing of any other supream Power or Authority. And this to be true, we be induced to think, by many and sundry, as well Examples as great Rea­sons and Authority. The which, forasmuch as it should be over-long and tedious to express here particularly, we have thought good to omit the same for this present. And in witness that this is our plain and de­terminate Sentence, Opinion, and Judgment, touching the Premisses, we the Prelates and Clergy under-written, being congregate together in the Convocation of the Province of Canterbury, and representing the whole Clergy of the same, here to these Presents subscribed our Names the 20th of Iuly, in the Year of our Lord, 1536. 28. Hen. 8.

Signed by Thomas Cromwel, Thomas Cantuariensis, There were then but 17 Bishops in the Province of Canterbury, and Rochester being vacant of the other 16.14 did sign this. Iohannes London, with 13 Bishops and of Abbots, Priors, Arch-Deacons, Deans, Proctors, Clerks, and other Ministers 49.

VI. Instructions for the King's Commissioners, for a new survey, and a [...] Inventory to be made of all the Demesnes, Lands, Goods, and Chattels appertaining to any House of Religion of Monks, Cannons, and Nuns within their Commission, according to the Articles here­after following. The number of which Houses in every County limited in their Commission, being annexed to the sa [...]d Commission. An Original.

Henry R.

FIrst; After the Division made, one Auditor,Ex MSS. Nob. D. G. Pierpoint. one particular Recei­ver, one Clerk of the Register of the last Visitation, with three other discreet Persons to be named by the King in every County where any such Houses be; after their repair to such House, shall declare to the Governour, and Religious Persons of the same, the Statute of Dis­solution, the Commission, and the cause and purpose of their repair for that time.

Item; That after the Declaration made, the said Commissioners shall swear the Governors of the Houses, or such other the Officers of the same House, or other, as ye shall think can best declare the state and plight of the same, to make declaration and answer to the Articles there under-written.

Item; Of what Order, Rule, or Religion, the same House is, and whether it be a Cell or not; and if it be a Cell, then the Commissioners to deliver to the Governours of the House a Privy Seal, and also to in­join him, in the King's Name, under a great pain, to appear without delay before the Chancellor of the Augmentations of the Revenues of [Page 158] the King's Crown and the Council; and in the mean time not to meddle with the same Cell, till the King's pleasure be further known.

Item; What number of Persons of Religion be in the same, and the conversation of their lives, and how many of them be Priests, and how ma­ny of them will go to other Houses of that Religion; or how many will take Capacities; and how many Servants or Hinds the same House keepeth commonly, and what other Persons have their living in the same House.

Item; To survey the quantity or value of the Lead and Bells of the same House, as near as they can, with the ruin, decay, state, and plight of the same.

Item; Incontinently to call for the Covent-Seal, with all Writings and Charters, Evidences and Muniments concerning any of the Posses­sions to be delivered to them, and put the same in sure keeping, and to take a just Inventory betwixt them and the Governour, or other Head-Officer, by Indenture, of the Ornaments, Plate, Jewels, Chattels, ready Mony, Stuff of Houshold, Coin, as well signed as not signed, Stock and Store in the Farmor's hands, and the value thereof, as near as they can, which were appertaining to the same Houses the first day of March last past; and what debts the House doth owe, and to what Person; and what Debts be owing to them, and by whom.

Item; After, to cause the Covent, or Common-Seal, the Plate, Jew­els, and ready Mony, to be put in safe keeping, and the residue of the Particulars specified in the Inventory, to be left in the keeping of the Governor, or some other Head-Officer, without wasting or consumption of the same, unless it be for necessary expence of the House.

Item; That they command the Governor, or other receiver of the same House, to receive no Rents of their Farms until they know fur­ther of the King's pleasure, except such Rents as must needs be had for their necessary Food or Sustenance, or for payment of their Servants Wages.

Item; To survey discreetly the Demesnes of the same House; that is to say, such as have not been commonly used to be letten out, and to certifie the clear yearly value thereof.

Item; To examine the true yearly value of all the Farms of the same House, deducting thereof Rents reserved, Pensions and Portions paied out of the same, Synodals, and proxies; Bailiffs, Receivers, Stewards, and Auditors Fees, and the Names of them to whom they be paied and due, and to none other.

Item; What Leases hath been made to any Farmer, of the Farms per­taining to the same House; and what Rent they reserved, and to whom, and for how many years, and a Copy of the Indenture if they can get it, or else the Counter-pane.

Item; To search and enquire what Woods, Parks, Forrests, Com­mons, or other Profit belonging to any of the Possessions of the same Houses, the Number of the Acres, the Age and Value, as near as they can.

Item; What Grants, Bargains, Sales, Gifts, Alienations, Leases of any Lands, Tenements, Woods, or Offices, hath been made by any the said Governors, of any of the said Houses, within one Year next before [Page 159] the 4th day of February last past, and of what things, or to what value, and to whom, and for what estate.

Item; If there be any House of the Religion aforesaid omitted and not certified in the Exchequer, then the said Commissioners to survey the same, and to make Certificate accordingly.

Item; That they straitly command every Governor of every such House limited in their Commission, to Sow and Till their Grounds as they have done before, till the King's pleasure be further known.

Item; If there be any House given by the King to any Person, in any of the said several Limits of the said Commission, the Names whereof shall be declared to the said Commissioners, Then the said Commissioners shall immediately take the Covent from the Governor, and take an In­ventory indented of the Lead, Bells, Debts, Goods, Chattels, Plate, Jewels, Ornaments, Stock and Store, to the King's use; and to make sale of the Goods, Chattels, and other Implements, Plate and Jewels only excepted.

Item; The said Commissioners in every such House, to send such of the Religious Persons that will remain in the same Religion, to some other great House of that Religion, by their discretion, with a Letter to a Governor for the receipt of them; And the residue of them that will go to the World, to send them to my Lord of Canterbury, and the Lord Chancellor for their Capacities, with the Letter of the same Com­missioners.

Item; The said Commissioners to give the said Persons that will have Capacities, some reasonable Rewards, according to the distance of the place, by their discretions to be appointed.

Item; The said Commissioners to command the Governour to resort to the Chancellor of the Augmentation for his yearly Stipend and Pen­sion.

Item; If there be any House dissolved or given up to the King by their Deed, then the Commissioners shall order themselves in every point and purpose, as the Houses given by the King to any other Person in form aforesaid.

Item; Every of the said Commissioners having in charge to survey more than one Shire within the Limits of their Commission, immedi­ately after they have perused one Shire, parcel of their Charge, in form aforesaid, shall send to the Chancellour of the Court for the Augmen­tation of the Revenues of the King's Crown, a brief Certificate of all these Comperts, according to the Instructions aforesaid, what they have done in the Premisses, and in every County so surveighed, then to proceed further to another County; and so as they pass the said Coun­ties to make like Certificate, and so forth, till their Limits be surveigh­ed, and there to remain till they know further of the King's pleasure.

Item; If the said Commissioners have but one County in charge, then to certifie the said Chancellor in form aforesaid, and there to remain till they know further of the King's pleasure.

VII. Injunctions given by the Authority of the King's Highness to the Clergy of this Realm.

Register, Craum, fol. 47.IN the Name of God, Amen. In the Year of our Lord God one thousand five hundred thirty six, and of the most noble Reign of our Sovereign Lord, Henry the Eighth, King of England and France, the 28 Year, and the day of I Thomas Cromwel Knight, Lord Cromwel, Keeper of the Privy-Seal of our said Sovereign Lord the King, and Vicegerent unto the same, for and concerning all his Jurisdictions Ecclesiastical within the Realm, visiting by the King's High­ness's Supream Authority Ecclesiastical, the People and Clergy of this Deanery of by my trusty Commissary lawfully de­puted and constitute for this part, have, to the glory of Almighty God, to the King's Highness's honour, the publick Weal of this his Realm, and encrease of Vertue in the same, appointed and assigned these Injuncti­ons ensuing to be kept and observed, of the Dean, Parsons, Vicars, Curates, and Stipendaries, resiant or having cure of Soul, or any other Spiritual Administrations within this Deanery, under the pains hereafter limited and appointed.

The first is; That the Dean, Parsons, Vicars, and other, having cure of Soul any-where within this Deanery, shall faithfully keep and ob­serve, and as far as in them may lie, shall cause to be observed and kept of other, all and singular Laws and Statutes of this Realm, made for the abolishing and extirpation of the Bishop of Rome's pretensed and usurped Power and Jurisdiction within this Realm. And for the esta­blishment and confirmation of the King's Authority and Jurisdiction of the same, as of the Supream Head of the Church of England; and shall, to the uttermost of their Wit, Knowledg, and Learning, purely, sincerely, and without any colour or dissimulation, declare, manifest, and open, for the space of one quarter of a year next ensuing, once every Sunday, and after that at the least-wise twice every quarter, in their Sermons and other Collations, that the Bishop of Rome's usurped Power and Jurisdiction, having no establishment nor ground by the Law of God, was of most just causes taken away and abolished; and there­fore they owe unto him no manner of obedience or subjection; and that the King's Power is within his Dominion the highest Power and Potentate, under God, to whom all Men within the same Dominions, by God's Commandment, owe most loyalty and obedience, afore and above all other Powers and Potentates in Earth.

Item; Whereas certain Articles were lately devised and put forth by the King's Highness's Authority, and condescended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm in Convocation, whereof part are neces­sary to be holden and believed for our Salvation, and the other part do concern and teach certain laudable Ceremonies, Rites, and Usages of the Church, meet and convenient to be kept and used for a decent and politick order in the same; the said Dean, Parsons, Vicars, and other Curats, shall so open and declare in their said Sermons, and other [Page 161] Collations, the said Articles unto them that be under their Cure, that they may plainly know and discern which of them be necessary to be believed and observed for their Salvation, and which be not necessary, but only do concern the decent and politick order of the said Church: according to such Commandment and Admonition as hath been given unto them heretofore, by Authority of the King's Highness in tha [...] behalf.

Moreover, That they shall declare unto all such as be under their Cure, the Articles likewise devised, put forth, and authorized of late, for and concerning the abrogation of certain superfluous Holy-days, according to the effect and purport of the same Articles: and perswade their Parishioners to keep and observe the same inviolable, as things honesty provided, decreed, and established, by common consent, and publick Authority, for the Weal, Commodity, and Profit of all this Realm.

Besides this, to the intent that all Superstition and Hypocrisie, crept into divers Mens hearts may vanish away, they shall not set forth or ex­tol any Images, Reliques, or Miracles, for any superstition or lucre; nor allure the People by any inticements to the pilgrimages of any Saint, otherwise than is permitted in the Articles lately put forth by the Authority of the King's Majesty, and condescended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm in Convocation; as though it were pro­per or peculiar to that Saint to give this Commodity, or that: seeing all Goodness, Health, and Grace, ought to be both asked and looked for only of God, as of the very Author of the same, and of none other, for without him it cannot be given: But they shall exhort, as well their Parishioners as other Pilgrims, that they do rather apply themselves to the keeping of God's Commandments, and fulfilling of his Works of Charity; perswading them that they shall please God more by the true exercising of their bodily Labour, Travail, or Occupation, and pro­viding for their Families, than if they went about to the said Pilgrima­ges; and that it shall profit more their Souls health, if they do bestow that on the Poor and Needy, which they would have bestowed upon the said Images or Reliques.

Also in the same their Sermons, and other Collations, the Parsons, Vicars, and other Curats, aforesaid, shall diligently admonish the Fa­thers and Mothers, Masters and Governors of Youth, being within their Cure, to teach, or cause to be taught, their Children and Servants, even from their Infancy, their Pater Noster, the Articles of our Faith, and the Ten Commandments, in their Mother Tongue: And the same so taught, shall cause the said Youth oft to repeat and understand. And to the intent that this may be the more easily done, the said Curats shall, in their Sermons, deliberately and plainly recite of the said Pater Noster, the Articles of our Faith, and the Ten Commandments, one Clause or Article one day, and an other another day, till those be taught and learnt by little; and shall deliver the same in writing, or shew where printed Books containing the same be to be sold, to them that can read or will desire the same. And thereto that the said Fathers and Mothers, [Page 162] Masters and Governors, do bestow their Children and Servants, even from their Childhood, either to Learning, or some other honest Exer­cise, Occupation, or Husbandry: exhorting, counselling, and by all the ways and means they may, as well in their said Sermons and Collati­ons, as otherwise, perswading the said Fathers, Mothers, Masters, and other Governors, being under their Cure and Charge, diligently to provide and foresee that the said Youth be in no manner-wise kept or brought up in idleness, lest at any time afterwards they be driven, for lack of some Mystery or Occupation to live by, to fall to begging, steal­ing, or some other unthriftiness; forasmuch as we may daily see, through sloth and idleness, divers valiant Men fall, some to begging, and some to theft and murder; which after brought to calamity and misery, im­pute a great part thereof to their Friends and Governors, which suf­fered them to be brought up so idely in their Youth; where if they had been well educated and brought up in some good Literature, Occupa­tion, or Mystery, they should, being Rulers of their own Family, have profited, as well themselves as divers other Persons, to the great commo­dity and ornament of the Common-weal.

Also, that the said Parsons, Vicars, and other Curats, shall diligently provide that the Sacraments and Sacramentals be duly and reverently ministred in their Parishes; and if at any time it hapned them, either in any of the Cases expressed in the Statutes of this Realm, or of spe­cial license given by the King's Majesty to be absent from their Benefi­ces, they shall leave their Cure, not to a rude and unlearned Person, but to an honest, well-learned, and expert Curate, that may teach the rude and unlearned of their Cure wholsome Doctrine, and reduce them to the right way that do err; and always let them see, that neither they, nor their Vicars, do seek more their own profit, promotion, or advantage, than the profit of the Souls that they have under their Cure, or the Glory of God.

Also, the said Dean, Parsons, Vicars, Curats, and other Priests, shall in no wise, at any unlawful time, nor for any other cause, than for their honest necessity, haunt or resort to any Taverns or Ale-houses; And after their Dinner and Supper, they shall not give themselves to Drinking or Riot, spending their time idely, by Day or by Night, at Tables or Cards-playing, or any other unlawful Game; but at such times as they shall have such leisure, they shall read or hear somewhat of Holy Scripture, or shall occupy themselves with some other honest Exer­cise; and that they alway do those things which appertain to good con­gruence and honesty, with profit of the Common-weal, having always in mind, That they ought to excel all others in purity of life, and should be examples to all other to live well and christianly.

Furthermore; Because the Goods of the Church are called the Goods of the Poor, and at these days nothing is less seen than the Poor to be sustained with the same; all Parsons, Vicars, Pensionaries, Pre­bendaries, and other Beneficed Men within the Deanery, not being re­sident upon their Benefices, which may dispend yearly 20 l. or above within this Deanry, or elsewhere, shall distribute hereafter yearly amongst [Page 163] their poor Parishioners, or other Inhabitants there, in the presence of the Church-Wardens, or some other honest Men of the Parish, the fortieth part of the Fruits and Revenues of the said Benefices: lest they be worthily noted of Ingratitude; which reserving so many parts to themselves, cannot vouchsafe to impart the fortieth portion thereof a­mongst the poor People of that Parish, that is so fruitful and profitable unto them.

And to the intent that Learned Men may hereafter spring the more for the execution of the Premisses; Every Parson, Vicar, Clerk, or beneficed Man within this Deanry, having yearly to dispend in Benefi­ces, and other promotions of the Church, an 100 l. shall give compe­tent exhibition to one Scholar; and for as many hundred pounds more as he may dispend, to so many Scholars more, shall give like exhibition in the University of Oxford or Cambridg, or some Grammer-School; which after they have profited in good Learning, may be Partners of their Patrons Cure and Charge, as well in preaching as otherwise, in the execution of their Offices; or may, when need shall be, otherwise profit the Common-Wealth with their Counsel and Wisdom.

Also, that all Parsons, Vicars, and Clerks, having Churches, Chap­pels, or Mansions within this Deanry, shall bestow yearly hereafter up­on the same Mansions, or Chancels of their Churches being in decay, the fifth part of their Benefices till they be fully repaired; and the same so repaired, shall always keep and maintain in good state.

All which and singular Injunctions shall be inviolably observed of the said Dean, Parsons, Vicars, Curats, Stipendiaries, and other Clerks and beneficed Men, under the pain of suspension and sequestration of the Fruits of their Benefices, until they have done their duty according to these Injunctions.

VIII. Cromwel's Letter to Shaxton, Bishop of Sarum, taken from a Copy writ by his Secretary.

MY Lord, after hearty Commendations,Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. 4. I cannot but both much marvel that you whom I have taken as mine trusty Friend, should judg me, as I perceive by your Letters you do, and also be glad that ye so frankly utter your Stomach to me. I would thank you for your plain writing and free monitions, saving that you seem fuller of suspition than it becometh a Prelate of your sort to be: and (to say that maketh me more sorry) much worse perswaded of me than I thought any of your Learning and Judgment could have been. I took a Matter out of your hands to mine, if upon con [...]iderations mine Of­fice bind me to do so, what cause have ye to complain? if I had done this, either upon affection, or intending prejudice to your estimation, you might have expostulated with me; and yet if ye then had done it after a gentler sort, I should both sooner have amended that I did amiss, [Page 164] and also have had better cause to judge your writing to me, to be of a friendly heart towards me. If ye be offended with my sharp Letters, how can your testy words (I had almost given them another Name) delight me? I required you to use no extremity in your Office, durus est hic sermo, ye call it; and when ye have done, ye begin again, even as tho all being said, all were still behind. If ye have used none extre­mity, I am, I ensure you, as glad of it as I ought to be: And though ye do not, yet upon a complaint my Office bindeth me to succour him that saith he is over-matched, and is compelled to sustain wrong. I was thus informed, and by Persons to whom I gave more credit than I in­tend to do hereafter, if they have abused me, as ye would make me believe they have. They thus complaining, could I do less than grant unto them such Remedies as the King's Highness and his Laws give indif­ferently to all his Subjects? Might I not also somewhat gather, that ye proceeded the sorer against the Reader, Roger London, when I had seen how much you desired the preferment of your Servant to that Reve­nue? My Lord, you had shewed your self of much more patience, I will not say of much more prudence, if ye had contented your self with their lawful Appeal, and my lawful Injunctions; and rather have writ­ten somewhat fully to instruct us in this Matter, than thus to desire to conquer me by shrewd words, to vanquish me by sharp threp of Scripture, which as I know to use travel, so I trust to God as great a Clerk as ye be, is done already. Thus out of their place, it becometh me not, neither yet I am wont to vaunt my self of well-doing, I know who worketh all that is well wrought by me; and whereas he is the whole Doer, I intend not to offer him this wrong, to labour, and I to take the thanks; yet as I do not cease to give thanks, that that it hath pleased his Goodness to use me as an Instrument, and to work somewhat by me, so I trust I am as ready to serve him in my Cal­ling, to my little power, as ye are prest to write worse of me than ye ought to think. My Prayer is, That God give me no longer life, than I shall be glad to use mine Office in aedificationem, and not in destructio­nem, as ye bear me in hand I do. God, ye say, will judg such using of Authority, meaning flatly, that I do abuse such Power as hath pleased God and the King's Highness to set me in; God, I say, will judg such Judges as yeare, and charge also such thoughts as ye misuse: ye do not so well as I would ye should do, if ye so think of me as your Letters make me think ye do. The Crime that ye charge me withal, is greater than I may or ought to bear, untruer, I trust, than they that would fainest, shall be able to prove. It is a [...]trange thing, you say, that I neither would write, nor send you word by mouth, what ye should do with the Po­pish Monks of Abington; and that the Abbot of Redding could get streight-way my Letters to inhibit your just doings: That was not my mind which I wrote, I did not intend to lett your just doings, but ra­ther to require you to do justly; neither I was swift in granting my Let­ters to him, albeit I am much readier to help him that complains of wrong, than prest to further on him that desireth punishment of a Per­son whom I am not sure hath offended. I made you no answer, a strange thing! my Lord, I thought ye had better known my Business, than for such a Matter to esteem me not your Friend; you might have better judged that I was too much cumbred with other Affairs, that those which [Page 165] sued for the Abbot, could better espy their time than you could. Some Man will think it rather utter displeasure conceived before, than that ye have any urgent occasion here to misjudg my mind towards you. As con­cerning your Manor you must use your Priviledges as things lent unto you, so long as ye shall occupy them well, that is, according to the mind and pleasure of them that gave you them. I took neither the Monk's Cause, nor any other, into my hands, to be a bearer of any such whom their upright dealings is not able to bear. No, you know I think, that I love such readers of Scripture as little as ye do: would God Men of your sort were as diligent to see that in all their Diocesses good were made, as I am glad to remove things when I know them; if ye had ta­ken even then but half the pains to send up such things against him as ye now send, neither you should have had cause, no nor occasion thus easily to divine of my good or evil-will towards you, nor I have been cumbred with this answer. My Lord, I pray you, while I am your Friend, take me to be so; for if I were not, or if I knew any cause why I ought not, I would not be afraid to show you what had alienated my mind from you; so you should well perceive that my displeasure should last no longer than there were cause. I pass over your Nemo lae­ditur nisi a seipso, I pray with you this first part, Our Lord have pity upon me; the other part is not in my Prayers, That God should turn my heart, for he is my Judg, I may err in my doings for want of know­ledg, but I willingly bear no misdoers, I willingly hurt none whom honesty and the King's Laws do not refuse. Undo not you your self, I intend nothing less than to work you any displeasure. If hitherto I have shewed you any pleasure, I am glad of it: I showed it to your Qua­lities and not to you; if they tarry with you, my good-will cannot depart from you, except your Prayer be heard, that is, My Heart be turned. I assure you I am right-glad ye are in the place ye are in, and will do what shall lie in me to aid you in your Office, to maintain your Reputation, to give you credit among your Flock, and elsewhere; as long as I shall see you faithful to your Duty, according to your Calling. I will not become your good Lord, as your desire is, I am and have been your Friend, and take you to be mine; cast out vain suspition, let rash Judgment rule Men of less wit and discretion; wilfulness be­cometh all Men better than a Bishop, which should always teach us to lack gladly our own Will, because you may not have your own Will. Here is Christus paup. facit & ditat, cum Dominus dedit & Dominus abstu­lit, to what purpose? Sit nomen Domini benedictum, can never lack his place, it becometh alwise in season; or else as great a Divine as ye are, I would say, it were not the best Placed here, except you wist better, you had rather lose all than any part of your will. I pray you teach Patience better in your Deeds, or else speak as little of it as ye can. My Lord, you might have provoked an other in my place, that would have used less patience with you, finding so little in you; but I can take your Writings, and this Heat off your Stomach, even as well as I can, I trust, beware of Flatterers. As for the Abbot of Redding, and his Monk, if I find them as ye say they are, I will order them as I shall think good; ye shall do well to do your Duty, if you so do, ye have no cause to mistrust my Friendship; if ye do not, I must tell it you, and that some­what after the plainest sort, To take a Cause out of your hands into [Page 166] mine, I do but mine Office, you meddle further than your Office will bear you, thus roughly to handle me for using of mine. If ye do so no more, I let pass all that is past, and offer you such kindness as ye shall lawfully desire at my hands. Thus fare you well.

IX. The Sentence given out by Pope Paul the third, against King Henry.
Damnatio & Excommunicatio Henrici 8. Regis Angliae, ejusque Fautorum & Complicum, cum aliarum poenarum adjectione.

Paulus Episcopus Servus Servorum Dei
ad perpetuam rei memoriam.

Cherubini Bullarium, Tom. 2. pag. 704.EJus qui immobilis permanens sua providentia ordine mirabili dat cuncta moveri, disponente clementia, vices, licet immeriti geren­tes in terris, & in sede justitiae constituti, juxta prophetae quoque Hiere­miae vaticinium dicentis: Ecce te constitui super gentes & Regna, ut evellas & destruas, aedifices, plantes, praecipuum super omnes Reges Universae Terrae cunctos (que) populos obtinentes principatum: ac illum qui pius & misericors est, & vindictam ei qui illam praevenit paratam tempe­rat, nec quos impoenitentes videt severa ultione castigat, quin prius com­minetur, in assidue autem peccantes & in peccatis perseverantes, cum excessus misericordiae fines praetereunt, ut saltem metu poenae ad cor re­verti cogantur, justitiae vires exercet, imitantes; ex incumbenti nobis Apostolicae sollicitudinis studio per-urgemur, ut cunctarum persona­rum nostrae curae caelitus commissarum salubri statui solertius intenda­mus, ac erroribus & scandalis, quae Hostis antiqui versutia imminere conspicimus, propensius obviemus, excessus (que) & enormia ac scandalosa crimina congrua severitate coerceamus, & juxta Apostolum inobedien­tiam ovium promptius ulciscendo, illorum perpetratores debita corre­ctione sic compescamus, quod eos Dei iram provocasse poeniteat, & ex hoc aliis exemplum cautelae salutaris accedat.

Sane cum superioribus diebus nobis relatum fuisset, quod Henricus Angliae Rex, licet tempore Pontificatus fael. record. Leonis Papae X. Praedecessoris nostri diversorum haereticorum Errores, saepe ab Aposto­lica Sede & Sacris Conciliis praeteritis temporibus damnatos, & novissi­me nostra aetate per perditionis alumnum Martinum Lutherum suscita­tos & innovatos, zelo Catholicae Fidei, & erga dictam Sedem devotio­nis fervore inductus, non minus docte quam pie, per quendam librum per eum desuper compositum, & eidem Leoni Praedecessori ut eum exa­minaret & approbaret oblatum, confutasset, ob quod ad eodem Leone Praedecessore ultra dicti libri, cum magna ipsius Henrici Regis laude & commendatione, approbationem, titulum Defensoris Fidei reportaverit, a recta Fide & Apostolico tramite devians, ac propriae salutis, famae, & [Page 167] honoris immemor, postquam Charissima in Christo Filia nostra Catha­rina Angliae Regina illustri sua progenie conjuge, cum qua publice in facie Ecclesiae Matrimonium contraxerat, & per plures annos continuave­rat, ac ex qua, dicto constante Matrimonio, prolem pluries susceperat; nulla legitima subsistente causa, & contra Ecclesiae prohibitionem dimissa, cum quadam Anna Bolena, Muliere Anglica, dicta Catharina adhuc vi­vente, de facto Matrimonium contraxerat, ad deteriora prosiliens, quas­dam leges ceu generales Constitutiones edere non erubuit, per quas sub­ditos suos ad quosdam haereticos & schismaticos Articulos tenendos, inter quos & hoc erat quod Romanus Pontifex Caput Ecclesiae, & Christi Vicarius non erat, & quod ipse in Anglica Ecclesia supremum Caput exi­stebat, sub gravibus etiam mortis poenis cogebat. Et his non contentus, Diabolo sacrilegii crimen suadente, quamplures Praelatos, etiam Episco­pos, alias (que) personas Ecclesiasticas, etiam Regulares, ne [...]non Saeculares, sibi ut haeretico & schismatico adhaerere, ac Articulos praedictos Sancto­rum Patrum decretis & Sacrorum Conciliorum Statutis, imo etiam ipsi Evangelicae veritati contrarios, tanquam tales alios damnatos approbare, & sequi nolentes, & intrepide recusantes, capi & carceribus mancipari. His (que) similiter non contentus, mala malis accumulando, bonae memoriae Jo. H. S. Vitalis Presbyt. Cardinal. Roffen. quem ob fidei constantiam & vitae Sanctimoniam ad Cardinalatus dignitatem promoveramus, cum di­ctis haeresibus & erroribus consentire nollet, horenda immanitate & de­testanda saevitia, publice miserabili supplicio tradi & decollari mandave­rat, & fecerat, Excommunicationis, & Anathematis, alias (que) gravissimas sententias, censuras, & poenas in literis & constitutionibus recolendae mem. Bonifacii VIII. Honorii III. Roman. Pontificum praedecessorum no­strorum desuper editis contentas, & alias in tales a jure latas damnabili­ter incurrendo, ac Regno Angliae, & dominiis quae tenebat, necnon regalis fastigii celsitudine ac praefati tituli praerogativa, & honore se in­dignum reddendo.

2. Nos licet ex eo, quod prout non ignorabamus, idem Henricus Rex certis censuris Ecclesiasticis, quibus a piae memoriae Clemente Papa VII. etiam praedecessore nostro, postquam humanissimis literis & paternis exhortationibus, multis (que) nunciis & mediis, primo & postre­mo etiam judicialiter, ut praefatam Annam a se dimitteret, & ad praedi­ctae Catharinae suae verae Conjugis consortium rediret, frustra monitus fuerat, innodatus extiterat, Pharaonis duritiam imitando, per longum tempus in clavium contemptum insorduerat, & insordescebat, quod ad cor rediret, vix sperare posse videremus, ob paternam tamen Charita­tem, qua in minoribus constituti donec in obedientia, & reverentia Sedis praedictae permansit, eum prosecuti fueramus, ut (que) clarius videre posse­mus, an clamor qui ad nos delatus fuerat, (quem certe etiam ipsius Hen­rici Regis respectu falsum esse desideramus) verus esset, statuimus ab ul­teriori contra ipsum Henricum Regem processu ad tempus abstinendo, hujus rei veritatem diligentius indagare.

3. Cum autem debitis diligentiis desuper factis clamorem ad nos, ut praefertur, delatum, verum esse, simulque, quod dolenter referimus, dictum Henricum Regem ita in profundum malorum descendisse, ut de ejus resipiscentia nulla penitus videatur spes haberi posse, repererimus: Nos attendentes vetere lege, crimen adulterii notatum lapidari mandatum, ac auctores Schismatis halitu terrae absorptos, eorum (que) sequaces coelesti [Page 168] igne consumptos, Elimam (que) Magum viis Domini resistentem per Apo­stolum aeterna severitate damnatum fuisse, volentes (que) ne in districto exa­mine ipsius Henrici Regis & subditorum suorum, quos secum in perdi­tionem trahere videmus, animarum ratio a nobis exposcatur, quantum nobis ex alto conceditur, providere contra Henricum Regem, ejusque complices, fautores, adhaerentes, & sequaces, & in praemissis quomodo­libet culpabiles, contra quod ex eo quod excessus, & delicta praedicta adeo manifesta sunt & notoria, ut nulla possint tergiversatione celari, abs (que) ulteriori mora ad executionem procedere possemus, benignius a­gendo, decrevimus infrascripto modo procedere.

4. Habita ita (que) super his cum venerabilibus fratribus nostris S. R. E. Cardinalibus deliberatione matura, & de illorum consilio & assensu, praefatum Henricum Regem, ejus (que) complices, fautores, adhaerentes, consultores & sequaces, ac quoscun (que) alios in praemissis, ceu eorum ali­quo quoque modo culpabiles, tam laicos quam Clericos, etiam regulares cujuscun (que) dignitatis, status, gradus, ordinis, conditionis, praeeminen­tiae, & excellentiae existant, (quorum nomina & cognomina, perinde ac si praesentibus insererentur, pro sufficienter expressis haberi volumus) per viscera misericordiae Dei nostri hortamur, & requirimus in Domino, quatenus Henricus Rex a praedictis erroribus prorsus abstineat, & consti­tutiones, seu leges praedictas, sicut de facto eas fecit, revocet, casset, & annullet, & coactione subditorum suorum ad eas servandas, necnon carceratione, captura, & punitione illorum, qui ipsis constitutionibus seu legibus adhaerere, aut eas servare noluerint, & ab aliis erroribus prae­dictis penitus, & omnino abstineat, & si quos praemissorum occasione captivos habeas, relaxet.

5. Complices vero, fautores, adhaerentes, consultores, & sequaces dicti Henrici Regis in praemissis, & circa ea ipsi Henrico Regi super his de caetero non adsistant, nec adhaereant, vel faveant, nec ei consilium, auxilium, vel favorem, desuper praestent.

6. Alias si Henricus Rex, ac fautores, adhaerentes. consultores, & sequaces, hortationibus & requisitionibus hujusmodi non annuerint cum effectu, Henricum Regem, fautores, adhaerentes, consultores & sequaces, ac alios culpabiles praedictos, auctoritate Apostolica, ac ex cer­ta nostra scientia, & de Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, tenore prae­sentium, in virtute sanctae obedientiae, ac sub majoris Excommunicatio­nis lata sententia, a qua etiam praetextu cujuscun (que) privilegii, vel facul­tatis, etiam in forma confessionalis, cum quibuscun (que) efficacissimis clau­sulis nobis & Sede praedicta quomodolibet concessis, & etiam iteratis vicibus innovatis, ab alio quam a Romano Pontifice, praeterquam in mortis Articulo constituti, ita tamen, quod si aliquem absolvi contingat, qui postmodum convaluerit, nisi post convalescentiam, monitioni & mandatis nostris hujusmodi paruerit cum effectu, in eandem Excommu­nicationis sententiam reincidat, absolvi non possint.

7. Necnon rebellionis, & quoad Henricum Regem, etiam perditio­nis Regni, & Dominiorum praedictorum, & tam quoad eum, quam quod alios monitos supradictos supra & infrascriptis poenis, quas si dictis monitioni & mandatis, ut praefertur, non paruerint, eos, & eorum sin­gulos, ipso facto respective incurrere volumus, per praesentes monemus; eis (que) & eorum cuilibet districte praecipiendo mandamus, quatenus Hen­ricus Rex per se, vel procuratorem legitimum & sufficienti mandato suf­fultum, [Page 169] infra nonaginta, complices vero, fautores, adhaerentes, consul­tores, & sequaces, ac alii in praemissis quomodolibet culpabiles supradi­cti, Saeculares & Ecclesiastici etiam regulares, personaliter infra sexaginta dies compareant coram nobis, ad se super praemissis legitime excusan­dum & defendendum; alias videndum & audiendum contra eos & eorum singulos, etiam nominatim, quos sic monemus, quatenus expediat, ad omnes & singulos, actus, etiam sententiam definitivam, declaratoriam, condemnatoriam, & privatoriam, ac mandatum executivum procedi. Quod si Henricus Rex, & alii moniti praedicti intra dictos terminos eis ut praefertur, respective praefixos non comparuerint, & praedictam Ex­communicationis sententiam per tres dies, post lapsum dictorum termi­norum animo, quod absit, sustinuerint indurato, censuras ipsas aggrava­mus, & successive reaggravamus, Henricum (que) ipsum, privationis Regni & Dominiorum praedictorum, & tam eum quam alios monitos praedictos, & eorum singulos, omnes & singulas alias poenas praedictas incurrisse, ab omnibus (que) Christi fidelibus, cum eorum bonis perpetuo diffidatos esse. Et si interim ab humanis decedat, Ecclesiastica debere carere sepultura, auctoritate & potestatis plenitudine praedictis decernimus, & declara­mus, eos (que) anathematis, maledictionis, & damnationis aeternae mucrone percutimus.

8. Necnon quae praefatus Henricus Rex quomodolibet, & ex quavis causa tenet, habet, aut possidet, Quamdiu Henricus Rex, & alii moniti praedicti, & eorum singuli in aliis per dictum Henricum Regem non ten­tis, habitis, aut possessis permanserint, & triduo post eorum inde reces­sum, & alia quaecun (que) ad quae Henricum Regem, & alios moni [...]os praedi­ctos, post lapsum dictorum terminorum declinare contigerit, Dominia, civitates, terras, castra, villas, oppida, Metrapolitanasque, & alias Ca­thedrales, caeteras (que) inferiores Ecclesias, necnon Monasteria, Prioratus, Domos, Conventus, & loca religiosa, vel pia cujuscunque, etiam S. Be­nedict. Cluniacen. Cistercien. Praemonstraten. ac Praedicatorum, Mino­rum, Eremitarum S. Augustini Carmelitarum, & aliorum Ordinum, ac Congregationum, & Militiarum quaruncun (que) in ipsis Dominiis, Civita­tibus, terris, castris, villis, oppidis, & locis existentia, Ecclesiastico supponimus Interdicto, ita ut illo durante in iis etiam praetextu cujuscun­que Apostolici indulti, Ecclesiis, Monasteriis, Prioratibus, Domibus, Conventibus, locis, ordinibus, aut personis, etiam quacun (que) dignitate fulgentibus concessi, praeterquam in casibus a jure permissis, ac etiam in illis alias quam clausis januis, & Excommunicatis & interdictis exclusis, nequeant Missae, aut alia divina officia celebrari.

9. Et Henrici Regis, complicumque, fautorum, adhaerentium, con­sultorum, sequacium, & culpabilium praedictorum filii, paenarum, ut hic in hoc casu par est, participes sint, omnes & singulos ejusdem Henrici Regis ex dicta Anna, ac singulorum aliorum praedictorum filios natos, & nascituros, alios (que) descendentes, us (que) in eum gradum, ad quem jura poenas in casibus hujusmodi extendunt (nemine excepto, nulla (que) mino­ris aetatis, aut sexus, vel ignorantiae, vel alterius cujusvis causae habita ratione) dignitatibus, & honoribus in quibus quomodolibet constituti existunt, seu quibus gaudent, utuntur, potiuntur, aut muniti sunt, nec­non privilegiis, concessionibus, gratiis, indulgentiis, immunitatibus, re­missionibus, libertatibus, & indultis, ac dominiis, civitatibus, castris, terris, villis, oppidis, & locis, etiam Commendatis, vel in Gubernium [Page 170] concessis, & quae in feudum, emphyteusim, vel alias a Romanis, vel aliis Ecclesiis, Monasteriis, & locis Ecclesiasticis, ac secularibus Princi­pibus, Dominiis, Potentatibus, etiam Regibus & Imperatoribus, aut aliis privatis, vel publicis personis quomodolibet habent, tenent, aut possident, caeteris (que) omnibus bonis, mobilibus & immobilibus, juribus & actionibus, eis quomodolibet competentibus privatos, dicta (que) bona feudalia, vel emphyteutica, & alia quaecun (que) ab aliis quomodolibet ob­tenta, ad directos dominos, ita ut de illis libere disponere possint, re­spective devoluta, & eos qui Ecclesiastici fuerint, etiamsi religiosi exi­stant, Ecclesiis etiam Cathedralibus, & Metropolitanis, necnon Mona­steriis & Prioratibus, praeposituris, praepositatibus, dignitatibus, perso­natibus, Officiis, Canonicatibus & Praebendis, aliis (que) beneficiis Ecclesia­sticis per eos quomodolibet obtentis privatos, & ad illa ac alia in poste­rum obtinenda inhabiles esse, similiter decernimus & declaramus; eos (que) sic respective privatos ad illa, & alia quaecun (que) similia, ac dignitates, ho­nores, administrationes, & officia, jura, ac feuda in posterum obtinenda, auctoritate & scientia, ac plenitudine similibus inhabilitamus.

10. Ipsius (que) Henrici Regis, ac Regni omnium (que) aliorum dominiorum, civitatum, terrarum, castrorum, villarum, fortalitiorum, arcium, op­pidorum, & locorum suorum, etiam de facto obtentorum Magistratus, judices, Castellanos, Custodes & Officiales quoscunque, necnon Com­munitates, Universitates, Collegia, Feudatarios, vassallos, subditos, ci­ves, incolas, & habitatores etiam forenses, dicto Regi de facto obedien­tes, tam saeculares, quam si qui rationis alicujus temporalitatis ipsum Henricum Regem in superiorem recognoscant, etiam Ecclesiasticos, a praefato rege, seu ejus complicibus, fautoribus, adhaerentibus, consulto­ribus, & sequacibus supradictis deputatis, a juramento fidelitatis, jure vassallitico, & omni erga Regem, & alios praedictos subjectione absolvi­mus, ac penitus liberamus. His nihilominus sub Excommunicationis poena mandantes, ut ab ejusdem Henrici Regis, suorum (que) officialium, judicum, & magistratuum quorumcun (que) obedientia poenitus & omnino recedant, nec illos in superiores recognoscant, neque illorum mandatis obtemperent.

11. Et ut alii eorum exemplo perterriti discant ab hujusmodi excessibus abstinere, eisdem auctoritate, scientia, & plenitudine, volumus, ac decer­nimus, quod Henricus Rex & complices, fautores, adhaerentes, consul­tores, sequaces, & alii in praemissis culpabiles, postquam alias poenas praedictas, ut praefertur, respective incurrerint, necnon praefati descen­dentes, ex tunc infames existant, & ad testimonium non admittantur, testamenta, & codicillos, aut alias dispositiones, etiam inter vivos con­cedere, & facere non possint, & ad alicujus successionem ex testamento, vel ab intestato, necnon ad jurisdictionem, seu judicandi potestatem, & ad Notoriatus Officium, omnes (que) actus legitimos quoscun (que) ita ut eorum processus, sive instrumenta at (que) alii actus quicunque, nullius sint roboris vel momenti, inhabiles existant, & nulli ipsis, sed ipsi aliis super quocun­que debito & negotio, tam civili, quam criminali, de jure respondere teneantur.

12. Et nihilominus omnes, & singulos Christi fideles, sub Excom­municationis, & aliis infrascriptis poenis, monemus, ut monitos, Ex­communicatos, aggravatos, interdictos, privatos, maledictos, & damnatos praedictos evitent, & quantum in eis est, & ab aliis evitari [Page 171] faciant, nec cum eisdem, seu praefati Regis Civitatum, Dominiorum, Terrarum, Castrorum, Comitatuum, Villarum, Fortalitiorum, Oppi­dorum, & locorum praedictorum civibus, incolis, vel habitatoribus aut subditis & vassallis, emendo, vendendo, permutando, aut quamcunque mercaturam, seu negotium exercendo, commercium, seu aliquam conversa­tionem, seu communionem habeant▪ aut vinum, granum, sal, seu alia victualia, arma, pannos, merces vel quasvis alias mercantias, vel res per mare in eorum navibus, triremibus, aut aliis navigiis, sive per terram cum mulis, vel aliis ani­malibus, deferre aut conducere, seu deferri aut conduci facere, vel delata per illos recipere, publice vel occulte, aut talia facientibus auxiliū, consiliū, favo­rem publice vel occulte, directe vel indirecte, quovis quaesito colore, perse, vel alium, seu alios quoquo modo praestare praesumant. Quod si fecerint, ultra Excommunicationis praedictae, etiam nullitatis contractuum quos inirent, necnon perditionis mercium, victualium, & bonorum omnium delatorum, quae capientium siant, poenas similiter eo ipso incurrant.

13. Caeterum quia convenire non videtur, ut cum his qui Ecclesiam contemnunt, dum praesertim ex eorum pertinacia spes corrigibilitatis non habetur, hi qui divinis obsequiis vacant, conversentur, quod etiam illos tuto facere non posse dubitandum est, omnium & singularum Metro­politanarum & aliarum Cathedralium, caeterarum (que) inferiorum Ecclesia­rum & Monasteriorum, domorum & locorum Religiosorum, & piorum quorumcumque, etiam S. Augustini, S. Benedicti, Cluniacen. Cistercien. Praemonstraten. ac Praedicatorum, Minorum, Carmelitarum, aliorum­que quorumcum (que) ordinum, & Militiarum, etiam Hospitalis Hierosoly­mitani, Praelatis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Praeceptoribus, Praepositis, Mi­nistris, Custodibus, Guardianis, Conventibus, Monachis & Canonicis, necnon Parochialium Ecclesiarum Rectoribus, aliis (que) quibuscun (que) per­sonis Ecclesiasticis in Regno & Dominiis praedictis commorantibus, sub Excommunicationis ac privationis Administrationum & regiminum Mo­nasteriorum, dignitatum, personatuum, administrationum, ac officiorum, Canonicatuumque, & Praebendarum, Parochialium Ecclesiarum, & alio­rum beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum quorumcum (que) quomodolibet qualifi­catorum, per eos quomodolibet obtentorum, poenis mandamus, quate­nus infra quin (que) dies, post omnes & singulos terminos praedictos elapsos, de ipsis Regno, & Dominiis, dimissis tamen aliquibus Presbyteris in Ecclesiis quarum curam habuerint, pro administrando baptismate par­vulis, & in poenitentia decedentibus, ac aliis Sacramentis Ecclesiasticis, quae tempore Interdicti ministrari permittuntur, exeant & discedant, ne­que ad Regnum, & Dominia praedicta revertantur; donec moniti, & Excommunicati, aggravati, reaggravati, privati, maledicti, & damnati praedictis monitionibus, & mandatis nostris hujusmodi obtemperave­rint, meruerint a censuris hujusmodi absolutionis beneficium obtinere, seu Interdictum in Regno, & Dominiis praedictis, fuerit sublatum.

14. Praeterea si praemissis non obstantibus, Henricus Rex, Complices, fautores, adhaerentes, consultores, & sequaces praedicti in eorum perti­nacia perseveraverint, nec conscientiae stimulus eos ad cor reduxerit, in eorum forte potentia, & armis confidentes, omnes & singulos Duces, Marchiones, Comites, & alios quoscun (que) tam Seculares, quam Ecclesia­sticos etiam forenses, de facto dicto Henrico Regi obedientes, sub ejus­dem Excommunicationis, ac perditionis bonorum suorum (quae, ut in­fra dicitur, similiter capientium fiant) poenis, requirimus & monemus, [Page 172] quatenus omni mora, & excusatione postposita, eos, & eorum singulos, ac ipsorum milites & stipendiarios, tam equestres quam pedestres, ali­os (que) quoscumque, qui eis cum armis faverint, de Regno & Dominiis praedictis, etiam vi armorum, si opus fuerit, expellant: ac quod Henri­cus Rex, & ejus complices, fautores, adhaerentes, consultores, & se­quaces, mandatis nostris non obtemperantes praedicti, de Civitatibus, Terris, Castris, Villis, Oppidis, Fortalitiis, aut aliis locis Regni & Do­minii praedictorum se non intromittant, procurent: eis sub omnibus & singulis poenis praedictis inhibentes, ne in favorem Henrici, ejusque com­plicum, fautorum, adhaerentium, consultorum, & sequacium aliorum (que) monitorum praedictorum, mandatis nostris non obtemperantium, arma cujuslibet generis offensiva, vel defensiva, Machinas quo (que) bellicas, seu tormenta (artellarias nuncupata) sumant aut teneant, seu illis utantur, aut armatos aliquos praeter consuetam familiam parent, aut ab Henrico Rege, complicibus, fautoribus, adhaerentibus, consultoribus, & sequa­cibus, vel aliis in Regis ipsius favorem paratos, quomodolibet, quavis occasione vel causa, per se vel alium seu alios, publice vel occulte, directe vel indirecte teneant, vel receptent, aut dicto Henrico Regi, seu illius complicibus, fautoribus, adhaerentibus, consultoribus, & sequacibus praedictis, consilium, auxilium, vel quomodolibet ex quavis causa, vel quovis quaesito colore sive ingenio, publice vel occulte, directe vel in­directe, tacite vel expresse, per se vel alium seu alios praemissis, vel ali­quo praemissorum praestent, seu praestari faciant quoquomodo.

15. Praeterea ad dictum Henricum Regem facilius ad sanitatem, & praefatae Sedis obedientiam reducendum, omnes & singulos Christianos Principes, quacum (que) etiam Imperiali & Regali dignitate fulgentes, per viscera misericordiae Dei nostri (cujus causa agitur) hortamur & in Domino requirimus, eis nihilominus, qui Imperatore & Rege inferiores fuerint, quos propter excellentiam dignitatis a censuris excipimus, sub Excommunicationis poena mandantes, ne Henrico Regi ejus (que) complici­bus, fautoribus, adhaerentibus, consultoribus, & sequacibus, vel eorum alicui, per se vel alium seu alios, publice vel occulte, directe vel indi­recte, tacite vel expresse, etiam sub praetextu confoederationum aut ob­ligationum quocum (que) etiam juramento, aut quavis alia firmitate robo­ratarum, & saepius geminatarum, a quibus quidem obligationibus & ju­ramentis omnibus, nos eos & eorum singulos eisdem auctoritate & scien­tia ac plenitudine per praesentes absolvimus, ipsas (que) confoederationes & obligationes tam factas, quam in posterum faciendas, quas tamen (in quantum Henricus Rex & complices, fautores, adhaerentes, consultores, & sequaces praedicti circa praemissa, vel eorum aliquod se directe vel in­directe juvare possent) sub eadem poena fieri prohibemus, nullius ro­boris vel momenti, nullasque, irritas, cassas, inanes, ac pro infectis ha­bendas fore decernimus & declaramus, consilium, auxilium, vel favo­rem quomodolibet praestent, quinimo si qui illis, aut eorum alicui ad praesens quomodolibet assistant, ab ipsis omnino & cum affectu recedant. Quod si non fecerint postquam praesentes publicatae & executioni de­mandatae fuerint, & dicti termini lapsi fuerint, omnes & singulas civita­tes, terras, oppida, castra, villas, & alia loca eis subjecta, simili Eccle­siastico Interdicto supponimus, volentes ipsum Interdictum donec ipsi Principes a Consilio, auxilio, & favore Henrico Regi & complicibus, fautoribus, adhaerentibus, consultoribus & sequacibus praedictis praestan­do destiterint, perdurare.

[Page 173]16. Insuper tam Principes praedictos, quam quoscum (que) alios, etiam ad stipendia quorumcum (que) Christi fidelium militantes, & alias quascum (que) personas, tam per mare, quam per terras, armigeros habentes, similiter hortamur & requirimus, & nihilominus eis in virtute sanctae obedientiae mandantes, quatenus contra Henricum Regem, complices, fautores, adhaerentes, consultores, & sequaces praedictos, dum in erroribus prae­dictis, ac adversus Sedem praedictam, rebellione permanserint, armis in­surgant, eos (que) & eorum singulos persequantur, ac ad unitatem Ecclesiae, & obedientiam dictae Sedis redire cogant & compellant; & tam eos quam ipsorum subditos & vassallos, ac civitatum, terrarum, castrorum, oppi­dorum, villarum, & locorum suorum incolas, & habitatores, aliosque omnes & singulas personas supradictis mandatis nostris, ut praefertur, non obtemperantes, & quae praefatum Henricum Regem, postquam censu­ras, & poenas praedictas incurrerit, in Dominum quomodolibet, etiam de facto recognoverint, vel ei quovis modo obtemperare praesumpserint, aut qui eum, ac complices, fautores, adhaerentes, consultores, sequaces, ac alios non obtemperantes praedictos, ex Regno & Dominiis praedictis, ut praefertur, expellere noluerint, ubicun (que) eos invenerint, eorumque bona, mobilia & immobilia, mercantias, pecunias, navigia, credita, res, & animalia, etiam extra territorium dicti Henrici Regis ubilibet consi­stentia, capiant.

17. Nos enim eis bona, mercantias, pecunias, navigia, res, & ani­malia praedicta sic capta, in proprios eorum usus convertendi, eisdem au­ctoritate, scientia, & potestatis plenitudine, plenariam licentiam, facul­tatem & auctoritatem concedimus, illa omnia ad eosdem capientes ple­narie pertinere, & spectare, & personas ex Regno & Dominiis praedictis originem trahentes, seu in illis domicilium habentes, aut quomodolibet habitantes, mandatis nostris praedictis non obtemperantes, ubicun (que) eos capi contigerit, capientium servos fieri decernentes: praesentes (que) literas quoad hoc ad omnes alios cujuscun (que) dignitatis, gradus, status, ordinis, vel conditionis fuerint, qui ipsi Henrico Regi, vel ejus complicibus, fau­toribus, adhaerentibus, consultoribus, & sequacibus, aut aliis monitio­nibus, & mandatis nostris hujusmodi quoad commercium non obtempe­rantibus, vel eorum alicui victualia, arma, vel pecunias subministrare, aut cum eis commercium habere, seu auxilium, consilium, vel favorem, per se vel alium, seu alios, publice vel occulte, directe vel indirecte, quovis modo contra tenorem praesentium praestare praesumpserint, ex­tendentes.

18. Et ut praemissa facilius iis quos concernunt innotescant, universis & singulis Patriarchis, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, & Patriarchalium Me­tropolitan. & aliarum Cathedralium, & Collegiatarum Ecclesiarum Praelatis, Capitulis, aliis (que) personis Ecclesiasticis, Saecularibus ac quorum­vis ordinum Regularibus, necnon omnibus & singulis, etiam mendican­tium ordinum Professoribus, exemptis & non exemptis, ubilibet con­stitutis, per easdem praesentes sub Excommunicationis & privationis Ec­clesiarum, Monasteriorum, ac aliorum Beneficiorum Ecclesiasticorum, graduum quo (que) & officiorum, necnon privilegiorum, & indultorum quorumcum (que) etiam a Sede praedicta quomodolibet emanatorum poenis ipso facto incurrendis, praecipimus & mandamus, quatenus ipsi ac eorum singuli, si, & postquam vigore praesentium desuper requisiti fuerint, in­fra tres dies immediate sequentes, praefatum Henricum Regem, omnes (que) [Page 174] alios & singulos, qui supradictas censuras & poenas incurrerint, in eorum Ecclesiis, Dominicis & aliis festivis diebus, dum major inibi populi mul­titudo ad divina convenerit, cum Crucis vexillo, pulsatis campanis, & accensis, ac demum extinctis, & in terram projectis, & conculcatis can­delis, & aliis in similibus servari solitis caeremoniis servatis, Excommuni­catos publice nuncient, & ab aliis nuntiari, ac ab omnibus arctius evitar [...] faciant & mandent, necnon sub supradictis censuris & poenis, praesentes literas, vel earum transumptum, sub forma infrascripta confectum, infra terminum trium dierum, postquam, ut praefertur, requisiti fuerint, in Ecclesiis, Monasteriis, Conventibus, & aliis eorum locis, publicari & affigi faciant.

19. Volentes, omnes & singulos cujuscum (que) status, gradus, conditio­nis, praeeminentiae, dignitatis, aut excellentiae fuerint, qui quo minus praesentes literae, vel earum transumpta, copiae, seu exemplaria, in suis civitatibus, terris, castris, oppidis, villis, & locis legi & affigi, ac pub­licari possint, per se, vel alium, seu alios, publice vel occulte, directe vel indirecte impediverint, easdem censuras & poenas, ipso facto incur­rere. Et cum fraus & dolus nemini debeant patrocinari, ne quisquam ex his, qui alicui regimini & administrationi deputati sunt, infra tem­pus sui regiminis seu administrationis praedictas sententias, censuras & poenas sustineat, quasi post dictum tempus sententiis, censuris & poenis praedictis amplius ligatus non existat, quemcun (que) qui dum in regimi­ne, & administratione existens, monitioni & mandato nostris, quoad praemissa vel aliquid eorum obtemperare noluerit, etiam deposito regi­mine, & administratione hujusmodi, nisi paruerit, eisdem censuris & poenis subjacere decernimus.

20. Et ne Henricus Rex ejus (que) complices, & fautores, adhaerentes, consultores, & sequaces, alii (que) quos praemissa concernunt, ignorantiam earundem praesentium literarum, & in eis contentorum praetendere vale­ant, literas ipsas (in quibus omnes & singulos, tam juris, quam facti, etiam solemnitatum, & processuum, citationum (que) ommissarum defectus, etiam si tales sint, de quibus specialis, & expressa mentio facienda esset, propter notorietatem facti, auctoritate, scientia, & potestatis plenitudi­ne similibus, supplemus) in Basilicae Principis Apostolorum, & Cancellariae Apostolicae de urbe, & in partibus in Collegiatae B. Mariae Burgen. Tornacen. & Parochialis de Dunikerke oppidorum Morinensis diaecesis, Ecclesia­rum valvis affigi, & publicari mandamus: Decernentes quod earundem literarum publicatio sic facta, Henricum Regem, ejus (que) complices, fau­tores, adhaerentes, consultores, & sequaces, omnes (que) alios, & singulos quos li­terae ipsae quomodolibet concernunt, perinde eosarctent, ac si literae ipsae eis personaliter lectae, & intimatae fuissent, cum non sit verisimile, quod ea, quae tam patenter fiunt, debeant apud eos incognita remanere.

21. Caeterum quia difficile foret praesentes literas ad singula quaeque loca, ad quae necessarium esset deferri, singula volumus & dicta auctori­tate decernimus, quod earum transumptis manu publici Notarii confe­ctis, vel in alma urbe impressis, ac sigillo alicujus personae in dignitate Ecclesiastica constitutae munitis, ubi (que) eadem fides adhibeatur, quae ori­ginalibus adhiberetur, si essent exhibitae vel ostensae.

22. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostrae monitio­nis, aggravationis, reaggravationis, declarationis, percussionis, suppo­sitionis, inhabilitationis, absolutionis, liberationis, requisitionis, inhibi­tionis, [Page 175] hortationis, exceptionis, prohibitionis, concessionis, extensio­nis, suppletionis, mandatorum, voluntatis, & decretorum, infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare praesump­serit, indignationem Omnipotentis Dei, ac Beatorum Petri & Pauli Apo­stolorum ejus se noverit incursurum.

Datum Romae apud Sanctum Marcum. Anno Incarnationis Do­mini 1535. 3 Kal. Sept. Pont. nostri Anno 1.

Sequitur suspensio Executionis dictae Bullae, et tandem ejus revocatio, & Executio.

Paulus Episcopus Servus Servorum Dei, ad perpetuam rei memoriam.

CUm Redemptor noster ideo illum qui ipsum negaverat, Petrum, viz. Universae Ecclesiae praeficere voluerit, ut in sua culpa disceret aliis esse miserendum, non immerito Romanus Pontifex qui ipsius Petri in dignitate Successor existit, debet etiam in Officio exercendae misericor­diae ipsius esse Successor. Sed cum in eum dirigitur misericordia, qui ex hoc sit insolentior, & obstinatior, alios (que) secum trahit in perditionem, debet ipse Romanus Pontifex, postposita in eum misericordia, omnem severitatem adhibere, quo membrum illud putridum ita a corpore sepa­retur, ut reliqua membra abs (que) metu contagionis salva remaneant, praeser­tim cum pluribus curis adhibitis, & multo tempore in hoc consumpto morbum quotidie magis invalescere, ipsa experientia comprobat.

1. Alias cum nobis relatum fuisset, quod Henricus Angliae Rex, prae­ter ea quae Matrimonium de facto, & contra prohibitionem Ecclesiae te­merarie contractum concernebant, quasdam leges, seu generales consti­tutiones subditos suos ad haeresim, & schisma trahentes ediderat, & bonae memoriae Joann. tit. Sancti Vitalis Presbyterum Cardinalem Roffen. publice damnari & capite puniri, ac alios quamplures Praelatos, necnon alias personas Ecclesiast. Haeresi & Schismati hujusmodi adhaerere nolentes, carceribus mancipari fecerat; Nos, licet illi qui talia nobis retulerant ta­les essent, ut nullo modo de veritate suorum dictorum ambigendum es­set, cupientes tamen respectu ipsius Henrici Regis, quem antequam in has insanias incideret, peculiari quadam charitate prosequebamur, prae­dicta falsa reperiri, de eis informationem ulteriorem habere procuravi­mus, & invenientes clamorem ad nos delatum verum esse, ne nostro Officio deessemus, contra eum procedere decrevimus, juxta formam quarundam literarum nostrarum, quarum tenor sequitur. Et est ta­lis, &c. ‘Omittitur insertio, quia bulla ipsa est quae praecedit.’

2. Dum autem postea ad dictarum literarum executionem devenien­dum esse statuissemus, cum nobis per nonnullos principes, & alias in­signes personas persuaderetur, ut ab executione hujusmodi per aliquan­tum [Page 176] temporis supersederemus, spe nobis data, quod interim ipse Henri­cus Rex ad cor rediret & resipiseeret; nos qui, ut hominum natura fert facile credebamus quod desiderabamus, dictam executionem suspendi­mus, sperantes (ut spes nobis data erat) ex ipsa suspensione, correctio­nem & resipiscentiam, non autem pertinaciam & obstinationem, ac ma­jorem delirationem, ut rei effectus edocuit, proventuram.

3. Cum ita (que) resipiscentia & Correctio hujusmodi quam tribus fere annis expectavimus, non solum postea sequuta non sit, sed ipse Henricus Rex quotidie magis se in sua feritate, ac temeritate confirmans, in nova etiam scelera proruperit, quippe cum non contentus vivorum Praelato­rum & sacerdotum crudelissima trucidatione, etiam in mortuos, & eos quidem quos in sanctorum numerum relatos Universalis Ecclesia pluribus soeculis venerata est, feritatem exercere non expavit, Divi enim Thomae Cantuarien. Archiepiscopi, cujus ossa, quae in dicto Regno Angliae po­tissimum, ob innumera ab omnipotenti Deo illic perpetrata miracula, summa cum veneratione in arca aurea in Civitate Cantuarien. servaban­tur, postquam ipsum Divum Thomam, ad majorem Religionis con­temptum, in judicium vocari, & tanquam contumacem damnari ac pro­ditorem declarari fecerat, exhumari, & comburi, ac cineres in ventum spargi jussit, omnem plane cunctarum gentium crudelitatem superans, cum ne in bello quidem hostes victores saevire in mortuorum cadavera soliti sunt; adhaec omnia ex diversorum Regum etiam Anglorum, & alio­rum Principum liberalitate donaria, ipsi arcae appensa, quae multa, & maximi pretii erant, sibi usurpavit, nec putans ex hoc satis injuriae reli­gionis intulisse, Monasterium Divo illi Augustino, a quo Christianam fidem Angli acceperunt, in dicta civitate dicatum, omnibus Thesauris, qui etiam multi & magni erant, spoliavit, & sicut se in belluam trans­mutavit, ita etiam belluas quasi socias suas honorare voluit, feras videli­cet in dicto Monasterio, expulsis Monachis, intromittendo, genus qui­dem sceleris non modo Christi fidelibus, sed etiam Turcis inauditum & abominandum.

4. Cum ita (que) morbus iste a nullo quantumvis peritissimo medico alia cura sanari possit, quam putridi membri abscissione, nec valeret cura hujusmodi, abs (que) eo, quod nos apud Deum causam hanc nostram efficia­mus, ulterius retardari, ad dictarum literarum (quas ad hoc ut Henri­cus Rex, ejus (que) Complices, Fautores, adhaerentes, consultores, & se­quaces, etiam super excessibus per eum novissime, ut praefertur, perpe­tratos, intra terminum eis, quoad alia, per alias nostras literas praedictas respective praefixas, se excusare, alias poenis ipsis literis contentas incur­rant, extendimus & ampliamus) publicationem, & deinde, Deo duce, ad executionem procedere omnino statuimus. Et quia a fide dignis ac­cepimus, quod si ipsarum & praesentium literarum publicatio Diep Ro­thomagen. vel Boloniae Ambianen. Dioec. Oppidis in Franciae, aut Civi­tate Sancti Andreae, seu in Oppido Callistren. Sancti Andreae Dioec. in Scotiae Regnis, vel in Thuamien. & Antiferten. Civitatibus, vel Dioec. Dominii Hiberniae fiat, non solum tam facile, ut si in locis in dictis literis expressis fieret, sed facilius ipsarum literarum tenor, ad Henrici, & alio­rum quos concernunt, praesertim Anglorum, notitiam deveniret; Nos volentes in hoc opportune providere, motu, scientia, & potestatis ple­nitudine praedictis decernimus, quod publicatio literarum superius inser­ [...]arum, quarum insertioni superius factae, ac ipsis Originalibus quoad [Page 177] validitatem publicationis, seu executionis praesentium, fidem adhiberi volumus, in duobus ex locis praesentibus literis expressis, alias juxta supra insertarum, & praesentium literarum tenore facta, etiam si in locis extra Romanam Curiam in dictis praeinsertis literis specificatis, hujusmodi publicatio non fiat, perinde Henricum Regem, & alios quos concer­nunt praesertim Anglos afficiat, ac si Henrico Regi & aliis praedictis prae­sertim Anglis personaliter intimatae fuissent.

5. Quod (que) praesentium transumptis, juxta modum in praeinsertis lite­ris expressum factis, tam in judicio quam extra, eadem fides adhibeatur, quae Originalibus adhiberetur, si forent exhibitae, vel ostensae.

6. Non obstantibus Constitutionibus & Ordinationibus Apostolicis, necnon omnibus illis, quae in dictis literis voluimus non obstare, caeteris (que) contrariis quibuscunque.

7. Nulli ergo omnino hominum liceat hanc paginam nostri Decreti, & voluntatis infringere, vel ei ausu temerario contraire. Si quis autem hoc attentare praesumpserit, indignationem Omnipotentis Dei, ac Bea­torum Petri & Pauli Apostolorum ejus se noverit incursurum.

Dat. Romae apud S. Petrum, Anno Incarnationis Dominicae 1538. decimo sexto Kal. Januarii, Pontificatus nostri anno quinto.

X. The Iudgment of some Bishops concerning the King's Supremacy. An Original.

THe words of St. Iohn in his 20th Chap. Sicut misit me Pater, Ex MSS. D. Stilling-fleet. & ego mitto vos, &c. hath no respect to a King's or a Princes Power, but only to shew how that the Ministers of the Word of God, chosen and sent for that intent, are the Messengers of Christ, to teach the Truth of his Gospel, and to loose and bind sin, &c. as Christ was the Messenger of his Father. The words also of St. Paul, in the 20th Chap. of the Acts; Attendite vobis & universo gregi, in qua vos Spiritus Sanctus posuit Episcopos regere Ecclesiam Dei, were spoken to the Bishops and Priests, to be diligent Pastors of the People, both to teach them dili­gently, and also to be circumspect that false Preachers should not seduce the People, as followeth immediately after in the same place. Other places of Scripture declare the highness and excellency of Christian Princes Authority and Power; the which of a truth is most high, for he hath power and charge generally over all, as well Bishops, as Priests, as other. The Bishops and Priests have charge of Souls within their own Cures, power to minister Sacraments, and to teach the Word of God; to the which Word of God Christian Princes knowledg themselves subject; and in case the Bishops be negligent, it is the Christian Prin­ces Office to see them do their duty.

  • T. Cantuarien.
  • Ioannes London.
  • Cuthbertus Dunelmen.
  • Io. Batwellen.
  • Thomas Elien.
  • Nicolaus Sarisburien.
  • Hugo Wygorn.
  • I. Roffen.

XI. Injunctions to the Clergy made by Cromwell.

Regist. Cranmer.IN the Name of God, Amen. By the Authority and Commission of the excellent Prince Henry, by the Grace of God, King of England and of France, Defensor of the Faith; Lord of Ireland; and in Earth Supream Head, under Christ, of the Church of England. I Thomas Lord Cromwel, Privy Seal, and Vice-gerent to the King's said Highness, for all his Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm, do, for the advance­ment of the true honour of Almighty God, encrease of Vertue, and discharge of the King's Majesty, give and exhibit unto you these Injunctions following, to be kept, observed, and fulfilled, upon the pains hereafter declared.

First; That ye shall truly observe and keep all and singular the King's Highness Injunctions, given unto you heretofore in my Name, by his Graces Authority; not only upon the pains therein expressed, but also in your default after this second monition continued, upon further punishment to be straitly extended towards you by the King's Highness Arbitriment, or his Vice-gerent aforesaid.

Item; That ye shall provide on this side the Feast of next coming, one Book of the whole Bible of the largest Volume in English, and the same set up in some convenient place within the said Church that ye have Cure of, whereas your Parishioners may most commodiou­sly resort to the same and read it; the charge of which Book shall be ra­tably born between you the Parson and the Parishioners aforesaid, that is to say, the one half by you, and the other half by them.

Item; That you shall discourage no Man privily or apertly from the reading or hearing of the said Bible, but shall expresly provoke, stir, and exhort every Person to read the same, as that which is the very lively Word of God, that every Christian Man is bound to embrace, believe, and follow, if he look to be saved; admonishing them never­theless to avoid all contention, altercation therein, and to use an ho­nest sobriety in the inquisition of the true sense of the same, and re­fer the explication of the obscure places to Men of higher judgment in Scripture.

Item; That ye shall every Sunday and Holy-day through the Year, openly and plainly recite to your Parishioners, twice or thrice together, or oftner, if need require, one particle or sentence of the Pater Noster, or Creed, in English, to the intent they may learn the same by Heart; And so from day to day, to give them one little lesson or sentence of the same, till they have learned the whole Pater Noster and Creed, in English, by rote. And as they be taught every sentence of the same by rote, ye shall expound and declare the understanding of the same unto them, exhorting all Parents and Housholders to teach their Children and Servants the same, as they are bound in Conscience to do. And that done, ye shall declare unto them the Ten Commandments, one by [Page 179] one, every Sunday and Holy-day, till they be likewise perfect in the same.

Item; That ye shall in Confessions every Lent examine every Person that cometh to Confession unto you, whether they can recite the Arti­cles of our Faith, and the Pater Noster in English, and hear them say the same particularly; wherein if they be not perfect, ye shall declare to the same, That every Christian Person ought to know the same be­fore they should receive the blessed Sacrament of the Altar; and monish them to learn the same more perfectly by the next year following, or else, like-as they ought not to presume to come to God's Board without perfect knowledg of the same, and if they do, it is to the great peril of their Souls; so ye shall declare unto them, that ye look for other Injunctions from the King's Highness by that time, to stay and repel all such from God's Board as shall be found ignorant in the Premisses; whereof ye do thus admonish them, to the intent they should both es­chew the peril of their Souls, and also the worldly rebuke that they might incur after by the same.

Item; That ye shall make, or cause to be made, in the said Church, and every other Cure ye have, one Sermon every quarter of the year at least, wherein ye shall purely and sincerely declare the very Gospel of Christ, and in the same exhort your Hearers to the Works of Chari­ty, Mercy, and Faith, especially prescribed and commanded in Scrip­ture, and not to repose their trust or affiance in any other Works devi­sed by Mens fantasies beside Scripture; as in wandring to Pilgrimages, offering of Mony, Candels, or Tapers, to Images, or Reliques; or kissing or licking the same over, saying over a number of Beads, not understanded or minded on, or in such-like superstition; for the do­ing whereof, ye not only have no promise of reward in Scripture, but contrariwise great threats and maledictions of God, as things tending to Idolatry and Superstition, which of all other Offences God Almighty doth most detest and abhor, for that the same diminisheth most his honour and glory.

Item; That such feigned Images as ye know in any of your Cures to be so abused with Pilgrimages or Offerings of any thing made thereunto, ye shall, for avoiding of that most detestable offence of Idolatry, forth­with take down, and without delay; and shall suffer from henceforth no Candles, Tapers, or Images of Wax to be set afore any Image or Picture, but only the Light that commonly goeth a-cross the Church by the Rood-loft, the Light before the Sacrament of the Altar, and the Light about the Sepulchre; which for the adorning of the Church, and Divine Service, ye shall suffer to remain: still admonishing your Parishio­ners, that Images serve for none other purpose, but as to be Books of unlearned Men, that ken no Letters, whereby they might be otherwise admonished of the lives and conversation of them that the said Images do represent; which Images if they abuse, for any other intent than for such remembrances, they commit Idolatry in the same, to the great dan­ger of their Souls: And therefore the King's Highness graciously ten­dring the weal of his Subjects Souls, hath in part already, and more will [Page 180] hereafter, travail for the abolishing of such Images as might be an occa­sion of so great an offence to God, and so great a danger to the Souls of his loving Subjects.

Item; That all in such Benefices, or Cures, as ye have, whereupon ye be not your self Resident, ye shall appoint such Curats in your stead, as can both by their hability, and also promptly, execute these Injuncti­ons, and do their duty, otherwise that ye are bounden in every behalf accordingly, and may profit them, no less with good Examples of living, than with declaration of the Word of God, or else their lack and defaults shall be imputed unto you, who shall straitly answer for the same if they do otherwise.

Item; That ye shall admit no Man to preach within any your Bene­fices or Cures, but such as shall appear unto you to be sufficiently li­censed thereunto by the King's Highness, or his Grace's Authority, by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, or the Bishop of this Diocess; and such as shall be so licensed, ye shall gladly receive to declare the Word of God, without any resistance or contradiction.

Item; If ye have heretofore declared to your Parishioners any thing to the extolling or setting forth of Pilgrimages, feigned Reliques, or Images, or any such superstitions, that you shall now openly afore the same recant and reprove the same, shewing them (as the truth is) that ye did the same upon no ground of Scripture, but as one led and sedu­ced by a common Error and Abuse crept into the Church, through the sufferance and avarice of such as felt profit by the same.

Item; If ye do or shall know any Man within your Parish, or else­where, that is a Letter of the Word of God to be read in English, or sincerely preached, or of the execution of these Injunctions; or a fa­vourer of the Bishop of Rome's pretensed Power, now by the Laws of this Realm justly rejected and extirped; ye shall detect and present the same to the King's Highness, or his honourable Council, or to his Vice-gerent aforesaid, or the Justice of Peace next adjoining.

Item; That you, and every Parson, Vicar, or Curat within this Dio­cess, shall for every Church keep one Book or Register, wherein he shall write the day and year of every Wedding, Christening, and Bury­ing, made within your Parish for your time, and so every Man succeed­ing you likewise; and also there insert every Person's Name that shall be so wedded, christened, and buried; and for the safe keeping of the same Book, the Parish shall be bound to provide, of their common charges, one sure Coffer with two Locks and Keys, whereof the one to remain with you, and the other with the Wardens of every such Parish wherein the said Book shall be laid up; which Book ye shall every Sun­day take forth, and in the presence of the said Wardens, or one of them, write and record in the same, all the Weddings, Christenings, and Bu­ryings, made the whole week afore; and that done, to lay up the Book in the said Coffer, as afore: And for every time that the same shall be omitted, the Party that shall be in the fault thereof, shall forfeit to the said [Page 181] Church 3 s. 4 d. to be employed on the reparation of the said Church.

Item; That ye shall every quarter of a year read these and the other former Injunctions, given unto you by the Authority of the King's Highness, openly and deliberately before all your Parishioners, to the intent that both you may be the better admonished of your duty, and your said Parishioners the more incited to ensue the same for their part.

Item; Forasmuch as by a Law established, every Man is bound to pay the Tithes; no Man shall, by colour of duty, omitted by their Curats, detain their Tithes, and so redouble one wrong with another, or be his own Judg, but shall truly pay the same, as hath been accustomed, to their Parsons and Curats, without any restraint or diminution; and such lack or default as they can justly find in their Parsons and Curats to call for reformation thereof at their Ordinaries, and other Superiors hands, who, upon complaint, and due proof thereof, shall reform the same ac­cordingly.

Item; That no Person shall from henceforth alter or change the order and manner of any Fasting-day that is commanded and indicted by the Church, nor of any Prayer, or of Divine Service, otherwise than is specified in the said Injunctions, until such time as the same shall be so ordered and transported by the Kings Highness's Authority; The Eves of such Saints, whose Holy-days be abrog [...]ted be only excepted, which shall be declared henceforth to be no Fasting-days; excepted also the commemoration of Thomas Becket, some-time Arch-Bishop of Canter­bury, which shall be clean omitted, and in the stead thereof, the Ferial Service used.

Item; That the knolling of the Avies after Service, and certain other times, which hath been brought in and begun by the pretence of the Bishop of Rome's pardon, henceforth be left and omitted, lest the People do hereafter trust to have pardon for the saying of their Avies, between the said knolling, as they have done in times past.

Item; Where in times past Men have used in divers places in their Processions, to sing Ora pro nobis to so many Saints, that they had no time to sing the good Suffrages following, as Parce nobis Domine, and Libera nos Domine, it must be taught and preached, that better it were to omit Ora pro nobis, and to sing the other Suffrages.

All which and singular Injunctions I minister unto you and your Suc­cessors, by the King's Highness Authority to me committed in this part, which I charge and command you by the same Authority to observe and keep upon pain of Deprivation, Sequestration of your Fruits, or such other coercion as to the King's Highness, or his Vice-gerent for the time being shall seem convenient.

These are also in the Bp. of London's Register, Fol. 29, 30. with Bonner's Mandate to his Arch-Deacons for observing them, 30 Sept. 1541. Anno Regn. 32.

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XII. Injunctions given by Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, to the Parsons, Vicars, and other Curats in his Visitation, kept (sede vacante) within the Diocess of Hereford, Anno Do­mini 1538.

I.

FIrst; That ye, and every one of you, shall, with all your diligence and faithful obedience, observe, and cause to be observed, all and singular the King's Highness Injunctions, by his Graces Commissaries gi­ven in such places as they in times past have visited.

II.

Item; That ye, and every one of you shall have, by the first day of August next coming, as well a whole Bible in Latin and English, or at the least a New Testament of both the same Language, as the Copies of the King's Highness Injunctions.

III.

Item; That ye shall every day study one Chapter of the said Bible, or New Testament, conferring the Latin and English together, and to begin at the first part of the Book, and so to continue until the end of the same.

IV.

Item; That ye, or none of you, shall discourage any Lay-Man from the reading of the Bible in English or Latin, but encourage them to that, admonishing them that they so read it, for reformation of their own Life, and knowledg of their Duty; and that they be not bold or pre­sumptuous in judging of Matters afore they have perfect knowledg.

V.

Item; That ye, both in your Preaching and secret Confession, and all other works and doings, shall excite and move your Parishioners unto such Works as are commanded expresly of God, for the which God shall demand of them a strict reckoning; and all other Works which Men do of their own Will or Devotion, to teach your Parishioners that they are not to be so highly esteemed as the other; and that for the not do­ing of them God will not ask any accompt.

VI.

Item; That ye, nor none of you, suffer no Friar, or Religious Man, to have any Cure or Service within your Churches or Cures, except they be lawfully dispensed withal, or licensed by the Ordinary.

VII.

Item; That ye, and every one of you, do not admit any young Man or Woman to receive the Sacrament of the Altar, which never re­ceived it before, until that he or she openly in the Church, after Mass, or evening Song, upon the Holy-day, do recite, in the vulgar Tongue, the Pater Noster, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments.

VIII.

Item; That ye, and every one of you, shall two times in a quarter declare to your Parishioners the Band of Matrimony, and what great danger it is to all Men that useth their Bodies but with such Persons as they lawfully may by the Law of God. And to exhort in the said [Page 183] Times your Parishioners, that they make no privy Contracts, as they will avoid the extream pain of the Laws used within the King's Realm, by his Graces Authority.

XIII. A Letter of Cromwell's to the Bishop of Landaff, directing him how to proceed in the Reformation. An Original.

AFter my right hearty Commendations to your Lordship,Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. 4. ye shall herewith receive the King's Highness Letters addressed unto you, to put you in remembrance of his Highness travels, and your duty touch­ing order to be taken for Preaching, to the intent the People may be taught the Truth, and yet not charged at the beginning with over-many Novelties; the publication whereof, unless the same be tempered and qualified with much wisdom, do rather breed Contention, Division, and contrariety in Opinion in the unlearned Multitude, than either edify, or remove from them▪ and out of their hearts, such abuses as by the corrupt and unsavoury teaching of the Bishop of Rome and his Dis­ciples have crept in the same. The effect of which Letters albeit I doubt not, but as well for the honesty of the Matter, as for your own discharge, ye will so consider and put in execution, as shall be to his Graces satisfaction in that behalf: Yet forasmuch as it hath pleased his Majesty to appoint and constitute me in the room and place of his Su­pream and Principal Ministry, in all Matters that may touch any thing his Clergy, or their doings, I thought it also my part, for the exonera­tion of my Duty towards his Highness, and the rather to answer to his Graces Expectation, Opinion, and Trust conceived in me, and in that amongst other committed to my fidelity, to desire and pray you, in such substantial sort and manner, to travel in the execution of the Contents of his Graces said Letters; namely, for avoiding of Contrariety in preaching, of the pronunciation of Novelties, without wise and discreet qualification, and the repression of the temerity of those, that either privily, or apertly, directly or indirectly, would advance the pre­tended Authority of the Bishop of Rome; as I be not for my discharge enforced to complain further, and to declare what I have now written unto you for that purpose, and so to charge you with your own fault, and to devise such remedy for the same, as shall appertain: desiring your Lordship to accept my meaning herein, tending only to an honest, friendly, and Christian Reformation, for avoidage of further inconve­nience, and to think none unkindness, tho in this Matter, wherein it is almost more than time to speak, I write frankly, compelled and enfor­ced thereunto, both in respect of my private Duty, and otherwise, for my discharge; forasmuch as it pleaseth his Majesty to use me in the lieu of a Counsellour, whose Office is as an Eye to the Prince, to foresee, and in time to provide remedy for such Abuses, Enormities, and Inconve­niences, as might else with a little sufferance engender more evil in Pub­lick Weal, than could be after recovered, with much labour, study, di­ligence, [Page 184] and travails. And thus most heartily fare you well.

From the Rolls, the 6th of Ianuary.
Your Lordship's Friend, Thomas Cromwell.

XIV. The Commission by which Bonner held his Bishoprick of the King.
Licentia Regia concessa Domino Episcopo ad exercendam Iurisdictionem Episcopalem.

Regist. Bonner. fol. primo.HEnricus Octavus, Dei Gratia Angliae & Franciae Rex, Fidei Defen­sor, Dominus Hiberniae, & in Terra Supremum Ecclesiae Anglica­nae sub Christo Caput, Reverendo in Christo Patri Edmundo Londonensi Episcopo Salutem. Quandoquidem omnis jurisdicendi Autoritas, at (que) etiam jurisdictio omnimoda, tam illa quae Ecclesiastica dicitur quam Sae­cularis, a Regia Potestate velut a Supremo Capite, & omnium infra Regnum nostrum Magistratuum fonte & scaturigine, primitus emanavit, sane illos qui jurisdictionem hujusmodi antehac non nisi praecario funge­bantur, beneficium hujusmodi sic eis ex liberalitate Regia indultum gra­tis animis agnoscere, id (que) Regiae Munificentiae solummodo acceptum re­ferre, eique, quotiens ejus Majestati videbitur, libenter concedere con­venit. Quum ita (que) nos per dilectum Commissarium nostrum Thomam Cromwell Nobilis Ordinis Garterii Militem, Dominum Cromwell & de Wymolden nostri privati Sigilli Custodem, nostrum (que) ad quascun (que) causas Ecclesiasticas nostra Authoritate, uti Supremi Capitis dictae Eccle­siae Anglicanae, quomodolibet tractand. sive ventiland. vicem gerentem, Vicarium Generalem & Officialem Principalem, per alias Literas Patentes sigillo nostro Majori communitas, constituerimus & praefecerimus. Quia tamen ipse Thomas Cromwell nostris & hujus Regni Angliae tot & tam ardnis negotiis adeo praepeditus existit, quod ad omnem jurisdictionem nobis, uti Supremo Capiti hujusmodi competentem, ubi (que) locorum in­fra hoc Regnum nostrum praefatum, in his quae moram commode non pa­tiuntur, aut sine nostrorum subditorum injuria differri non possunt, in sua persona expediend. non sufficiet. Nos tuis in hac parte supplicatio­nibus humilibus inclinati, & nostrorum subditorum commodis consulere cupientes, Tibi vices nostras sub modo & forma inferius descriptis com­mittendas fore, Te (que) licentiandum esse decernimus, ad ordinandum igi­tur quoscun (que) infra Dioc. tuam London. ubicun (que) oriundos, quos mo­ribus & literatura praevio diligenti & rigoroso examine idoneos fore compereris, ad omnes etiam Sacros & Presbyteratus ordines promoven­dum, praesentatos (que) ad beneficia Ecclesiastica quaecun (que) infra Dioc. tuam London. constituta, si ad curam beneficiis hujusmodi imminentem sustinend. habiles reperti fuerunt & idonei, admittendum ac in & de iis­dem instituendum & investigandum; Ac etiam si res ita exigat desti­tuendum, [Page 185] beneficia (que) Ecclesiastica quaecun (que) ad tuam collationem sive dispositionem spectantia & pertinentia personis idoneis conferendum, at (que) approbandum testamenta & ultimas voluntates quorumcun (que) tuae Diocaeseos, bona, jura, sive credita non ultra summam centum librarum in bonis suis vitae & mortis suarum temporibus habend, necnon admini­strationes quorumcun (que) subditorum nostrorum tuae Dioc. ab intestato decedend. quorum bona, jura, sive credita non ultra summam praedi­ctam vitae & mortis suarum temporibus sese extendent, quatenus hujus­modi testatorum approbatio at (que) administrationis commissio sive con­cessio per praedecessores tuos aut eorum alicujus respective Commissario [...] retroactis temporibus fiebat ac fieri & committi potuit, & non aliter committendum, Calculum (que) ratiocinium & alia in ea parte expedienda, causas (que) lites & negotia coram te aut tuis deputatis pendend. indecis. necnon alias sive alia, quascun (que) sive quaecun (que) ad forum Ecclesiasticum pertinentia ad te aut tuos deputatos sive deputand. per viam querelae aut appellationis sive ex officio devolvend. sive deducend. quae extra legum no­strarū & statutorū Regni nostri offens. coram te aut tuis Deputatis agitari, aut ad tuam sive alicujus Commissariorū per te vigore hujus Commissionis nostrae deputandorum cognitionem devolvi aut deduci valeant & [...] [...]xaminand. & decidend. Ad visitandum insuper Capitulum [...] Cathedral. London. civitatem (que) London. necnon omnia & [...], Abbatias & Prioratus, Collegia & alia loca pia, tam [...] Hospitalia, quaecun (que) clerum (que) & populum dict. Dioc. [...] Ecclesiae, Monasterii, Abbatiae, per te sive Praedeces­s [...] [...] London. Episcopos visitatio hujusmodi temporibus retroactis e [...]erce [...]i potuit, ac per te sive per eosdem de legibus & statutis ac juribus Regni nostri exerceri potuit & potest, & non aliter: Necnon ad inqui­rendū per te, v [...]l alium seu alios ad id per te deputandū sive deputandos, tam ex officio mero mixto quam promoto super quorumcun (que) excessibus, criminibus seu delictis quibuscun (que) ad forum Ecclesiasticum spectantibus infra Dioc. London. ac dilinquentes sive criminosos, juxta comperta per te in ea parte per Licita Juris remedia pro modo culpae, prout na­tura & qualitas delicti poposcerit, coercendum & puniendum, caetera (que) omnia & singula in Praemissis ceu aliquo praemissorum, aut circa ea ne­cessaria seu quomodolibet opportuna, ac alia quaecun (que) Autoritatem & Jurisdictionem Episcopalem quovismodo respiciend. & concernend. prae­ter & ultra ea quae tibi ex Sacris Literis divinitus commissa esse dignos­cantur, vice, nomine, & Autoritate nostris exequendum, Tibi, de cujus sana doctrina, conscientiae puritate, vitae (que) & morum integritate, ac in rebus gerendis fide & industria plurimum confidimus, vices nostras cum potestate alium vel alios, Commissarium vel Commissarios, ad praemissa seu eorum aliqua surrogandi & substituendi, eosdem (que) ad placitum re­vocand. tenore praesentium committimus, ac liberam facultatem conce­dimus; Te (que) licentiam per praesentes ad nostri beneplaciti duntaxat du­raturas, cum cujuslibet congruae & Ecclesiasticae coercionis potestate quacun (que) inhibitione in te datam praesentium emanata in aliquo non ob­stante Tuam Conscientiam coram Deo strictissime onerantes, & ut summo omnium judici aliquando rationem reddere, & coram nobis tuo cum pe­riculo corporali respondere intendis: te admonentes ut interim tuum officium juxta Evangelii normam pie & sancte exercere studeas, & ne quem ullo tempore unquam vel ad sacros ordines promoveas, vel ad [Page 186] curam animarum gerend. quovis modo admittas, nisi eos duntaxat quos ad tanti & tam venerabilis Officii functionem vitae & morum integritas certissimis testimoniis approbata, literarum scientiae & aliae qualitates requisitae ad hoc habiles & idoneos clare & luculenter ostenderint & de­claraverint; Nam ut maxime compertum cognitum (que) habemus morum omnium, & Maxime Christianae Religionis corruptelam a malis Pastori­bus in populum emanasse, sic ut veram Christi Religionem, vitae (que) & morum emendationem a bonis Pastoribus iterum delectis & assumptis in integrum restitutum iri haud dubie speramus. In cujus rei testimoni­um praesentes Literas nostras inde fieri, & Sigilli nostri quo ad Causas Ecclesiasticas utimur appensione jussimus Communiri.

Dat. 12. die mensis Novemb. Anno Dom. 1539. & Regni nostri Anno 31.

XV. The King's Letters Patents for printing the Bible in English.

Rot. Pat. 31. Hen. 8. HEnry the Eighth, &c. To all and singular Printers and Sellers of Books within this our Realm, and all other Officers, Ministers, and Subjects, these our Letters hearing or seeing, Greeting. We let you wit, That being desirous to have our People at all times conveni­ [...]nt, give themselves to the attaining the knowledg of God's Word, whereby they will the better honour him, and observe and keep his Commandments; and also do their Duties better to us, being their Prince and Sovereign Lord: And considering that this our Zeal and Desire cannot by any mean take so good effect, as by the granting to them the free and liberal use of the Bible in our own natural English Tongue: so unless it be foreseen that the same pass at the beginning by one Translation to be perused and considered; The frailty of Men is such, that the diversity thereof may breed and bring forth manifold In­conveniences; as when wilful and heady Folk shall confer upon the di­versity of the said Translations. We have therefore appointed our right trusty and well-beloved Counsellor, the Lord Cromwell, Keeper of our Privy-Seal, to take for us, and in our Name, special care and charge, that no manner of Person, or Persons, within this our Realm, shall enterprise, attempt, or set in hand to print any Bible in the English Tongue of any manner of Volum, during the space of five years next ensuing after the Date hereof, but only all such as shall be deputed, assigned, and admit­ted by the said Lord Cromwell.

The 13 Novemb. Tricesimo primo Regni.

XVI. The Attainder of Thomas Cromwell.
Item quaedam alia petitio, formam cujusdam actus attincturae in se continens, exhibita est suae Regiae Majestati in Parliamento prae­dicto, cujus tenor sequi [...]ur in haec verba.

IN their most humble-wise shewing to your most Royal Majesty,Parliament Rolls. Act 60. Anno Regni tricesi­mo secundo. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and all your most loving and obe­dient Subjects, the Commons in this your most High Court of Parlia­ment assembled; That where your most Royal Majesty, our Natural Sovereign Lord, is justly, lawfully, and really entituled to be our sole Supream Head and Governour, of this your Realm of England, and of the Dominions of the same; to whom, and to none other under God, the Kingly Direction, Order, and Governance, of your most loving and obedient Subjects, and People of this your Realm, only appertain­eth and belongeth. And the which your most loving and obedient Sub­jects, your Highness prudently and quietly, without any manner of di­sturbance, by a long time most graciously hath preserved, sustained, and defended: And your Highness, for the Quietness, Wealth, and Tran­quillity of your said humble and obedient Subjects, hath made, and or­dained, divers and many most godly, vertuous, and wholsome Laws; and for due execution of the same, hath not desisted to travel in your own most Royal Person, to support and maintain, as well the Laws of Almighty God, as the Laws by your Highness made and ordained, by due and condign execution of the same Laws upon the Transgressors offending contrary to the same: And your Majesty hath always most ver­tuously studied and laboured, by all ways, and all means, to and for the set­ting forth thereof, in such wise as it might be most to the Honour, Glory, and Pleasure of Almighty God; and for the common accord and wealth of this your Realm, and other your Dominions: And for the true execution of the same, hath elected, chosen, and made divers, as well of your Nobles, as others, to be of your most honourable Coun­cil, as to the honour of a Noble Prince appertaineth. And where your Majesty hath had a special trust and confidence in your said most trusty Counsellors, that the same your Counsellors, and every of them, had minded and intended, and finally purposed to have followed and pur­sued your most Godly and Princely Purpose, as of truth the more num­ber hath most faithfully done; Yet nevertheless Thomas Cromwell, now Earl of Essex, whom your Majesty took and received into your trusty Service, the same Thomas then being a Man of very base and low de­gree, and for singular favour, trust, and confidence, which your Ma­jesty bare and had in him, did not only erect and advance the same Tho­mas unto the State of an Earl, and enriched him with many-fold Gifts, as well of Goods, as of Lands and Offices, but also him, the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, did erect and make one of your most trusty Counsellors, as well concerning your Grace's Supream Jurisdictions Ec­clesiastical, as your most high secret Affairs Temporal. Nevertheless your Majesty now of late hath found, and tried, by a large number of Witnesses, being your faithful Subjects, and Personages of great Honour, [Page 188] Worship, and Discretion, the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, con­trary to the singular trust and confidence which your Majesty had in him, to be the most false and corrupt Traitor, Deceiver, and Circum­ventor against your most Royal Person, and the Imperial Crown of this your Realm, that hath been known, seen, or heard of in all the time of your most noble Reign: Insomuch that it is manifestly proved and declared, by the Depositions of the Witnesses aforesaid, That the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, usurping upon your Kingly Estate, Power, Authority, and Office; without your Grace's Command­ment or Assent, hath taken upon him to set at liberty divers Persons, be­ing convicted and attainted of Misprision of High Treason; and divers other being apprehended, and in Prison, for Suspection of High Trea­son; and over that, divers and many times, at sundry places, in this your Realm, for manifold Sums of Mony to him given, most traiterou­sly hath taken upon him, by several Writings, to give and grant, as well unto Aliens, as to your Subjects, a great number of Licenses for con­veighing and carrying of Mony, Corn, Grain, Beans, Beer, Leather, Tallow, Bells, Mettals, Horses, and other Commodities of this your Realm, contrary to your Highness's most Godly and Gracious Proclama­tions made for the Common-Wealth of your People of this your Realm in that behalf, and in derogation of your Crown and Dignity. And the same Thomas Cromwell, elated, and full of pride, contrary to his most bounden Duty, of his own Authority and Power, not regarding your Majesty Royal; And further, taking upon him your Power, So­vereign Lord, in that behalf, divers and many times most traiterously hath constituted, deputed, and assigned, many singular Persons of your Subjects to be Commissioners in many your great, urgent, and weighty Causes and Affairs, executed and done in this your Realm, without the assent, knowledg, or consent of your Highness. And further also, be­ing a Person of as poor and low degree, as few be within this your Realm; pretending to have so great a stroak about you, our, and his natural Sovereign Liege Lord, that he letted not to say publickly, and declare, That he was sure of you; which is detestable, and to be ab­horred amongst all good Subjects in any Christian Realm, that any Subject should enterprize or take upon him so to speak of his Sove­reign Liege Lord and King. And also of his own Authority and Power, without your Highness's consent, hath made, and granted, as well to Strangers as to your own Subjects, divers and many Pass-ports, to pass over the Seas, with Horses, and great Sums of Mony, without any search. And over that, most Gracious Soveraign Lord, amongst divers other his Treasons, Deceits, and Falshoods, the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, being a detestable Heretick, and being in himself utterly disposed to sett and sow common Sedition and Variance among your true and loving Subjects, hath secretly set forth and dispersed into all Shires, and other Territories of this your Realm, and other your Dominions, great numbers of false Erroneous Books, whereof many were printed and made beyond the Seas, and divers other within this Realm, comprising and declaring, amongst many other Evils and Errors, manifest Matters to induce and lead your Subjects to diffidence, and re­fusal of the true and sincere Faith and Belief, which Christian Religion bindeth all Christian People to have, in the most Holy and Blessed [Page 189] Sacrament of the Altar, and other Articles of Christian Religion, most graciously declared by your Majesty, by Authority of Parliament▪ And certain Matters comprised in some of the said Books, hath caused to be translated into our maternal and English Tongue: And upon re­port made unto him by the Translator thereof, that the Matter so tran­slated hath expresly been against the said most Blessed and Holy Sacra­ment; Yet the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, after he had read the same Translation, most heretically hath affirmed the same material Heresie so translated, to be good; and further hath said, that he found no fault therein; and over that, hath openly and obstinately holden Opinion, and said, That it was as lawful for every Christian Man to be a Minister of the said Sacrament, as well as a Priest. And where also your most Royal Majesty, being a Prince of Vertue, Learning, and Ju­stice, of singular Confidence and Trust, did constitute and make the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, your Highness's Vicegerent within this your Realm of England; and by the same, gave unto him Autho­rity and Power, not only to redress and reform all, and all manner of Errors, and Erroneous Opinions, insurging and growing among your loving and obedient Subjects of this your Realm, and of the Domini­ons of the same, but also to order and direct all Ecclesiastical and Spiri­tual Causes within your said Realm and Dominions; the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, not regarding his Duty to Almighty God, and to your Highness, under the Seal of your Vicegerent, hath, without your Grace's assent or knowledg, licensed and authorized divers Per­sons, detected and suspected of Heresies, openly to teach and preach amongst your most loving and obedient Subjects, within this your Realm of England. And under the pretence and colour of the said great Au­thorities and Cures, which your Majesty hath committed unto him in the Premisses, hath not only, of his corrupt and damnable Will and Mind, actually, at some time, by his own Deed and Command­ment, and at many other times by his Letters, expresly written to di­vers worshipful Persons, being Sheriffs, in sundry Shires of this your Realm, falsly suggesting thereby your Grace's Pleasure so to have been, caused to be set at large many false Hereticks, some being there indi­cted, and some other being thereof apprehended, and in ward: and commonly, upon complaints made by credible Persons unto the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, of great and most detestable Heresies committed and sprung in many places of this your Realm, with decla­ration of the Specialities of the same Heresies, and the Names of the Of­fenders therein, the same Thomas Cromwel, Earl of Essex, by his crafty and subtil means and inventions, hath not only defended the same Here­ticks from Punishment and Reformation; but being a fautor, main­tainer, and supporter of Hereticks, divers times hath terribly rebuked divers of the said credible Persons being their Accusers, and some others of them hath persecuted and vexed by Imprisonment and otherwise. So that thereby many of your Grace's true and loving Subjects have been in much dread and fear, to detect or accuse such detestable known Hereticks; the particularities and specialities of which said abominable Heresies, Errors, and Offences, committed and done by the said Tho­mas Cromwell, being over-tedious, long, and of too great number here to be expressed, declared, or written. And to the intent to have those [Page 190] damnable Errors and Heresies, to be inculcated, impressed, and infixed in the Hearts of your Subjects, as well contrary to God's Laws, as to your Laws and Ordinances. Most Gracious Soveraign Lord, the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, hath allured and drawn unto him by Retainours, many of your Subjects sunderly inhabiting in every of your said Shires and territories, as well erroneously perswading and de­claring to them the Contents of the false erroneous Books, above-written, to be good, true, and best standing with the most Holy Word and Pleasure of God; as other his false and heretical Opinions and Errors; whereby, and by his Confederacies therein, he hath caused ma­ny of your faithful Subjects to be greatly infected with Heresies, and other Errors, contrary to the right Laws and Pleasure of Almighty God. And the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, by the false and traiterous means above-written, supposing himself to be fully able, by force and strength, to maintain and defend his said abominable Treasons, Heresies, and Errors, not regarding his most bounden Duty to Almighty God, and his Laws, nor the natural Duty of Allegiance to your Majesty, in the last day of March, in the 30 year of our most gracious Reign, in the Pa­rish of St. Peter the Poor, within your City of London, upon demonstration and declaration then & there made unto him, that there were certain new Preachers, as Robert Barnes Clerk, and other, whereof part been now com­mitted to the Tower of London for preaching and teaching of leud Lear­ning against your Highness's Proclamations; the same Thomas affirming the same preaching to be good, most detestably, arrogantly, erroneously, wilfully, maliciously, and traiterously, expresly against your Laws and Statutes, then and there did not lett to declare, and say, these most traiterous and detestable words ensuing, amongst other words of like matter and effect; that is to say, That if the King would turn from it, yet I would not turn; And if the King did turn, and all his People, I would fight in the Field in mine own Person, with my Sword in my hand, against him and all others; and then, and there, most traiterously pulled out his Dagger, and held it on high, saying these words, Or else this Dagger thrust me to the heart, if I would not die in that Quarrel against them all: And I trust, if I live one year or two, it shall not lie in the King's Power to resist or lett it if he would. And further, then and there swearing by a great Oath, traiterously affirmed the same his traiterous saying and pronunciation of words, saying, I will do so indeed, ex­tending up his Arm, as though he had had a Sword in his Hand; to the most perrilous, grievous, and wicked Example of all other your loving, faithful, and obedient Subjects in this your Realm, and to the peril of your most Royal Person. And moreover, our most Gracious Soveraign Lord, the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, hath acquired and obtained into his possession, by Oppression, Bribery, Extort, Power, and false Promises made by him, to your Subjects of your Realm, innumerable Sums of Mony and Treasure; and being so enriched, hath had your Nobles of your Realm in great disdain, derision, and detestation, as by express words by him most opprobriously spoken hath appeared. And being put in remembrance of others, of his estate, which your High­ness hath called him unto, offending in like Treasons, the last day of Ianuary, in the 31 year of your most noble Reign, at the Parish of St. Martin in the Field, in the County of Middlesex, most arrogantly, [Page 191] willingly, maliciously, and traiterously, said, published, and declared, That if the Lords would handle him so, that he would give them such a Break-fast as never was made in England, and that the proudest of them should know; to the great peril and danger, as well of your Majesty, as of your Heirs and Successors: For the which his most detestable and abominable Heresies and Treasons, and many other his like Offences and Treasons, over-long here to be rehearsed and declared. Be it En­acted, Ordained, and Established by your Majesty, with the Assent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons in this present Parliament assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, for his abominable and detestable He­resies and Treasons, by him most abominably, heretically, and traite­rously practised, committed, and done, as well against Almighty God▪ as against your Majesty, and this your said Realm, shall be, and stand, by Authority of this present Parliament, convicted and attainted of He­resie and High Treason, and be adjudged an abominable and detestable Heretick and Traitor; and shall have and suffer such pains of death, losses, and forfeitures of Goods, Debts, and Chattels, as in [...] of Heresie and High Treason, or as in cases of either of them, at the plea­sure of your most Royal Majesty. And that the same Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, shall, by Authority abovesaid, lose, and forfeit to your Highness, and to your Heirs and Successors, all such his Castles, Lord­ships, Mannors, Mesuages, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Reversions, Remainders, Services, Possessions, Offices, Rights, Conditions, and all other his Hereditaments, of what names, natures, or qualities soever they be, which he the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, or any other to his use had, or ought to have had, of any Estate of Inheri­tance, in Fee-Simple or Fee-Tail, in Reversion or Possession, at the said last day of March, in the said thirtieth Year of your most Gracious Reign, or at any time sith or after, as in Cases of High Treason. And that all the said Castles, Lordships, Mannors, Lands, Mesuages, Tene­ments, Rents, Reversions, Remainders, Services, Possessions, Offices, and all other the Premisses forfeited, as is abovesaid, shall be deemed, in­vested, and adjudged, in the lawful, real, and actual possession of your Highness, your Heirs, and Successors for ever in the same, and such estate, manner, and form, as if the said Castles, Lordships, Mannors, Mesuages, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Reversions, Remainders, Servi­ces, Possessions, Offices, and other the Premisses, with their Appurte­nances, and every of them, were specially or particularly founden, by Office or Offices, Inquisition or Inquisitions, to be taken by any Es­cheator, or Escheators, or any other Commissioner or Commissioners, by virtue of any Commission or Commissions to them, or any of them, to be directed in any County or Counties, Shire or Shires, within this your Realm of England, where the said Castles, and other the Premisses, or any of them, been, or do lay, and returned into any of your Maje­sties Courts. Saving to all and singular, Person and Persons, Bodies po­litick and corporate, their Heirs and Successors, and their Successors and Assignes of every of them, other than the said Thomas Cromwell, Earl of Essex, and his Heirs, and all and every other Person and Per­sons, claiming by the same Thomas Cromwell, and to his use, all such Right, Title, Entrie, Possession, Interest, Reversions, Remainders, [Page 192] Lease, Leases, Conditions, Fees, Offices, Rents, Annuities, Commons, and all other Commodities, Profits, and Hereditaments whatsoever they or any of them might, should, or ought to have had, if this Act had never been had nor made. Provided always, and be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid, that this Act of Attainder, ne any Offence, ne other thing therein contained, extend not unto the Deanery of Wells, in the County of Sommerset; nor to any Mannors, Lands, Tenements, or Hereditaments thereunto belonging; nor be in any wise prejudicial or hurtful unto the Bishop of Bath and Wells, nor to the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedral Church of St. Andrew of Wells, nor to any of them, nor to any of their Successors; but that the said Bishop, Dean, and Chapters, and their Successors, and every of them, shall and may have, hold, use, occupy, and enjoy, all and singular their Titles, Rights, Mannors, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Reversions, and Services, and all and singular other their Hereditaments, Commodities, and Profits, of what nature, kind, or quality, or condition soever they be, in as ample and large manner and form, as tho this Act of At­tainder, or any Offence therein mentioned, had never been had, committed, nor made; and that from hence-forth the Dean, and his Successors, Deans of the said Cathedral Church that hereafter shall be prefected, elected, and admitted to the same, Shall, by the Authority aforesaid, be Dean of the said Cathedral Church, fully and wholly incorporated with the Chapter of the same, in as ample, large, and like manner and form, to all intents and purposes, as the Deans before this time hath been and used to be, with the said Chapter of the said Ca­thedral Church of Wells. And that the same Dean and Chapter, and their Successors, shall have, occupy, and enjoy, all and singular their such Possessions, Mannors, Lands, Tenements, Rents, Reversions, and Services, and all and singular their Hereditaments, of what nature, kind, name or names they be called or known. And shall be adjudg­ed and deemed in actual and real possession and season of, and in the same Premisses, to all intents and purposes, according to their old Cor­poration, as tho this Act of Attainder, or any thing, clause, or matter therein contained had never been had, committed, nor made. This said Act of Attainder, or any other Act, Provision, or any thing heretofore had or made to the contrary notwithstanding. Cui qui­dem petitioni cum provisione praedict. perlect. & intellect. per dictum Do­minum Regem ex Authoritate & consensu Parliamenti praedicti sic Respon­sum est,

Soit faict come il est desiro.

XVII. Cromwell's Letter to the King concerning his Marriage with Ann of Cleve. An Original.

To the King, my most Gracious Sovereign Lord his Royal Majesty.

MOst Merciful King, and most Gracious Sovereign Lord,Cotton Libr. Otho. C. 10. may it please the same to be advertised, That the last time it pleased your be­nign Goodness to send unto me the Right Honourable Lord Chancel­lor, the Right Honourable Duke of Norff. and the Lord Admiral, to examine, and also to declare unto me divers things from your Majesty; among the which, one special thing they moved, and thereupon they char­ged me, as I would answer before God at the dreadful day of Judgment, and also upon the extreme danger and damnation of my Soul and Con­science, to say what I knew in the Marriage, and concerning the Mar­riage, between your Highness and the Queen. To the which I an­swered as I knew, declaring unto them the Particulars, as nigh as I then could call to remembrance. Which when they had heard, they, in your Majesty's Name, and upon like charge as they had given me be­fore, commanded me to write to your Highness the truth, as much as I knew in that Matter; which now I do, and the very truth, as God shall save me, to the uttermost of my knowledg. First; After your Majesty heard of the Lady Ann of Cleves arrival at Dover, and that her Jour­nies were appointed toward Greenwich, and that she should be at Roche­ster on New-years Even at night, your Highness declared to me, that you would privily visit her at Rochester, upon New-years-day, adding these words, To nourish love; which accordingly your Grace did upon New-years-day, as is above-said. And the next day, being Friday, your Grace returned to Greenwich, where I spake with your Grace, and demanded of your Majesty, How ye liked the Lady Ann: your High­ness answered, as me thought, heavily, and not pleasantly, Nothing so well as she was spoken of; saying further, That if your Highness had known as much before as ye then knew, she should not have come within this Realm; saying, as by the way of lamentation, What Remedy? Unto the which I answered and said, I know none but was very sorry therefore; and so God knoweth I was, for I thought it a hard beginning. The next day after the receipt of the said Lady, and her entry made unto Greenwich, and after your Highness had brought her to her Chamber, I then waited upon your Highness into your Privy-Chamber; and being there, your Grace called me unto you, saying to me these words, or the like, My Lord, is it not as I told you? say what they will, she is nothing so fair as she hath been reported; howbeit she is well and seemly. Whereunto I an­swered and said, By my Faith, Sir, ye say truth; adding thereunto, that I thought she had a Queenly manner; and nevertheless was sorry that your Grace was no better content: And thereupon your Grace commanded me to call together your Council, which were these by name; The Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Dukes of Norfolk and [Page 194] Suffolk, my Lord Admiral, and my Lord of Duresme, and my self, to commune of these Matters, and to know what Commissions the Agents of Cleves had brought, as well touching the performance of the Covenants sent before from hence to Dr. Wotton, to have been concluded in Cleves, as also in the declaration how the Matters stood for the Cove­nants of Marriage, between the Duke of Lorrain's Son, and the said Lady Ann. Whereupon Olisleger and Hogeston were called, and the Matters purposed; whereby it plainly appeared, that they were much astonished and abashed, and desired that they might make answer in the next morning, which was Sunday: And upon the Sunday in the morning your said Counsellors and they met together early, and there eft-soons was proposed unto them, as well touching the Commission for the performance of the Treaty and Articles sent to Mr. Wotton, as also touching the Contracts and Covenants of Marriage between the Duke of Lorrain's Son, and the Lady Ann, and what terms they stood in. To which things so proposed, they answered as Men much perplexed, That as touching Commission, they had none to treat concerning the Articles sent to Mr. Wotton. And as to the Contract and Covenants of Marri­age they could say nothing, but that a Revocation was made, and that they were but Spousals. And finally, after much reasoning, they of­fered themselves to remain Prisoners, until such time as they should have sent unto them from Cleves the first Articles ratified under the Duke their Masters Sign and Seal, and also the Copy of the Revo­cation made between the Duke of Lorrain's Son and the Lady Ann. Upon the which Answers, I was sent to your Highness by my Lords of your Council, to declare to your Highness their Answer; and came to you, by the Privy Way, into your Privy Chamber, and declared unto the same all the Circumstances, wherewith your Grace was very much displeased, saying, I am not well handled; insomuch that I might well perceive that your Highness was fully determined not to have gone through with the Marriage at that time, saying unto me these words, or the like in effect; That if it were not that she is come so far unto my Realm, and the great Preparations that my States and People have made for her, and for fear of making a ruffel in the World; that is, to mean to drive her Brother into the hands of the Emperor and the French King's hands, be­ing now together, I would never have ne married her. So that I might well perceive your Grace was neither content with the Person, ne yet with the Proceedings of the Agents; And at after-dinner, the said Sunday, your Grace sent for all your said Counsellors in, repeating how your Highness was handled, as well touching the said Articles, as also the said Matter of the Duke of Lorrain's Son. It might, and I doubt not, did appear unto them how loth your Highness was to have married at that time. And thereupon, and upon the Considerations aforesaid, your Grace thought that it should be well done that she should make a Prote­station before your said Counsellors and Notaries to be present, that she was free from all Contracts; which was done accordingly. And there­upon I repairing to your Highness, declared how that she had made her Protestation. Whereunto your Grace answered in effect these words, or much like; Is there none other Remedy, but that I must needs, against my Will, put my Neck in the Yoke; and so departed, leaving your Highness in a study or pensiveness. And yet your Grace determined the next [Page 195] morning to go through; and in the morning, which was Monday, your Majesty preparing your self towards the Ceremonies; There was one Question, Who should lead to the Church? And it was appointed that the Earl of Essex deceased, and an Earl that came with her, should lead her to the Church. And thereupon one came to your Highness, and said to you, That the Earl of Essex was not come; whereupon your Grace appointed me to be one that should lead her: And so I went in­to her Chamber, to the intent to have done your Commandment; and shortly after I came into her Chamber, the Earl of Essex was come: Whereupon I repaired back again into your Graces Privy Chamber, and shewed your Highness how he was come; and thereupon your Ma­jesty advanced towards the Gallery out of your Privy Chamber; and your Grace being in and about the midst of your Chamber of Presence, called me unto you, saying these words, or the like in sentence; My Lord, if it were not to satisfy the World, and my Realm, I would not do that I must do this day for none earthly thing; and therewith one brought your Grace Word that she was coming; and thereupon your Grace re­paired into the Gallery towards the Closet, and there paused for her com­ing, being nothing content that she so long tarried as I judged then. And so consequently she came, and your Grace afterward proceeded to the Ceremonies; and they being finished, travelled the day as apper­tained, and the night after the custom. And in the morning, on Tues­day, I repairing to your Majesty into your Privy-Chamber, finding your Grace not so pleasant as I trusted to have done, I was so bold to ask your Grace how you liked the Queen? Whereunto your Grace soberly an­swered, saying, That I was not all Men, surely, as ye know, I liked her be­fore not well, but now I like her much worse; for, quoth your Highness, I have felt her Belly, and her Breasts, and thereby, as I can judg, she should be no Maid; which strook me so to the Heart when I felt them, that I had neither will nor courage to proceed any further in other Matters; saying, I have left her as good a Maid as I found her: Which me thought then ye spake displeasantly, which made me very sorry to hear; Your Highness also after Candlemass, and before Showstie, once or twice said, That ye were in the same case with her as ye were afore, and that your Heart could never consent to meddle with her carnally. Notwithstanding your High­ness alledged, that ye for the most part used to lay nightly, or every se­cond night by her, and yet your Majesty ever said, That she was as good a Maid for you, as ever her Mother bare her, for any thing ye had ministred to her. Your Highness shewed to me also in Lent last passed, at such time as your Grace had some communication with her of my Lady Mary, how that she began to wax stubborn and willful, ever lamenting your fate, and ever verifying that ye never had any carnal knowledg with her: And also after Easter, your Grace likewise, at divers times, and in the Whitsun-week, in your Grace's Privy-Chamber at Greenwich, exceed­ingly lamented your fate, and that your greatest grief was, That ye should surely never have any more Children for the comfort of this Realm, if ye should so continue; assuring me, that before God ye thought she was never your lawful Wife. At which time your Grace knoweth what answer I made; which was, that I would for my part do my utmost to comfort and deliver your Grace of your Afflictions; and how sorry I was both to see and hear your Grace God knoweth. Your Grace divers times [Page 196] sithen Whitsuntide, ever alleadging one thing, and also saying, That ye had as much to do to move the consent of your Heart and Mind as ever did Man, and that you took God to witness; but ever, you said, the Obstacle could never out of your Mind. And, Gracious Prince, after that you had first seen her at Rochester, I never thought in my heart that ye were or would be contented with that Marriage. And, Sir, I know now in what case I stand, in which is only the Mercy of God and your Grace; if I have not, to the uttermost of my remembrance, said the Truth, and the whole Truth in this Matter, God never help me. I am sure there is, as I think, no Man in this your Realm that knew more in this than I did, your Highness only excepted. And I am sure, my Lord Admiral calling to his remembrance, can shew your Highness, and be my Witness what I said unto him after your Grace came from Rochester, yea, and after your Grace's Marriage: And also now of late, sithence Whitsuntide, and I doubt not but many and divers of my Lords of your Council, both before your Marriage and sithence, have right-well per­ceived that your Majesty hath not been well pleased with your Mar­riage. And as I shall answer to God, I never thought your Grace con­tent, after you had once seen her at Rochester. And this is all that I know, most gracious and most merciful Sovereign Lord, beseeching Almighty God, who ever hath in all your Causes counselled, preserved, opened, maintained, relieved, and defended your Highness; So he will now vouchsafe to counsel you, preserve you, maintain you, reme­dy you, relieve and defend you, as may be most to your Honour, with Prosperity, Health, and Comfort of your Hearts desire. For the which, and for the long Life, and prosperous Reign of your most Royal Majesty, I shall, during my Life, and whiles I am here, pray to Almighty God, that he of his most abundant Goodness will help, aid, and comfort you, after your continuance of Nestor's Years: that that most noble Imp, the Princes Grace, your most dear Son, may succeed you to Reign long, prosperously, and feliciously to God's pleasure: be­seeching most humbly your Grace to pardon this my rude writing, and to consider that I a most woful Prisoner, ready to take the Death, when it shall please God and your Majesty; and yet the frail flesh inciteth me continually to call to your Grace for Mercy and Grace for mine Offen­ces; and thus Christ save, preserve, and keep you.

Written at the Tower this Wednesday, the last of Iune,
with the heavy Heart, and trembling hand, of your Highness's most heavy and most miserable Prisoner, and poor Slave, Thomas Cromwell.

Most Gracious Prince, I cry for Mercy, Mercy, Mercy.

XVIII. The King's own Declaration concerning it. An Original.

FIrst; I depose and declare,Cotton Libr. Otho C. 10. That this hereafter written is meerly the verity intended, upon none sinister affection, nor yet upon none hatred nor displeasure, and herein I take God to witness. Now to the Matter I say and affirm; That when the first communication was had with me for the Marriage of the Lady Ann of Cleves, I was glad to hearken to it, trusting to have some assured Friend by it; I much doubting that time, both the Emperor, France, and the Bishop of Rome; and also because I heard so much, both of her excellent Beauty and vertuous Conditions. But when I saw her at Rochester, the first time that ever I saw her, it rejoiced my heart that I had kept me free from making any Pact or Bond before with her till I saw her my self; for then I adsure you I liked her so ill, and so far contrary to that she was praised, that I was woe that ever she came into England; and delibe­rated with my self, that if it were possible to find means to break off, I would never enter Yoke with her. Of which misliking, both the great Master, the Admiral that now is, and the Master of the Horses, can and will here record. Then after my repair to Greenwich, the next day af­ter I think, and doubt not, but that the Lord of Essex well examined, can, and will, or hath declared what I then said to him in that case; not doubting, but since he is a Person which knoweth himself condemned to die by Act of Parliament, will not damn his Soul, but truly declare the Truth, not only at that time spoken by me, but also continually till the day of Marriage; and also many times after, whereby my lack of consent, I doubt not, doth or shall well appear; And also lack enough of the Will and Power to consummate the same; wherein both he, my Physicians, the Lord Privy Seal that now is, Hennage and Denny can, and I doubt not will testify according to truth, which is, That I never for love to the Woman consented to marry; nor yet if she brought Mai­den-head with her, took any from her by true Carnal Copulation. This is my brief, true, and perfect Declaration.

XIX. The Iudgment of the Convocation for annulling of the Marriage with Ann of Cleve.

TEnor vero Literarum Testimonialum hujusmodi sequitur,Regist. Cranmer. & est ta­lis. Excellentissimo in Christo Principi, &c. Thomas Cantuarien. & Edwardus Eboracen. Archiepiscopi, caeteri (que) Episcopi & reliquus ve­stri Regni Angliae clerus, Autoritate Literarum Commissionalium Vestrae Majestatis, Congregati ac Synodum universalem repraesentantes, cum obsequio, reverentia & honore debitis, salutem & foelicitatem. Cum nos humillimi & Majestatis Vestrae devotissimi subditi, Convocati & Congregati sumus virtute Commissionis Vestrae magno sigillo Vestro [Page 196] [...] [Page 197] [...] [Page 198] sigillat. dat. 6 Julii Anno foelicissimi Regni Vestri tricesimo secundo, quam accepimus in haec quae sequitur verba.

Henricus Octavus Dei Gratia Angliae, &c. Archiepiscopis Cantua­rien. & Eborac. ac caeteris Regni nostri Angliae Episcopis, Decanis, Ar­chidiaconis, & universo Clero, salutem. Egerunt apud nos Regni no­stri proceres & populus, ut cum nuper quaedam emerserint, quae ut illi putant ad nos Regni (que) nostri successionem pertineant, inter quae praeci­pua est, causa & conditio Matrimonii quod cum Illustri & Nobili Foemi­na Domina Anna Clevensi propter externam quidem conjugii speciem, perplexum alioqui etiam multis ac variis modis ambiguum videtur; Nos ad ejusdem Matrimonii disquisitionem ita procedere dignaremur ut opi­nionem Vestram qui in Ecclesia nostra Anglicana scientiam Verbi Dei & Doctrinam profitemini exquiramus, vobis (que) discutiendum Autoritatem ita demandemus, ut si animis Vestris fuerit persuasum Matrimonium cum praefata Domina Anna minime consistere aut cohaerere debere; nos ad Matrimonium contrahend. cum alia liberos esse, Vestro, Patrum ac reli­quae deinde Ecclesiae suffragio pronuncietur & confirmetur. Nos autem qui Vestrum in reliquis Ecclesiae hujus Anglicanae negotiis gravioribus quae Ecclesiasticam Oeconomiam & Religionem spectant judicium ample­cti solemus, ad veritatis explicandae testimonium omnino necessarium rati sumus Causae hujusmodi Matrimonialis seriem & circumstantias vobis ex­poni & communicari curare, ut quod vos per Dei Leges licere decreveri­tis id demum totius Ecclesiae nostrae Autoritate innixi licite facere & exe­qui audeamus. Vos ita (que) Convocari & in Synodum Universalem nostra Autoritate convenire volentes, vobis conjunctim & divisim committimus at (que) mandamus, ut inspecta hujus negotii veritate, ac solum Deum prae oculis habentes, quod verum, quod justum, quod honestum, quod sanctum est, id nobis de communi Concilio scripto annuncio renuncietis, & de communi consensu licere definiatis: Nempe hoc unum a vobis no­stro jure postulamus, ut tanquam fida & proba Ecclesiae membra causae huic Ecclesiasticae, quae maxima est, in justitia & veritate adesse velitis, & eam maturime juxta Commissionem vobis in hac parte factam absol­vere & expedire. In cujus rei Testimonium has Literas nostras fieri feci­mus Patentes, Teste meipso apud Westmon. sexto die Julii Anno Regni nostri tricesimo secundo. Nos tenorem & effectum Vestrae Commissionis per omnia sequentes, postquam matura deliberatione perpendimus & consideravimus omnes Matrimonii praetensi inter Vestram Majestatem Illustrissimam & Nobilem foeminam Dominam Annam Clevensem cir­cumstantias, nobis multis modis expositas, cognitas & perspectas, tan­dem ad definitionem & determinationem sequentem, quam communi om­nium consensu justorum (que) animorum nostrorum judicio ac recto con­scientiae dictaminae protulimus, processimus, in hunc modum & (quod tenor Vestrae Commissionis exigit) Vestrae Nobilissimae Majestati in hoc praesenti scripto referend. duximus, & significamus prout sequitur.

Primum ita (que) comperimus & consideravimus Matrimonium inter Ma­jestatem Vestram & Nobilem foeminam Dominam Annam Clevensem praetensam praecontracto quodam sive sponsaliorum, sive Matrimonii, inter dictam Dominam Annam & Marchionem Lotharingiae concluso ambi­guum, plane impeditum & perplexum reddi; Annimadvertimus enim quod quamvis Vestra Majestas in prima hujus Matrimonii praetensi [Page 199] tractatione praecontractus praedicti, & de quo tum sermo multus habe­batur, discussionem & declarationem ante solemnizandum cum dicta Domina Anna Matrimonium tanta instantia exegerit, ut pro conditione contrahendi deinde Matrimonii fuisse merito existimari possit, qua con­ditione defecta nihil ageretur; at (que) haec cum ita se haberent tamen neque ante solemnizationem illa de praecontractu ambiguitas expedita & decla­rata est, cum idipsum tum temporis Majestas Vestra denuo exposceret & efflagitaret, cui clara jam & expedita esse omnia falso renunciabatur, ne (que) postea quicquam efficax ut promissum ab Oratoribus fuerat, huc transmissum est, quo scrupulus ille ex praecontractu natus eximeretur, tolleretur aut amoveretur, adeo quidem ut praetensum Matrimonium inter Majestatem Vestram & Dominam Annam praedictam non modo ex conditionis defectu corruerit, sed si nulla conditio hujusmodi omnino fuisset, certe quidem Matrimonium hujusmodi praetensum ex sola prae­contractus hujusmodi causa non explicata in suspenso manserit, in eum etiam casum nullius vigoris omnino ac valoris pronunciandum, quo prae­contractum illum verbis de praesenti factum fuisse constiterit, id quod multis de causis est verisimilius & merito suspectum haberi potest.

Consideravimus praeterea ex his quae allegata, affirmata & probata no­bis fuerunt, quod praetensum Matrimonium inter Majestatem vestram & Dominam Annam praedictam internum, purum, perfectum & integrum consensum non habuit: Imo contra quemadmodum inter ipsa tractatio­nis initia, cum de hoc Matrimonio ageretur, plurimus illecebrarum fucus adhibitus est, & magnus laudationum acervus supra fidem cumulatus, ut hic perduceretur & obtruderetur ignota, ita solemnizationis actus qui instabat a Majestate Vestra animo reluctante & dissentiente exortus est, causis maximis & gravissimis urgentibus & prementibus quae animum invitum & alienum perpellere merito possent.

Consideravimus etiam carnalem Copulam inter Majestatem Vestram & praedictam Dominam Annam minime secutam esse, nec cum ea justo impedimento intercedente consequi deinde posse. Quae omnia ex his quas audivimus probationibus vera & certa esse existimamus. Postremo illud quo (que) Consideramus, quod & nobis ab aliis propositum etiam nos verum esse fatemur, agnoscimus & approbamus, viz. ut si Majestas Ve­stra (modo ne fiat divinae jussioni praejudicium) in libertate contra­hendi Matrimonii cum alia esse declaretur, maxime totius Regni benefi­cio id futurum. Cum quidem Regni foelicitas omnis & conservatio, tum in Regia Vestra persona ad Dei honorem & divinarum legum executio­nem conservandam consistit, tum in vitandis etiam sinistris omnibus opi­nionibus & scandalis quae de Majestatis Vestrae progenie post natam no­bis ex praetenso Matrimonio sobolem suborirentur, si praecontractus ille de quo diximus, & cujus declaratio nulla secuta est, praedictae Dominae Annae objiceretur. His ita (que) de causis & considerationibus aliis (que) multis non necessariis quae exprimantur, cum separatim singulis, tum conjun­ctim omnibus consideratis & perpensis, Nos Archiepiscopi & Episcopi, cum Decanis, Archiadiaconis, & reliquo hujus Regni Clero nunc congre­gato, circumstantias facti ejus (que) veritatem ut antedictum est consideran­tes, tum vero quid Ecclesia in hujusmodi casibus & possit facere & saepe­numero antehac fecerit perpendentes, tenore praesentium declaramus & definimus, Majestatem Vestram praedicto Matrimonio praetenso, utpote nullo & invalido, non alligari, sed alio desuper judicio non expectato [Page 200] Ecclesiae suae Autoritate fretam posse arbitrio suo ad contrahend. & consummand. Matrimonium cum quavis foemina, divino jure vobiscum contrahere non prohibita, procedere, praetenso illo cum Domina Anna praedicta Matrimonio non obstante.

Similiter Dominam Annam praedictam non obstante Matrimonio prae­tenso cum Majestate Vestra, quod nullo pacto obstare debere Decerni­mus, posse arbitrio suo cum quavis alia persona divino jure non prohi­bita Matrimonium contrahere. Haec Nos Clerum & doctam Ecclesiae Anglicanae partem repraesentantes, tum vera, justa, honesta & sancta esse Affirmamus, tum eisdem qui perfectissime, integerrime & efficacissime ad omnem intentionem, propositum & effectum a nobis exigi potest, Consen­timus & Assentimur per praesentes. In quorum omnium & singulorum testimonium haec scripta manuum nostrarum subscriptione, communimus, utrius (que) etiam Archiepiscopi sigillo apposito.

Da [...]. Westmon. nono die mensis Julii Anno Dom. 1540.

XX. Ann of Cleve's Letter to her Brother.

BROTHER,

Cotton Libr. Otho. C. 10.BEcause I had rather ye knew the Truth by mine Advertisement, than for want thereof ye should be deceived by vain Reports, I write these present Letters unto you, by which ye shall understand, That being advertised how the Nobles and Commons of this Realm desired the King's Highness here to commit the examination of the Matter of Marriage, between me and his Majesty, to the determination of the Clergy: I did the more willingly consent thereunto, and since the de­termination made, have also allowed, approved, and agreed unto the same, wherein I have more respect, as becometh me, to Truth and good Pleasure, than any worldly Affection that might move me to the contrary. I account God pleased with that is done, and know my self to have suffered no wrong or injury; but being my Body preserved in the integrity which I brought into this Realm, and I truly discharged from all band of Consent, I find the King's Highness, whom I cannot justly have as my Husband, to be nevertheless as a most kind, loving, and friendly Father and Brother, and to use me as honourably, and with as much humanity and liberality as you, I my self, or any of our Kin or Allies could wish or desire; wherewith I am, for mine own part, so well content and satisfied, that I much desire my Mother, You, and other mine Allies so to understand it, accept, and take it; and so to use your self towards this Noble and Vertuous Prince, as he may have cause to continue his friendship towards you, which on his behalf shall nothing be empaired or altered for this Matter; for so hath it pleased his Highness to signify unto me, that like as he will shew me always a most fatherly and brotherly kindness, and has so provided for me; so will he remain with you, and other, according to such terms as have passed in the same knot of Amity which between you hath been concluded, this Mat­ter notwithstanding, in such wise as neither I, ne you, or any of our Friends shall have just cause of miscontentment. Thus much I have [Page 201] thought necessary to write unto you, lest for want of true knowledg ye might otherwise take this Matter than ye ought, and in other sort care for me than ye should have cause. Only I require this of you, That ye so use your self, as for your untowardness in this Matter, I fare not the worse; whereunto I trust you will have regard.

XXI. The Resolutions of several Bishops and Divines,Ex MSS. D. Stilling-fleet. of some Questions concerning the Sacraments; by which it will appear with what maturity and care they proceeded in the Reformation, taken from the Originals, under their own hands. Only in copy­ing them, I judged it might be more acceptable to the Reader to see every Man's Answer set down after every Question; and there­fore they are published in this method.

The first Question. What a Sacrament is by the Scripture?

THe Scripture sheweth not what a Sacrament is,Canterbury. nevertheless where in the Latin Text we have Sacramentum, there in the Greek we have Mysterium; and so by the Scripture, Sacramentum may be called Mysterium, id est, res occulta sive arcana.

To the first;York. In Scripture we neither find Definition nor Description of a Sacrament.

Without prejudice to the Truth,
London.
and saving always more better Judgment, Cum facultate etiam melius deliberandi in hac parte.

To the first Question; I think that the Scriptures do use this word Sacrament, in divers places, according to the Matter it treateth upon, Tobi. 12. Rev. 1. Wisd. 2.6.12. Dan. 2. Ephes. 1.3, 5. Col. 1. 1 Tim. 10. Rev. 17. as also it doth divers other words: Yet, what a Sacrament is by definition, or description of Scripture, I cannot find it explicated openly. Likewise as I cannot find the definition or description of the Trinity, nor yet such-like things. Mary what other Men can find, being daily and of long season exercised in Scripture, I cannot tell, referring therefore this thing to their better knowledg.

I think that where this word, Sacramentum, Rochester. is found in the Scripture in the Latin Translation, there in the Greek is found this word [...], that is to say, a Mystery, or a secret thing.

What the word Sacrament betokeneth, or what is the definition,Carlile. de­scription, or notification thereof, I have found no such plainly set out by Scripture. But this I find, that it should appear by the same Scrip­ture, that the Latin word Sacramentum, and the Greek word Mysterium, [Page 202] be in manner always used for one thing; as much to say as, Abscondi­tum, Occultatum, vel in occulto.

Dr. Robertson. Thomas Rebertson. Ad Quaestiones.

Ad primam Respondeo, vocem Sacramenti, mihi in Sacris Literis non reperiri in hac significatione, nisi quatenus ad Matrimonium applicatur a Paulo, ubi tamen Graece habetur Mysterium: & proinde ex meris Scri­pturis expresse definiri non posse.

Dr. Cox.I find not in Scripture, the definition of a Sacrament, nor what a Sacrament is.

Dr. Day.I find no definition in Scripture of this word Sacramenium; howbeit wheresoever it is found in Scripture, the same is in the Greek Mysterium, which signifieth a Secret, or Hid thing.

Dr. Oglethorp.Non habetur in Scripturis, quid Sacramentum proprie sit, nisi quod subinde Mysterium dicitur: varia enim, & in Scripturis, & in Ecclesia­sticis Scriptoribus reperitur ejus nominis significatio; ideo (que) definiri non potest.

Dr. Redmayn.I find no definition of this word Sacrament, in the Scripture; nor likewise of this word Gratia, or Lex, with innumerable more; and yet what they signify, it is known; so the signification of this word Sacrament is plain, it is nothing else but a secret Hid thing, or any My­stery.

Dr. EdgeworthLike as Angelus, Coelum, Terra, be spoken of in Scripture, yet none of them defined: So altho Sacrumentum be spoken of in Scripture, yet [...] hath no definition there, but is taken divers ways, and in divers sig­ [...]ifications.

Dr. Symmens.This word, Sacrament, in Scripture is not defined.

Dr. Tresham.I say this word, Sacrament, taken in his common signification, beto­keneth a Mystery, and hid, or a secret thing: But if ye understand it, in his proper signification, as we use to apply it only to the Seven Sa­craments, the Scripture sheweth not what a Sacrament is. And yet lest any Man might be offended, thinking, that because the Scripture sheweth not what a Sacrament is, therefore the same is a light thing, or little to be esteemed: Here may be remembred, that there are some weighty and godly things, being also of our Belief, which the Scripture sheweth not expresly what they are. As for Example; We believe the Son is consubstantial to the Father: Item; that the Father is unbegot­ten, yet the Scripture sheweth not what is consubstantial, nor what is unbegotten, neither maketh any mention of the words. Likewise it is true, Baptism is a Sacrament, Pennance is a Sacrament, &c. yet the Scripture sheweth not what a Sacrament is.

[Page 203] Edwardus Leyghton.

Responsions unto the Questions.Dr. Leyghton.

To the first Question, I say; That in Holy Scripture I never found, and I think there is no Man that will find a definition or description of this word Sacramentum; which is as much to say in English, as, a My­stery, a secret, or a hid thing.

I do read no definition of this word, Sacramentum, in Scripture;Dr. Coren. but sometimes it is used in Scripture, to signify a thing secret or hid.

In primo articulo conveniunt omnes, non satis constare ex Scriptura,Conveni­unt. quid sit Sacramentum; Pleri (que) tamen dicunt Graece appellari, Mysteri­um, (i. e.) a secret, or a hid thing.

In the Answer unto the first Question, They do all agree,Agreement. that it is not evident by Scripture, what a Sacrament is, but Mysterium, that is, a secret, or a hid thing.

2. Question. What a Sacrament is by the Ancient Authors?
Answers.

THe Ancient Doctors call a Sacrament, Sacrae rei Signum, Canterbury. viz. visibile Verbum, Symbolum, atque pactio qua sumus constricti.

To the second; Of St. Augustin's words,York. this Description following of a Sacrament may be gathered; Sacramentum est invisibilis gratiae, visi­bilis forma. And this thing, that is such visible form or sign of invisi­ble Grace in Sacraments, we find in Scripture, altho we find not the word Sacrament, saving only in the Sacrament of Matrimony.

To the second; I find in Authors this Declaration,London. Sacramentum est Sacrae rei signum. Also, Invisibilis Gratiae Visibilis Forma. Also, Visi­bilis Forma Invisibilis Gratiae imaginem gerens & causa existens. And of the verity and goodness of this Description or Declaration, I refer me to the Divines, better acquainted with this Matter than I am.

I think that this word Sacrament, as it is taken of the Old Authors,Rochester. hath divers and sundry significations, for sometimes it is extended to all holy Signs, sometimes to all Mysteries, sometimes to all Allegories, &c.

Thomas Waldensis, who writeth a solemn Work de Sacramentis, Carlile. caus­eth me to say, that this word, Sacramentum in Communi, is defined of of the Ancient Authors; who after that he had shewed how that Wycliff, and before him Berengarius hath said, that Augustine defineth Sacramen­tum thus; Sacramentum est sacrum Signum; and Signum in this wise, [Page 204] Signum est res praeter speciem quam sensibus ingerit aliquid aliud ex se fa­ciens in cogitationem venire. De Doctrina Christiana. He himself, with Ancient Authors, as he saith, defineth it thus; Sacramentum est invisibilis Gratiae visibilis Forma, vel, Sacramentum est Sacrae rei Signum: Both these Descriptions (saith he) be of the Ancient Fathers.

Dr. Robertson.Sacramentum a vetustioribus, quemadmodum fert Hugo de S. Victore, & Thomas Aquinas, nondum reperiri definitum, nisi quod Augustinus in­terdum vocet Sacramenta, Sacra signa aut signacula, interdum similitu­dines earum rerum, quarum sunt Sacramenta. Et Rabanus, Sacramen­tum dicitur, quod sub tegumento rerum corporalium, virtus Divina secretius salutem eorundem Sacramentorum operatur, unde & a secretis virtutibus vel Sacris, Sacramenta dicuntur.

Dr. Cox.The Ancient Authors commonly say, That a Sacrament is, Sacrae rei Signum, or Sacrosanctum Signaculum; but they do not utterly and properly define what it is.

Dr. Day.The Ancient Doctors take this word, Sacramentum, diversly, and ap­ply it to many things.

Dr. Oglethorpe.Ex Augustino & aliis colligitur, Sacramentum posse dici, Sacrae rei Signum, vel, invisibilis gratiae visibilis Forma, quanquam haec posterior definitio non conveniat omnibus Sacramentis, s [...]iz. tantum septem istis usitatis; sed nec his quo (que) ex aequo, cum non aequalem conferant gra­tiam.

Dr. Redmayn.Generally it is taken to signify every secret Mystery, and Sacramenta be called, Sacrarum rerum signa, or, Sacra signacula: And as this word Sacrament particularly is attributed to the chief Sacraments of the Church, this definition of a Sacrament may be gathered of St. August. Invisibilis Gratiae visibilis Forma. And also that a Sacrament, is a mysti­cal or secret Work which consisteth ex Verbo & elemento. And Cyprian saith, Verborum solennitas & sacri invocatio nominis, & signa institutioni­bus Apostolicis Sacerdotum Ministeriis Attributa, visibile celebrant Sacramen­tum, rem vero ipsam Spiritus Sanctus format & efficit.

Dr. EdgeworthBy the Ancient Authors, Sacramentum hath many significations, some­times it is called a Secret Counsel. Tob. 12. Sacramentum Regis abscondere bonum est. Nebuchadnezar's Dream was called Sacramentum, Dan. 2. The Mystery of Christ's Incarnation, and of our Redemption, is so cal­led, Ephes. 3. and 1 Tim. 3. So that every secret thing having some privy sense or signification, is called Sacramentum, generally extending the Vocable: Notwithstanding in one signification, Sacramentum ac­cordeth properly to them that be commonly called the Seven Sacra­ments; and hath this definition taken of St. August. and others, Invisi­bilis gratiae visibilis Forma, ut ipsius imaginem gerat & quodammodo causa existat.

Dr. Symmons.The Ancient Authors of Divinity use this word Sacrament in di­vers significations, for they call it Mysterium; and so the Scripture useth [Page 205] it in many places, as 1 Tim. 3. Tobie 12. Wisd. 2. Dan. 2. Eph. 1. & 3. The word Sacrament is also used for a Figure or a Sign of the Old Testa­ment, signifying Christ, as the Paschal Lamb, and the Brasen Serpent, and divers other Holy Signs. It is also taken of the Holy Authors, to be an Holy Sign, which maketh to the sanctification of the Soul, given of God against sin for our Salvation, as it may be gathered of them; for this word Sacrament is called by them, Sacrum Signum; but I have not read any express definition common to all Sacraments.

This word Sacrament, in the Ancient Authors,Dr. Tresham. is oft-times used in this general signification, and so (as is before-said) it is a Mystery, or secret thing; and sometimes the same word is used as appliable only unto the Seven Sacraments; and is thus described, A visible Form of an invisible Grace: and thus also, a thing by the which, under the cover­ing of visible things, the godly Power doth work our health.

To the second, I say; That Hugo de Sancto Victore, Dr. Leyghton. is one of the most Ancient Authors that I ever could perceive, took upon him to de­fine or describe a Sacrament: Howbeit, I suppose, that this common description which the Schoolmen use, after the Master of the Senten­ces, viz. Sacramentum est invisibilis Gratiae visibilis seu sensibilis Forma, may be gathered of St. Austin, and divers other Ancient Author's words in many places of their Works.

I do find no definition plainly set forth in old Authors,Dr. Coren. notwith­standing this definition, Invisibilis Gratiae visibilis Forma, may be ga­thered out of St. Augustine.

In secundo Articulo conveniunt omnes,Con. Sacramentum esse sacrae rei signum. Tresham, Oglethorpus, & Edgworth, dicunt hanc definitio­nem, Sacramentum est invisibilis gratiae visibilis Forma, his septem con­venire. Thurlebeus ait, non convenire omnibus septem, & aeque plu­ribus posse attribui at (que) septem.

In the second they put many Descriptions of a Sacrament, Agreem. as the sign of a holy Thing, a visible Word, &c. But upon this one definition, a Sacrament is a visible Form of invisible Grace, they do not all agree: for Doctors, Edgworth, Tresham, and Oglethorpe say, That it is applicable only and properly unto the word Sacrament, as it signifieth the Seven Sacra­ments usually received. My Lord Elect of Westminster saith, That it a­greeth not unto all the Seven, nor yet more specially unto the Seven, than un­to any other.

3. Question. How many Sacraments there be by the Scripture?
Answers.

Canterbury.THe Scripture sheweth not how many Sacraments there be, but In­carnatio Christi and Matrimonium, be called in the Scripture My­steria, and therefore we may call them by the Scripture Sacramenta. But one Sacramentum the Scripture maketh mention of, which is hard to be revealed fully, as would to God it were, and that is Mysterium Iniquita­tis, or Mysterium Meretricis magnae & Bestiae.

York.To the third; In Scripture we find no precise number of Sacraments.

London.To the third; I find not set forth the express number, with express declaration of this many and no more; nor yet of these expresly by Scripture which we use, especially under the name of Sacraments, sa­ving only of Matrimony.

Rochester.I think that in the Scripture be innumerable Sacraments, for all My­steries, all Ceremonies, all the Facts of Christ, the whole Story of the Iews, and the Revelations of the Apocalypse, may be named Sacraments.

Carlile.The certain number of Sacraments, or Mysteries, contained within Scripture, cannot be well expressed or assigned; for Scripture contain­eth more than infallibly may be rehearsed.

Dr. Robertson.De istis septem, quae usitate vocamus Sacramenta, nullum invenio no­mine Sacramenti appellari, nisi Matrimonium. Matrimonium esse Sacra­mentum, probat Eckius, Homi. 73. & conferre gratiam, ibid.

Dr. Cox.There be divers Sacraments by the Scripture, as in Tobie 12. Sacra­mentum Regis, the King's Secret. Also Nebuchadnezars Dream, Dan. 2. is called, Sacramentum. Incarnatio Christi, Sacramentum, Ephes. 3. Ma­trimonium, Sacramentum.

Dr. Day.Taking for Sacraments any thing, that this word, Sacramentum, doth signify, there be in Scripture a great number of Sacraments more than Seven.

Dr. Oglethorpe.Non habetur determinatus Sacramentorum numerus in Scripturis, sunt enim innumera fere illic, quae passim vocantur Sacramenta; cum omnis allegoria, omne (que) Mysterium, dicatur Sacramentum. Quin et somnia, ac secreta, subinde Sacramenta vocantur. Tobiae 2. Sacramentum Regis abscondere bonum est; & Dan. 2. Imploremus misericordias Dei Coeli super Sacramento isto, & somnio. Paulus etiam Epist. 2. vocat Myste­rium Incarnationis Christi Sacramentum: Et in Apoc. 1. vocat Sacra­mentum septem Stellarum. Ac hoc praecipue observandum venit, [Page 207] nullum a septem Sacramentis receptis, hoc nomine appellari, praeter so­lum Matrimonium.

As many as there be Mysteries, which be innumerable;Dr. Redmayn. but by Scrip­ture, I think, the Seven which be named Sacraments, may principally bear the name.

Speaking of Sacraments generally,Dr. Edgewoat [...] they be innumerable spoken of in Scripture; but properly to speak of Sacraments, there be but Seven that may be so called, of which Matrimony is expresly called Sacramen­tum, Ephes. 5. and as I think, in the germane and proper signification of a Sacrament; so that the indivisible knot of the Man and his Wife in one Body, by the Sacrament of Matrimony, is the Matter of this Sacrament; upon which, as on the literal verity the Apostle foundeth this allegorical saying, Ego autem dico in Christo & in Ecclesia; for the mystical sense presupposeth a verity in the Letter on which that is taken▪ Six more there be to which the definition doth agree, as manifestly doth appear by the Scriptures with the exposition of the Ancient Authors.

In the Scripture there is no certain number of Sacraments.Dr. Symmons.

I [...]ind no more of the seven, called expresly Sacraments,Dr. Tresham. but only Matrimony, but extending the name of Sacrament in his most general acception; there are in Scripture a great number of Sacraments, where­of the Apostle saith, Si noverint Mysteria omnia, &c.

To the third; I say,Dr. Leyghton. that I find not in Scripture any of these seven which we commonly call Sacraments, called Sacramentum, but only Matrimonium. But I find divers and many other things called Sacra­ments in Scripture, as in the 21 of Tobie, Sacramentum Regis abscondere bonum est. Item Apoc. 17. Dicamus tibi Sacramentum. Item, 1 Tim. 3. Magnum est pietatis Sacramentum, &c.

I cannot tell how many Sacraments be, by Scripture,Dr. Coren. for they be above one hundred.

In [...]ertio conveniunt satis: Con. non esse certum numerum Sacramentorum per Scripturas. Redmaynus addit, But by Scripture I think the seven which be named Sacraments, may principally bear the name. Idem sentit Edgworth, & septem tantum. Matrimonium in Scripturis haberi sub nomine Sacramenti pleri (que) dicunt.

In the third they do agree,Agreement. That there is no certain number of Sa­craments by Scripture, but even as many as there be Mysteries; and none of these seven called Sacraments, but only Matrimony in Scripture.

4. Question. How many Sacraments there be by the Ancient Authors?
Answers.

CanterburyBY the Ancient Authors there be many Sacraments more than seven, for all the Figures which signifie Christ to come, or testifie that he is come, be called Sacraments, as all the Figures of the Old Law, and in the New Law; Eucharistia, Baptismus, Pascha, Dies Dominicus, lotio pedum, signum Crucis, Chrisma, Matrimonium, Ordo, Sabbatum, Impositio manuum, Oleum, Consecratio Olei, Lac, Mel, Aqua, Vinum, Sal, Ignis, Cinis, adapertio Aurium, vestis candida, and all the Parables of Christ, with the Prophesies of the Apocalyps, and such others, be called by the Doctors, Sacramenta.

York.To the fourth; There is no precise number of Sacraments mentioned by the Ancient Authors, taking the word Sacrament, in his most gene­ral signification.

[...]ndon.To the fourth; I find that St. Austine speaketh de Baptismo, de Eucha­ristia, de Matrimonio, de Ordinatione clericorum, de Sacramento Chrisma­tis & Vnctionis: Also I find in the said St. Austine, that in the Old Law there were many Sacraments, and in the New Law few.

Rochester.I think that in the Doctors be found many more Sacraments than se­ven, viz. Panis Catechumenorum, signum Crucis, Oleum, Lac, Sal, Mel, &c.

Carlile.That Scripture containeth, by the same Holy Ghost which is Author thereof, the Holy Doctors, and Ancient Fathers expoundeth; So that where in Scripture the number of Sacraments is uncertain, it cannot be among them certain.

Dr. Robertson.Apud Augustinum lego Sacramentum Nuptiarum, Sacramentum Baptismi, Sacramentum Eucharistiae, quod & altaris sive panis vocat; Sacramentum Ordinationis; Sacramentum Chrismatis, quod datur per manus impositionem Baptizatis; Sacramentum Unctionis.

Dr. Cox.I find in the Ancient Authors, that Baptism is called Sacramentum, Eucharistia, Sacramentum, Matrimonium Sacramentum, Ordo Sacramen­tum, Chrisma Sacramentum, Impositio Manuum per Baptismum Sacramentum, Dilectio Sacramentum, Lotio pedum Sacramentum, Oleum, Mel, Lac, Sa­cramenta; and many others.

Dr. Day.There be a great sort of Sacraments found in the Doctors, after the acception above-said, more than seven.

Dr. Oglethorp.Apud Scriptores Ecclesiasticos reperiuntur multo plura Sacramenta quam haec septem.

[Page 209]Taking this word Sacrament universally for Mysteries,Dr. Redmayn. or all secret Tokens, there be more Sacraments than can be reckoned; but the se­ven by old Authors may specially obtain the name. Lotio pedum is spo­ken of in old Authors as a special Sacrament used then in the Church, and as it appeareth, having a great ground in the Scripture; and I think it were better to renew that again, and so to have eight Sacra­ments, rather than to diminish the number of the seven now used.

Even like as to the next Question before.Dr. Edgeworth

The ancient Authors acknowledg many more than seven;Dr. Symmons. for they call in their Writings all Rites and Ceremonies, Sacraments.

Generally, as many as Mysteries, specially seven,Dr. Tresham. and no more of like nature to them; for although I find not express mention where Penance is called a Sacrament, yet I think it may be deduced and pro­ved by Cyprian, in his Sermon de Passione Christi, in these words. De­ni (que) quicun (que) fiunt Sacramentorum Ministri, per operationem authoritas in figura Crucis omnibus Sacramentis largitur effectum, & cuncta peragit nobis quod omnibus nominibus eminet a Sacramentorum vicariis invocatum: At li­cet indigni sint qui accipiunt, Sacramentorum tamen reverentia & propin­quiorem ad Deum parat accessum, & ubi redierint ad cor constat ablutionis donum, & redit effectus munerum, nec alias quaeri aut repeti necesse est salu­tiferum Sacramentum; in these words, redit effectus munerum; and, nec alias repeti necesse est salutiferum Sacramentum, must needs be understood Penance, and also that Penance is a Sacrament: For as our first access to God is by the Sacrament Baptism, which Cyprian there following called Ablutionem primam; so if we fall by deadly sin, we cannot repetere God again, but by Penance; which repeting (i. e.) Penance, Cyprian calleth Salutiferum Sacramentum.

To the fourth, I say; That I find in ancienter Authors,Dr. Leyghton. every one of these seven, which we call commonly Sacraments, called Sacramen­tum; as in Austin every one of them is called Sacramentum but only Penance, which Cyprian calleth Sacramentum. Also I find in the an­cienter Authors divers other things (besides the seven) called Sacra­ments, as Lotio pedum in Cyprian, &c.

More Sacraments be found in old Authors than Seven.Dr. Coren.

In quarto conveniunt, plura esse Sacramenta quam septem apud Authores:
Con.
Redman addit; But the seven, by old Authors, may specially ob­tain the name. Idem putat Edgworth, and Tresham. Lotio pedum, he thinketh were better to be renewed, and so made 8. Sacraments, than the number of the seven to be diminished. Treshamus citat Cyprianum in Serm. de Passione Christi pro poenitentia, quod dicatur Sacramentum, cum alii fere omnes nusquam appellari aiunt Sacramentum apud Authores, & hic locus aperte agit de Baptismo, quod vocat donum ablutionis, & Sacramentum Salutiferum.

In the fourth they agree,Agreement. That there is no determinate number of Sa­craments spoken of in the old Authors; but that my Lord of York, [Page 210] and Edgworth, Tresham, Redman, Crayford, and Simmons, say, That those seven, by old Authors, may specially obtain the name of Sacra­ments. The Bishop of St. Davids saith, That there be but four Sacra­ments in the old Doctors most chiefly spoken of, and they be Baptism, the Sacrament of the Altar, Matrimony, and Pennance.

5. Question. Whether this word Sacrament, be and ought to be attributed to the seven only? and whether the seven Sacraments be found in any of the old Authors?
Answers.

CanterburyI Know no cause why this word, Sacrament, should be attributed to the seven only; for the old Authors never prescribed any certain number of Sacraments, nor in all their Books I never read these two words joined together, viz. septem Sacramenta.

York.To the fifth; To the first part of this Question, this word, Sacra­ment, is used and applied in Scripture, to some things that be none of the seven Sacraments. To the second part; The seven Sacraments be found in some of the ancient Authors.

London.To the fifth, I answer; That this word, Sacrament, in our Language commonly hath been attributed to the seven customably called Sacra­ments, not for that yet, that the word Sacrament cannot be applied to any more, but for that the seven have been specially of very long and ancient season received, continued and taken for things of such sort.

Rochester.I think that the name of a Sacrament, is and may be attributed to more than seven, and that all the seven Sacraments be found in the old Authors, tho all peradventure be not found in one Author. But I have not read Pennance called by the name of a Sacrament in any of them.

Carlile.Certain it is, that this word Sacrament, neither is nor ought to be attributed to seven only, for both Scripture and ancient Authers other­wise applieth it, but yet nothing letteth, but that this word Sacrament may most especially, and in a certain due preheminence, be applied to the seven Sacraments, of most ancient name and usage among Christian Men. And that the ancient Authors have so used and applied it, af­firmeth the said Thomas Walden. convincing Wycliffe and Berengarius who enforced the contrary, from Cyprian, and also Augustine, with other holy Doctors, they may so well be gathered.

Dr. Robertson.Vocabulum, Sacramenti, in Sacris Literis, nulli Sacramentorum quod sciam tribuitur, nisi Matrimonio: a vetustis Scriptoribus tribuitur Cere­moniis & umbris legis, Incarnationi Christi, figuris, allegoriis, & festi­vitatibus: [Page 211] Apud Paulum legitur divinitatis, voluntatis divinae, & pie­tatis Sacramentum. Caeterum loquendo de Sacramentis his, quae sunt invisibilis gratiae collatae in Ecclesia Christi visibilia signa, opinor non plura quam septem inveniri, his (que) magis proprie quam reliquis, sub hac ratione, tribui nomen Sacramenti.

This word Sacrament is not,Dr. Cox. nor ought not to be attributed to these seven only. Those that we call seven Sacraments, be found in old Au­thors, although some of them be seldom found called by this name Sa­crament.

This word, Sacramentum, neither is,Dr. Day. nor ought to be so attributed unto these seven, but that it is, and may be attributed to many more things, and so the ancienter Doctors use it. The seven Sacraments be found in ancient Doctors under the name of Sacrament, saving that I remember not that I have read in them Pennance called a Sacrament.

Nomen commune est multis aliis rebus,Dr. Oglethorpe. quam septem istis usitatis Sa­cramentis. Septem Sacramenta, seorsim & sparsim reperiuntur in vete­rum monumentis.

To the seven specially and principally,Dr. Redmayn. and in general to innumerable more. But I cannot tell whether in any old Author might be found these two words, seven Sacraments, or this number limited; but every one of the seven Sacraments, one by one, be found in the old Au­thors.

Sacramentum in his proper signification,Dr. Edgeworth is and ought to be attributed to the seven only; and they be all seven found in the Authors.

This word, Sacrament, is not only to be attributed to the seven,Dr. Symmons. but that the seven Sacraments especially conferreth Grace, the old Authors especially accounteth them by the number of seven; and these seven are found in Authors and Scriptures, altho they be not found by the name of seven.

I say, This word, Sacrament, is attributed to the seven;Dr. Tresham. and that the seven Sacraments are found in the ancient Authors.

To the fifth I say, first, (as before) that this word, Sacramentum, Dr. Leyghton. is not applied or attributed in Holy Scripture to any of the seven, but only to Matrimony. But it is attributed in Scripture and ancient Au­thors to many other things besides these: Howbeit, taking this word, Sacramentum, for a sensible sign of the invisible Grace of God given unto Christian People, as the Schoolmen and many late Writers take it; I think that these seven commonly called Sacraments, are to be cal­led only and most properly Sacraments.

This word, Sacrament, may well be attributed to the seven;Dr. Coren. and so it is found in old Authors, saving that I do not read expresly in old Do­ctors, Pennance to be under the name of a Sacrament, unless it be in Chry­sostome, in the Exposition ad Hebrae. Homil. 20. sect. 1. cap. 10. in principio.

[Page 212]
Non. Con.
In quinto praeter Herfordens. Roffens. Dayium. Oglethorpum, Mene­vens. & Coxum, putant omnes nomen Sacramenti praecipue his septem convenire. Symons addit, The seven Sacraments specially confer Grace: Eboracens. Curren, Tresham, Symons, aiunt septem Sacramenta inveniri apud veteres, quanquam Curren & Symons mox videntur iterum negare.

Dissent.In the fifth; The Bishops of Hereford and St. David, Dr. Day, Dr. Cox, say, That this word, Sacrament, in the old Authors, is not attributed unto the seven only, and ought not to be attributed. The Bishop of Carlile alledging Waldensis. Doctors Curren, Edgworth, Sy­mons, Tresham say, That it is and may be attributed. And Dr. Curren, and Mr. Symmons, seem to vary against themselves each in their own Answers; for Dr. Curren saith, That this word, Sacrament, is attribu­ted unto the seven in the old Doctors, and yet he cannot find that it is attributed unto Pennance. Dr. Symons saith, That the old Authors ac­count them by the number of seven; and yet he saith, That they be not found there by the name of seven.

6. Question. Whether the determinate number of seven Sacraments be a Doctrine, either of the Scripture, or of the old Authors, and so to be taught?
Answers.

Canterbury.THe determinate number of seven Sacraments is no Doctrine of the Scripture, nor of the old Authors.

York.To the sixth; The Scripture maketh no mention of the Sacraments determined to seven precisely; but the Scripture maketh mention of seven Sacraments, which be used in Christ's Church, and grounded partly in Scripture; and no more be in use of the said Church but se­ven so grounded; and some of the ancient Doctors make mention of seven, and of no more than seven, as used in Christ's Church so grounded; wherefore a Doctrine may be had of seven Sacraments precisely used in Christ's Church, and grounded in Scripture.

London.To the sixth; I think it be a Doctrine set forth by the ancient Fathers, one from another, taking their matter and ground out of Scripture, as they understood it; tho Scripture for all that doth not give unto all the seven, the special names by which now they are called, nor yet open­ly call them by the name of Sacrament, except only (as is before-said) the Sacrament of Matrimony.

Rochester.Albeit the seven Sacraments be in effect found both in the Scripture, and in the old Authors, and may therefore be so taught; yet I have not read this precise and determinate number of seven [Page 213] Sacraments, neither in the Scripture, nor in the ancient Writers.

By what is here before-said, I think it doth well appear,Carlile. that both the Scripture of God, and holy Expositors of the same, would have the seven Sacraments both taught, and in due form exhibited to all Christian People, as it shall also better appear by what followeth.

In Scriptura tantum unum ex istis septem Sacramentum vocari inve­nio,Dr. Robertson. nimirum Matrimonium: apud veteres reperiuntur omnia haec sep­tem, a nullo tamen, quod sciam, nomine 7. Sacramentorum celebrari, nisi quod Eras. ait 7. a veteribus recenseri: August. loquens de Sacra­mentis ad Januarium Ep. 118. ait numerum septenarium tribui Ecclesiae proprie instar universitatis; Item objectum fuisse Husso in Concilio Con­stantienti quod infideliter senserit de 7. Sacramentis. De perfectione Num. Septenarii, vide August. lib. 1. de Civ. cap. 31.

This determinate number of seven Sacraments,Dr. Cox. is no Doctrine of Scripture, nor of the old Authors, nor ought not to be taught as such a determinate number by Scripture and old Authors.

Neither the Scripture, nor the ancient Authors,Dr. Day. do recite the deter­minate number of the seven Sacraments; but the Doctrine of the seven Sacraments is grounded in Scripture, and taught by the ancient Authors, albeit not altogether.

Septenarius Sacramentorum numerus,Dr. Oglethorpe. Doctrina est recentium Theo­logorum; quam illi partim ex Scriptura, partim ex veterum scriptis, ar­gute in sacrum hunc (ut aiunt) numerum, collegerunt.

I think, as I find by old Authors,Dr. Redmayn. the ancient Church used all these se­ven Sacraments; and so I think it good to be taught.

The determinate number of seven Sacraments,Dr. Edgworth. is not taught in any one Process of the Scripture, nor of any one of the old Authors of purpose speaking of them altogether, or in one Process, as far as I can remember; albeit they all seven be there, and there spoken of in Scrip­ture manifestly, and so have the old Authors left them in sundry places of their Writings; and so it ought to be taught.

Forasmuch as the Scripture teacheth these seven,Dr. Symmons. and sheweth special Graces given by the same, the which are not so given by others, called Sacraments, the old Authors perceiving the special Graces, have accounted them in a certain number, and so have been used by Doctors to be cal­led seven, and without inconvenience may so be taught.

I say,Dr. Tresham. The determinate number of seven is not expresly mentioned in the Scripture, like as the determinate number of the seven Petitions of the Prayer is not expresly mentioned; and as I think the seven Petitions to have their ground in Scripture, even so do I think of the seven Sacraments, to be grounded in Scripture.

[Page 214] Dr. Leyghton.To the sixth I say as before, That the old Authors call each of these seven, Sacraments; but be it, I cannot remember that ever I read the determinate, precise, and express number of seven Sacraments in any of the ancient Authors, nor in Scripture. Howbeit we may find in Scripture, and the old Authors, also mention made, and the doctrine of each of these seven, commonly called Sacraments.

Dr. Coren.The determinate number of seven, is a Doctrine to be taught, for every one of them be contained in Scripture, tho they have not the number of seven set forth there, no more than the Petitions of the Pa­ter Noster be called seven, nor the Articles of the Creed be called twelve.

Priori parti Quaestiones negative Respondent. Herfordens. Mene­vens.
Con.
Roffens. Dayus, Dunelmens. Oglethorpus, Thurleby: Po­steriori parti, quod sit Doctrina conveniens respondent affirmative, Eboracen. Roffen. Carliolen. Londinen. Dayus, Edgworth, Red­mayn, Symmons, Curren: Londinen. & Redmanus non respon­dent priori parti Quaestionis, nec Oglethorpus, Tresham, Robin­sonus Posteriori. Eboracen. Londin. Symmons, Curren, volunt è Scripturis peti Doctrinam Septem. Sacramentorum.

Agreement.In the sixth, touching the determinate number of the seven Sacra­ments, the Bishop of Duresme, Hereford, St. David, and Rochester, the Elect of Westminster, Dr. Day, and Dr. Oglethorpe say, This prescribed number of Sacraments is not found in the old Authors. The Bishop of York, Drs. Curren, Tresham, and Symmons, say the contrary. Con­cerning the second part, Whether it be a Doctrine to be taught? The Bishops of Hereford, St. Davids, and Dr. Cox, Think it ought not to be so taught as such a determinate number by Scripture. The Bishops of York, London, Carlile; Drs. Day, Curren, Tresham, Symmons, Crayford, Think it a Doctrine meet to be taught: And some of them say, That it is founded on Scripture.

7. Question. What is found in Scripture of the Matter, Nature, Effect, and Vertue of such as we call the seven Sacraments; so as altho the Name be not there, yet whether the thing be in Scripture or no, and in what wise spoken of?
Answers.

Canterbury.I Find not in the Scripture, the Matter, Nature, and Effect of all these which we call the seven Sacraments, but only of certain of them, as of Baptism, in which we be regenerated and pardoned of our sin by the Blood of Christ: Of Eucharistia, in which we be concorpo­rated unto Christ, and made lively Members of his Body, nourished [Page 215] and fed to the Everlasting Life, if we receive it as we ought to do, and else it is to us rather Death than Life. Of Pennance also I find in the Scripture, whereby Sinners after Baptism returning wholly unto God, be accepted again unto God's Favour and Mercy. But the Scrip­ture speaketh not of Pennance, as we call it a Sacrament, consisting in three parts, Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction; but the Scripture taketh Pennance for a pure conversion of a sinner in heart and mind from his sins unto God, making no mention of private Confession of all deadly sins to a Priest, nor of Ecclesiastical satisfaction to be enjoined by him. Of Matrimony also I find very much in Scripture, and among other things, that it is a mean whereby God doth use the infirmity of our Concupiscence to the setting forth of his Glory, and encrease of the World, thereby sanctifying the Act of Carnal Conjunction between the Man and the Wife to that use; yea, altho one party be an In [...]idel: and in this Matrimony is also a Promise of Salvation, if the Parents bring up their Children in the Faith, Love, and Fear of God. Of the Matter, Nature, and Effect of the other three, that is to say, Confirmation, Order, and extream Vnction, I read nothing in the Scripture as they be taken for Sacraments.

To the seventh; Of Baptism, York. we find in Scripture the Justification by the Word of Christ; we find also that the Matter of Baptism is Wa­ter, the Effect and Vertue is Remission of Sins. Of Confirmation, we find that the Apostles did confirm those that were baptized, by laying their hands upon them, and that the Effect then was the coming of the Holy Ghost into them, upon whom the Apostles laid their hands, in a visible sign of the Gift of divers Languages, and therewith of ghostly strength to confess Christ, following upon the same. Of the Sacrament of the Altar, we find the Institution by Christ, and the Matter thereof, Bread and Wine, the Effect, Increase of Grace. Of the Sacrament of Pennance, we find the Institution in the Gospel, the Effect, Reconcilia­tion of the sinner, and the union of him to the Mystical Body of Christ. Of the Sacrament of Matrimony, we find the Institution both in the Old and New Testament, and the Effect thereof, Remedy a­gainst Concupiscence and discharge of sin, which otherwise should be in the Office of Generation. Of the Sacrament of Order, we find, that our Saviour gave to his Apostles power to baptize, to bind and to loose sinners, to remit sins, and to receive them, to teach and preach his Word, and to consecrate his most precious Body and Blood, which be the highest offices of Order; and the effect thereof Grace, we find in Scripture. Of extream Vnction, we find in the Epistle of the Holy Apostle St. Iames, and of the Effects of the same.

To the seventh, I find, that St. Austin is of this sentence,London. That where the Sacraments of the Old Law did promise Grace and Comfort, the Sacra­ments of the New Law do give it indeed. And moreover he saith, That that the Sacraments of the New Law are, factu faciliora, pauciora, salu­briora, & foeliciora, more easier, more fewer, more wholsomer, and more happy.

[Page 216] Rochester.The Scripture teacheth of Baptism, the Sacrament of the Altar, Ma­trimony and Pennance manifestly: There be also in the Scripture mani­fest examples of Confirmation, viz. That it was done after Baptism by the Apostles, per manuum Impositionem. The Scripture teacheth also of Order, that it was done, per manuum Impositionem cum oratione & jejunio. Of the Unction of sick Men, the Epistle of St. Iames teacheth manifestly.

Carlisle.I think verily, That of the Substance, Effect, and Vertue of these seven usual Sacraments, that are to be taken and esteemed above others, we have plainly and expresly by Holy Scripture. Of Baptism, That who­soever believeth in Christ, and is Christned, shall be saved; and except that one be born again of Water and the Holy Ghost, he cannot come within the Kingdom of God. Of Matrimony, we have in Scripture, both by name, and in effect, in the Old and New Testament, both by Christ and his Apostle Paul. Of the Sacrament of the Altar, I find plainly expresly, both in the Holy Gospels, and other places of Scrip­ture. Of Pennance in like manner. Of Confirmation we have in Scrip­ture, that when the Samaritans, by the preaching of Philip, had recei­ved the Word of God and were Christened; the Apostles hearing of the same, sent Peter and Iohn unto them; who when they came thither, they prayed for them that they might receive the Holy Ghost: then they laid their hands upon them, and so they received the Holy Ghost; This, saith Bede, is the Office and Duty only of Bishops. And this manner and form (saith St. Hierom) as it is written in the Acts, the Church hath kept, That the Bishop should go abroad to call for the Grace of the Holy Ghost, and lay his hands upon them, who had been Christened by Priests and Deacons. Of the Sacrament of Orders, we have, That Christ made his Apostles the Teachers of his Law, and Ministers of his Sacraments, that they should duly do it, and make and ordain others likewise to do it af­ter them. And so the Apostles ordained Matthias to be one of their number, St. Paul made and ordained Timothy and Titus, with others likewise. Of the Sacrament of Extream Vnction, we have manifestly in the Gospel of Mark, and Epistle of St. Iames.

Dr. Robertson.Materia Sacramentorum est Verbum & Elementum, virtus quam Deus per illa digne sumentibus conferat gratiam, juxta suam promissio­nem, nimirum quod sint Sacra Signacula, non tantum signantia sed eti­am significantia. Unde opinor constare hanc Sacramentorum vim esse in Sacris Literis.

Dr. Cox.I find in Scripture, of such things as we use to call Sacraments. First, Of Baptism manifestly. Of Eucharistia manifestly. Of Pennance manifest­ly. Of Matrimony manifestly. Of Ordering, per manus Impositionem & Orationem manifestly. It is also manifest, that the Apostles laid their hands upon them that were Christened. Of the Vnction of the Sick with Prayer manifestly.

Dr. Day.Albeit the seven Sacraments be not found in Scripture expressed by name, yet the thing it self, that is, the Matter, Nature, Effect and Vertue [Page 217] of them is found there. Of Baptism in divers places; of the most Holy Communion; of Matrimony; of Absolution; of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, how they were ordained per manuum Impositionem cum Oratione; Of laying the Apostles hands on them that were Christened, which is a part of Confirmation; of Unction of them that were sick, with Prayer joined withal.

Natura, vis, effectus, ac uniuscujus (que) Sacramenti proprietas,Dr. Oglethorp. seorsim in Scriptura reperitur, ut veteres eam interpretati sunt.

As it appeareth in the Articles which be drawn of the said seven Sa­craments.Dr. Redmayn.

In Scripture we find of the Form of the Sacraments,Dr. Edgeworth as the words Sa­cramental; and the Matter, as the Element, Oil, Chrism; and the Patient receiving the Sacrament; and of Grace and encrease of Vertue given by them, as the Effects.

The things are contained in Scripture, as Baptism, Confirmation, Dr. Sy [...]ons. Eu­charistia, Poenitentia, Extrema Vnctio, Ordo, altho they have not there this name Sacramentum, as Matrimony hath; and every one of them hath his Matter, Nature, Effect and Vertue.

I think the Thing, the Matter, the Nature, the Effect,Dr. Tresham. and Vertue of them all be in the Scripture, and all there institute by God's Autho­rity, for I think that no one Man, neither the whole Church hath power to Institute a Sacrament, but that such Institution pertaineth only to God.

To the seventh, I say, That we may evidently find in Scripture,Dr. Leyghton. the substance of every one of the seven Sacraments, the Nature, Effect, and Vertue of the same; as of Baptism, Confirmation, Pennance, Matrimony, and so forth of the rest.

Of the Matter, Nature, Vertue, and Effect,Dr. Coren. of such as we call Sacra­ments, Scripture maketh mention: Of Baptism manifestly; of the most Holy Communion manifestly; of Absolution manifestly; of Matri­mony manifestly; of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, Scripture speaketh manifestly; for they were ordered, per Impositiones manuum Presbyterii cum Oratione & jejunio.

Conveniunt praeter Menevens. naturam septem Sacramentorum nobis tradi in Scripturis. Eboracens. effectus singulorum enumerat,Con. item Carliolens.

Londinens. non Respondet Quaestioni. Treshamus ait ideo ê Scriptu­ris tradi nobis Sacramenta, quoniam tota Ecclesia non habet Au­thoritatem Instituendi Sacramenta.

In the seventh they do agree, saving this,Agreement. That the Bishop of St. Da­vid says, That the Nature, Effect, and Vertue of these seven Sacraments, only Baptism, the Sacrament of the Altar, Matrimony, Pennance, are con­tained [Page 218] in the Scripture. The other say, That the Nature and the Vertue of all the seven, be contained in the Scripture.

8. Question. Whether Confirmation, cum Crismate, of them that be Baptized, be found in Scripture?
Answers.

CanterburyOF Confirmation with Chrism, without which it is counted no Sacra­ment, there is no mention in the Scripture.

York.To the eighth; We find Confirmation, cum Impositione manuum in Scripture, as before; cum Chrismate we find not in the Scripture, but yet we find Chrismation with Oil used even from the time of the Apo­stles, and so taken as a Tradition Apostolick.

London.To the eighth; I find in Scripture, in many places, de Impositione ma­nuum, which I think (considering the usage commonly and so long with­al used) to be Confirmation; and that with Chrism, to supply the visi­ble appearance of the Holy Ghost, which Holy Ghost was so visibly seen in the Primitive Church; nevertheless for the perfect declaration of the verity hereof, I refer it to the judgment of Men of higher knowledg in this Faculty.

Rochester.Altho Confirmation be found in the Scripture, by Example, as I said before, yet there is nothing written de Chrismate.

Carlile.The Imposition of Hands, the Holy Doctors take for the same which we call Confirmation, done upon them which were christened before, whereof is written in the Acts. And as for Chrisma, it should seem by Cyprian, both as touching the confection and usage thereof, that it hath a great ground to be derived out of Scripture, tho it be not manifestly therein spoken of.

Dr. Robertson.Res & Effectus Confirmationis continentur in Scriptura, nempe, Im­positio manuum per Apostolos Baptizatis, per quam dabatur Spiritus Sanctus. De Chrismate nihil illic legimus, quia per id tempus Spiritus Sanctus signo visibili descenderit in Baptizatos. Quod ubi fieri desierit, Ecclesia Chrismate signi externi loco uti coepit.

Dr. Cox.I find not in Scripture that the Apostles laying their hands upon them that were baptized, did anoint them Chrismate.

Dr. Day.Confirmation cum Chrismate I read not in Scripture, but Impositionem manuum super Baptizatos I find there is, which ancient Authors call Confirmation; and Inunction with Chrisma hath been used from the Primitive Church.

[Page 219]De Impositione manuum cum Oratione,Dr. Oglethorpe. expressa mentio est in Scrip­turis, quae nunc usitato nomine, a Doctoribus dicitur, Confirmatio. Sacrum Chrisma, traditio est Apostolica, ut ex veteribus liquet.

The Question is not simple, but as if it were asked,Dr. Redmayn. Whether Eucha­ristia in infermentato, be in the Scripture, or, baptismus cum sale. Im­position of the Apostles hands, in which was conferred the Holy Ghost for Confirmation of them who were baptized, is found in Scripture. Chrisma is a Tradition deduced from the Apostles, as may be gathered by Scripture, and by the Old Authors, and the Mystery thereof is not to be despised.

This Sacrament is one, unitate integritatis, as some others be:Dr. Edgeworth There­fore it hath two parts; of which one, that is, Impositio manuum, is ta­ken Heb. 6. & Act. 8. The other part, that is, Chrisme, is taken of the Tradition of the Fathers, and so used from the Primitive Church. vid. Cyp. Epist. lib. 1. Ep. 12.

Confirmation is found in Scripture, and Confirmation cum Chrismate, Dr. Symmons. is gathered from the old Authors.

I say Confirmation is found in Scripture, but this additament,Dr. Tresham. cum Chrismate, is not of the Scripture, yet is it a very ancient Tradition, as appeareth by Cyp. de Vnct. Chrism.

To the eighth Question, I say,Dr. Leyghton. That Confirmation of them that be baptized, is found in Scripture, but cum Chrismate it is not found in Scripture, but it was used cum Chrismate in the Church soon after the Apostles time, as it may evidently appear by the cited Authors.

The laying of the Bishops hands upon them that be christened,Dr. Coren. which is a part of Confirmation, is plainly in Scripture; and the Unction with Chrisme, which is another part, hath been observed from the Primitive Church, and is called of St. Austin, Sacramentum Chrismatis. Unction of the Sick with Oil, and the Prayer, is grounded expresly in Scripture.

Conveniunt omnes Confirmationem cum Chrismate non haberi in Scripturis. Eboracens. Tresham, Coren, Day, Oglethorpe,Con. Edg­worth, Leighton, Symmons, Redman, Robinsonus, Confirma­tionem in Scripturis esse contendunt; caeterum Chrisma esse tra­ditionem Apostolicam: addit Robertsonus, & ubi fieri desierat miraculum Consecrandi Spiritus Sancti, Ecclesia Chrismate signi externi loco uti coepit; Convenit illi Londinens.

Carliolens. putat usum Chrismatis ex Scripturis peti posse; Putant omnes tum in hoc Articulo, tum superiori, Impositionem manuum esse Confirmationem.

In the eighth they do agree all, except it be the Bishop of Carlile, Agreem. That Confirmatio cum Chrismate is not found in Scripture, but only Con­firmatio cum manuum Impositione. And that also my Lord of St. Davids [Page 220] denieth to be in Scripture, as we call it a Sacrament. My Lord of Car­l [...]le saith, That Chrisma, as touching the confection and usage thereof, hath a ground to be derived out of Scripture. The other say, That it is but a Tradition.

3. Question. Whether the Apostles lacking a higher Power, as in not having a Chri­stian K [...]ng among them, made Bishops by that necessity, or by Au­thority given by God?
Answers.

Canterbury.ALL Christian Princes have committed unto them immediately of God the whole Cure of all their Subjects, as well concerning the Administration of God's Word, for the Cure of Souls, as concerning the ministration of things Political and Civil Governance: And in both these Ministrations, they must have sundry Ministers under them to sup­ply that, which is appointed to their several Offices. The Civil Mini­sters under the King's Majesty, in this Realm of England, be those whom it shall please his Highness for the time to put in Authority under him: As for Example; The Lord Chancellor, Lord Treasurer, Lord Great Master, Lord Privy Seal, Lord Admiral, Majors, Sheriffs, &c. The Ministers of God's Word, under his Majesty, be the Bishops, Parsons, Vicars, and such other Priests as be appointed by his Highness to that Ministration: As for Example, The Bishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Duresme, the Bishop of Winchester, the Parson of Winwick, &c. All the said Officers and Ministers, as well of that sort as the other, be ap­pointed, assigned, and elected, and in every place, by the Laws and Orders of Kings and Princes. In the admission of many of these Offi­cers, be divers comely Ceremonies and Solemnities used, which be not of necessity, but only for a good order and seemly fashion; for if such Offices and Ministrations were committed without such solemnity, they were nevertheless truly committed: And there is no more Promise of God, that Grace is given in the committing of the Ecclesiastical Office, than it is in the committing of the Civil Office. In the Apostles time, when there was no Christian Princes, by whose Authority Ministers of God's Word might be appointed, nor Sins by the Sword corrected, there was no Remedy then for the correction of Vice, or appointing of Ministers, but only the consent of Christian Multitude among them­selves, by an uniform consent, to follow the advice and perswasion of such Persons whom God had most endued with the Spirit of Counsel and Wisdom: And at that time, forasmuch as the Christian People had no Sword, nor Governour amongst them, they were constrained of necessity to take such Curats and Priests, as either they knew themselves to be meet thereunto, or else as were commended unto them by others, that were so replete with the Spirit of God, with such knowledg in the profession of Christ, such Wisdom, such Conversation and Coun­sel, [Page 221] that they ought even of very Conscience to give credit unto them, and to accept such as by them were presented: and so sometimes the Apostles and others, unto whom God had given abundantly his Spirit, s [...]nt or appointed Ministers of God's Word; sometimes the People did choose such, as they thought meet thereunto; and when any were ap­pointed or sent by the Apostles or others, the People of their own vo­luntary Will with thanks did accept them: nor for the Supremity, Em­pire, or Dominion, that the Apostles had over them to command, as their Princes and Masters, but as good People ready to obey the advice of good Counsellors, and to accept any thing that was necessary for their edification and benefit.

To the ninth; We find in Scripture,York. that the Apostles used the Power to make Bishops, Priests, and Deacons; which Power may be grounded upon these words; Sicut misit me vivens Pater, sic ego mitto vos, &c. And we verily think, that they durst not have used so high Power, un­less they had had Authority from Christ; but that their Power to or­dain Bishops, Priests, or Deacons, by Imposition of Hands requireth any other Authority, than Authority of God, we neither read in Scrip­ture, nor out of Scripture.

To the ninth; I think the Apostles made Bishops by the Law of God,London. because, Acts 22. it is said, In quo vos Spiritus Sanctus posuit: Never­theless, I think if Christian Princes had been then, they should have named by Right, and appointed the said Bishops to their Rooms and Places.

I think that the Apostles made Bishops by Authority given them from God.Rochester.

That Christ made his Apostles, Priests, and Bishops,Carlile. and that he gave them Power to make others like, it seemeth to be the very trade of Scripture.

Opinor Apostolos Authoritate Divina creasse Episcopos & Presbyte­ros,Dr. Robertson. ubi Publicus Magistratus permittit.

Altho the Apostles had no authority to force any Man to be Priest,Dr. Cox. yet (they moved by the Holy Ghost) had authority of God to exhort and induce Men to set forth God's Honour, and so to make them Priests.

The Apostles made, that is to say,Dr. Day. ordained Bishops by authority gi­ven them by God; Ioh. 20. Sicut misit me vivens Pater, ita & ego mitto vos. Item Ioan. ult. & Act. 20. and 1 Tim. 4. Paulus ordinavit Timo­theum & Titum, & praescribit quales illi debeant ordinare. 1 Tim. 1. Tit. 1.

Apostoli autoritate & mandato Dei,Dr. Oglethorpe. ordinabant ac instituebant Epis­copos, petita ac obtenta prius facultate a Principe ac Magistratu (ut opinor) qui tum praeerat.

[Page 222] Dr. Redmayn.Christ gave his Apostles authority to make other Bishops and Mini­sters in his Church, as he had received authority of the Father to make them Bishops; but if any Christian Prince had then been, the Apostles had been, and ought to have been obedient Subjects, and would nothing have attempted, but under the permission and assent of their Earthly Governors: yet was it meet that they which were special and most Elect Servants of our Saviour Christ, and were sent by him to convert the World, and having most abundantly the Holy Ghost in them, should have special ordering of such Ministry as pertained to the planting and encreasing of the Faith; whereunto I doubt not, but a Christian Prince, of his godly mind, would most lovingly have condescended. And it is to be considered, that in this Question, with other like, this word, making of a Bishop, or Priest, may be taken two ways: for understand­ing the Word, to ordain or consecrate, so it is a thing which per­taineth to the Apostles and their Successors only; but if by this word (Making) be understood the appointing or naming to the Office; so, it pertaineth specially to the Supream Heads and Governours of the Church, which be Princes.

Dr. Edgworth.The Apostles made Bishops and Priests by authority given them of God, and not for lack of any higher Power: Notwithstanding where there is a Christned King or Prince, the Election, Deputation and As­signation of them, that shall be Priests or Bishops, belongeth to the King or Prince, so that he may forbid any Bishop within his Kingdom, that he give no orders, for Considerations moving him, and may assign him a time when he shall give Orders, and to whom: Example of King David, 1 Chron. 24. dividing the Levites into 24 Orders, deputing over every Order one chief Bishop, prescribing an Ordinal and Rule how they should do their Duties, their Courses; and what Sacrifices, Rites, and Ceremonies, they should use every day, as the day and time required. And his Son, King Solomon, diligently executed, and com­manded the same usages to be observed in the Temple, after he had erected and finished it, 2 Chron. 8.

Dr. Symmons.The Apostles made Bishops and Priests, by authority given them of God.

Dr. Tresham.I say, That the Apostles had authority of God to make Bishops; yet if there had been a Christian King in any place where they made Bi­shops, they would, and ought, to have desired authority also of him, for the executing of such their godly Acts, which no Christian King would have denied.

Dr. Leyghton.To the ninth, I say, That the Apostles (as I suppose) made Bishops by authority given unto them of Christ: Howbeit I think they would and should, required the Christian Princes consent and license thereto, if there had been any Christian Kings or Princes.

Dr. Coren.The Apostles made Bishops and Priests by authority given them of God: Notwithstanding if there had been a Christian King at that time, [Page 223] it had been their Duties, to have had his License and Permission to do the same.

Omnes Conveniunt Apostolos Divinitus accepisse Potestatem creandi Episcopos; Eboracens. addit,
Con.
non opus fuisse alia authoritate Apo­stolis quam divina: Sic Thirleby & Edgworth, Redmanus distin­guit de Institutione Presbyteri, Ordinationem & Consecrationem tribuit tantum Apostolicis & eorum Successoribus, nominationem & electionem Magistratibus: Sic Londinens. Leightonus, Red­man, Tresham, Curren, aiunt petendam fuisse Potestatem a Magi­stratu Christiano, si tum fuisset. Robertsonus non respondet Quae­stioni, concedit enim datam esse Apostolis Potestatem creandi Episcopos ubi Magistratus permittit. Oglethorpus putat eos im­petrasse potestatem a principibus: Carliolens. Roffens. Dayus, non respondent ultimae Parti.

In the ninth, [...] touching the Authority of the Apostles in making Priests., the Bishop of York, the Elect of Westminster, Dr. Edgeworth, say, That the Apostles made Priests by their own Power, given them by God, and that they had no need of any other Power. The Bishop of St. David saith, That because they lacked a Christian Prince, by that necessity they Or­dained other Bishops. Dr. Leighton, Curren, Tresham, and Redmayn, sup­pose, That they ought to have asked license of their Christian Governours, if then there had been any.

10. Question. Whether Bishops or Priests were first? and if the Priests were first, then the Priest made the Bishop.
Answers.

THe Bishops and Priests were at one time, and were no two things,Canterbury. but both one Office in the beginning of Christ's Religion.

To the tenth;York. We think that the Apostles were Priests before they were Bishops; and that the Divine Power which made them Priests, made them also Bishops; and altho their Ordination was not by all such Course as the Church now useth, yet that they had both Visible and Invisible Sanctification, we may gather of the Gospel, where it is writ­ten, Sicut misit me Pater vivens, & ego mitto vos: & cum haec dixit, in­sufflavit in eos & dixit, accipite Spiritum Sanctum: Quorum remiseritis, &c. And we may well think, that then they were made Bishops, when they had not only a Flock, but also Shepherds appointed to them to over-look, and a Governance committed to them by the Holy Ghost to over-see both; for the name of a Bishop, is not properly a name of Order, but a name of Office, signifying an Overseer. And altho the inferior Shepherds have also Cure to over-see their Flock, yet forsomuch as the [Page 224] Bishops Charge is also to oversee the Shepherds, the name of Overseer is given to the Bishops, and not to the other; and as they be in degree higher, so in their Consecration we find difference even from the Pri­mitive Church.

London.To the tenth; I think the Bishops were first, and yet I think it is not of importance, whether the Priest then made the Bishop, or else the Bishop the Priest; considering (after the Sentence of St. Ierome) that in the beginning of the Church there was none (or if it were, very small) difference, between a Bishop and a Priest, especially touching the sig­nification.

Rochester.I find in Scripture, That Christ being both a Priest and a Bishop, or­dained his Apostles, who were both Priests and Bishops; and the same Apostles did afterwards ordain Bishops, and commanded them to ordain others.

Carlisle.Christ made his Apostles Exorcists, as it appeareth in the 10. Mat. Deacons, Priests, and Bishops, as partly there, and after, in the 20 of St. Iohn, Quorum Remiseritis, &c. and where he said, Hoc facite in me­am Commemorationem. In the Acts, Caeterorum nemo audebat se conjun­gere illis. So that they were all these together; and so being according to the Ordinance of Christ, who had made after them 72 other Priests, as it appeareth in the 10 of St. Luke: They made and ordained also others the seven principal Deacons, as it is shewed in the 6 of the Acts; where it is said, That they praying laid their hands upon them. In the 13 of the Acts, certain there named at the commandment of the Holy Ghost, severed Saul and Barnabas to that God had taken them, Fasting, Praying, and laying their hands upon them; the which Saul, Ananias the Disciple had baptized, laying his hand upon him, that he might be replenished with the Holy Ghost. And Paul so made, ordained Timo­thy and Tite, willing them to do likewise as he had done, and appoin­ted to be done from City to City. Iames was ordained the Bishop of Ierusalem, by Peter, Iohn, and Iames. So that Example otherwise we read not.

Dr. Robertson.Incertus sum utri fuere priores, at si Apostoli in prima profectione Ordina [...]i erant, apparet Episcopos fuisse priores, nempe Apostolos, nam postea designavit Christus alios septuaginta duos. Nec opinor absur­dum esse, ut Sacerdos Episcopum Consecret, si Episcopus haberi non potest.

Dr. Cox.Although by Scripture (as St. Hierome saith) Priests and Bishops be one, and therefore the one not before the other: Yet Bishops, as they be now, were after Priests, and therefore made of Priests.

Dr. Day.The Apostles were both Bishops and Priests, and they made Bishops, and Bishops, as Titus and Timotheus made Priests. Episcopatum ejus ac­cipiat alter Act. 1. Presbyteros qui in vobis sunt, obsecro & ego Compresby­ter, 1 Pet. 5. And in the beginning of the Church, as well that word Episcopus as Presbyter, was common and attributed both to Bishops and Priests.

[Page 225]Utrique primi a Deo facti, Apostoli, Episcopi;Dr. Oglethorp. Septuaginta discipuli (ut conjectura ducor) Sacerdotes. Unde verisimile est Episcopos prae­cessisse, Apostoli enim prius vocati erant.

They be of like beginning, and at the beginning were both one, as St. Hierome and other old Authors shew by the Scripture,Dr. Redmayn. wherefore one made another indifferently.

Christ our chief Priest and Bishop,Dr. Edgeworth made his Apostles Priests and Bishops all at once; and they did likewise make others, some Priests, and some Bishops: and that the Priests in the Primitive Church made Bishops, I think no inconvenience; (as Ierome saith) in an Epist. ad Euagrium. Even like as Souldiers should choose one among themselves to be their Captain: So did Priests choose one of themselves to be their Bishop, for consideration of his learning, gravity, and good living, &c. and also for to avoid Schisms among themselves by them, that some might not draw the People one way, and others another way, if they lacked one Head among them.

Christ was and is the great High Bishop,Dr. Symmons. and made all his Apostles Bishops; and they made Bishops and Priests after him, and so hath it ever-more continued hitherto.

I say, Christ made the Apostles first Priests, and then Bishops,Dr. Tresham. and they by this Authority made both Priests and Bishops; but where there had been a Christian Prince, they would have desired his Authority to the same.

To the Tenth.Dr. Leyghton. —

The Apostles were made of Christ Bishops and Priests,Dr. Coren. both at the first; and after them, Septuaginta duo Discipuli, were made Priests.

Menevens. Therleby, Redmanus, Coxus,
Con.
asserunt in initio eosdem fuisse Episcopos & Presbyteros. Londinens. Carliolens. Symons, putant Apostolos fuisse institutos Episcopos a Christo, & eos postea instituisse alios Episcopos & Presbyteros, & 72 Presbyteros postea fuisse Ordinatos: Sic Oglethorpus, Eboracens. & Tresham aiunt Apostolos primo fuisse Presbyteros, deinde Episcopos, cum aliorum Presbyterorum credita esset illis cura. Robertsonus incertus est utri fuere priores, non absurdum tamen esse opinatur, ut Sacerdos consecret Episcopum, si Episcopus haberi non potest. Sic Londi­nens. Edgworth, Dayus, putant etiam Episcopos, ut vulgo de Epis­copis loquimur, fuisse ante Presbyteros. Leightonus nihil Re­spondet.

In the tenth; Where it is asked,Agreement. Whether Bishops or Priests were first? The Bishop of St. David, my Lord Elect of Westminster, Dr. Cox, Dr. Redmayn, say, That at the beginning they were all one. The Bishops of [Page 226] York, London, Rochester, Carlisle; Drs. Day, Tresham, Symmons, Ogle­thorp, be in other contrary Opinions. The Bishop of York, and Doctor Tresham, think, That the Apostles first were Priests, and after were made Bishops, when the overseeing of other Priests was committed to them. My Lords of Duresme, London, Carlisle, Rochester, Dr. Symmons and Cray­ford, think, That the Apostles first were Bishops, and they after made other Bishops and Priests. Dr. Coren and Oglethorp, say, That the Apostles were made Bishops, and the 72 were after made Priests. Dr. Day thinks, That Bishops, as they be now-a-days called, were before Priests. My Lord of London, Drs. Edgworth and Robertson, think it no inconvenience, if a Priest made a Bishop in that time.

11. Question. Whether a Bishop hath Authority to make a Priest by the Scripture, or no? And whether any other but only a Bishop may make a Priest?
Answers.

Canterbury.A Bishop may make a Priest by the Scripture, and so may Princes and Governours also, and that by the authority of God com­mitted to them, and the People also by their Election; for as we read that Bishops have done it, so Christian Emperors and Princes usually have done it, and the People before Christian Princes were, commonly did Elect their Bishops and Priests.

To the eleventh; That a Bishop may make a Priest, may be deduced of Scripture;York. for so much as they have all Authority necessary for the ordering of Christ's Church, derived from the Apostles, who made Bi­shops and Priests, and not without Authority, as we have said before to the ninth Question; and that any other than Bishops or Priests may make a Priest, we neither find in Scripture nor out of Scripture.

London.To the eleventh, I think, That a Bishop duly appointed, hath au­thority, by Scripture, to make a Bishop, and also a Priest: because Christ being a Bishop did so make himself; and because alive, his Apo­stles did the like.

Rochester.The Scripture sheweth by example, that a Bishop hath authori­ty to make a Priest; albeit no Bishop being subject to a Christian Prince, may either give Orders or Excommunicate, or use any manner of Ju­risdiction, or any part of his Authority, without Commission from the King, who is Supream Head of that Church whereof he is a Member; but that any other Man may do it besides a Bishop, I find no example, either in Scripture, or in Doctors.

Carlisle.By what is said before, it appeareth, that a Bishop by Scripture may make Deacons and Priests, and that we have none example other­wise.

[Page 227]Opinor Episcopum habere Authoritatem creandi Sacerdotem,Dr. Robertson. modo id Magistratus publici permissu fiat. An vero ab alio quam Episcopo id rite fieri possit, haud scio, quamvis ab alio factum non memini me le­gisse. Ordin. conferr. gratiam. vid. Eck. homil. 60.

Bishops have authority, as is afore-said, of the Apostles,Dr. Cox. in the tenth Question, to make Priests, except in cases of great necessity.

Bishops have authority by Scripture to ordain Bishops and Priests;Dr. Day. Joh. 20. Hujus rei gratia reliqui te Cretae ut constituas oppidatim Presbyteros, Tit. 1. Act. 14.

Autoritas ordinandi Presbyteros data est Episcopis per verbum,Dr. Oglethorpe. mul­tis (que) aliis quos lego.

To the first part, I answer, Yea;Dr. Redmayn. for so it appeareth Tit. 1. and 1 Tim. 5. with other places of Scripture. But whether any other but only a Bishop may make a Priest, I have not read, but by singular pri­viledg of God; as when Moses (whom divers Authors say was not a Priest) made Aaron a Priest. Truth it is, that the Office of a Godly Prince is to over-see the Church, and the Ministers thereof; and to cause them do their duty, and also to appoint them special Charges and Offices in the Church, as may be most for the Glory of God, and edifying of the People: and thus we read of the good Kings in the Old Testament, David, Ioas, Ezekias, Iosias. But as for Making, that is to say, Or­daining and Consecrating of Priests, I think it specially belongeth to the Office of a Bishop, as far as can be shewed by Scripture, or any Exam­ple, as I suppose from the beginning.

A Bishop hath authority by Scripture to make a Priest,Dr. Edgeworth and that any other ever made a Priest since Christ's time I read not. Albeit Moses who was not anointed Priest, made Aaron Priest and Bishop, by a spe­cial Commission or Revelation from God, without which he would ne­ver so have done.

A Bishop placed by the Higher Powers, and admitted to minister,Dr. Symmons. may make a Priest; and I have not read of any other that ever made Priests.

I say, a Bishop hath authority by Scripture to make a Priest,Dr. Tresham. and other than a Bishop, hath not power therein, but only in case of ne­cessity.

To the eleventh; I suppose that a Bishop hath authority of God,Dr. Leyghton. as his Minister, by Scripture to make a Priest; but he ought not to admit any Man to be Priest, and consecrate him, or to appoint him unto any ministry in the Church, without the Princes license and consent, in a Christian Region. And that any other Man hath authority to make a Priest by Scripture, I have not read, nor any example thereof.

[Page 228] Dr. Coren.A Bishop being licensed by his Prince and Supream Governour, hath authority to make a Priest by the Law of God. I do not read that any Priest hath been ordered by any other than a Bishop.

Con.
Ad primam partem Quaestionis respondent omnes, & convenit omni­bus praeter Menevens. Episcopum habere autoritatem instituendi Presbyteros. Roffens. Leighton, Curren, Robersonus, addunt, Modo Magistratus id permittat. Ad secundam partem Respon­dent Coxus & Tresham in necessitate concedi potestatem Ordinan­di aliis. Eboracen. videtur omnino denegare aliis hanc autoritatem. Redmayn, Symmons, Robertson, Leighton, Thirleby, Curren, Roffen, Edgworth, Oglethorp, Carliolen, nusquam legerunt ali­os usos fuisse hac Potestate, quanquam (privilegio quodam) data sit Moysi, ut Redmanus arbitratur & Edgeworth. Nihil respon­dent ad secundam partem Quaestionis Londinensis & Dayus.

Agreem.In the eleventh; To the former part of the Question, the Bishop of St. Davids doth answer, That Bishops have no authority to make Priests, without they be authorized of the Christian Prince. The others, all of them do say, That they be authorized of God. Yet some of them, as the Bishop of Rochester, Dr. Curren, Leighton, Robertson, add, That they cannot use this authority without their Christian Prince doth permit them. To the second part, the answer of the Bishop of St. Davids is, That Laymen have other-whiles made Priests. So doth Dr. Edgworth and Red­man say, That Moses by a priviledg given him of God, made Aaron his Brother Priest. Dr. Tresham, Crayford, and Cox say, That Laymen may make Priests in time of Necessity. The Bishops of York, Duresme, Ro­chester, Carlisle, Elect of Westminster, Dr. Curren, Leighton, Symmons, seem to deny this thing; for they say, They find not, nor read not any such example.

12. Question. Whether in the New Testament be required any Consecration of a Bishop and Priest, or only appointing to the Office be sufficient?
Answers.

Canterbury.IN the New Testament, he that is appointed to be a Bishop, or a Priest, needeth no Consecration by the Scripture, for election or appointing thereto is sufficient.

York.To the twelfth Question; The Apostles ordained Priests by Imposi­tion of the Hand with Fasting and Prayer; and so following their steps, we must needs think, that all the foresaid things be necessarily to be used by their Successors: and therefore we do also think, that Appointment only without visible Consecration and Invocation for the assistance and power of the Holy Ghost, is neither convenient nor sufficient; for [Page 229] without the said Invocation, it bes [...]emeth no Man to appoint to our Lord Ministers, as of his own authority: whereof we have example in the Acts of the Apostles; where we find, that when they were gathered to choose one in the place of Iudas, they appointed two of the Disci­ples, and commended the Election to our Lord, that he would choose which of them it pleased him, saying and praying, Lord, thou that knowest the hearts of all Men, shew whether of these two thou dost choose to suc­ceed in the place of Judas. And to this purpose in the Acts we read, Dixit Spiritus Sanctus segregate mihi Barnabam, &c. And again, Quos posuit Spiritus Sanctus regere Ecclesiam Dei. And it appeareth also that in the Old Testament, in the ordering of Priests, there was both Visible and Invisible Sanctification; and therefore in the New Testament, where the Priesthood is above comparison higher than in the Old, we may not think that only appointment sufficeth without Sanctification, either Visi­ble or Invisible.

To the twelfth;London. I think Consecration of a Bishop and Priest be re­quired, for that in the Old Law (being yet but a shadow and figure of the New) the Consecration was required, as appears Levit. 8. yet the truth of this I leave to those of higher Judgments.

The Scripture speaketh, de Impositione manus & de Oratione: Rochester. and of other manner of Consecrations, I find no mention in the New Testa­ment expresly; but the Old Authors make mention also of Inuncti­ons.

Upon this Text of Paul to Timothy; Carlile. Noli negligere gratiam quae in te est, quae data est tibi per prophetiam cum Impositione manuum Presbyterii; St. Anselm saith, This Grace to be the Gift of the Bishops Office, to the which God of his meer goodness had called and preferred him. The Pro­phesy (he saith) was the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, by the which he knew what he had to do therein. The Imposition of the hands is that by the which he was ordained and received that Office: And therefore (saith St. Paul) God is my Witness, that I have discharged my self, showing you as I ought to have done. Now look you well upon it whom that ye take to Orders, lest ye lose your self thereby. Let Bishops therefore, who (as saith St. Hierome) hath power to make Priests, consider well under what Law the order of Ec­clesiastical Constitution is bounden; and let them not think those words of the Apostle to be his, but rather the words of Christ himself.

Opinor requiri Consecrationem quandam, hoc est,Dr. Robertson. impositionem ma­nuum, Orationem, jejunium, &c. tamen nusquam hoc munere fungi posse, nisi ubi Magistratus invitet, jubeat, aut permittat.

By Scripture there is no Consecration of Bishops and Priests required,Dr. Cox. but only the appointing to the Office of a Priest, cum Impositione ma­nuum.

Consecration of Bishops and Priests I read not in the New Testament, Dr. Day. but Ordinatio per manuum Impositionem cum Oratione is read there, as in the places above; and the only appointment, as I think, is not sufficient.

[Page 230] Dr. Oglethorpe.Praeter vocationem, ceu designationem externam, quae vel a Principe fit, vel a populo per electionem & suffragia, requiritur Ordinatio alia per manuum impositionem, idque per Verbum Dei.

Dr. Redmayn.Besides the appointing to the Office, it appeareth that in the Primi­tive Church, the Apostles used certain Consecration of the Ministers of the Church, by imposition of Hands and Prayer, Acts 6. and with Fa­sting, Acts 14, &c. The Office of Priesthood is too dangerous to set upon, when one is but appointed only: Therefore for the confirmation of their Faith, who take in hand such charge, and for the obtaining of farther Grace requisite in the same, Consecration was ordained by the Holy Ghost, and hath been always used from the beginning.

Dr. Edgworth.Deputation to the Office, is not sufficient to make a Priest or a Bi­shop, as appeareth by David and Solomon, who deputed the 24 above­mentioned to their Offices, yet they made none of them Priests, nor any other.

Dr. Symmons.The appointing to the Office per manuum Impositionem, is in Scrip­ture, and the Consecration of them hath of long time continued in the Church.

Dr. Tresham.There is a certain kind of Consecration required, which is imposi­tion of the Bishops hands with Prayer, and the appointing only is not sufficient.

Dr. Leyghton.To the twelfth; I suppose that there is a Consecration required, as by Imposition of Hands; for so we be taught by the ensample of the Apostles.

In the New Testament is required to the making of a Bishop, Imposi­tio manuum cum Oratione, Dr. Coren. which I take for Consecration, and Appoint­ment unto the Office is not sufficient; for King David, 1 Chron. 24. did appoint 24 to be Bishops, who after were consecrated; so that both the Appointment and the Consecration be requisite.

Con.
Respondent Eboracens. Londinens, Carliolens. Leighton, Tresham, Robert [...]onus, Edgeworth, Curren, Dayns, Oglethorp, Consecra­tionem esse requisitam. Redmanus ait eam receptam esse ab Apo­stolis, atque a Spiritu Sancto institutam ad conferendam gratiam. Dayus, Roffens. Symmons, aiunt Sacerdotium conferri per manu­um impositionem, id (que) ê Scripturis; Consecrationem vero diu re­ceptam in Ecclesia: Coxus Institutionem cum manuum impositio­ne sufficere, ne (que) per Scripturam requiri Consecrationem. Robert­sonus addit supra alios nusquam hoc munere fungi posse quempiam, nisi ubi Magistratus invitet, jubeat aut permittat.

Agreem.In the twelfth Question, where it is asked, Whether in the New Te­stament be required any Consecration of a Bishop, or only appointing to the Office be sufficient? The Bishop of St. Davids saith, That only the appointing. Dr. Cox, That only appointing, cum manuum Impositione, [Page 231] is sufficient without Consecration. The Bishops of York, London, Du­resme, Carlisle, Drs. Day, Curren, Leighton, Tresham, Edgworth, Ogle­thorp, say, That Consecration is requisite. Dr. Redmayn saith, That Con­secration hath been received from the Apostles time, and institute of the Holy Ghost to confer Grace. My Lord of Rochester, Dr. Day, and Symmons, say, That Priesthood is given per manuum impositionem, and that by Scripture; and that Consecration hath of long time been received in the Church.

13. Question. Whether (if it fortuned a Christian Prince Learned, to conquer certain Dominions of Infidels, having none but temporal learned Men with him) if it be defended by God's Law, that he and they should Preach and Teach the Word of God there, or no? And also make and constitute Priests, or no?
Answers.

IT is not against God's Law, but contrary they ought indeed so to do;Canterbury and there be Histories that witnesseth, that some Christian Princes, and other Laymen unconsecrate have done the same.

To the thirteenth; To the first part of this Question,York. touching Teaching and Preaching the Word of God in case of such need; we think that Laymen not ordered, not only may, but must preach Christ and his Faith to Infidels, as they shall see opportunity to do the same, and must endeavour themselves to win the Miscreants to the Kingdom of God, if that they can; for as the Wise Man saith, God hath given charge to every Man of his Neighbour; and the Scripture of God chargeth every Man to do all the good that he can to all Men: And surely this is the highest Alms to draw Men from the Devil the Usurper, and bring them to God the very Owner. Wherefore in this case every Man and Woman may be an Evangelist, and of this also we have example. But touching the second part, for case of Necessity; As we neither find Scripture, nor Example, that will bear, that any Man, being himself no Priest, may make, that is to say, may give the Order of Priesthood to another, and authority therewith to minister in the said Order, and to use such Powers and Offices, as appertaineth to Priesthood grounded in the Gospel: So we find in such case of need, what hath been done in one of the ancient Writers; altho this authority to ordain, after form afore-mentioned, be not to Laymen expresly prohibited in Scrip­ture; yet such a prohibition is implied, in that there is no such autho­rity given to them, either in Scripture or otherways; for so much as no Man may use this or any other authority which cometh from the Holy Ghost, unless he hath either Commission grounded in Scripture, or else Authority by Tradition, and ancient use of Christ's Church universally received over all.

[Page 232] London.To the thirteenth and fourteenth following; I think that necessity herein, might either be a sufficient Rule and Warrant to determine and order such Cases, considering that tempore necessitatis mulier baptizat, & laicus idem facit, & audit confessionem: or else that God would inspire in the Princes heart, to provide the best and most handsome Remedy therein: And hard were it peradventure to find such great necessity, but either in the train of the said Prince, or in the Regions adjoining thereunto, there might be had some Priests for the said purposes; or, finally, That the Prince himself, godlily inspired in that behalf, might, for so good purposes and intents, set forth the Act indeed, referring yet this thing to the better judgment of others.

Rochester.To the thirteenth and fourteenth following; I never read these cases, neither in Scripture, nor in the Doctors, and therefore I cannot answer unto them by Learning, but think this to be a good Answer for all such Questions, viz. Necessitas non habet Legem.

Carlile.It is to be thought, that Christ may call, as it pleaseth him, inwardly, outwardly, or by both together: So that if no Priest might be had, it cannot be thought, but that a Christian Prince, with others learned, in­wardly moved and called, might most charitably and godlily prosecute that same their Calling in the most acceptable Work, which is to bring People from the Devil to God, from Infidelity to true Faith, by what­soever means God shall inspire.

In hoc casu existimarem accersendos verbi & Sacramentorum Mini­stros,Dr. Robertson. si qui forent vicini; quin si nulli invenirentur, Principem illum Christianum haberemus pro Apostolo, tanquam missum a Deo, licet ex­terno Sacramento non esset commendatus, quum Deus Sacramentis suis non sit alligatus.

Dr. Cox.To the thirteenth, and fourteenth following; It is not against God's Law, that the Prince, and his learned temporal Men, may Preach and Teach, and in these cases of extream Necessity, make and institute Mi­nisters.

Dr. Day.In this case (as I think) the Prince and other temporal learned Men with him, may by God's Law, Teach and Preach the Word of God, and Baptize; and also (the same Necessity standing) elect and appoint Men to those Offices.

Dr. Oglethorp.In summa necessitate Baptizare & praedicare possunt & debent, haec etenim duo, necessaria sunt media ad salutem; at ordinare (ut conje­ctura ducor) non debent, sed aliunde Sacrificos accersire, quos si ha­bere nequeant, Deus ipse (cujus negotium agitur) vel oraculo admo­nebit, quid faciendum erit, vel necessitas ipsa (quae sibiipsi est Lex) modum Ordinandi suggeret ac suppeditabit.

Dr. Redmayn.I think they might, in such case of Necessity; for in this case the Laymen made the whole Church there, and the authority of preaching and ministring the Sacraments, is given immediately to the Church; and [Page 233] the Church may appoint Ministers, as is thought convenient. There be two Stories good to be considered for this Question, which be writ­ten in the 10th Book, of the History Ecclesiastick; the one of Frumentius, who preached in India, and was after made Priest and Bishop by Atha­nasius. And the other Story is of the King of the Iberians, of whom Ruf [...]ine the writer of the Story saith thus; Et nondum initiatus Sacris fit suae gentis Apostolus. Yet nevertheless it is written there, That an Ambassad was sent to Constantine the Emperor, that he would send them Priests for the further establishment of the Faith there.

The Prince and his temporal learned Men, might and ought,Dr. Edgeworth in that necessity, to instruct the People in the Faith of Christ, and to baptize them, ut idem rex sit, & suae gentis Apostolus, and these be sufficient for the Salvation of his Subjects. But as concerning other Sacraments, he ought to abide and look for a special Commission from Almighty God, as Moses had, or else to send unto other Regions where Priests or Bi­shops may be had, and else not to meddle. Examples in Eccles. Hist. lib. 10. cap. 1. de Frumentio. & cap. 2. de Ancilla captiva quae convertit gen­tem Hiberorum cujus captivae monitis ad Imperatorem Constantinum totius gentis legatio mittitur, res gesta exponitur, Sacerdotes mittere exorantur qui coeptum erga se Dei munus implerent, &c.

I think that in such a necessity, a learned Christian Prince,Dr. Symmons. and also temporal Men learned, be bound to preach and minister either Sacra­ments, so that the same Ministers be orderly assigned by the High Power and the Congregation.

I say, to the first part, That such a King,Dr. Tresham. and his temporal learned Men, not only might, but were also bound to preach God's Word in this case. And as to the second part, I say, That if there could no Bishop be had to Institute, the Prince might in that of necessity do it.

To the thirteenth; I suppose the Affirmative thereof to be true;Dr. Leyghton. Quamvis potestas clavium residet praecipue in Ecclesia.

In such a case, I do believe that God would illuminate the Prince;Dr. Coren. so that either he himself should be made a Bishop, by internal working of God (as Paul was) or some of his Subjects, or else God would send him Bishops from other parts. And as for preaching of the Word of God, the Prince might do it himself, and other of his learned Subjects, altho they were no Priests.

In prima parte Quaestionis Conveniunt omnes, etiam laicos,
Con.
tali rerum statu, non solum posse sed debere docere. Menevens. Thirlebeus, Leightonus, Coxus, Symmons, Tresham, Redmanus, Robertso­nus, etiam potestatem Ministrandi Sacramenta, & Ordinandi Mi­nistros, concedunt illis. Eboracens. hanc prorsus potestatem de­negat, Coren credit Principem Divinitus illuminandum & con­secrandum fore in Episcopum interne, aut aliquem ex suis, Pauli exemplo. Simile habet Herefordensis & Carliolensis. [Page 234] Dayus nihil respondet de Ordinandis Presbyteris in hac necessi­tate.

Agreement.In the thirteenth; Concerning the first part, Whether Laymen may Preach and Teach God's Word? They do all agree, in such a case, That not only they may, but they ought to teach. But in the second part, touch­ing the Constituting of Priests of Laymen, my Lord of York, and Do­ctor Edgworth, doth not agree with the other; they say, That Laymen in no wise can make Priests, or have such Authority. The Bishops of Du­resme, St. Davids. Westminster, Drs. Tresham, Cox, Leighton, Crayford, Symmons, Redmayn, Robertson, say, That Laymen in such case have au­thority to minister the Sacraments, and to make Priests. My Lords of Lon­don, Carlisle, and Hereford, and Dr. Coren, think, That God in such a case would give the Prince authority, call him inwardly, and illuminate him or some of his, as he did St. Paul.

14. Question. Whether it be forefended by God's Law, that (if it so fortune that all the Bishops and Priests of a Region were dead, and that the Word of God should remain there unpreached, and the Sacrament of Baptism, and others unministred) that the King of that Regi­on should make Bishops and Priests to supply the same, or no?
Answers.

Canterbury.IT is not forbidden by God's Law.

York.To the fourteenth; In this case, as we have said in the next Article afore, Teaching of the Word of God may be used by any that can and would use it, to the Glory of God; and in this case also the Sacrament of Baptism may be ministred by those that be no Priests; which things altho we have not of Scripture, yet the universal Tradition and pra­ctice of the Church, doth teach us: And peradventure contract of Ma­trimony might also be made, the Solemnization thereof being only or­dained by Law positive, and not by any ground, either of Scripture, or of Tradition; altho for very urgent causes, the said Solemnization is to be observed when it may be observed; but that the Princes may not Make, that is, may not Order Priests nor Bishops not before Or­dered to minister the other Sacraments, the ministry whereof in Scrip­ture is committed only to the Apostles, and from them derived to their Successors, even from the Primitive Church hitherto, and by none other used, we have answered in the thirteenth Article.

London. Vt supra, Quaest. 13.—

Rochester. Vt supra, Quaest. 13.—

[Page 235]Not only it is given of God to Supream Governours,Carlile. Kings and Princes immediate under them, to see, cause, and compel all their Sub­jects, Bishops, Priests, with all others, to do truly and uprightly their bounden Duties to God, and to them, each one according to his Cal­ling: but also if it were so, that any-where such lacked to do and fulfil that God would have done, right-well they might, by the inward mo­ving and calling of God, supply the same.

Huic Quaestioni idem Respondendum, quod priori, arbitror.Dr. Robertson.

Vt supra, Dr. Cox. Quaest. 13.—

To this case, as to the first, I answer;Dr. Day. That if there could no Bishops be had to order new Priests there, by the Princes assignation and ap­pointment; then the Prince himself might ordain and constitute, with the consent of the Congregation, both Priests and Ministers, to Preach and Baptize, and to do other Functions in the Church.

Si ab aliis Regionibus Sacerdotes haberi non poterint,Dr. Oglethorpe. opinor ipsum Principem deputare posse etiam Laicos ad hoc Sacrum Officium; sed om­nia prius tentanda essent, ut supra.

To this, I think, may be answered, as to the last Question before;Dr. Redmayn. howbeit the surest way, I think, were to send for som [...] Ministers of the Church dwelling in the next Regions, if they might be conveniently had.

Likewise as to the next Question afore.Dr. Edgworth.

If the King be also a Bishop, as it is possible,Dr. Symmons. he may appoint Bishops and Priests to minister to his People: but hitherto I have not read that ever any Christian King, made Bishop or Priest.

I make the same answer, as to the 13th Question is made.Dr. Tresham.

To the fourteenth; I suppose the Affirmative to be true,Dr. Leyghton. in case that there can no Bishops nor Priests be had forth of other Countries, con­veniently.

In this case I make answer as before,Dr. Coren. That God will never suffer his Servants to lack that thing that is necessary: for there should, either from other parts, Priests and Bishops be called thither, or else God would call inwardly some of them that be in that Region to be Bishops and Priests.

Fatentur ut prius omnes, Laicos posse Docere. Eboracens. Symmons,
Con.
Oglethorp negant posse Ordinare Presbyteros, tamen concedit Eboracens. baptizare & contrahere Matrimonia, Edgworth tan­tum baptizare posse; nam sufficere dicit ad salutem. Alii omnes eandem potestatem concedunt, quam prius. Roffens. non aliud [Page 236] respondet his duabus Quaestionibus, quam quod necessitas non habeat Legem.

Agreem.In the fourteenth they agree for the most part as they did before, That Lay-men in this case may teach and minister the Sacraments. My Lord of York, Dr. Symmons, and Oglethorp say, They can make no Priests, al­tho Symmons said they might minister all Sacraments, in the Question before. Yet my Lord of York, and Edgworth, do grant, That they may Christen. The Bishops of London, Rochester, and Dr. Crayford, say, That in such a case, Necessitas non habet Legem.

15. Question. Whether a Man be bound by Authority of this Scripture, (Quorum Remiseritis) and such-like, to confess his secret deadly sins to a Priest, if he may have him, or no?
Answers.

Canterbury.A Man is not bound, by the authority of this Scripture, Quorum R [...] ­miseritis, and such-like, to confess his secret deadly Sins to a Priest, although he may have him.

York.To the fifteenth; This Scripture is indifferent to secret and open Sins; nor the authority given in the same is appointed or limited, either to the one, or to the other, but is given commonly to both: And there­fore seeing that the Sinner is in no other place of Scripture discharged of the confession of his secret Sins, we think, that this place chargeth him to confess the secret Sins, as well as the open.

To the fifteenth; I think that as the Sinner is bound by this authority to confess his open sins,London. so also is he bound to confess his secret sins, be­cause the special end is, to wit, Absolutionem a peccato cujus fecit se ser­vum, is all one in both cases: And that all sins as touching God are open, and in no wise secret or hid.

I think that confession of secret deadly sins is necessary for to attain absolution of them;Rochester. but whether every Man that hath secretly com­mitted deadly sin, is bound by these words to ask Absolution of the Priest therefore, it is an hard Question, and of much controversy amongst learned Men, and I am not able to define betwixt them; but I think it is the surest way, to say that a Man is bound to Confess, &c.

Carlile.I think that by the mind of most ancient Authors, and most holy Expositors, this Text, Quorum Remiseritis peccata, &c. with other-like, serveth well to this intent; That Christian Folk should confess th [...] secret deadly sins to a Priest there to be assoiled, without which mean, there can be none other like Assurance.

[Page 237]Opinor obligare, modo aliter conscientiae illius satisfieri nequeat.Dr. Robertson.

I cannot find that a Man is bound by Scripture to confess his secret deadly sins to a Priest, unless he be so troubled in his Conscience,Dr. Cox. that he cannot be quieted without godly Instruction.

The Matter being in controversy among learned Men,Dr. Day. and very doubtful, yet I think rather the truth is, That by authority of this Scripture, Quorum Remiseritis, &c. and such-like, a Man is bound to confess his secret deadly sins, which grieve his Conscience, to a Priest, if he may conveniently have him. Forasmuch as it is an ordinary way ordained by Christ in the Gospel, by Absolution to remit sins; which Absolution I never read to be given, sine Confessione praeviâ.

Confitenda sunt opinor,Dr. Oglethorpe. etiam peccata abdita ac secreta propter Abso­lutionem ac conscientiae tranquillitatem, & praecipue pro vitanda despe­ratione, ad quam plerum (que) adiguntur multi in extremis, dum sibi ipsis de remissione peccatorum nimium blandiuntur, nullius (dum sani sunt) censuram subeuntes nisi propriam.

I think, that altho in these words Confession of privy Sins,Dr. Redmayn. is not expresly commanded; yet it is insinuated and shewed in these words, as a necessary Medicine or Remedy, which all Men that fall into deadly sin ought, for the quieting of their Consciences seek, if they may conve­niently have such a Priest as is meet to hear their Confession.

Where there be two ways to obtain remission of Sin,Dr. Edgeworth and to recover Grace, a Man is bound by the Law of Nature to take the surer way, or else he should seem to contemn his own Health, which is unnatural. Also because we be bound to love God above all things, we ought by the same Bond to labour for his Grace and Favour: So that because we be bound to love God, and to love our selves in an Order to God, we be bound to seek the best and surest Remedy to recover Grace for our selves. Contrition is one way; but because a Man cannot be well assu­red, whether his Contrition, Attrition, or Displeasure for his sin be sufficient to satisfie or content Almighty God, and able or worthy to get his Grace: Therefore it is necessary to take that way that will not fail, and by which thou mayest be sure, and that is Absolution of the Priest, which by Christ's promise will not deceive thee, so that thou put no step or bar in the way; as, if thou do not then actually sin inward­ly nor outwardly, but intend to receive that the Church intendeth to give thee by that Absolution, having the efficacity of Christ's promise, Quorum Remiseritis, &c. Now the Priest can give thee no Absolution from that sin that he knoweth not: therefore thou art bound, for the causes aforesaid, to confess thy sin.

This Scripture, as Ancient Doctors expound it,Dr. Symmons. bindeth all Men to confess their secret deadly sins.

[Page 238] Dr. Tresham.I say, That such Confession is a thing most consonant to the Law of God, and it is a wise point, and a wholsome thing so for to do, and God provoketh and allureth us thereto, in giving the active Power to Priests to assoil in the words, Quorum Remiseritis. It is also a safer way for Salvation to confess, if we may have a Priest: Yet I think that con­fession is not necessarily deduced of Scripture, nor commanded as a ne­cessary precept of Scripture, and yet is it much consonant to the Law of God, as a thing willed, not commanded.

Dr. Leyghton.To the fifteenth; I think that only such as have not the knowledg of the Scripture, whereby they may quiet their Consciences, be bound to confess their secret deadly sins unto a Priest: Howbeit no Man ought to contemn such Auricular Confession, for I suppose it to be a Tradition Apostolical, necessary for the unlearned Multitude.

Dr. Coren.A Man whose Conscience is grieved with mortal secret sins, is bound by these words, Quorum Remiseritis, &c. to confess his sin to a Priest, if he may have him conveniently.

Con.
Eboracens. Londinens. Dayus, Oglethorpus, Coren, Redmayn, as­serunt obligari. Coxus, Tresham, & Robertsonus dicunt non ob­ligari, si aliter Conscientiae illorum satisfieri queat; Menevens. nullo modo obligari. Carliolens. & Symmons aiunt, secundum veterum interpretationem, hac Scriptura quemvis obligari pecca­torem. Roffens. Herefordens. & Thirliby non respondent, sed dubitant. Leightonus solum indoctos obligari ad Confessionem. Edgeworth tradit duplicem modum remissionis peccatorum, per Contritionem sive Attritionem, & per Absolutionem: & quia ne­mo potest certus esse, num attritio & dolor pro peccato sufficiat ad satisfaciendum Deo & obtinendam gratiam, ideo tutissimam viam deligendam, scilicet, Absolutionem a Sacerdote, quae per promis­sionem Christi est certa; Absolvere non potest nisi cognoscat pec­cata; Ergo peccata per Confessionem sunt illi revelanda.

Agreem.In the eleventh; Concerning Confession of our secret deadly sins. The Bishops of York, Duresme, London, Drs. Day, Curren, Oglethorp, Redmayn, Crayford, say, That Men be bound to confess them of their se­cret Sins. Drs. Cox, Tresham, Robertson, say, They be not bound, if they may quiet their Consciences otherwise. The Bishop of St. Davids also saith, That this Text bindeth no Man. Dr. Leighton saith, That it bind­eth only such as have not the knowledg of Scripture. The Bishop of Carlisle and Symmons say, That by ancient Doctors exposition, Men be bound, by this Text, to confess their deadly sins.

16. Question. Whether a Bishop or a Priest may excommunicate, and for what Crimes? And whether they only may Excommunicate by God's Law?
Answers.

A Bishop or a Priest by the Scripture,Canterbury is neither commanded nor forbidden to Excommunicate, but where the Laws of any Re­gion giveth him authority to Excommunicate, there they ought to use the same in such Crimes, as the Laws have such authority in; and where the Laws of the Region forbiddeth them, there they have no authority at all; and they that be no Priests may also Excommunicate, if the Law allow thereunto.

To the sixteenth; The power to Excommunicate, that is,York. to dissever the Sinner from the communion of all Christian People, and so put them out of the Unity of the Mystical Body for the time, donec resipis [...]at, is only given to the Apostles and their Successors in the Gospel, but for what Crimes, altho in the Gospel doth not appear, saving only for diso­bedience against the Commandment of the Church, yet we find exam­ple of Excommunication used by the Apostles in other cases: As of the Fornicator by Paul, of Hymeneus and Alexander for their Blaspemy by the same; and yet of other Crimes mentioned in the Epistle of the said Paul writing to the Corinthians. And again of them that were disobe­dient to his Doctrine, 2 Thess. 3. We find also charge given to us, by the Apostle St. Iohn, that we shall not commune with them, nor so much as salute him with Ave, that would not receive his Doctrine. By which it may appear that Excommunication, may be used for many great Crimes, and yet the Church at this day, doth not use it, but only for manifest disobedience. And this kind of Excommunication, whereby Man is put out of the Church, and dissevered from the Unity of Christ's Mystical Body, which Excommunication toucheth also the Soul, no Man may use, but they only, to whom it is given by Christ.

To the sixteenth; I think that a Bishop may Excommunicate,London. taking example of St. Paul with the Corinthian; and also of that he did to Alexander and Hymeneus. And with the Lawyers it hath been a thing out of Question, That to Excommunicate solemnly, appertaineth to a Bishop, altho otherwise, both inferior Prelates and other Officers, yea and Priests too in notorious Crimes, after divers Mens Opinions, may Excommunicate semblably, as all others that be appointed Governors and Rulers over any Multitude, or Spiritual Congregation.

I answer affirmatively to the first part, in open and manifest Crimes,Rochester. meaning of such Priests and Bishops as be by the Church authorized to use that power. To the second part, I answer, That it is an hard Que­stion, wherein I had rather hear other Men speak, than say my own [Page 240] Sentence; for I find not in Scripture, nor in the old Doctors, that any Man hath given Sentence of Excommunication, save only Priests; but yet I think, that it is not against the Law of God, that a Lay-man should have authority to do it.

Carlile.Divers Texts of Scripture seemeth, by the Interpretation of ancient Authors, to shew, that a Bishop or a Priest may Excommunicate open deadly sinners continuing in obstinacy with contempt. I have read in Histories also, that a Prince hath done the same.

Dr. Robertson.Opinor Episcopum aut Presbyterum Excommunicare posse, tanquam ministrum & os Ecclesiae, ab eadem mandatum habens. Utrum vero id juris nulli nisi Sacerdotibus in mandatis dari possit, non satis scio. Ex­communicandum esse opinor pro hujuscemodi criminibus, qualia recen­set Paulus, 1 Cor. 5. si, is qui frater nominatur, est fornicator, aut ava­rus, aut idolis serviens, aut maledicus, aut ebriosus, aut rapax, cum hujusmodi ne cibum sumere, &c.

Dr. Cox.A Bishop or a Priest as a publick Person appointed to that Office, may excommunicate for all publick Crimes: And yet it is not against God's Law, for others than Bishops or Priests to Excommunicate.

Dr. Day.A Bishop or a Priest may Excommunicate by God's Law for manifest and open Crimes: Also others appointed by the Church, tho they be no Priests, may exercise the power of Excommunication.

Dr. Oglethorp.Non solum Episcopus Excommunicare potest, sed etiam tota Congre­gatio, id (que) pro lethalibus criminibus ac publicis, ê quibus scandalum Ecclesiae provenire potest. Non tamen pro re pecuniaria uti olim so­lebant.

Dr. Redmayn.They may Excommunicate, as appeareth 1 Cor. 5. 1 Tim. 1. and that for open and great Crimes, whereby the Church is offended; and for such Crimes as the Prince and Governours determine, and thinketh expedient, Men to be excommunicate for, as appeareth in nonnullis Con­stitutionibus Iustiniani. Whether any other may pronounce the Sen­tence but a Bishop or a Priest I am uncertain.

A Bishop, or a Priest only, may excommunicate a notorious and grievous Sinner,Dr. Edgeworth or obstinate Person from the Communion of Christian People, because it pertaineth to the Jurisdiction which is given to Priests, Io. 26. Quorum Remiseritis, &c. et Quorum retinetis, &c. There is one manner of Excommunication spoken of 1 Cor. 5. which private Persons may use. Si is qui frater nominatur inter vos est fornica­tor, aut avarus, aut idolis ferviens, &c. cum hujusmodi ne cibum quidem capiatis. Excluding filthy Persons, covetous Persons, Braulers and Quarrellers, out of their Company, and neither to eat nor drink with them.

Dr. Symmons.Whosoever hath a place under the Higher Power, and is assigned by the same to execute his Ministry given of God, he may Excommunicate [Page 241] for any Crime, as it shall be seen to the High Power, if the same Crime be publick.

A Bishop and Priest may Excommunicate by Scripture: as touching,Dr. Tresham. for what Crimes; I say, for every open deadly sin and disobedience. And as touching, Whether only the Priest may Excommunicate? I say, not he only, but such as the Church authorizes so to do.

To the sixteenth, I say,Dr. Leyghton. that a Bishop or a Priest having License and Authority of the Prince of the Realm, may excommunicate every ob­stinate and inobedient Person, for every notable and deadly sin. And further, I say, That not only Bishops and Priests may Excommunicate, but any other Man appointed by the Church, or such as have authority to appoint Men to that Office may Excommunicate.

A Bishop or a Priest may Excommunicate an obstinate Person for publick Sins. Forsomuch as the Keys be given to the whole Church,Dr. Coren. the whole Congregation may Excommunicate, which Excommunication may be pronounced by such a one as the Congregation does appoint, altho he be neither Bishop nor Priest.

Menevens. Herefordens. Thirleby, Dayus, Leightonus, Coxus,
Con.
Symmons, Coren, concedunt authoritatem excommunicandi eti­am Laicis, modo a Magistratu deputentur. Eboracens. & Edg­worth prorsus negant datum Laicis, sed Apostolis & eorum suc­cessoribus tantum. Roffensis, Redmanus, & Robertsonus am­bigunt, num detur Laicis. Londinens. non respondet Quaestioni: Oglethorpus & Thirliby aiunt, Ecclesiae datam esse potestatem Ex­communicandi; Idem Treshamus.

In the sixteenth, Of Excommunication, they do not agree. The Bishops of York, Duresme, and Dr. Edgworth say, That Lay-men have not the authority to Excommunicate, but that it was given only unto the Apostles and their Successors. The Bishops of Hereford, St. Davids, West­minster, Doctors, Day, Coren, Leighton, Cox, Symmons, say, That Lay-men may Excommunicate, if they be appointed by the High Ruler. My Lord Elect of Westminster, Dr. Tresham, and Dr. Oglethorp, say fur­ther, That the Power of Excommunication was given to the Church, and to such as the Church shall institute.

17. Question. Whether Unction of the Sick with Oil, to remit Venial Sins, as it is now used, be spoken of in the Scripture, or in any ancient Authors?
Answers.

Canterbury.UNction of the Sick with Oil, to remit Venial Sins, as it is now used, is not spoken of in the Scripture, nor in any ancient Au­thors.

These are the Subscriptions which are at the end of eve­ry Man's Pa­per.T. Cantuarien.
This is mine Opinion and Sentence at this present, which I do not temerariously define, but do remit the judgment thereof wholly unto your Majesty.

York.To the seventeenth; Of Unction of the Sick with Oil, and that Sins thereby be remitted, St. Iames doth teach us; but of the Holy Prayers, and like Ceremonies used in the time of the Unction, we find no special mention in Scripture, albeit the said St. Iames maketh also mention of Prayer to be used in the Ministry of the same.

Edward. Ebor.

London.To the seventeenth; I think that albeit it appeareth not clearly in Scripture, whether the usage in extream Unction now, be all one with that which was in the beginning of the Church: Yet of the Unction in time of Sickness, and the Oil also with Prayers and Ceremonies, the same is set forth in the Epistle of St. Iames, which place commonly is alledged, and so hath been received, to prove the Sacrament of ex­tream Unction.

Ita mihi Edmundo Londinensi. Episcopo pro hoc tempore dicendum videtur, salvo judicio melius sentientis, cui me promp­te & humiliter subjicio.

Rochester.In Unction of them that be Sick with Oil, and praying for them for remission of Sins, is plainly spoken of in the Epistle of St. Iames, but after what form or fashion the said Inunction was then used, the Scrip­ture telleth not.

Written on the back of the Paper, The Bishop of Rochester's Book.

Carlile.Extream Unction is plainly set out by St. Iames, with the which maketh also that is written in the 6th of St. Mark, after the mind of right good ancient Doctors.

Robert Carliolen.

[Page 243]De Unctione Infirmorum nihil reperio in Scripturis,Dr. Robertson. praeter id quod scribitur, Marc. 6. & Jacob. 5.

Thomas Robertson.
T. Cantuarien.

Unction of the Sick with Oil consecrat, as it is now used,Dr. Cox. is not spo­ken of in Scripture.

Richardus Cox.

Unction of the Sick with praying for them is found in Scripture.Dr. Day.

George Day. Opiniones non Assertiones.

De Unctione Infirmorum cum oleo, adjecta Oratione,Dr. Oglethorpe. expressa men­tio est in Scripturis, quanquam nunc addantur alii ritus, honestatis gra­tiâ (ut in aliis Sacramentis) de quibus in Scripturis nulla mentio.

Owinus Oglethorpus.

Unction with Oil, adjoined with Prayer,Dr. Redmayn. and having promise of Re­mission of Sins, is spoken of in St. Iames, and ancient Authors; as for the use which now is, if any thing be amiss, it would be amended.

I. Redmayn.

It is spoken of,Dr. Edgeworth in Mark 6. and Iames 5. Augustine and other an­cient Authors speaketh of the same.

Edgeworth.

The Unction of the Sick with Oil, to remit Sins, is in Scripture,Dr. Symmons. and also in ancient Authors.

Symon Matthew.

Unction with Oil is grounded in the Scripture,Dr. Tresham. and expresly spoken of; but with this Additament (as it is now used) it is not specified in Scripture, for the Ceremonies now used in Unction, I think meer Tra­ditions of Man.

William Tresham.

To the seventeenth, I say,Dr. Leyghton. That Unction of the Sick with Oil and Prayer to remit Sins, is manifestly spoken of in St. Iames Epistle, and ancient Authors, but not with all the Rites and Ceremonies as be now commonly used.

T. Cantuarien.
Per me Edwardum Leyghton.

Unction with Oil to remit Sins is spoken of in Scripture.Dr. Coren.

Richard Coren.
[Page 244]
Con.
Menevens. & Coxus negant Unctionem Olei (ut jam est recepta) ad remittenda peccata contineri in Scripturis. Eboracens. Carliolens. Edgworth, Coren, Redmayn, Symmons, Leightonus, Oglethorp aiunt, haberi in Scripturis. Roffens. Thirleby, Robertsonus, prae­terquam illud Jacobi 5. & Marci 6. nihil proferunt. Herefor­densis ambigit. Tresham vult Unctionem Olei tradi nobis é Scripturis, sed Unctionis Caeremonias traditiones esse humanas.

Agreem.In the last; The Bishop of St. Davids, and Dr. Cox, say, That Vn­ction of the Sick with Oil consecrate. as it is now used to remit Sin, is not spoken of in Scripture. My Lords of York, Duresme, Carlile, Drs. Co­ren, Edgworth, Redman, Symmons, Leyghton, and Oglethorp, say, That it is found in Scripture.

XXII. Dr. Barnes's Renunciation of some Articles informed against him.

BE it known to all Men, that I Robert Barnes, Doctor of Divinity, have as well in Writing, as in Preaching, over-shot my self, and been deceived, by trusting too much to mine own heady Sentence, and giving judgment in and touching the Articles hereafter ensuing; where­as being convented, and called before the Person of my most gracious Soveraign Lord King Henry the Eighth, of England and of France, De­fensor of the Faith, Lord of Ireland, and in Earth Supream Head im­mediately under God of the Church of England; It pleased his High­ness, of his great clemency and goodness, being assisted with sundry of his most discreet and learned Clergy, to enter such Disputation and Ar­gument with me, upon the Points of my over-sight, as by the same was fully and perfectly confuted by Scriptures, and enforced only for Truths sake, and for want of defence of Scriptures to serve for the maintenance of my part, to yeeld, confess, and knowledg my ignorance, and with my most humble submission, do promise for ever from henceforth to ab­stain and beware of such rashness: And for my further declaration therein, not only to abide such order for my doings passed, as his Grace shall appoint and assign unto me, but also with my heart to advance and set forth the said Articles ensuing, which I knowledg and confess to be most Catholick, and Christian, and necessary to be received, observed, and followed of all good Christian People. Tho it so be, that Christ by the Will of his Father, is he only which hath suffered Passion and Death for redemption of all such as will and shall come unto him, by perfect Faith and Baptism; and that also he hath taken upon him gratis the burden of all their sins, which as afore will, hath, or shall come to him, paying sufficient Ransom for all their sins, and so is becomed their only Redeemer and Justifier; of the which number I trust and doubt not but that many of us now-adays be of: yet I in heart do confess, that after, by the foresaid means we become right Christian Folks, yet then by not following our Master's Commandments and Laws, we do loose [Page 245] the benefits and fruition of the same, which in this case is irrecuperable, but by true Penance, the only Remedy left unto us by our Saviour for the same; wherefore I think it more than convenient and necessary, that whensoever Justification shall be preached of, that this deed be joined with all the fore-part, to the intent that it may teach all true Christian People a right knowledg of their Justification.

By me Robert Barnes.

Also I confess with my heart, That Almighty God is in no wise Author, causer of Sin, or any Evil; and therefore whereas Scripture saith, In­duravit Dominus Cor Pharaonis, &c. and such other Texts of like sense, they ought to understand them, quod Dominus permisit eum indurari, and not otherwise; which doth accord with many of the ancient Inter­preters also.

By me Robert Barnes.

Further I do confess with my heart, That whensoever I have of­fended my Neighbours, I must first reconcile my self unto him, e're I shall get remission of my sins, and in case he offend me, I must forgive him, e're that I can be forgiven; for this doth the Pater Noster, and other places of Scripture teach me.

By me Robert Barnes.

I do also confess with my heart, That good Works limited by Scripture, and done by a penitent and true reconciled Christian Man, be profitable and allowable unto him, as allowed of God for his benefit, and helping to his Salvation.

By me Robert Barnes.

Also do confess with my heart, That Laws and Ordinances made by Christian Rulers, ought to be obeyed by the Inferiors and Subjects, not only for fear, but also for Conscience, for whoso breaketh them, break­eth God's Commandments.

By me Robert Barnes.

All and singular the which Articles before written, I the foresaid Ro­bert Barnes do approve and confess to be most true and Catholick, and promise with my heart, by God's Grace, hereafter to maintain, preach, and set forth the same to the People, to the uttermost of my power, wit, and cunning.

By me Robert Barnes.
By me William Ierome.
By me Thomas Gerarde.

XXIII. The Foundation of the Bishoprick of Westminster.

REx omnibus ad quos, &c. salutem. Cum nuper caenobium quod­dam sive Monasterium, quod (dum extitit) Monasterium Sancti Petri Westmon. vulgariter vocabatur, omnia & singula ejus Maneria, Dominia, Mesuagia, Terrae, Tenementa, Haereditamenta, Dotationes & Possessiones, certis de causis specialibus & urgentibus, per Willielmum ipsius nuper Caenobii sive Monasterii Abbatem, & ejusdem loci Conven­tum, nobis & haeredibus nostris in perpetuum jamdudum data fuerunt & concessa, prout per ipsorum nuper Abbatis & Conventus cartam si­gillo suo communi sive conventuali sigillatam & in Cancellar. nostram irrotulat. manifeste liquet; quorum praetextu nos de ejusdem nuper Caeno­bii sive Monasterii situ, septu & praecinctu, ac de omnibus & singulis praedict. nuper Abbatis & Conventus Maneriis, Dominiis & Mesuagiis, Terris, Tenementis, Haereditamentis, Dotationibus & Possessionibus, ad praesens pleno jure seisiti sumus in dominico nostro, ut de feodo. Nos uti (que) sic de eisdem seisiti existen▪ divina (que) nos clementia inspirante nihil magis ex animo affectantes, quam ut vera religio verus (que) Dei cultus inibi non modo aboleatur sed in integrum potius restituatur, & ad primiti­vam sive genuinae sinceritatis normam reformetur, correctis enormitati­bus in quas monachorum vita & professio longo temporum lapsu deplo­rabiter exorbitaverit, operam dedimus, quatenus humana perspicere po­test infirmitas, ut imposterum ibidem sacrorum eloquiorum documenta & nostrae salutiferae Redemptionis sacramenta pure administrentur, bo­norum morum disciplina sincere observetur, Juventus in literis liberaliter instituatur, senectus viribus defectis, eorum praesertim qui circa personam nostram, vel alioquin circa Regni nostri negotia publice bene & fideli­ter nobis servierunt, rebus ad victum necessariis condigne foveatur, & deni (que) eleemosinarum in pauperes Christi clargitiones, viarum pontium­que reparationes, & caetera omnis generis pietatis officia illinc exube­ranter in omnia vicina loca longe late (que) dimaneant, ad Dei omnipotentis gloriam, & ad subditorum nostrorum communem utilitatem felicitatem­que: Idcirco nos considerantes quod situs dicti nuper Monasterii Sancti Petri Westmon. in quo multa tum percharissimi patris nostri, tum alio­rum Inclitorum, quondam Regum Angliae, praeclara monumenta con­duntur, sit locus aptus, conveniens & necessarius instituendi, erigendi, ordinandi & stabiliendi sedem Episcopalem, & quandam Ecclesiam Ca­thedralem de uno Episcopo, de uno Decano Presbytero, & duode­cem Praebendariis Presbyteris, ibidem, Omnipotenti Deo & in perpetu­um servitium, ipsum situm dicti nuper Monast. Sancti Petri Westmon. ac locum & Ecclesiam ipsius in sedem Episcopalem ac in Ecclesiam Ca­thedral. creari, erigi, fundari & stabiliri decrevimus, prout per praesen­tes decernimus, & eandem Ecclesiam Cathedral. de uno Episcopo, de uno Decano Presbytero, & duodecim Praebendariis Presbyteris, te­nore praesentium, realiter & ad plenum creamus, erigimus, fundamus, ordinamus, facimus, constituimus & stabilimus, perpetuis futuris tem­poribus duraturam, & sic stabiliri ac in perpetuum inviolabiliter obser­vari volumus & jubemus per praesentes. Volumus ita (que) & per praesentes Ordinamus quod Ecclesia Cathedralis praedicta sit, & deinceps in perpe­tuum [Page 247] erit Ecclesia Cathedralis & Sedes Episcopalis, ac quod tota villa nostra Westmon. ex nunc & deinceps in perpetuum sit Civitas, ipsam (que) civitatem Westm. vocari & nominari volumus & decernimus, ac ipsam Civitatem & totum Comit. nostrum Midd. prout per metas & limites dignoscitur, & limitatur, tota Parochia de Fulham in eodem Comit. de Midd. tantummodo except. ab omni Jurisdictione, Autoritate & Dioc. Episcopi London. & successorum suorum pro tempore existen. separa­mus, dividimus, eximimus, exoneramus, & omnino per praesentes libe­ramus: ac omnem jurisdictionem Episcopalem infra eandem Civitatem & Comit. Midd. exceptis praeexceptis, Episcopo Westmon. a nobis per has Literas nostras Patentes nominand. & eligend. & Successoribus suis Episcopis Westm. ac praedict. Episcopat. Westm. adjungimus & uni­mus, ac ex dictis Civitate & Com. Diocesim facimus & Ordinamus per praesentes, illam (que) Diocesim Westm. in perpetuum similiter vocari, ap­pellari, nuncupari & nominari volumus & ordinamus. Et ut haec nostra intentio debitum & uberiorem sortiatur effectum, Nos de scientia, moribus, probitate & virtute dilecti nostri Consiliarii Thomae Thyrlebei Clerici, Decani Capellae nostrae plurimum considentes, eundem Thomam Thyr­leby ad Episcopatum dictae Sedis Westm. nominamus & eligimus, ac ipsum Thomam Episcopum Westm. per praesentes eligimus, nominamus, faci­mus, & creamus, & volumus; ac per praesentes Concedimus & Ordi­namus, quod idem Episcopatus sit corpus corporatum in re & nomine, ip­sum (que) ex uno corpore declaramus & acceptamus, Ordinamus, facimus & constituimus in perpetuum, habeat (que) successionem perpetuam, ac quod ipse & successores sui per nomen & sub nomine Episcopi Westm. nominabitur & vocabitur, nominabuntur & vocabuntur in perpetuum, & quod ipse & successores sui per idem nomen & sub eo nomine prose­qui, clamare & placitare, ac placitari, defendere & defendi, respondere & responderi, in quibuscun (que) Curiis & locis legum nostrarum, ac haere­dum & successorum nostrorum, & alibi, in & super omnibus & singulis causis, actionibus, sectis, brevibus, demand. & querelis, realibus, per­sonalibus & mixtis, tam temporalibus quam spiritualibus, ac in omnibus aliis rebus, causis & materiis quibuscunque, & per idem nomen Mane­ria, Dominia, Terrae, Tenementa, Rectorias, Pensiones, Portiones, & alia quaecun (que) Haereditamenta, Possessiones, proficua & emolumenta, tam spiritualia sive Ecclesiastica, quam temporalia, ac alia quaecun (que) per Literas Patentes praefato Episcopo & Successoribus suis, per nos seu hae­redes nostros debito modo fiend. vel per quamcun (que) aliam personam seu quascun (que) alias personas secundum leges nostras & haeredum sive succes­sorum nostrorum dand. seu concedend. capere, recipere, gaudere & perquirere ac dare, alienare & dimittere possit & possint, valeat & vale­ant, & generaliter omnia alia & singula recipere, gaudere, & facere, prout & eisdem modo & forma quibus caeteri Episcopi infra Regnum nostrum Angliae recipere aut facere possint, aut aliquis Episcopus infra Regnum nostrum Angliae recipere aut facere possit, & non aliter nec ullo alio modo. Et ulterius volumus & ordinamus, quod Ecclesia Cathe­dralis praedicta sit, & deinceps in perpetuum erit Ecclesia Cathedralis & Sedes Episcopalis dicti Thomae & successorum suorum Episcoporum Westm. ipsam (que) Ecclesiam Cathedralem honoribus, dignitatibus, & in­signiis Sedis Episcopalis per praesentes decoramus, eandem (que) Sedem Epis­copalem praefato Thomae & successoribus suis Episcopis Westm. damus [Page 248] & concedimus per praesentes habend. & gaudend. eidem Thomae & suc­cessoribus suis in perpetuum. Ac etiam volumus & ordinamus per prae­sentes, quod praefatus Thomas & successores sui Episcopi Westm. prae­dict. omnimodam jurisdictionem, potestatem & autoritatem ordinarias & Episcopales, infra Ecclesiam Cathedralem Westm. & praedict. Dioces. exerce­re, facere, & uti possit, & debeat, possint & debeant, in tam amplis modo & forma, prout Episcopus London. infra Dioces. London. secundum leges no­stras exercere, facere, & uti solet, possit aut debet. Et quod dictus Thomas Episcopus Westm. & successores sui Episcopi Westm. deinceps in perpe­tuum habeat sigillum authenticum, seu sigilla authentica pro rebus & ne­gotiis suis agendis servitur. ad omnem juris effectum simili modo & for­ma, & non aliter nec aliquo alio modo, prout Episcopus London. habet aut habere potest. Et ut Ecclesia Cathedralis praedict. de personis con­gruis in singulis locis & gradibus suis perimpleatur & decoretur, dile­ctum nobis Willielmum Benson Sacrae Theologiae professorem primum & originalem, & modernum Decanum dictae Ecclesiae Cathedralis, ac Simo­nem Haynes Sacrae Theologiae professorem primum, & praesent. Presby­terum Praebendarium, ac Joannem Redman secundum Presbyterum Praebendarium, ac Edwardum Leyghton tertium Presbyterum Prae­bendarium, ac Antonium Belasys quartum Presbyterum Praebendari­um, ac Willielmum Britten quintum Presbyterum Praebendarium, ac Dio­nysium Dalyon sextum Presbyterum Praebendarium, ac Humphredū Per­kins septimum Presbyterum Praebendarium, ac Thomam Essex octavum Presbyterum Praebendarium, ac Thomam Ellforde nonum Presbyterum Praebendarium, ac Joannem Malvern decimum Presbyterum Praebenda­rium, ac Willielmum Harvye undecimum Presbyterum Prebendarium, ac Gerardum Carleton duodecimum Presbyterum Praebendarium, tenore praesentium facimus & ordinamus. Per praesentes volumus etiam & or­dinamus, ac eisdem Decano & Praebendariis concedimus per praesentes, quod praedictus Decanus & duodecem Praebendarii dicti sint de se in re & nomine unum corpus corporatum, habeant (que) successionem perpetuam, & se gerent, exhibebunt, & occupabunt Sedem, ordinationem, regulas & statuta, eis per nos in quadam Indentura in posterum fiend. specifi­cand. & declarand. Et quod idem Decanus & Praebendarii & successo­res sui, Decanus & Capitulum Ecclesiae Cathedralis Sancti Petri Westm. in perpetuum vocabuntur, appellabuntur; Et quod praefatus Decanus & Praebendarii Ecclesiae Cathedralis praedictae & successores sui sint & in perpetuum erunt Capitulum Episcopatus Westm. sit (que) idem Capitulum praefat. Thomae & successoribus suis Episcopis Westm. perpetuis futuris temporibus annexum, incorporatum & unitum, eisdem modo & forma quibus Decanus & Capitulum Ecclesiae Cathedralis Sancti Pauli in Civi­tate nostra London. Episcopo London. aut sedi Episcopali London. an­nexa, incorporata & unit. exist. ipsos (que) Decanum & Praebendarios unum corpus corporatum in re & nomine facimus, creamus & stabilimus, & eos pro uno corpore facimus, declaramus, ordinamus & acceptamus, habeant (que) successionem perpetuam; Et quod ipse Decanus & Capitulum eorum (que) successores, per nomen Decani & capitulum Ecclesiae Cathe­dralis Beati Petri Westm. prosequi, clamare, placitare possint & impla­citare, defendere & defendi, respondere & responderi, in quibuscun (que) tempore & Curiis legum nostrarum & alibi, in & super omnibus & sin­gulis causis, actionibus Sectis, demand. brevibus & querelis, realibus, [Page 249] spiritualibus, personalibus & mixtis, & in omnibus aliis rebus, causis & materiis, prout Decanus & Capitulum Sancti Pauli London. agere aut facere possunt: Et per idem nomen Maneria, Dominia, Terrae, Tene­menta, & caetera quaecun (que) Haereditamenta, possessiones, pro [...]icua, & emolumenta tam Spiritualia sive Ecclesiastica quam temporalia, & alia quaecun (que) per nos per literas nostras Patentes, haeredū vel successorū no­strorū, seu per aliquam personam vel personas quascun (que) eis & successoribus suis vel aliter secundū leges nostras, vel haeredū seu successorū nostrorū, dand. seu concedend. capere, recipere, & perquirere, dare, alienare, & dimit­tere possint & valeant, & generaliter omnia alia & singula capere, recipere, perquirere, dare, alienare, & demittere, ac facere & exequi, prout & eisdem modo & forma, quibus Decanus & Capitulum praedict. Cathedralis Ecclesiae Sancti Pauli in praedicta civitate nostra London. capere, recipere perquirere, dare, alienare, & dimittere, ac facere aut exequi possint, & non aliter, ne (que) aliquo alio modo: Et quod Decanus & Capitulum Ec­clesiae Cathedralis beati Petri Westm. & successores sui in perpetuum ha­bebunt commune Sigillum, ad omnimodas cartas, evidentias, & caetera scripta, vel facta sua fiend. eos vel Ecclesiam Cathedralem praedict. aliquo modo tangen. sive continend. sigilland. Et insuper volumus & per praesentes concedimus & ordinamus, quod praedict. Episcopus Westm. & quilibet successorum suorum pro tempore existen. & praedictus Decanus & Capitulum Ecclesiae Cathedralis beati Petri Westm. & quilibet succes­sorum suorum habeant plenam potestatem & facultatem faciendi, reci­piendi, dandi, alienandi, dimittendi, exequendi & agendi omnia & singula quae Episcopus London. & Decanus & Capitulum Sancti Pauli London. conjunctim & divisim facere, recipere, dare, alienare, dimit­tere, exequi aut agere possint. Volumus etiam & ordinamus, ac per praesentes Statuimus, quod Archidiaconus Midd. qui nunc est & succes­sores sui sint deinceps in perpetuum separati & exonerati & prorsus li­berati a jurisdictione, potestate, jure & authoritate Episcopi London. & successorum suorum, ac ab Ecclesia Cathedrali Sancti Pauli London. ab omni (que) jure, potestate & autoritate ejusdem ipsius (que) Archidiaconi, & successores suos per praesentes separamus, exoneramus, penitus in per­petuum liberamus, eundem (que) Archidiaconum & successores suos decer­nimus, Statuimus, Ordinamus, ac stabilimus in simili Statu, modo, for­ma & jure esse, ac deinceps in perpetuum fore, in praedicta Ecclesia Ca­thedrali Westm. quibus ipse aut aliquis praedecessorum suorum unquam fuit in Ecclesia Cathedrali Sancti Pauli London. Statuimus etiam & ordi­namus, ac per praesentes volumus & concedimus, quod praedictus Tho­mas Episcopus Westm. & successores sui Episcopi Westm. habeant, tene­ant & possideant, in omnibus & per omnia autoritatem, potestatem, jus & jurisdictionem, de & super Archidiaconatu Midd. & Archidiacono & successoribus suis, tam plene & integre ad omnem effectum quam Episcopus London. qui nunc est aut aliquis praedecessorum suorum habet aut habuit, aut habere debuit vel usus fuit. Volumus autem ac per prae­sentes concedimus, tam praefato Episcopo quam Decano & Capitulo, quod habeat & habebit, habeant & habebunt, has Literas nostras Paten­tes sub magno sigillo nostro Angliae debito modo factas & sigillatas, abs (que) fine seu feod. magno vel parvo nobis in Hanaperio nostro seu alibi ad usum nostrorum, proinde quoquo modo reddend. solvend. vel faciend. eo quod expressa mentio, & caet. In cujus rei, &c.

Teste Rege apud Westm. decimo seprimo die Decembris Anno Regni Regis Henrici Octavi trigesimo secundo.

XXIV. A Proclamation ordained by the King's Majesty, with the advice of his Honourable Council, for the Bible of the largest and greatest Volume to be had in every Church; devised the sixth day of May, the 33 year of the King's most gracious Reign.

Regist. Bonner. Fol. 21.WHereby Injunctions heretofore set forth by the authority of the King's Royal Majesty, Supream Head of the Church of this his Realm of England, it was ordained, and commanded, amongst other things, That in all and singular Parish-Churches, there should be pro­vided, by a certain day now expired, at the costs of the Curats and Parishioners, Bibles containing the Old and New Testament in the En­glish Tongue, to be fixed and set up openly in every of the said Parish Churches; the which godly Commandment and Injunction, was to the only intent that every of the King's Majesties loving Subjects, minding to read therein, might, by occasion thereof, not only consider and per­ceive the great and ineffable Omnipotent Power, Promise, Justice, Mercy and Goodness of Almighty God, but also to learn thereby to ob­serve God's Commandments, and to obey their Sovereign Lord, and High Powers, and to exercise Godly Charity, and to use themselves ac­cording to their Vocations, in a pure and sincere Christian Life, with­out murmur or grudging: By the which Injunctions, the King's Royal Majesty intended that his loving Subjects should have and use the com­modities of the reading of the said Bibles, for the purpose above re­hearsed, humbly, meekly, reverently, and obediently, and not that any of them should read the said Bibles with high and loud Voices, in time of the Celebration of the Holy Mass, and other Divine Services used in the Church; or that any his Lay-Subjects reading the same, should presume to take upon them any common Disputation, Argument, or Exposition of the Mysteries therein contained; but that every such Lay­man should, humbly, meekly, and reverently, read the same for his own instruction, edification, and amendment of his Life, according to God's Holy Word therein mentioned. And notwithstanding the King's said most godly and gracious Commandment and Injunction, in form as is aforesaid, his Royal Majesty is informed, That divers and many Towns and Parishes within this his Realm, have neglected their duties in the accomplishment thereof; whereof his Highness marvelleth not a little; and minding the execution of his said former most godly and gracious Injunctions, doth straitly charge and command, That the Curats and Parishioners of every Town and Parish within this his Realm of Eng­land, not having already Bibles provided within their Parish Churches, shall on this side the Feast of All-Saints next coming, buy and provide Bibles of the largest and greatest Volume, and cause the same to be set and fixed in every of the said Parish Churches, there to be used as is afore-said, according to the said former Injunctions, upon pain that the Curat and Inhabitants of the Parishes and Towns, shall loose and for­feit to the King's Majesty for every month that they shall lack and want the said Bibles, after the same Feast of All-Saints, 40 s. the one half of the same forfeit to be to the King's Majesty, and the other half to him [Page 251] or them which shall first find and present the same to the King's Maje­sties Council. And finally, the King's Royal Majesty doth declare and signify to all and singular his loving Subjects, that to the intent they may have the said Bibles of the greatest Volumn, at equal and reasona­ble prices, his Highness, by the advice of his Council, hath ordained and taxed, That the Sellers thereof shall not take for any of the said Bibles unbound, above the price of ten shillings; and for every of the said Bibles well and sufficiently bound, trimmed and clasped, not above twelve shillings, upon pain the Seller to lose, for every Bible sold con­trary to his Highness's Proclamation, four shillings, the one Moiety there­of to the King's Majesty, and the other Moiety to the finder and presen­ter of the Defaulter, as is aforesaid. And his Highness straitly chargeth and commandeth, That all and singular Ordinaries, having Ecclesiasti­cal Jurisdiction within this his Church and Realm of England, and Do­minion of Wales, that they, and every of them, shall put their effectual endeavours, that the Curats and Parishioners shall obey and accomplish this his Majesties Proclamation and Commandment, as they tender the advancement of the King's most gracious and godly purpose in that be­half, and as they will answer to his Highness for the same.

God save the KING.

XXV. An Admonition and Advertisement given by the Bishop of London, to all Readers of this Bible in the English Tongue.

TO the intent that a good and wholsome thing,Register, Bonner. godly and vertu­ously, for honest intents and purposes, set forth for many, be not hindred or maligned at, for the abuse, default, and evil behaviour of a few, who for lack of discretion, and good advisement, commonly with­out respect of time, or other due circumstances, proceed rashly and unadvisedly therein; and by reason thereof, rather hinder than set forward the thing that is good of it self: It shall therefore be very ex­pedient, that whosoever repaireth hither to read this Book, or any such-like, in any other place, he prepare himself chiefly and principally, with all devotion, humility, and quietness, to be edified and made the better thereby; adjoining thereto his perfect and most bounden duty of obedience to the King's Majesty, our most gracious and dread Soveraign Lord, and supream Head, especially in accomplishing his Graces most honorable Injunctions and Commandments given and made in that be­half. And right expedient, yea necessary it shall be also, that leaving behind him vain Glory, Hypocrisy, and all other carnal and corrupt Affections, he bring with him discretion, honest intent, charity, reve­rence, and quiet behaviour, to and for the edification of his own Soul, without the hindrance, lett, or disturbance of any other his Christian Brother; evermore foreseeing that no▪ number of People be specially congregate therefore to make a multitude; and that no exposition be made thereupon otherwise than it is declared in the Book it self; and that especially regard be had no reading thereof, be used, allowed, and [Page 252] with noise in the time of any Divine Service, or Sermon; or that in the same be used any Disputation, contention, or any other misdemeanour▪ or finally that any Man justly may reckon himself to be offended there­by, or take occasion to grudg or malign thereat.

God save the KING.

XXVI. Injunctions given by Bonner, Bishop of London, to his Clergy.

Regist. Bonner. Fol. 38.INjunctions made by the consent and authority of me Edmond Bonner Bishop of London, in the Year of our Lord God 1542, and in the 34 Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord Henry the Eighth, by the Grace of God, King of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, and supream Head here in Earth, next under God, of the Church of England and Ireland. All which and singular Injunctions, by the Authority given to me of God, and by our said Soveraign Lord the King's Majesty, I exhort, require, and also command, all and singular Parsons, Vicars, Curats, and Chantry Priests, with other of the Clergy, whatsoever they be, of my Diocess and Jurisdiction of London, to ob­serve, keep, and perform accordingly, as it concerneth every of them, in vertue of their Obedience, and also upon pains expressed in all such Laws, Statutes, and Ordinances of this Realm, as they may incur, and be objected against them, now, or at any time hereafter, for breaking and violating of the same, or any of them.

First; That you, and every of you, shall, with all diligence, and faithful obedience, observe and keep, and cause to be observed and kept, to the outermost of your Powers, all and singular the Contents of the King's Highness most gracious and godly Ordinances and Injunctions given and set forth by his Graces Authority; and that ye, and every of you, for the better performance thereof, shall provide to have a Copy of the same in writing, or imprinted, and so to declare them accor­dingly.

Item; That every Parson, Vicar, and Curat, shall read over and di­ligently study every day one Chapter of the Bible, and that with the gloss ordinary, or some other Doctor or Expositor, approved and al­lowed in this Church of England, proceeding from Chapter to Chapter, from the beginning of the Gospel of Matthew to the end of the New Testament, and the same so diligently studied to keep still and retain in memory, and to come to the rehearsal and re [...]ital thereof, at all such time and times as they, or any of them, shall be commanded thereunto by me, or any of my Officers or Deputies.

Item; That every of you do procure and provide of your own, a Book called, The Institution of a Christian Man, otherwise called the Bishops Book; and that ye, and every of you, do exercise your selves in the same, according to such Precepts as hath been given heretofore or hereafte [...] to be given.

[Page 253] Item; That ye being absent from your Benefices, in cases lawfully permitted by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm, do suffer no Priest to keep your Cure▪ unless he being first by you presented, and by me or my Officers thereunto abled and admitted. And for the more and bet­ter assurance and performance thereof to be had, by these presents I warn and monish peremptorily, all and singular Beneficed Parsons ha­ving Benefices with Cure, within my Diocess and Jurisdiction, that they and every of them, shall either be personally resident upon their Bene­fices and Cures, before the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-Angel now next ensuing; or else present, before the said Feast, to me the said Bishop, my Vicar-General, or other my Officers deputed in that behalf, such Curats as upon examination made by me, or my said Officers, may be found able and sufficient to serve and discharge their Cures in their absence; and also at the said Feast, or before, shall bring in and exhibite before my said Officers their sufficient Dispensations authorized by the King's Majesty, as well for non-residence, as for keeping of more Benefices with Cure than one.

Item; That every Parson, Vicar, and other Curats, once in every quarter, shall openly in the Pulpit exhort and charge his Parishioners, that they in no wise do make any privy or secret contract of Matrimony between themselves, but that they utterly defer it until such time as they may conveniently have the Father and Mother, or some other Kinsfolks or Friends of the Person that shall make such Contract of Ma­trimony; or else two or three honest Persons to be present, and to hear and record the words and manner of their Contract, as they will avoid the extream pains of the Law provided in that behalf, if they presump­tuously do or attempt the contrary.

Item; That in the avoiding of divers and grievous Offences and Enormities, and specially the most detestable sin of Adultery, which oft­times hath hapned by the negligence of Curats in marrying Persons to­gether which had been married before, and making no due proof of the death of their other Husbands and Wives at the time of such Marriages, I require and command you, and monish peremptorily by these pre­sents, all manner of Parsons, Vicars, and Curats, with other Priests, being of my Diocess and Jurisdiction, that they, nor any of them from henceforth, do presume to solemnizate Matrimony in their Churches, Chappels, or elsewhere, between any Persons that have been married before, unless the said Parson, Vicar, Curat, or Priest, be first plainly, fully, and sufficiently informed and certified of the Decease of the Wife or Husband of him or her, or of both, that he shall marry, and that in writing, under the Ordinaries Seal of the Diocess, or place where he or she inhabited or dwelt before, under pain of Excommunication, and otherwise to be punished for doing the contrary, according to the Laws provided and made in that behalf.

Item; That ye, and every of you that be Parsons, Vicars, Curats, and also Chauntry-Priests and Stipendiaries, do instruct, teach, and bring up in Learning the best ye can, all such Children of your Pa­rishioners as shall come to you for the same; or at the least, to teach them to read English, taking moderately therefore of their Friends that be able to pay, so that they may thereby the better learn and know how to Believe, how to Pray, how to live to God's pleasure.

[Page 254] Item; That every Curat do at all times his best diligence to stir, move, and reduce such as be at discord, to Peace, Concord, Love, Cha­rity, and one to remit and forgive one another, as often and howsoever they shall be grieved or offended: And that the Curat shew and give example thereof, when and as often as any variance or discord shall hap­pen to be between him and any of his Cure.

Item; Where some froward Persons, partly for malice, hatred, dis­pleasure, and disdain, neglect contemn and despise their Curats, and such as have the Cure and Charge of their Souls, and partly to hide and cloak their leud and naughty living, as they have used all the Year before, use at length to be confessed of other Priests which have not the Cure of their Souls: Wherefore I will and require you to declare, and show to your Parishioners, That no Testimonials brought from any of them, shall stand in any effect, nor that any such Persons shall be admit­ted to God's Board, or receive their Communion, until they have sub­mitted themselves to be confessed of their own Curats, (Strangers only except) or else upon arduous and urgent Causes and Considerations, they be otherwise dispensed with in that behalf, either by me or by my Offi­cers aforesaid.

Item; That whereupon a detestable and abominable practice univer­sally reigning in your Parishes, the young People, and other ill-disposed Persons doth use upon the Sundays and Holy-days, in time of Divine Service, and preaching the Word of God, to resort unto Ale-houses, and there exerciseth unlawful Games, with great Swearing, Blasphemy, Drunkenness, and other Enormities, so that good and devout Persons be much offended therewith: Wherefore I require and command you, to declare to such as keepeth Ale-houses, or Taverns within your Pa­rishes, that at such times from henceforth, they shall not suffer in their Houses any such unlawful and ungodly Assemblies; neither receive such Persons to Bowling and Drinking at such Seasons, into their Houses, under pain of Excommunication, and otherwise to be punished for their so doing, according to the Laws in that behalf.

Item; That all Curats shall declare openly in the Pulpit, twice eve­ry Quarter to their Parishioners, the seven deadly Sins, and the Ten Commandments, so that the People thereby may not only learn how to obey, honour, and serve God, their Prince, Superiors, and Parents, but also to avoid and eschew Sin and Vice, and to live vertuously, follow­ing God's Commandments and his Laws.

Item; That where I am credily informed, that certain Priests of my Diocess and Jurisdiction, doth use to go in an unseemly and unpriestly habit and apparel, with unlawful tonsures, carrying and having upon them also Armour and Weapons, contrary to all wholsome and godly Laws and Ordinances, more like Persons of the Lay, than of the Cler­gy; which may and doth minister occasion to light Persons, and to Per­sons unknown, where such Persons come in place, to be more licentious both of their Communication, and also of their Acts, to the great slan­der of the Clergy: Wherefore in the avoiding of such slander and oblo­quy hereafter, I admonish and command all and singular Parsons, Vicars, Curats, and all other Priests whatsoever they be, dwelling, or inhabi­ting, or hereafter shall dwell and inhabit within my Diocess and Juris­diction, That from henceforth they, and every of them, do use and [Page 255] wear meet, convenient, and decent Apparel, with their Trussures ac­cordingly, whereby they may be known at all times from Lay-People, and to be of the Clergy, as they intend to avoid and eschew the penalty of the Laws ordained in that behalf.

Item; That no Parson, Vicar, or other Beneficed Man, having Cure within my Diocess and Jurisdiction, do suffer any Priest to say Mass, or to have any Service within their Cure, unless they first give knowledg, and present them with the Letters of their Orders to me as Ordinary, or to my Officers deputed in that behalf; and the said Priest so presen­ted, shall be by me, or my said Officers, found able and sufficient there­unto.

Item; That every Curat, not only in his Preachings, open Sermons, and Collations made to the People, but also at all other times necessary, do perswade, exhort, and monish the People, being of his Cure, what­soever they be, to beware and abstain from Swearing and blaspheming of the Holy Name of God, or any part of Christ's most precious Body or Blood. And likewise to beware, and abstain from Cursing, Banning, Chiding, Scolding, Backbiting, Slandering, and Lying. And also from talking and jangling in the Church, specially in time of Divine-Service, or Sermon-time. And semblably to abstain from Adultery, Fornication, Gluttony and Drunkenness: And if they, or any of them, be found notoriously faulty or infamed upon any of the said Crimes and Offences, then to detect them at every Visitation, or sooner, as the case shall re­quire, so that the said Offenders may be corrected and reformed to the example of other.

Item; That no Priest from henceforth do use any unlawful Games, or frequently use any Ale-houses, Taverns, or any suspect place at any unlawful times, or any light Company, but only for their Neces­saries, as they, and any of them, will avoid the danger that may ensue thereupon.

Item; That in the Plague-time, no dead Bodies or Corpses be brought into the Church, except it be brought streight to the Grave, and im­mediately buried, whereby the People may the rather avoid infe­ction.

Item; That no Parsons, Vicars, nor Curats, permit or suffer any manner of common Plays, Games, or Interludes, to be played, setforth, or declared, within their Churches or Chappels, contrary to this our forbidding and Commandment; that then you, or either of you, in whose Churches or Chappels any such Games, Plays, or Interludes shall be so used, shall immediately thereupon make relation of the names of the Person or Persons so obstinately and disobediently using them­selves, unto me, my Chancellor, or other my Officers, to the intent that they may be therefore reformed and punished according to the Laws.

Item; That all Priests shall take this order when they Preach; first, They shall not rehearse no Sermons made by other Men within this 200 or 300 Years; but when they shall preach, they shall take the Gospel or Epistle of the day, which they shall recite and declare to the people, plainly, distinctly, and sincerely, from the beginning to the end thereof, and then to desire the people to pray with them for Grace, after the usage of the Church of England now used: And that done, we will that every Preacher shall declare the same Gospel or Epistle, or both, [Page 256] from the beginning, not after his own Mind, but after the Mind of some Catholick Doctor allowed in this Church of England, and in no wise to affirm any thing, but that which he shall be ready always to shew in some Ancient Writer; and in no wise to make rehearsal of any Opinion not allowed, for the intent to reprove the same, but to leave that for those that are and shall be admitted to preach by the King's Majesty, or by me the Bishop of London, your Ordinary, or by mine authority. In the which Epistle and Gospel, ye shall note and consider diligently certain godly and devout places, which may incense and stir the Hearers to obedience of good Works and Prayers: And in case any notable Ce­remony used to be observed in the Church, shall happen that day when any preaching shall be appointed, it shall be meet and convenient that the Preacher declare and set forth to the people the true meaning of the same, in such sort that the people may perceive thereby, what is meant and signified by such Ceremony, and also know how to use and accept it to their own edifying. Furthermore, That no Preacher shall rage or rail in his Sermon, but coldly, discreetly, and charitably, open, declare, and set forth the excellency of Vertue, and to suppress the abomination of Sin and Vice; every Preacher shall, if time and occasion will serve, instruct and teach his Audience, what Prayer is used in the Church that day, and for what thing the Church prayeth, specially that day, to the intent that all the people may pray together with one heart for the same; and as occasion will serve, to shew and declare to the people what the Sacraments signifieth, what strength and efficacy they be of, how every Man should use them reverently and devoutly at the recei­ving of them. And to declare wherefore the Mass is so highly to be esteemed and honoured, with all the Circumstances appertaining to the same. Let every Preacher beware that he do not feed his Audience with any Fable, or other Histories, other than he can avouch and justify to be written by some allowed Writer. And when he hath done all that he will say and utter for that time, he shall then in few words re­cite again the pith and effect of his whole Sermon, and add thereunto as he shall think good.

Item; That no Parson, Vicar, Curat, or other Priest, having Cure of Souls within my Diocess and Jurisdiction, shall from hence-forth permit, suffer, or admit any manner of person, of whatsoever estate or condition he be, under the degree of a Bishop, to preach, or make any Sermon or Collation openly to the people within their Churches, Chappels, or else-where within their Cures, unless he that shall so preach, have obtained before special License in that behalf, of our Sovereign Lord the King, or of me Edmund Bishop of London, your Ordinary; And the same License so obtained, shall then and there really bring forth in writing under Seal, and shew the same to the said Parson, Vicar, Curat, or Priest, before the beginning of his Sermon, as they will avoid the extream Penalties of the Laws, Statutes, and Ordinances, provided and established in that behalf, if they presumptuously do or attempt any thing to the contrary.

Item; I desire, require, exhort, and command you, and every of you, in the Name of God, Th [...] ye firmly, faithfully, and diligently, to the uttermost of your powe [...], do observe, fulfil, and keep all and sin­gular these mine Injunctions. And that ye, and every of you, being [Page 257] Priests, and having Cure, or not Cure, as well Benefice as not Beneficed, within my Diocess and Jurisdiction, do procure to have a Copy of the same Injunctions, to the intent ye may the better observe, and cause to be observed the Contents thereof.

The names of Books prohibited, delivered to the Curats, Anno 1542. to the intent that they shall present them with the Names of the Owners, to their Ordinary, if they find any such within their Pa­rishes.
  • THe Disputation between the Father and the Son.
  • The Supplication of Beggars; the Author Fish.
  • The Revelation of Antichrist.
  • The Practice of Prelates.
  • The Burying of the Mass, in English Rithme.
  • The Book of Friar Barnes, twice printed.
  • The Matrimony of Tindall.
  • The Exposition of Tindall, upon the 4th Chap. to the Corinth.
  • The Exposition of Tindall upon the Epistles Canonick of St. Iohn.
  • The New Testament of Tindalls Translation, with his Preface before the whole Book, and before the Epistles of St. Paul and Rom.
  • The Preface made in the English Prymmers, by Marshall.
  • The Church of Iohn Rastall.
  • The Table, Glosses, Marginal, and Preface before the Epistle of St. Paul and Romans, of Thomas Mathews doing, and printed beyond the Sea without priviledg, set in his Bible in English.

XXVII. A Collection of Passages out of the Canon Law, made by Cranmer, to shew the necessity of reforming it. An Original.

Dist. 22. Omnes de Major. & obedien. solit. Extra. De Majorit & obedient. Unam Sanctam.

HE that knowledgeth not himself to be under the Bishop of Rome, Ex MSS. D. Stilling­fleet. and that the Bishop of Rome is ordained by God to have Primacy over all the World, is an Heretick, and cannot be saved, nor is not of the flock of Christ.

Dist. 10. de Summa Excommunicationis, Nominat. 25. q. 11. omne.

Princes Laws, if they be against the Canons and Decrees of the Bishop of Rome, be of no force nor strength.

Dist. 19, 20, 24. q. 1. A recta memoria. Quotiens haec est 25. q. 1. General. violatores.

All the Decrees of the Bishop of Rome ought to be kept perpetually of every Man, without any repugnancy, as God's Word spoken by the Mouth of Peter; and whosoever doth not receive them, neither avail­eth them the Catholick Faith, nor the four Evangelists, but they blas­pheme the Holy Ghost, and shall have no forgiveness.

35. q. 1. Generali.

All Kings, Bishops, and Noblemen, that believe or suffer the Bishop of Rome's Decrees in any thing to be violate, be accursed, and for ever culpable before God, as transgressors of the Catholick Faith.

Dist. 21. Quamvis, & 24. q. 1. A recta memoria.

The See of Rome hath neither spot nor wrinkle in it, nor cannot err.

35. q. 1. Ideo de Senten. & re judicata, de jurejurando licet ad Apostolicae li. 6. de jurejurando.

The Bishop of Rome is not bound to any Decrees, but he may com­pel, as well the Clergy as Lay-men, to receive his Decrees and Canon Law.

9. q. z. Ipsi cuncta. Nemo z. q. 6. dudum aliorum. 17. q. 4. Si quis de Baptis. & ejus effectu majores.

The Bishop of Rome hath authority to judg all Men, and specially to discern the Articles of the Faith, and that without any Counsel, and may assoil them that the Counsel hath damned; but no Man hath au­thority to judg him, nor to meddle with any thing that he hath judged, neither Emperor, King, People, nor the Clergy: And it is not lawful for any Man to dispute of his Power.

gr. Duo sunt 25. q. 6. Alius Nos Sanctorum juratos in Clemen. de Haereticis aut efficiund.

The Bishop of Rome may excommunicate Emperors and Princes, de­pose them from their States, and Assoil their Subjects from their Oath and Obedience to them, and so constrain them to rebellion.

De Major. & obedien. solit. Clement. de summa & re judicata. Pastoral.

The Emperor is the Bishop of Rome's Subject, and the Bishop of Rome may revoke the Emperor's Sentence in temporal Causes.

De Elect. & Electi proprietate. Venerabilem.

It belongeth to the Bishop of Rome to allow or disallow the Empe­ror after he is elected; and he may translate the Empire from one Re­gion to another.

De supplenda Negligen. praelat. Grand. li. 6.

The Bishop of Rome may appoint Coadjutors unto Princes.

Dist. 17. Si modo. Regula. Nec licuit multum. Concilia. 96. ubinam.

There can be no Council of Bishops without the Authority of the See of Rome; and the Emperor ought not to be present at the Coun­cil, except when Matters of the Faith be entreating, which belong universally to every Man.

2. q. 6.

Nothing may be done against him that appealeth unto Rome.

1. q. 3. Aliorum Dist. 40. Si Papa. Dist. 96. Satis.

The Bishop of Rome may be judged of none but of God only; for altho he neither regard his own Salvation, nor no Mans else, but draw down with himself innumerable People by heaps unto Hell; yet may no mortal Man in this World presume to reprehend him: forsomuch as he is called God, he may not be judged of Man, for God may be judged of no Man.

[...]. z. q. 5.

The Bishop of Rome may open and shut Heaven unto Men.

Dist. 40. Non vos.

The See of Rome receiveth holy Men, or else maketh them holy.

De Pecunia. Dist. 1. Serpens.

He that maketh a Lye to the Bishop of Rome committeth Sacriledg.

De Consecra. Dist. 1. De locorum praecepta. Ecclesia de Elect. & Electi proprietate. Fundamenta.

To be Senator, Capitane, Patrician, Governour, or Officer of Rome, none shall be elected or pointed, without the express license and special consent of the See of Rome.

De Electione & Electi proprietate. Venerabilem.

It appertaineth to the Bishop of Rome to judg which Oaths ought to be kept, and which not.

De jurejurand. Si vero. 15. q. 6. Authoritatem.

And he may absolve Subjects from their Oath of Fidelity, and ab­solve from other Oaths that ought to be kept.

De foro competent. Ex tenore. De donat. inter virum & Vxorem depen­dentia. Qui Filii sunt legittime per venerabilem. De Elect. & Electi proprietate Fundamenta. Extravag. de Majorit. & Obedient. unam Sanctam. De judiciis Novit.

The Bishop of Rome is judg in temporal things, and hath two Swords, Spiritual and Temporal.

De Haereticis multorum.

The Bishop of Rome may give Authority to arrest Men, and impri­son them in Mannacles and Fetters.

Extrav. de Consuetudine super gentes.

The Bishop of Rome may compel Princes to receive his Legats.

De Truga & pace. Trugas.

It belongeth also to him to appoint and command Peace, and Truce to be observed and kept, or not.

De Praebend. & dig. dilectus & li. 6. licet.

The Collation of all Spiritual Promotions appertain to the Bishop of Rome.

De Excessibus praelatorum. Si [...]ut unire.

The Bishop of Rome may unite Bishopricks together, and put one under another at his pleasure.

Li. 6. de paenis Felicum.

In the Chapter Felicis li. 6. de poenis, is the most partial and unreaso­nable Decree made by Bonifacius 8. that ever was read or heard, against them that be Adversaries to any Cardinal of Rome, or to any Clerk, or Religious Man of the Bishop of Rome's Family.

Dist. 28. Consulendum. Dist. 96. Si. Imperator. 11. q. 1. Ex—Clericus. Nemo nullus. Clericum, &c. & q. 2. Si vero de sentent. Excommu­nication. Si judex q. 2. q. 5. Si quis foro competent. Nullus. Si qui­bus. Ex transmissa. de foro compet. in 6 Seculares.

Lay-men may not be Judges to any of the Clergy, nor compel them to pay their undoubted Debts, but the Bishops only must be their Judges.

De foro Competent. Cum sit licet.

Rectors of Churches may convent such as do them wrong, whither they will, before a Spiritual Judg, or a Temporal.

Idem ex parte Dilecti.

A Lay-man being spoiled, may convent his Adversaries before a Spi­ritual Judg, whether the Lords of the Feod consent thereto or not.

Ibidem Significasti, & 11. q. 1. placuit.

A Lay-man may commit his Cause to a Spiritual Judg; but one of the Clergy may not commit his Cause to a Temporal Judg, without the consent of the Bishop.

Ne Clerici vel Monachi. Secundum.

Lay-men may have no Benefices to farm.

De Summa Excommunicationis. Nom. extra. de pecuniis & Remiss. &c. si.

All they that make, or write any Statutes contrary to the Liberties of the Church; and all Princes, Rulers, and Counsellors, where such Statutes be made, or such Customs observed, and all the Judges and others that put the same in execution; and where such Statutes and Customs have been made and observed of old time, all they that put them not out of their Books be excommunicate, and that so grievously, that they cannot be assoiled but only by the Bishop of Rome.

De Immunitate Ecclesiae. Non minus ad usus. Quia Quum & in 6. Clericis.

The Clergy to the relief of any common necessity, can nothing con­fer without the consent of the Bishop of Rome; nor it is not lawful for any Lay-man to lay any Imposition of Taxes, Subsidies, or any charges upon the Clergy.

Dist. 97. Hoc capitulo & 63. Nullus & quae sequitur. Non aliae Cum Laic.

Lay-men may not meddle with Elections of the Clergy, nor with any other thing that belongeth unto them.

De jurejurando. Nimis.

The Clergy ought to give no Oath of Fidelity to their Temporal Go­vernors, except they have Temporalities of them.

Dist. 96. Bene Quidem. 12. q. 2. Apostolicos. Quisquis.

The Goods of the Church may in no wise be alienated, but whoso­ever receiveth or buyeth them, is bound to restitution; and if the Church have any Ground, which is little or nothing worth, yet it shall not be given to the Prince; and if the Prince will needs buy it, the Sale shall be void and of no strength.

13. q. 2. Non liceat.

It is not lawful for the Bishop of Rome to alienate or mortgage any Lands of the Church, for every manner of necessity, except it be Houses in Cities, which be very chargeable to support and maintain.

Dist. 96. Quis nunquam, 3. q. 6. Accusatio 11. q. 1. Continua nullus Testi­monium Relatum Experientiae. Si quisquis. Si quae. Sicut Statuimus, nul­lus de persona. Si quis.

Princes ought to obey Bishops, and the Decrees of the Church, and to submit their Heads unto the Bishops, and not to be judg over the Bishops; for the Bishops ought to be forborn, and to be judged of no Lay-man.

De Major. & obedien. solite.

Kings and Princes ought not to set Bishops beneath them, but reve­rently to rise against them, and to assign them an honourable Seat by them.

11. q. 1. Quicunque. Relatum. Si qui omnes volumus. Placuit.

All manner of Causes, whatsoever they be, Spiritual or Temporal, ought to be determined and judged by the Clergy.

Ibidem Omnes.

No judg ought to refuse the Witness of one Bishop, altho he be but alone.

De Haereticis ad abolendam, & in Clementini ut officium.

Whosoever teacheth or thinketh of the Sacraments otherwise than the See of Rome doth teach and observe, and all they that the same See doth judg Hereticks, be Excommunicate.

And the Bishop of Rome may compel by an Oath, all Rulers and other People, to observe, and cause to be observed, whatsoever the See of Rome shall ordain concerning Heresy, and the Fautors thereof; and who will not obey, he may deprive them of their Dignities.

Clement. de reliq. & venerat. Sanctorum. Si Dominus extravag. de reliq. & venerat. Sanctorum. Cum per excelsa: de poenitent. & remiss. antiquo­rum, & Clemen. unigenitus. Quemadmodum.

We obtain Remission of Sin by observing of certain Feasts, and cer­tain Pilgrimages in the Jubilee, and other prescribed times, by virtue of the Bishop of Rome's Pardons.

De praemiis & remissionibus extravag. ca. 3. Et si Dominici.

Whosoever offendeth the Liberties of the Church, or doth violate any Interdiction that cometh from Rome, or conspireth against the Per­son, or Statute of the Bishop, or See of Rome; or by any ways offen­deth, disobeyeth, or rebelleth against the said Bishop, or See, or that killeth a Priest, or offendeth personally against a Bishop, or other Pre­late; or invadeth, spoileth, withholdeth, or wasteth Lands belonging to the Church of Rome, or to any other Church immediatly subject to the same; or whosoever invadeth any Pilgrims that go to Rome, or any Suitors to the Court of Rome, or that lett the devolution of Causes unto that Court, or that put any new Charges or Impositions, real or perso­nal upon any Church, or Ecclesiastical Person; and generally all other that offend in the Cases contained in the Bull, which is usually published by the Bishops of Rome upon Maundy Thursday; all these can be assoiled by no Priest, Bishop, Arch-Bishop, nor by none other but only by the Bishop of Rome, or by his express license.

2. 4. q. z.

Robbing of the Clergy, and poor Men, appertaineth unto the judg­ment of the Bishops.

23. 9. q.

He is no Man-slayer that slayeth a Man which is Excommunicate.

Dist. 63. Tibi Domino de summa Excommunicationis. Si judex.

Here may be added the most tyrannical and abominal Oaths which the Bishop of Rome exact of the Emperors; in Clement. de jurejurando Romani dist. 6.3, Tibi Domino.

De Consecra. Dist. 1. Sicut.

It is better not to Consecrate, than to Consecrate in a place not Hal­lowed.

De Consecrat. Dist. 5. De his manus, ut reum.

Confirmation, if it be ministred by any other than a Bishop, is of no value, nor is no Sacrament of the Church; also Confirmation is more to be had in reverence than Baptism; and no Man by Baptism can be a christned Man without Confirmation.

De poeniten. Dist. 1. Multiplex.

A penitent Person can have no remission of his Sin, but by supplica­tion of the Priests.

XXVIII. A Mandate for publishing and using the Prayers in the English Tongue.
Mandatum Domino Episcopo London. direct. pro publicatione Regiarum Injunctionum.

Regist. Bonner. Fol. 48.MOst Reverend Father in God, right trusty and right well-beloved, we greet you well, and let you wit, That calling to our remem­brance the miserable state of all Christendom, being at this present, be­sides all other troubles, so plagued with most cruel Wars, Hatred, and Dissensions, as no place of the same almost (being the whole reduced to a very narrow corner) remaineth in good Peace, Agreement, and Concord; the help and remedy whereof far exceeding the power of any Man, must be called for of him who only is able to grant our Peti­tions, and never forsaketh nor repelleth any that firmly believe and faith­fully call on him; unto whom also the example of Scripture encourag­eth us, in all these and other our troubles and necessities, to fly and to cry for aid and succour; being therefore resolved to have continually from henceforth general Processions, in all Cities, Towns, Churches, and Parishes of this our Realm, said and sung, with such reverence and devotion as appertaineth. Forasmuch as heretofore the People, partly for lack of good Instruction and Calling, and partly for that they un­derstood no part of such Prayers or Suffrages as were used to be sung and said, have used to come very slackly to the Procession, when the same have been commanded heretofore; We have set forth certain godly Prayers and Suffrages in our Native English Tongue, which we send you herewith, signifying unto you, That for the special trust and confidence we have of your godly mind, and earnest desire, to the set­ting forward of the Glory of God, and the true worshipping of his [...] Holy Name, within that Province committed by us unto you, we [Page 265] have sent unto you these Suffrages, not to be for a month or two ob­served, and after slenderly considered, as other our Injunctions have, to our no little marvel, been used; but to the intent that as well the same, as other our Injunctions, may be earnestly set forth by preaching good Exhortations and otherwise to the People, in such sort as they feel­ing the godly tast thereof, may godly and joyously, with thanks, receive, embrace, and frequent the same, as appertaineth. Wherefore we will and command you, as you will answer unto us for the contrary, not only to cause these Prayers and Suffrages aforesaid to be published, fre­quented, and openly used in all Towns, Churches, Villages, and Pa­rishes of your own Diocess, but also to signify this our pleasure unto all other Bishops of your Province, willing and commanding them in our Name, and by virtue hereof, to do and execute the same accordingly. Unto whose Proceedings, in the execution of this our Commandment, we will that you have a special respect, and make report unto us, if any shall not with good dexterity accomplish the same; Not failing, as our special trust is in you.

At St. Iames's, Iunii— Regni 36.

Directed to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury.

XXIX. The Articles acknowledged by Shaxton, late Bp of Sarum.

THe First; Almighty God, by the Power of his Word,Regist. Bonner. Fol. 100. pronounced by the Priest at Mass in the Consecration, turneth the Bread and Wine into the natural Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ; so that after the Consecration, there remaineth no Substance of Bread and Wine, but only the substance of Christ, God and Man.

The Second; The said Blessed Sacrament being once Consecrate, is and remaineth still the very Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ, al­though it be reserved, and not presently distributed.

The Third; The same blessed Sacrament being consecrate, is and ought to be worshipped and adored with godly honour wheresoever it is, forasmuch as it is the Body of Christ inseparably united to the Deity.

The Fourth; The Church, by the Ministration of the Priest, offer­eth daily at the Mass for a Sacrifice to Almighty God, the self-same Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ, under the form of Bread and Wine, in the remembrance and representation of Christ's Death and Passion.

The Fifth; The same Body and Blood which is offered in the Mass, is the very propitiation and satisfaction for the sins of the World; for­asmuch as it is the self-same in Substance which was offered upon the Cross for our Redemption: And the Oblation and Action of the Priest is also a Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving unto God for his Bene­fits, [Page 266] and not the satisfaction for the Sins of the World, for that is only to be attributed to Christ's Passion.

The Sixth; The said Oblation, or Sacrifice, so by the Priest offered in the Mass, is available and profitable, both for the Quick and the Dead, altho it lieth not in the power of Man to limit how much, or in what measure the same doth avail.

The Seventh; It is not a thing of necessity, that the Sacrament of the Altar should be ministred unto the People under both kinds, of Bread and Wine: and it is none abuse that the same be ministred to the People under the one kind; forasmuch as in every of both the kinds, whole Christ, both Body and Blood is contained.

The Eighth; It is no derogation to the vertue of the Mass, altho the Priest do receive the Sacrament alone, and none other receive it with him.

The Ninth; The Mass used in this Realm of England, is agreeable to the institution of Christ; and we have in this Church of England, the very true Sacrament, which is the very Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ, under the form of Bread and Wine.

The Tenth; The Church of Christ hath, doth, and may lawfully order some Priests to be Ministers of the Sacraments, altho the same do not preach, nor be not admitted thereunto.

The Eleventh; Priests being once dedicated unto God by the Order of Priesthood, and all such Men and Women as have advisedly made Vows unto God of Chastity or Widowhood, may not lawfully marry, after their said Orders received, or Vows made.

The Twelfth; Secret auricular Confession is expedient and necessary to be retained, continued, and frequented in the Church of Christ.

The Thirteenth; The Prescience and Predestination of Almighty God, altho in it self it be infallible, induceth no necessity to the Action of Man, but that he may freely use the power of his own will or choice, the said Prescience or Predestination notwithstanding.

I Nicholas Shaxton, with my Heart, do believe, and with my Mouth do confess all these Articles above-written to be true in every part.
‘Ne despicias hominem avertentem se a peccato, neque im­properes ei: memento quoniam omnes in corruptione sumus,’Eccles. 8.

XXX. A Letter written by Lethington the Secretary of Scotland, to Sir William Cecil, the Queen of England's Secretary, touch­ing the Title of the Queen of Scots to the Crown of England: By which it appears that K. Henry's Will was not signed by him.

I Cannot be ignorant that some do object as to her Majesties Forreign Birth,Ex MS. D.G. P [...]tyr. and hereby think to make her incapable of the Inheritance of England. To that you know for answer what may be said by an English Patron of my Mistriss's Cause, although I being a Scot will not affirm the same, that there ariseth amongst you a Question; Whether the Realm of Scotland be forth of the Homage and Leageance of England: And therefore you have in sundry Proclamations preceding your Wars­making, and in sundry Books at sundry times, laboured much to prove the Homage and Fealty of Scotland to England. Your Stories also be not void of this intent. What the judgment of the Fathers of your Law is, and what commonly is thought in this Matter, you know better than I, and may have better intelligence than I, the Argument being fitter for your Assertion than mine.

Another Question there is also upon this Objection of Forreign Birth; that is to say, Whether Princes inheritable to the Crown, be in case of the Crown exempted or concluded as private Persons, being Strangers born forth of the Allegiance of England. You know in this case, as divers others, the State of the Crown: the Persons inheritable to the Crown at the time of their Capacity, have divers differences and prerogatives from other Persons; many Laws made for other Persons take no hold in case of the Prince, and they have such Priviledges as other Persons enjoy not: As in cases of Attainders, and other Penal Laws: Exam­ples, Hen. 7. who being a Subject, was attainted; and Ed. 4. and his Father Richard Plantagenet were both attainted; all which notwithstand­ing their Attainders had right to the Crown, and two of them attained the same. Amongst many Reasons to be shewed, both for the differen­ces, and that Forreign Birth doth not take place in the case of the Crown, as in common Persons, the many experiences before the Conquest, and since, of your King's▪ do plainly testify. 2. Of purpose I will name unto you, Hen. 2d. Maud the Empress Son, and Richard of Bourdeaux, the Black Princes Son, the rather for that neither of the two was the King of England's Son, and so not Enfant du Roy, if the word be taken in this strict signification. And for the better proof, that it was always the common Law of your Realm, that in the case of the Crown, For­reign Birth was no Bar; you do remember the words of the Stat. 25. Ed. 3. where it is said, the Law was ever so: Whereupon if you can remember it, you and I fell out at a reasoning in my Lord of Leicester's Chamber, by the occasion of the Abridgment of Rastal, wherein I did shew you somewhat to this purpose; also these words, Infant and Ance­stors be in Praedicamento ad aliquid, and so Correlatives in such sort, as the meaning of the Law was not to restrain the understanding of this word Infant, so strict as only to the Children of the King's Body, but to others inheritable in remainder; and if some Sophisters will needs cavil about the precise understanding of Infant, let them be [Page 268] answered with the scope of this word Ancestors in all Provisions, for Filii, Nepotes and Liberi, you may see there was no difference betwixt the first degree, and these that come after by the Civil Law. Liberorum appella­tione comprehenduntur non solum Filii, verum etiam Nepotes, Pronepotes, Ab­nepotes, &c. If you examine the Reason why Forreign Birth is exclud­ed, you may see that it was not so needful in Princes Cases, as in com­mon Persons. Moreover, I know that England hath oftentimes mar­ried with Daughters, and married with the greatest Forreign Princes of Europe. And so I do also understand, that they all did repute the Chil­dren of them, and of the Daughters of England, inheritable in successi­on to that Crown, notwithstanding the Forreign Birth of their Issue: And in this case I do appeal to all Chronicles, to their Contracts of Marriages, and to the opinion of all the Princes of Christendom. For tho England be a noble and puissant Country, the respect of the Alliance only, and the Dowry, hath not moved the great Princes to match so often in marriage, but the possibility of the Crown in succession. I cannot be ignorant al­together in this Matter, considering that I serve my Sovereign in the room that you serve yours. The Contract of Marriage is extant be­twixt the King, my Mistris's Grandfather, and Queen Margaret, Daugh­ter to King Henry the 7th, by whose Person the Title is devolved on my Sovereign; what her Fathers meaning was in bestowing of her, the World knoweth, by that which is contained in the Chronicles written by Polidorus Virgilius, before (as I think) either you or I was born; at least when it was little thought that this Matter should come in question. There is another Exception also laid against my Soveraign, which seems at the first to be of some weight, grounded upon some Statutes made in King Hen. 8. time, (viz.) of the 28th, & 35th of his Reign, whereby full power and authority was given him the said King Henry, to give, dispose, appoint, assign, declare, and limit, by his Letters Patents un­der his Great Seal, or else by his last Will made in writing, and signed with his hand at his pleasure, from time to time thereafter the Imperial Crown of that Realm, &c. Which Imperial Crown is by some alledged and constantly affirmed to have been limited and disposed, by the last Will and Testament of the said King Hen. 8. signed with his hand be­fore his death, unto the Children of the Lady Francis; and Elenor, Daughter to Mary the French Queen, younger Daughter of Hen. 7. and of Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolk; so as it is thought the Queen, my Soveraign, and all others, by course of Inheritance, be by these Circumstances excluded and fore-closed: So as it does well become all Subjects, such as I am, so my liking is, to speak of Princes, of their Reigns and Proceedings modestly, and with respect; yet I cannot abstain to say, that the Chronicles and Histories of that Age, and your own prin­ted Statutes being extant, do contaminate and disgrace greatly the Reign of that King in that time. But to come to our purpose, what equity and justice was that to disinherit a Race of Forreign Princes of their possibility, and maternal right, by a municipal Law or Statute made in that, which some would term abrupt time, and say, that that would rule the Roast, yea, and to exclude the right Heirs from their Title, with­out calling them to answer, or any for them: well, it may be said, that [...]he injury of the time, and the indirect dealing is not to be allowed; [...]ut since it is done it cannot be avoided, unless some Circumstances [Page 269] material do annihilate the said limitation and disposition of the Crown.

Now let us examine the manner and circumstances how King Hen. 8. was by Statute inabled to dispose the Crown. There is a form in two sorts prescribed him, which he may not transgress, that is to say, either by his Letters Patents, sealed with his Great Seal, or by his last Will, signed with his hand: for in this extraordinary case he was held to an ordinary and precise form; which being not observed, the Letters Pa­tents, or Will, cannot work the intent or effect supposed. And to dis­prove, that the Will was signed with his own hand; You know, that long before his death he never used his own signing with his own hand; and in the time of his Sickness, being divers times pressed to put his hand to the Will written, he refused to do it. And it seemed God would not suffer him to proceed in an Act so injurious and prejudicial to the right Heir of the Crown, being his Niece. Then his death ap­proaching, some as well known to you as to me, caused William Clarke, sometimes Servant to Thomas Henneage, to sign the supposed Will with a stamp, (for otherwise signed it was never); and yet notwithstanding some respecting more the satisfaction of their ambition, and others their private commodity, than just and upright dealing, procured divers ho­nest Gentlemen, attending in divers several Rooms about the King's Per­son, to testifie with their hand-writings the Contents of the said pre­tended Will, surmised to be signed with the King's own hand. To prove this dissembled and forged signed Testament, I do refer you to such Trials as be yet left. First; The Attestation of the late Lord Paget, published in the Parliament in Queen Mary's time, for the restitution of the Duke of Norfolk. Next, I pray you, on my Sovereigns behalf, that the Depositions may be taken in this Matter of the Marquess of Winchester, Lord Treasurer of England, the Marquess of Northampton, the Earl of Pembroke, Sir William Petre then one of King Henry's Se­cretaries, Sir Henry Nevill, Sir Maurice Barkley, Doctor Buts, Edmond Harman Baker, Iohn Osborn Groom of the Chamber, Sir Anthony Den­nis, if he be living, Terris the Chirurgion, and such as have heard David Vincent and others speak in this case; and that their Attestations may be enrolled in the Chancery, and in the Arches, In perpetuam rei me­moriam.

Thirdly; I do refer you to the Original Will surmised to be signed with the King's own hand, that thereby it may most clearly and evi­dently appear by some differences, how the same was not signed with the King's hand, but stamped as aforesaid. And albeit it is used both as an Argument and Calumniation against my Sovereign to some, that the said Original hath been embezelled in Queen Mary's time, I trust God will and hath reserved the same to be an Instrument to relieve the Truth, and to confound false Surmises, that thereby the Right may take place, notwithstanding the many Exemplifications and Transcripts, which be­ing sealed with the great Seal, do run abroad in England, and do carry away many Mens minds, as great presumptions of great variety and va­lidity. But, Sir, you know in cases of less importance, that the whole Realm of England, Transcripts and Exemplifications be not of so great force in Law to serve for the recovery of any thing, either real or per­sonal: And in as much as my Soveraign's Title in this case shall be little [Page 270] advanced, by taking exceptions to others pretended and crased Titles, considering her precedency, I will leave it to such as are to claim after the issue of Hen. the 7th, to lay in Bar the Poligamy of Charles Brandon the Duke of Suffolk; and also the vitiated and clandestine Contract, (if it may be so called) having no witness nor solemnization of Christian Matrimony, nor any lawful matching of the Earl of Hertford and the Lady Katharine. Lastly; The semblably compelling of Mr. Key, and the Lady Mary Sister to the Lady Katherine.

And now, Sir, I have to answer your desire said somewhat brief­ly to the Matter, which indeed is very little, where so much may be said; for to speak truly, the Cause speaketh for it self. I have so long forborn to deal in this matter, that I have almost for­gotten many things which may be said for Roboration of her Right, which I can shortly reduce to my Remembrance, being at Edinburgh where my Notes are: So that if you be not by this satisfied, upon know­ledg from you of any other Objection, I hope to satisfy you unto all things may be said against her. In the mean time I pray you so counsel the Queen, your Soveraign, as some effectual reparation may follow with­out delay, of the many and sundry traverses and dis-favorings committed against the Queen, my Sovereign: as the publishing of so many exem­plifications of King Henry's supposed Will, the secret embracing of Iohn Halles Books, the Books printed and not avowed the last Summer, one of the which my Mistris hath sent by Henry Killigrew to the Queen your Soveraign; The Disputes and Proceedings of Lincolns-Inn, where the Case was ruled against the Queen my Soveraign; The Speeches of sun­dry in this last Session of Parliament, tending all to my Soveraigns de­rision, and nothing said to the contrary by any Man, but the Matter shut up with silence, most to her prejudice; and by so much the more as every Man is gone home setled and confirmed in his Error. And, Lastly, The Queen, your Soveraign's resolution to defend now by Pro­clamations, all Books and Writings containing any discussion of Titles, when the whole Realm hath engendred by these fond proceedings, and other favoured practis [...]s, a setled opinion against my Soveraigns, to the advancement of my Lady Katherines Title. I might also speak of an other Book lately printed and set abroad in this last Session, contain­ing many Untruths and weak Reasons, which Mr. Wailing desired might be answered before the Defence were made by Proclamation. I trust you will so hold hand to the Reformation of all these things, as the Queen, my Soveraign, may have effectual occasion to esteem you her Friend; which doing, you shall never offend the Queen your Mistris, your Country, nor Conscience, but be a favourer of the Truth against Er­rors, and yet deserve well of a Princess, who hath a good heart to re­cognize any good turn, when it is done her, and may hereafter have means to do you pleasure. For my particular, as I have always honoured you as my Father, so do I still remain of the same mind, as one, whom in all things not touching the State, you may direct, as your Son Thomas Cecil, and with my hearty commendations to you, and my Lady, both, I take my leave.

From Striveling, the 14th of Ianuary, 1566.
FINIS.

AN APPENDIX Concerning some of the Errors & Falshoods IN SANDER's Book OF THE English Schism.

AN APPENDIX.

THose who intend to write Romances or Plays, do com­monly take their Plot from some true piece of Histo­ry; in which they fasten such Characters to Persons and Things, and mix such Circumstances and secret Passages, with those publick Transactions and Chan­ges, that are in other Histories; as may more artifici­ally raise these passions and affections in their Readers minds, which they intend to move, than could possibly be done, if the whole story were a meer fiction and contrivance: and tho all Men know those tender passages to flow only fro [...] the invention and fancy of the Poet; yet by I know not what char [...] the greatest part that read or hear their Poems, are softned and sensibly touched.

Some such design Sanders seems to have had in his Book, which he very wisely kept up as long as he lived: he intended to represent the Reformation in the foulest shape that was possible, to defame Queen Elizabeth, to stain her Blood, and thereby to bring her Title to the Crown in question; and to magnify the Authority of the See of Rome, and celebrate Monastick Orders, with all the praises and high characters he could devise: And therefore after he had writ several Books on these Subjects, without any considerable success, they being all rather filled with foul calumnies and detracting malice, than good Arguments, or strong sense, he resolved to try his skill another way; so he intended to tell a doleful Tale, which should raise a detestation of Heresie, an ill Opinion of the Queen, cast a stain on her Blood, and disparage her Ti­tle, and advance the honour of the Papacy. A Tragedy was fitter for these ends, since it left the deepest impressions on the graver and better affections of the mind; the Scene must be laid in England, and King Henry the Eighth and his three Children, with the changes that were in their times, seemed to afford very plentiful Matter for a Man of wit and fancy, who knew where he could dextrously shew his Art, and had boldness enough to do it without shame, or the reverence due, either to crowned Heads, or to Persons that were dead. Yet because he knew not how he could hold up his Face to the World, after these discoveries were made, which he had reason to expect, this was concealed as long as he lived: and after he had died for his Faith (that is, in Rebellion, which I shall shew is the Faith in his stile) this Work of his was published. The stile is generally clean, and things are told in an easy and pleasant way; only he could not use his Art so decently, as to restrain that ma­lice which boiled in his Breast, and often fermented out too palpably in his Pen.

The Book served many ends well, and so was generally much cried up, by Men who had been long accustomed to commend any thing that [Page 274] was useful to them, without troubling themselves with those impertinent Questions, whether they were true or false; yet Rishton and others since that time took the Pencil again in their hands, and finding there were many touches wanting, which would give much life to the whole Piece, have so changed it, that it was afterwards reprinted, not only with a large continuation, that was writ by a much more unskilful Poet, but with so many and great additions, scattered thorough the whole Work, whereby it seemed so changed in the vamping, that it looked new.

If any will give themselves the trouble, to compare his Fable with the History that I have written, and the certain undoubted Authorities I bring in confirmation of what I assert, with the slender and (for the most part) no Authorities, he brings, they will soon be able to discern where the Truth lies: but because all People have not the leisure or op­portunities for laying things so critically together, I was advised, by those whose Counsels directed me in this whole Work, to sum up, in an Appendix, the most considerable Falshoods and Mistakes of that Book, with the Evidences upon which I rejected them. Therefore I have drawn out the following Extraction, which consists of Errors of two sorts. The one is, of the [...]e in which there is indeed no malice, yet they shew the Writer had no [...]ue information of our Affairs, but commits many Faults, which tho they leave not such foul imputations on the Au­thor, yet tend very much to disparage and discredit his Work. But the others are of an higher guilt, being designed Forgeries, to serve partial ends; not only without any Authority, but manifestly contrary to Truth, and to such Records as (in spite of all the care they took in Q. Mary's time by destroying them, to condemn Posterity to Ignorance in these Matters) are yet reserved, and serve to discover the falshood of those Calumnies in which they have traded so long. I shall pursue these Errors in the series in which they are delivered in Sanders his Book, ac­cording to the Impression at Colen 1628, which is that I have. I first set down his Errors, and then a short confutation of them, referring the Reader for fuller information to the foregoing History.

Page 2.1. Sanders says; ‘That when Prince Arthur and his Princess were bedded, King Henry the 7th ordered a grave Matron to lie in the Bed, that so they might not consummate their Marriage.’

This is the ground-work of the whole Fable; and should have been some-way or other proved. But if we do not take so small a circum­stance upon his word, we treat him rudely; and who will write Histo­ries, if they be bound to say nothing but Truth! But little thought our Author that there were three Depositions upon Record, point blank against this, for the Dutchess of Norfolk, the Viscount of Fitswater and his Lady, deposed they saw them bedded together, and the Bed blessed after they two were put in it; besides that such an extravagant thing was never known done in any place.

Ibid.2. Sanders says; ‘Prince Arthur was not then fifteen years of Age, and was sick of a lingring Disease.’

The Plot goes on but scurvily, when the next thing that is brought to confirm it, is contradicted by Records. Prince Arthur was born the 20th of September, in the year 1486, and so was 15 years old and two [Page 275] months passed at the 14th of November 1501, in which he was married to the Princess, and was then of a lively and good Complexion, and did not begin to decay till the Shrovetide following, which was impu­ted to his excesses in the Bed, at the Witnesses deposed.

3. He says;Ibid. ‘Upon the motion for the marrying of his Brother Henry to the Princess, it was agreed to by all, that the thing was lawful.’

It was perhaps agreed on at Rome, where Mony and other political Arts sway their Counsels; but it was not agreed to in England: for which we have no meaner Author, than Warham Arch-Bishop of Canter­bury, who, when examined upon Oath, deposed that himself then thought the Marriage was not honourable nor well-pleasing to God, and that he had thereupon opposed it much, and that the People murmured at it.

4. He says; ‘There was not one Man in any Nation under Heaven,Page 3. or in the whole Church, that spake against it.’

The common Stile of the Roman Church, calling the See of Rome the Catholick Church, must be applied to this, to bring off our Author; otherwise I know not how to save his Reputation. Therefore by all the Nations under Heaven must be understood only the Divines at Rome, tho when it came to be examined, they could scarce find any who would justify it: all the most famous Universities, Divines, and Cano­nists, condemned it, and Warham's Testimony contradicts this plainly, besides the other great Authorities that were brought against it, for which see lib. 2. from pag. 91. to pag. 103.

5. He says, "The King once said, He would not marry the Queen. Page 4.

Here is a pretty Essay of our Authors Art, who would make us think it was only in a transient discourse, that the King said he would not marry Queen Katherine; but this was more maturely done, by a so­lemn Protestation, which he read himself before the Bishop of Winche­ster, that he would never marry her, and that he revoked his consent given under Age. This was done when he came to be of Age, see pag. 36. it is also confessed by Sanders himself.

6. He says; "The Queen bore him three Sons and two Daughters.Ibid.

All the Books of that time speak only of two Sons, and one Daugh­ter; but this is a flourish of his Pen, to represent her a fruitful Mo­ther.

7. He says; ‘The King had sometimes two,Page 5. sometimes three Con­cubines at once.’

It does not appear he had ever any but Elizabeth Blunt; and if we judge of his Life, by the Letters the Popes wrote to him, and many printed Elogies that were published then, he was a Prince of great Pie­ty and Religion all that while.

8. He says;Page 6. ‘The Lady Mary was first desired in marriage by Iames the 5th of Scotland, then by Charles the 5th the Emperor; and then Francis asked her, first for the Dolphin, then for the Duke of Orleance, and last of all for himself.’

[Page 276]But all this is wrong placed, for she was first contracted to the Dol­phin, then to the Emperor, and then treated about to the King of Scot­land; after that it was left to Francis his choice, whether she should be married to himself, or his second Son the Duke of Orleance: So little did our Poet know the publick Transactions of that time.

Ibid.9. He says; ‘She was in the end contracted to the Dolphin: from whence he concludes that all Forreign Princes were satisfied with the lawfulness of the Marriage.’

She was first of all contracted to the Dolphin. Forreign Princes were so little satisfied of the lawfulness of the Marriage, that tho she being Heir to the Crown of England, was a Match of great advantage; yet their Counsellors excepted to it, on that very account, that the Marriage was not good. This was done in Spain, and she was rejected, as a Writer who lived in that time informs us; and Sanders confesses it was done by the French Ambassadour.

Page 7.10. He says; ‘Wolsey was first Bishop of Lincoln, then of Duresme, after that of Winchester, and last of all Arch-Bishop of York; after that he was made Chancellor, then Cardinal and Legate.’

The order of these Preferments is quite reversed; for Wolsey soon af­ter he was made Bishop of Lincoln, upon Cardinal Bembridge his death, was not only promoted to the See of York, but advanced to be a Cardi­nal in the 7th year of the King's Reign: And some months after that, he was made Lord Chancellor; and seven years after that, he got the Bishoprick of Duresme, which six years after he exchanged for Winche­ster. He had heard perhaps that he enjoyed all these Preferments; but knowing nothing of our Affairs beyond hear-say, he resolved to make him rise as Poets order their Heroes by degrees, and therefore ranks his Advancement not according to Truth, but in the method he liked best himself.

Page 8.11. He says; ‘Wolsey first designed the Divorce, and made Longland, that was the King's Confessor, second his motion for it.’

The King not only denied this in publick, saying, That he himself had first moved it to Longland in Confession; and that Wolsey had op­posed it all he could: but in private discourse with Grinaeus told him, he had laboured under these scruples for seven years; septem perpetuis annis trepidatio. Which reckoning from the year 1531, in which Gri­naeus wrote this to one of his Friends, will fall back to the year 1524. long before Wolsey had any provocation to tempt him to it.

Page 9.12. He says; ‘In the year 1526, in which the King was first made to doubt of his Marriage, he was resolved then whom to marry when he was once divorced.’

But by his other Story, Ann Boleyn was then but fifteen years old, and went to France at that Age, where she staied a considerable time be­fore she came to the Court of England.

Ibid.13. He says; ‘The King spent a year in a private search, to see what could be found, either in the Scriptures, or the Pope's Bull, to be made [Page 277] use of against his Marriage; but they could find nothing.’

In that time all the Bishops of England, except Fisher, declared un­der their Hands and Seals, that they thought the Marriage unlawful; for which see pag. 38. and upon what Reasons this was grounded, has been clearly opened, pag. 97.

14. He says;Ibid. ‘If there were any ambiguities in the Pope's first Let­ters (meaning the Bull, for dispensing with the marriage) they were cleared by other Letters, which Ferdinand of Spain had afterwards procured.’

These other Letters (by which he means the Breve) bear date the same day with the Bull; and so were not procured afterwards. There were indeed violent presumptions of their being forged long after, even after the Process had been almost an year in agitation. But tho they helped the matter in some lesser Particulars; yet in the main Business, Whether Prince Arthur did know his Princess, they did it a great preju­dice; for whereas the Bull bore, that by the Queens Petition her for­mer Marriage was perhaps consummated, the Breve bears that in her Pe­tition, the Marriage was said to be consummated, without any perhaps.

15. He says; ‘The King having seen these second Letters,Ibid. both he and his Council resolved to move no more in it.’

The Process was carried on, almost a year, before the Breve was heard of: and the forgery of it soon appeared, so they went on not­withstanding it.

16. He says; ‘The Bishop of Tarby being come from France, Page 10. to con­clude the Match for the Lady Mary, was set on by the King and the Cardinal, to move the exception to the lawfulness of the marriage.’

There is no reason to believe this; for that Bishop, tho afterwards made a Cardinal, never published this: which both he ought to have done as a good Catholick, and certainly would have done as a true Car­dinal, when he saw what followed upon it, and perceived that he was trepanned to be the first mover of a thing, which ended so fatally forthe Interests of Rome.

17. He says; ‘The Bishop of Tarby, Page 11. in a Speech before the King in Council, said, That not he alone, but almost all Learned Men, thought the King's Marriage unlawful and null: so that he was freed from the Bond of it, and that it was against the Rules of the Gospel; and that all Forreign Nations had ever spoken very freely of it, lamenting that the King was drawn into it in his Youth.’

It is not ordinary for Ambassadors to make Speeches in King's Coun [...]cils: But if this be true, it agrees ill with what this Author delivers in his third Page, That there was not a Man in the whole Church, nor un­der Heaven, that spoke against it, otherwise the Bishop of Tarby was both an impudent and a foolish Man.

18. He says; ‘Upon the Pope's Captivity,Page 13. Wolsey was sent over to France with 300000 Crowns to procure the Pope's liberty.’

[Page 278] Hall, Hollingshead, and Stow, say, He carried over 240000 pounds Sterlin, which is more than thrice that sum.

Ibid.19. He says; ‘Two Colleagues were sent in this Ambassy with the Cardinal.’

His greatness was above that, and none are mentioned in the Re­cords.

Ibid.20. He says; ‘Orders followed him to Callais, not to move any thing about the King's Marriage with the French King's Sister, the King ha­ving then resolved to marry Ann Boleyn.’

This agrees ill with what he said pag. 9. that a year before the King was resolved whom to marry.

Ibid.21. He says; ‘King Henry, that he might have freer access to Sir Tho­mas Boleyn's Lady, sent him to France; where after he had stayed two years, his Lady was with Child of Ann Boleyn by the King.’

This Story was already confuted, see pag. 41, 42. And in it there are more than one or two lies.

1. Sir Thomas Boleyn went not Ambassador to France till the 7th year of the King's Reign: And if two years after that, Ann was born, which was the 9th of his Reign, she must then have been but ten years old at this time.

2. Tho he had sent him upon his first coming to the Crown, this could not be true; for two years after, admit her to be born, that is Anno 1511, then a year before this, which was Anno 1526, she was fifteen years old; in which Age, Sanders says, she was corrupted in her Father's House, and sent over to France, where she staid long. But all this is false: For,

3. She was born two years before the King came to the Crown, in the year 1507. and if her Father was sent to France two years before, it was in the year 1505.

4. The King being then Prince, was but fourteen years old, for he was born the 28th of Iune, in the year 1491: in which Age there is no reason to think he was so forward as to be corrupting other Mens Wives, for they will not allow his Brother, when almost two years elder, to have known his own Wife.

As for the other pieces of this Story, that Sir Thomas Boleyn did sue his Lady in the Spiritual Court; that upon the King's sending him word that she was with Child by him, he passed it over; that the King had also known her Sister, and that she had owned it to the Queen, that at the fifteenth year of Ann's Age, she had prostituted her self both to her Fathers Butler, and Chaplain; that then she was sent to France, where she was at first for some time concealed, then brought to Court, where she was so notoriously lewd, that she was called an Hackney; that she afterwards was kept by the French King; that when she came over into England, Sir Thomas Wiat was admitted to base privacies with her, and offered to the King and his Council, that he himself should with his own Eyes see it: And in fine, that she was ugly, mishaped, and monstrous, are such an heap of impudent Lyes, that none but a Fool, as well as a Knave, would venture on such a recital. And for all [Page 279] this, he cites no other Authority but Rastal's Life of Sir Thomas More, a Book that was seen by none but himself; and he gives no other evi­dence that there was any such Book but his own Authority. Nor is it likely that Rastal ever writ More's Life, since he did not set it out with his Works, which he published in one Volume, Anno 1556. It is true, More's Son in Law, Roper, writ his Life, which is since printed, but there is no such Story in it. The whole is such a piece of lying, as if he who forged it, had resolved to out-do all who had ever gone before him: for can it be so much as imagined, that a King could pursue a de­sign for seven years together, of marrying a Woman of so scandalous a Life, and so disagreeable a Person; and that he who was always in the other extream of Jealousie, did never try out these Reports, and would not so much as see what Wiat informed? Nor were these things published in the Libels that were printed at that time, either in the Em­peror's Court, or at Rome. All which shew that this was a desperate contrivance of Malicious Traitors, against their Soveraign Queen Eli­zabeth, to defame and disgrace her. And this I take to be the true rea­son, why none made any full answer to this Book all her time. It was not thought for the Queen's honour to let such Stuff be so much consi­dered as to merit an answer. So that the 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, and 18, pages are one continued Lye.

22. He says;Page 16. ‘Sir Thomas Boleyn hearing the King intended to mar­ry his supposed Daughter, came over in all haste from France, to put him in mind that she was his own Child; and that the King bade him hold his peace for a Fool, for an hundred had lien with his Wife as well as he, but whosesoever Daughter she was, she should be his Wife: and upon that Sir Thomas instructed his Daughter how she should hold the King in her toils.’

Sir Thomas must have thought the King had an ill memory, if he had forgot such a Story: but the one part of this makes him afraid that the King should marry his Daughter, and the other part makes him afraid they should miss their hopes in it: Not to mention how little likely it is, that a King of such high vanity, would have done that which the priva­test Person has an aversion to, I mean, the marrying the Daughter of one whom they know to be a common Prostitute.

23. He says; ‘Wolsey before his return from France, Page 19. sent Gambara to the Pope, desiring him to name himself Vicar of the Papacy, during his captivity.’

This was not done till almost a year after this: and the motion was sent by Staphileus Dean of the Rota, for which see pag. 50.

24. He says;Page 20. ‘None but ill Men and ignorant Persons wrote against the Marriage, but all learned and good Men wrote for it.’

The whole Doctors of the Church, in all Ages, were against it; and no Doctor, ancienter than Cajetan, could ever be found to have writ for it.

25. He says;Ibid. ‘That tho great endeavours were used to perswade Sir Tho. More of the unlawfulness of the marriage, all was in vain.’

[Page 280]Is it probable that the King would have made him Lord Chancel­lor, when he was so earnest in this business, if he had not known that he would have gone along with him in it. By one of his Letters to Cromwel out of the Tower it appears, that he approved the Divorce, and had great hopes of success in it, as long as it was prosecuted at Rome, and founded on the defects in the Bull. And in the 22d year of the King's Reign, when the Opinions of the Universities, and the Books of Learned Men were brought to England against the Marriage, he carried them down to the House of Commons, and made read them there; af­ter which he desired they would report in their Country what they had heard and seen; and then all Men would openly perceive that the King had not attempted this matter of his Will and Pleasure, but only for the discharge of his Conscience. More was a Man of greater integrity than to have said this, if he had thought the Marriage good; so that he has either afterwards changed his mind, or did at this time dissemble too artificially with the King.

Page 22.26. After a long flourish about the King's secret fears and apprehen­sions, and the perplexities the Cardinal was in, which must pass for a piece of his Wit, that is to say, Lying, for he knew none of their thoughts; He says, ‘That Gardiner and Sir Francis Brian were sent to the Pope together, Gardiner being then Secretary of State.’

In this there are only three gross mistakes. First, Gardiner was not sent with the first Message to the Pope, Secretary Knight carried it.

2. Sir Francis Brian went never to Rome with Gardiner: It is true, a year after the commencing the Sute, Sir Francis Brian was sent to Rome, and about a month after him Gardiner was also sent; so tho they were both together at Rome, yet they were not sent thither together.

3. Gardiner was not Secretary of State, but was Wolsey's Secretary, when he went first to Rome, and was made a Privy Counsellor when he was sent thither the second time; and was not Secretary of State till some months after his return from his Journey the last time.

Page 23.27. He says; ‘They made the Pope believe that the Queen would willingly retire into a Monastery.’

This was on the contrary a contrivance of the Popes, who thought it the easiest way to bring the Matter to a good issue; but in England they had no hopes of it, and so always diverted the motion when it was proposed by the Pope.

Ibid.28. He says; 'The Pope said he would consult with some Cardinals and Divines, and do all that he could lawfully do to give the King sa­tisfaction.

Upon the first motion of it, the Pope frankly granted the King's de­sire; and gave a Bull with a Commission upon it: And only consulted some Cardinals about the methods of doing it. And did assure the King, that he would not only do every thing that could be granted in Law or Justice, but whatsoever he could grant out of the fulness of his Power. It is true, afterwards when the Pope changed his measures, and resolved to agree with the Emperor, he pretended he understood not these things himself, but would needs turn it over upon the Cardinals and Divines.

[Page 281]29. He says;Page 24. ‘All the Cardinals were of a mind that the Marriage was good.’

Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor, by the force of that mighty Argument of 4000 Crowns, changed his mind. All the other Cardinals were forward in granting the King's desires, for which he wrote them a Let­ter of Thanks.

30. He says; ‘The Pope granted the Commission to the two Legats,Page 26. not doubting but it was true, that had been told him of the Queens readiness to go into a Monastery.’

The Pope knew she would not yield to any such thing; but when he granted that Commission, he sent with Campegio a Decretal Bull, an­nulling the Marriage: and sent afterwards a promise never to avocate the Process, but to confirm what Sentence the Legats should give; tho soon after he broke his promise most signally. And since he had often dispensed with others for breaking their Faith, he might think that it was hard to deny him the same priviledg for himself.

31. He says;Ibid. ‘The Pope understanding that the Queen did not con­sent to the Propositions that were made, and that he had been abused, sent after Campegio, when he was on his Journey, that he should not proceed to a Sentence without a new order.’

The Pope sent Campana to England after Campegio, to assure the King he would do every thing for him that he could do out of the fulness of his Power: And ordered the same Person to charge Cardinal Campegio to burn the Decretal Bull, which he had sent by him: In all which the Pope, as appears by the Original Letters, was only governed by poli­tick Maxims, and considered nothing but the dangers himself was like to fall in; tho Sanders would perswade us, he was ready to run the hazard of all these.

32. He says; ‘The King by his Letters to the Pope, did,Page 30. at the same time that he was moving scruples about his own Marriage, transact about a Dispensation for a marriage betwixt his own natural Son the Duke of Richmond, and his Daughter the Lady Mary.’

Tho the whole Dispatches at that time, both to and from Rome, be most happily preserved, there is not the least mention of any such de­sign: and can any body think that if any such motion had been made, the Pope would not have taken great advantages from it, and that these Letters would not have been afterwards published? But this Sanders thought was a pretty embellishment of his Fable; and of a piece with this is his next.

33. He says; ‘The King did under his own hand confess,Ibid. he had known Ann Boleyn's Sister Mary, and desired the Pope would dispence with his marrying Ann notwithstanding that.’

The falshood of this appears from the recital of it: And how came it that these Letters were not published? Nor is there any mention of this in all the Dispatches I have seen. And it is not possible that in so many conferences which the English Ambassadors had with the Pope, [Page 282] these two things should never have been discoursed of. And can it be thought credible that at the same time when the King pretended such scruples and troubles of Consciences, he could be guilty of so much folly and impudence, as to put himself thus in the Pope's Mercy, by two such demands. This was a forgery of Cardinal Pole's, which San­ders greedily catched to dress up the Scene.

Page 34.34. From page 34, to 42, there is a trifling account given of the Reasons brought against the Marriage, which Sanders answers manfully, and fights couragiously against the Man of Straw he had set up. But if that be compared with what has been opened in the History, it will ap­pear how lame and defective his account is.

Page 42.35. He says; ‘Clarke Bishop of Bath and Wells, Tonstal Bishop of London, and West Bishop of Ely, writ for the lawfulness of the King's marriage.’

All the Bishops, except Fisher, had a year before this given it under their Hands and Seals, that the King's marriage was unlawful: and in all the Memorials of that time, Fisher is the only Bishop I find mentioned to have writ for it. Tonstall was also soon after translated to Duresme, which none that have considered that King's temper, will think could have been done, if he had interposed in so tender a Point, against what the King so vehemently desired.

Ibid.36. He says; ‘That Abel, Powel, Fetherston, and Ridley, also writ for the marriage.’

This is not likely of the second and third, for they being afterwards attainted of Treason, no such Books were objected to them; but the Crime charged on them, was only that they said, the King's marriage with Q. Katharine was good.

Page 43.37. He says; ‘All things appeared clear in the Trial before the Le­gats, in behalf of the Marriage, so that they could give no Sentence against such full evidence as was brought for it.’

This is said without any regard to Truth; for all the Matter of Fact that had been alledged, was clearly proved for the contrary side. It was proved that Prince Arthur married the Queen: violent presumpti­ons appeared of his consummating the Marriage: It was also proved that the King was under age when the Bull was obtained, and that the Petitions given in his Name, upon which the Bull was granted, were false: That the King had not desired it, but when he came of Age he had protested against it: And that there was no hazard of a War be­tween Spain and England, the preventing which was the chief reason set down in the Bull that permitted it. So that all that had been infor­med at Rome, as to matter of Fact, was fully proved before the Legats, by clear Instruments, and many and noble Witnesses.

Ibid.38. He puts a long bold speech in Campegio's Mouth, who was far from assuming such freedom; but lived licentiously in England, in all manner of disorders, of which both he and his Bastard Son were guilty. And by dissembling, and other Arts, perswaded the King to delay the [Page 283] Process, from day to day, giving him full assurances, that in conclusion he should obtain what he desired: and by such means he gain'd time, and drew out the Trial, till the Pope had ended his Treaty with the Emperor; and then he served him an Italian trick, by adjourning the Court.

39. He says; ‘Some Doctors being corrupted with the King's Mony,Page 48. declared for him; but those were none of the most learned.’

The King ordered those he sent, not to give or promise any thing to any Person, till they had delivered their Opinion freely: upon which some of them wrote to him, that they would answer upon their heads, that they had followed his Orders in that particular.

40. He says;Ibid. ‘These Determinations were published in the names of the Universities, to deceive the World by a false representation of so great Authorities.’

Were the publick Seals of the Universities put to their determinati­ons, after a long debate, all being required to deliver their Consciences upon Oath, and done with the unanimous consent of the whole faculty in some places, false representations? This was done in Italy, in Padua, Bononia, Ferrara, and Millan, under the Pope and the Emperors Eye, and within their Dominions.

41. He says;Page 50. ‘Endeavours were used to corrupt the University of Colen, and some others in Germany, for which great sums were offered, and that the King was at a vast expence in it.’

Crooks accompts shew that his expence in Italy was very inconsiderable. And who can imagine that when Paris, Padua, and Bononia, had decla­red for the King, he would be much concerned for Colen, or any other University in Germany? Those who will believe Sanders, and such Au­thors as he quotes, Cochleus, and an unknown Bishop of Brasile, may if they will.

42. He says;Page 51. ‘In Oxford the King not being able to obtain a satis­factory answer in that Matter, eight Students of the University broke into the place where the Seal was laid, and put it to an Answer, which passed for the determination of the University.’

The Lord Herbert says, there was an Original Instrument passed, which he saw; by which the University did appoint a Committee of 33 Doctors and Batchelors of Divinity to examine the Questions proposed by the King, and to set the Seal of the University to any Answer that they should agree on: and these did afterwards give a Resolution against the lawfulness of the Marriage.

43. ‘He tells a long Story of the King's endeavours to gain Reginald Pole, and that he came over to England;Page 52. and being much pressed by his Kindred to comply with the King, he went to him, fully pur­posed to have done it: but could not speak a word to him, till he re­solved to talk to him in another stile; and then he found his tongue, and spake very freely to the King, who put his hands sometimes to his Poynard, intending to have killed him; but was overcome with the [Page 284] simplicity and humility of his Discourse: and so the King continued his Pension to him, and gave him leave to go back to Padua.’

This is another pretty adventure of one of the Hero's of the Ro­mance, but has this misfortune in it, that it is all without any proof: for as none of the Books of that time ever mention it, so neither did Pole himself pretend to have carried so, in his Book, tho written with the most provoking insolence that was possible. In it he mentions his going over to England, but not one word of any such discourse with the King. And King Henry was not a Man of such a temper, as to permit one of Pole's quality to go out of England, and live among his Enemies, and continue his Pensions to him, if he had to his face opposed him in a Matter he laid so much to heart.

Page 53.44. He says; ‘Fisher of Rochester, and Holman Bishop of Bristol, wrote for the Marriage.’

There was no Bishoprick, nor Bishop of Bristol at that time, nor thirteen years after.

Ibid.45. ‘Many are reckoned up who wrote for the Marriage in all Na­tions.’

These are neither to be compared in number, nor authority, to those who wrote against it; an hundred Books were shewed in Parliament, written by Divines, and Lawyers beyond Sea, besides the determinati­ons of twelve of the most celebrated Universities in Europe. The Em­peror did indeed give so great Rewards, and such good Benefices, to those who wrote against the King, that it is a wonder there were not more Writers of his side.

Page 56.46. He says; ‘That upon Warham Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's death, the Earl of Wiltshire told the King that he had a Chaplain, who was at his House, that would certainly serve the King in the matter of his Di­vorce; upon which Cranmer was promoted.’

Cranmer was no stranger to the King at this time: he was first recom­mended by the King to the Earl of Wiltshire, to be kept in his House; but was in Germany, when Warham died, and made no haste over, but delayed his Journey some months. It is true, he was of the mind that the King ought to be divorced; but this was not out of servile compli­ance, for when the King pressed him in other things that were against his Conscience, he expressed all the courage and constancy of mind which became so great a Prelate.

Ibid.47. He say's; ‘That Cranmer being to swear the Oath of Obedience to the Pope, before he was consecrated, did protest to a Publick Nota­ry, that he took it against his will; and that he had no mind to keep his Faith to the Pope, in prejudice to the King's Authority.’

He did not protest that he did it unwillingly, nor was it only to a No­tary, but twice at the high Altar he repeated the Protestation that he made; which was to this effect, That he intended not thereby to ob­lige himself to any thing, contrary to the Law of God, the King's Pre­rogative, or the Laws of the Land; nor to be restrained from speak­ing, advising, or consenting to any thing that should concern the Re­formation [Page 285] of the Christian Faith, the Government of the Church of England, and the Prerogative of the Crown and Kingdom.

48. He says;Page 57. ‘Cranmer did in all things so comply with the King's Lusts, that the King was wont to say he was the only Man that had ne­ver contradicted him in any thing he had a mind to.’

Cranmer was both a good Subject, and a modest and discreet Man, and so would obey and submit as far as he might, without sin: yet when his Conscience charged him to appear against any thing that the King pres­sed him to, as in the matter of the six Articles, he did it with much reso­lution and boldness.

49. He says; ‘The King going over to Calais, Page 58. carried Ann Boleyn se­cretly with him.’

He carried her over in great state, having made her Marchioness of Pembroke; and in the publick Interview between him and Francis, she appeared with all possible splendor.

50. He says; ‘After the King's return from France, Page 59. he brought the Action of Premunire against all the Clergy.’

This is an Error of two years, for so long before this Voyage to France was that action begun: and the Clergy about 28 months before had made their submission, and obtained their pardon in March 1531, which appears by the printed Statutes, and the King went over to France in September 1532; so that it is clear Sanders never looked for any veri­fication of what he wrote.

51. He says; ‘The King by an unheard-of Tyranny,Ibid. and a new Ca­lumny, brought this Charge against the Clergy.’

These Laws upon which the Charge was founded, had been oft re­newed: they were first made under Edward the First, by reason of the Papal Encroachments that gave the rise to them; they were oft confir­med by Edward the Third, Richard the Second, Henry the Fourth, and Henry the Fifth, with the concurrence of their Parliaments; so the Charge was neither new nor tyrannical.

52. He says; ‘The Clergy submitted to the King,Ibid. being betrayed by their Metropolitanes Cranmer and Lee.’

The submission was made two years before Cranmer was Arch-Bishop, in March 1531, and Cranmer was Consecrated in March 1533. but at that time Warham sate in Canterbury; as for Lee, he opposed it for some time.

53. He says; ‘The whole Clerg [...] petitioned the King,Ibid. to forgive their Crime, according to that Supreme Power which he had over all the Clergy and Laity, within his Kingdom; from whence the King's Counsellors took occasion afterwards to call him Supreme Head.’

The Clergy did in the Title of their Submission call the King in for­mal terms, Supreme Head of the Church and Clergy of England, as far as by the Law of Christ is lawful: to which Fisher, with the rest of the Convo­cation subscribed. And all this was done when More was Chancellor.

[Page 286] Page 62.54. He says; ‘When the King went to marry Ann Boleyn, he per­swaded Rowland Lee, made soon after Bishop of Coventry and Litchfield, to officiate in it, assuring him he had obtain'd a Bull for it from Rome, which was then lying in his Cabinet. Upon which Lee giving credit to what he said, did marry them.’

This is another trial of Sander's wit, to excuse Lee, who tho at this time he complied absolutely with the King, yet did afterwards turn over to the Popish Party; therefore to make him look a little clean, this Story must be forged. But at that time all the World saw that the Pope and the Emperor were so linked together, that Lee could not but know that no such thing was possible. And he was so obsequious to the King, that such Arts were needless to perswade him to any thing the King had a mind to.

Page 67.55. For five pages he runs out in repetition of all those foul Lyes concerning Ann Boleyn, by which he designed both to disgrace the Re­formers, who were supported by her, and to defame her Daughter Queen Elizabeth, which have been before confuted: after that he says, ‘Queen Katharine, with three Maids and a small Family, retired into the Country.’

She had both the respect of a Princess Dowager, and all the Jointure contracted to her by Prince Arthur; so she could not be driven to that straitness, but this must go for an Ornament in the Fable.

Page 71.56. He says; ‘It was concluded, that Cranmer might be more free to pass Sentence, that there should be an Oath imposed on the Clergy, for paying the same Obedience to the King that they had paid the Pope:’ upon which he tells a long formal Story, for two pages, ‘That it was resolved to draw Fisher into it, to swear Obedience to the King in all Ecclesiastical Causes, with that exception, as far as is lawful, according to the Word of God; which he did, and perswaded others to do it; and upon this Cranmer taking the New Oath, went and pronounced judgment for Divorce.’

There is not one tittle of this true, for there was no Oath sworn about the King's Supremacy at this time. The Story of Fisher, is that which was done by the Convocation two years before Cranmers preferment, nor was there any Oath taken then, or at this time. It is true, two years after this, Gardiner, Stokesley, and many other Bishops, did of their own accord take such an Oath; but there was no Law for it till the 28th year of the King's Reign.

Page 72.57. He says; ‘One Richard Risey (or Rouse, according to the Re­cords) was hired by Ann Boleyn to poison Fisher.’

Rouse was boiled alive for poisoning the Bishop's Family, but did not discover any that set him on it: Which none can think but he would have done, if the Queen had hired him to it, and had then deserted him, to perish in so horrid a manner.

Page 73.58. He says; ‘Cranmer being by Authority of Parliament freed from his Oath to the Pope, and bound by a new one to the King, went now confidently to pronounce Sentence.’

[Page 287]The Parliament did not put down the Pope's Authority for eight months after this, and appointed no new Oath till three years after; For Cranmer sat in Judgment as Primate of England, and Legate of the Apostolick See.

59. He says; ‘Cranmer carried some Bishops with him,Ibid. and having cited the Queen, without hearing her, he gave sentence against the Marriage.’

Gardiner, Stokesly, Clark, and Longland, the Bishops of Winchester, London, Bath, and Lincoln, went with him. He could not hear the Queen, when she would not appear: but he examined all the Instru­ments and Evidences that had been brought in the whole Process.

60. He says; ‘The Pope would not proceed against the King,Page 75. till he met with the French King at Marseilles: but that the English Am­bassadors did there carry so insolently, that Francis was ashamed of their behaviour; and desired the Pope to proceed against the King as he thought fit, and that he should never defend him more, but should be against him.’

Here the Romance goes on too grosly, for the Pope and the French King agreed at Marseilles to bring this matter to an issue: the Pope de­clared he thought the King's Cause was just and right; and promised, if the King would send a full submission to Rome, he would give sentence in his favours: Upon which the French King sent over the Bishop of Pa­ris, who prevailed with the King to do it; tho this afterwards came to nothing. It is true, Bonner who was always officious and forward when there was any thing to be got by it, being sent to Marseilles by the King, to deliver an Appeal in the King's Name to the Pope, to the next Gene­ral Council; and perhaps knowing nothing of the private Transactions between the Pope and the French King, it being a Secret of too great importance to be communicated to such a hot-brain'd Man, did deliver his Message to the Pope in such provoking language, that the Pope talked of throwing him into a boiling Cauldron; and he was fain to fly for it.

61. He says; The Pope returning to Italy, Page 76. after he had again most "carefully reviewed the whole Cause, gave sentence.

This was so precipitated, that they would not stay six days beyond the time which they prefixed, for the return of the Messenger that was sent to England: but dispatched that, which by the forms of their Court should have been done in three Consistories, all in one day.

62. He says; ‘Upon this Sentence, the King being enraged,Page 78. did command Queen Katharine to be only called Princess, and declared her Daughter the Lady Mary a Bastard.’

Both these were done five months before the Pope's Sentence, and soon after, the Sentence was pronounced by Cranmer. And these were the natural consequences of it; for the Marriage being annulled, neither could she be longer a Queen, nor her Daughter Princess any more.

63. He says;Ibid. ‘The King imprisoned F. Forest a Franciscan Ob­servant, a most holy and learned Man, for contradicting Latimer, [Page 288] when he was enveighing against the Pope's Authority.’

Concerning this Forest, I have seen an Original Letter of one List a Frier of the same House, a year after this, that says Forest was a great scandal to their House, and was very ignorant: and that tho he had been much against the King in his Marriage, yet he had then insinuated himself into his favour, of which many of the House, who were for the King's Cause, had great apprehensions. In the same Letter he writes how cruel they were against any of their Brethren, who they thought discovered any thing that was done among them; and that one Rains­croft, a Brother, whom they suspected to have informed what passed among them, was cruelly used, and kept in Prison till he died; which he chiefly imputes to Forest. This Friar swore the King's Supremacy, and yet at the same time was perswading others not to do it; and being questioned upon it, said, He took the Oath only with his Outward, but not with his Inward Man; and for that, and his denying the Gospel, he was burnt as an obstinate Heretick.

Page 79.64. He says; ‘Abell, Powel, and Fetherston, were put in Prison be­cause they consulted with the Maid of Kent.’

This is only charged upon the former of these, but the two latter are not accused of any such thing.

Ibid.65. He says; ‘Elizabeth being born the 8th of September, but five months after the King had publickly married her Mother, could not be the lawful issue of that Marriage.’

This is a malacious Lye, for himself confessed that the King was mar­ried to her Mother, the 14th of November the former year; between which, and the 8th of September, there were ten months; nor was the King ever after that married publickly to the Queen. For what he calls a publick Marriage, was only the shewing her openly as Queen. But the design of this Lye is so visible that it needs not be opened.

Ibid.66. He says; ‘The King's Daughter Mary, who was then present, could never be induced to think she was the King's Child.’

In the former page he said Mary was sent to her Mother, and now forgetting himself too soon, he says, she was present when Elizabeth was born. What Mary's thoughts were, none can tell, but she pub­lickly acknowledged Her to be her Sister, tho she did not use her as one.

Page 80.67. He says; ‘Elizabeth Barton, who was famed for her sanctity, and six with her, who thought she was inspired by the Holy Ghost, were accused in Parliament.’

Those six knew that she was not inspired; and that all that was gi­ven out about her, was a contrivance of theirs, who had instructed her to play such tricks; as was proved by their own Confessions and other Evidences.

Ibid.68. He says; ‘They all died very constantly: and on the Margent calls them seven Martyrs.’

The Nun her self acknowledged the Imposture at her death, and laid the heaviest weight of it, on the Priests that suffered with her, who [Page 289] had taught her the Cheat: so that they died both for Treason and Im­posture. And this being Sander's Faith, as appeared by his Works, they were indeed Martyrs for it.

69. He says; ‘More and Fisher having examined her,Ibid. could see no ground to think she was acted by a Fanatical Spirit, as it was given out.’

It was not given out that she was acted by a Fanatical Spirit, for that had been more honest; but her Spirit was cheating and knavery. More cleared himself, and looked on her as a weak Woman, and commonly called her the Silly Maid: But Fisher did disown her when the Cheat was discovered, though he had given her too much encouragement before.

70. He says; ‘The thing she prophesied came to pass; which was,Page 81. that Mary should be Queen of England.’

The thing for which She and her Complices were attainted of Trea­son, was, that she said, If the King married Ann Boleyn, he should not be a King a month longer, and not an hour longer in the sight of God, and should die a Villains death. But it did not serve Sander's ends to tell this.

71. He says; ‘The day she suffered,Ibid. many of the Nobility came and swore to the Succession of the Issue of the King's marriage with Queen Ann, before the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chan­cellor, and Cromwel.’

Both Houses of Parliament, did in the House of Lords take that Oath, on the day of their Prorogation, which was the 30th of March, as appears by the second Act of the next Session: and the Nun, with her Complices, did not suffer till the 21 of April after.

72. He says; ‘The Franciscans of the Observance,Ibid. chiefly two Fa­thers in London, Elston and Payton, did, both in their Sermons and publick Disputes, justifie the King's marriage with Q. Katharine.’

Elston and Payton, were not of London but of Greenwich. They compared the King to Achab, and said, in the Pulpit to his face, The Dogs should lick his Blood; with many other such virulent Expressions. But to rail at a Prince with the most spiteful reproaches that could be, was a part of Sanders's Faith: and so no wonder those pass for Confes­sors, when Elizabeth Barton and her Complices are reckoned Martyrs.

73. He says; ‘Tonstal Bishop of Duresme, Page 82. was ordered by the King's Messengers, not to come to the Session of Parliament 26 Regni, in which the King's Supremacy was established.’

In this he is safer than in some other Stories, for the Journals of that Session are lost, so the falshood of this cannot be demonstrated: yet it is not at all likely, that he who justified all that was done in the former Session, in which the Pope's Power was put down, the nomination of Bishops annexed to the Crown, a Reformation of Ecclesiastical Laws ap­pointed to be made, in defence of all which he wrote afterwards, was now so scrupulous as to be ordered to stay at home. But Tonstal suffering im­prisonment [Page 290] in Edward the Sixth's time, it was fit to use some art to shew that he was unwillingly brought to comply with the King.

Ibid.74. ‘He, to shew God's Judgments on the chief Instruments that served the King, says, That the Duke of Norfolk was by the King condemned to perpetual imprisonment.’

This bewrays palpable ignorance, since he was attainted of High Treason, the very day before the King's death, and should have suffered the next day, if the King's death had not prevented it. But since he will descant on the Providence of God, he should rather have concluded that his escaping so narrowly, was a sign of God's great care of him.

Ibid.75. In the Session of Parliament that met the third of November (as he describes it, which was the 26th year of the King's Reign) he says, ‘Mary the King's Daughter was illegitimated, and all her honours were transferred on Elizabeth, and the Pope's Power put down.’

This shews he never looked on our publick Statutes; otherwise he had seen that these Acts passed in the former Session.

Page 84.76. He says; ‘When the King sent his Ambassadours to the French Court, Francis would not so much as hear them give a justification of the King's proceedings.’

How true this can be, the World may judg, since these two Kings continued in a firm Alliance eight years after this. And Francis did of­ten treat, both with him and the Princes of Germany, about these things, and was inclined to do almost all that he did.

Ibid.77. He says; ‘The Lutherans did so abominate the grounds of his separation from Rome, that they could never be induced to approve it; for which he cites Cochleus, an Author of his own kidney.’

They did condemn the King's first marriage as unlawful, and thought the Pope's Dispensation had no force: and so far they approved it. But they had this singular Opinion, that he should have continued unmar­ried as long as Q. Katharine lived. Yet in that they were so modest that they only desired to be excused, as to the second Marriage: which considering that Queen Ann favoured their Doctrine, and that by an absolute compliance with what the King had done, they might have se­cured his Protection to themselves, whom otherwise they provoked highly, is an evidence of a strict adhering to what their Consciences di­ctated, that cannot be sufficiently commended.

Page 85.78. He says; ‘The King made many write Apologies for what he did; which some did willingly, being tainted with Heresie, others unwillingly, and for fear, as Gardiner and Tonstall.’

In this he shews how little judgment he had of the nature of things, when he thinks to excuse their writing for the King, as extorted by force: To have done it thorough Error and Mistake, was much the sof­ter excuse; but to make them Men of such prostituted Consciences, as not only to subscribe and swear, but to write with Learning and Zeal, and yet against their Consciences, represents them guilty of unexpressible baseness. Indeed Gardiner was a Man like enough to write any thing [Page 291] that might please the King; but Tonstall was a Man of greater probity, than to have done so unworthy a thing upon any account whatsoever. But since he mentioned Writers, he should have named Longland Bishop of Lincoln, Stokeley Bishop of London, and above all Bonner, who did officiously thrust himself into the debate, by writing a Preface to Gar­diner's Book, with the greatest vehemence that could be. But the Blood he shed afterwards did so endear him to this Author, that all past Faults were forgiven and to be clean forgotten.

79. He says;Page 86 ‘Five Martyrs suffered because they would not swear the King's Supremacy according to the Law that was then passed.’

There was no such Law made at that time, nor could any such Oath be then put to them. The only Oath which the Parliament had ena­cted, was the Oath of the Succession, and the refusing it was only mis­prision of Treason, and was not punishable by death. But it was for deny­ing the King's Supremacy, and for writing and speaking both against it, and his marriage, that they suffered according to Law.

80. He says; ‘Cromwel threatned the Jury, in the King's name,Page 87. with certain death, if they did not bring them in guilty.’

Every Body that knows the Law of England, will soon conclude this to be a Lye: for no such threatnings were ever made in Trials in this Nation. Nor was there any need at this time, for the Law was so plain, and their Facts so clearly proved, that the Jury could not refuse to bring them in guilty.

81. He says; The three Carthusians that suffered,Pag. 88, 89 were made stand upright and in one place fourteen days together, with Irons about their Necks, Arms, and Legs, before they died: and then with great pomp he describes their Death in all its parts, as if it had been a new-devised cruelty, it being the Death which the Law appoints for Traitors. He tells, that Cromwel lamented that others of them had died in their Cells, and so prevented his cruelty. He also adds a long story of the severities against the Franciscans.

All this he drew from his learning in the Legend. The English Na­tion knows none of these Cruelties, in which the Spanish Inquisitors are very expert. I find, by some Original Letters, that the Carthusians who were shut up in their Cells, lived about a year after this; so if Cromwel had designed to take away their lives, he wanted not opportunities: but it appears from what More writ in his Imprisonment, that Cromwel was not a cruel Man, but on the contrary, merciful and gentle. And for the Franciscans, tho they had offended the King highly, two of them railing spitefully at him to his Face, in his Chappel at Greenwich: Yet that was passed over with a Reproof, from which it appears that he was not ea­sily provoked against them. So all that Relation which he gives, being without any Authority, must pass for a part of the Poem.

82. He says; ‘The Bishop of Rochester was condemned,Page 91. because he would not acknowledg the King's Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Mat­ters.’

[Page 292]He was never pressed to acknowledg it, but was condemned for de­nying it, and speaking against it: for had he kept his Opinion to him­self, he could not have been questioned. But the denying the King's Titles, of which his being Supream Head was one, was by the Law Treason; so he was tried for speaking against it, and not for his not ac­knowledging it.

Page 93.83. ‘He runs out in an high commendation of Fisher, and among other things mentions his Episcopal and Apostolical Charity.’

His Charity was burning indeed. He was a merciless Prosecutor of Hereticks, so that the rigor of the Law, under which he fell, was the same measure that he had measured out to others.

Page 100.84. Sanders will let the World see how carefully he had read the Le­gend, and how skilfully he could write after that Copy, in a prety Fa­bulous Story concerning More's death; to whom I will deny none of the Praises due to his memory, for his great learning, and singular pro­bity: nor had he any blemish, but what flowed from the Leaven of that cruel Religion, which carried him to great severities against those that preached for a Reformation. His Daughter Roper was a Woman of great Vertue, and worthy of such a Father, who needed none of San­ders's Art to represent her well to the World. His Story is; ‘That the morning her Father died, she went about distributing all the Mony she had in Alms to the Poor: and at last was at her Prayers in a Church, when of a sudden she remembred that she had forgot to pro­vide a Winding-sheet for his Body; but having no more Mony left, and not being well known in that place, she apprehended they would not give her credit: Yet she went to a Linnen-Drapers Shop, and cal­ling for so much Cloth, she put her hand in her Pocket, knowing she had nothing in it, but intending to make an excuse, and try if they would trust her. But by a Miracle she found the price of the Sheet, and neither more nor less was conveighed into her Pocket.’ This is such a lively essay of the Man's Spirit that invented it, that I leave it without any further Commentary.

Page 105.58. He says; ‘Lee that was not in Orders, was sent to visit the Mo­nasteries, who sollicited the chastity of the Nunns.’

He does not mention Leighton and London the two chief Visitors, for Leighton brought in Lee: but they were of the Popish Party, and Lee was Cranmer's Friend, therefore all must be laid on him. He was in Orders, and soon after was made Dean of York. I have seen complaints of Dr. London's solliciting the Nuns, yet I do not find Lee complained of. But since London was a Persecutor of Hereticks, such a small kind­ness as the concealing his Name, and the turning the blame over on Lee, was not to be stood on among Friends, especially by a Man of Sander's ingenuity.

Page 107.86. For the correspondence between Q. Katharine and Father Forest, and the Letters that past; since Sanders tells us not a word how he came by them, we are to look on them as a piece of the Romance.

[Page 293]87. He says;Page 114. ‘Ann Boleyn bore a monstrous and a mishaped lump of Flesh, when the time of her bearing another Child came.’

She bore a dead Child before the time, says Hall; but there was no great reproach in that, unless made up by Sanders's wit.

88. He lays out the business of Ann Boleyn with so much spite and malice,Page 115. that we may easily see against whom he chiefly designed this part of his Work. He says; ‘She was found guilty of Adultery and Incest.’

There was no Evidence against her, but only a hear-say from the La­dy Wingfield: we neither know the credit of that Lady, nor of the Person who related it in her name. It is true, Mark Smeton did confess his Adultery with the Queen, but it was generally thought he was drawn into it by some promises that were made to him, and so chea­ted out of his Life; but for the Queen, and the other four, they at­tested their innocency to the last: nor would any of those unfortunate Persons redeem their lives at so ignominious a rate, as to charge the Queen, whom they declared they knew to be innocent; so that all the Evidence against her, was an hear-say of a Woman that was dead, the Confession of a poor Musician, and some idle words her self spake of the Discourses that had passed between her, and some of those Gen­tlemen.

89. He says; ‘Foreigners did generally rejoice at her fall;Page 116. and to prove this, he cites Cochleus's words, that only shew that Author's ill opinion of her.’

The Germans had so great a value of her, that all their correspon­dence with the King fell to the ground with her: but he may well cite Cochleus, an Author of the same honesty with himself, from whose writings we may with the like security make a judgment of Forreign Matters, as we may upon Sanders's testimony believe the account he gives of English Affairs.

90. He tells us, among other things done by the King,Page 117. and picks it out as the only instance he mentions of the King's Injunctions, ‘that the People should be taught in Churches the Lord's Prayer, the Ave, the Creed, and the Ten Commandments, in English.’

It seems this Author thought the giving these Elements of Religion to the People in the vulgar Tongue, a very heinous Crime, when this is singled out from all the rest.

91. ‘That being done, he says, there was next a Book published,Ibid. called Articles, appointed by the King's Majesty, which were the six Articles.’

This shews that he either had no information of English Affairs, or was sleeping when he wrote this: for the Six Articles were not pub­lished soon after the Injunctions, as he makes it, by the same Parlia­ment and Convocation, but three years after, by another Parliament: They were never put in a Book, nor published in the King's Name; they were Enacted in Parliament, and are neither more nor less than 25 [Page 294] lines in the first Impression of that; Act so far short come they of a Book.

Page 119.92. He reckons up very defectively the differences between the Church of Rome, and the Doctrine set forth by the King's Authority: but in one point he shews his ordinary wit; for in the sixth particular, he says, ‘He retained the Sacrament of Order, but appointed a new Form of Consecrating of Bishops.’

This he put in out of malice, that he might annul the Ordinations of that time: but the thing is false, for except that the Bishops, instead of their Oaths of Obedience to the Pope, which they formerly swore, did not swear to the King, there was no other change made; and that to be sure, is no part of the Form of Consecration.

Page 120.93. He resolved once to speak what he thought was Truth, tho it be treasonable and impious: and says, ‘Upon these changes many in Lin­colnshire, and the Northern parts, did rise for Religion, and the Faith of Christ.’

This was indeed the motive by which their Seditious Priests misled them; yet he is mistaken in the time, for it was not after the six Arti­cles were published, but almost three years before it. Nor was it for the Faith of Christ, which teaches us to be humble, subject, and obe­dient; but because the King was removing some of the corruptions of that Faith, which their false Teachers did impiously call the Faith of Christ.

Ibid.94. He says; ‘The King did promise most faithfully that all these things of which they complained, should be amended.’

This is so evidently false, that it is plain Sanders resolved dextrously to avoid the speaking of any sort of Truth: for the King did fully and formally tell them, he would not be directed nor counselled by them in these Points they complained of, and did only offer them an Amnesty for what was past.

Page 121.95. ‘Then he reckons up 32 that died for the defence of the Faith.’

They were attainted of Treason, for being in actual Rebellion against the King: and thus it appears that Rebellion was the Faith in his sense; and himself died for it, or rather in it, having been starved to death in a Wood, to which he fled after one of his rebellious Attempts on his Soveraign, in which he was the Pope's Nuncio.

Page 122.96. He says; ‘The King killed the Earl of Kildare, and five of his Uncles.’

By this strange way of expressing a legal Attainder, and the execu­tion of a Sentence for manifest Treason and Rebellion, he would insi­nuate on the Reader, a fancy, that one of Bonner's cruel fits had taken the King, and that he had killed those with his own hand. The Lord Herbert has fully opened that part of the History, from the Records that he saw; and shews that a more resolved Rebellion could not be, than that was, of which the Earl of Kildare and his Uncles were guilty. [Page 295] But because they sent to the Pope and Emperor for assistance, the Earl desiring to hold the Kingdom of Ireland of the Pope, since the King by his Heresie had fallen from his Right to it, Sanders must needs have a great kindness for their memory, who thus suffered for his Faith.

97. He says;Ibid. ‘Queen Iane Seimour being in hard labour of Prince Edward, the King ordered her Body to be so opened by Surgeons, that she died soon after.’

All this is false, for she had a good Delivery, as many Original Let­ters written by her Council (that have been since printed) do shew, but she died two days after of a distemper incident to her Sex.

98. He sets down some Passages of Cardinal Pole's Heroical Con­stancy;Page 124. which being proved by no Evidence, and not being told by any other Writer (whom I ever saw) are to be lookt on as the flou­rishes of the Poet to set off his Hero.

99. He would perswade the World, that the Marquess of Exceter, Page 125. the Lord Montacute, and the rest that suffered at that time, died, be­cause they were believed to dislike the King's wicked Proceedings; and that the Countess of Sarum was beheaded on this single account, that she was the Mother of such a Son, and was sincerely addicted to the Catholick Faith; and that she was condemned because she wrote to her Son, and for wearing in her Breast, the Picture of the five Wounds of Christ.

The Marquess of Exceter pretended he was well satisfied with the King's Proceedings, and was Lord Stewart when the Lords Darcy and Hussie were tried, and he gave judgment against them. But it be­ing discovered that he and other Persons approved of Cardinal Pole's proceedings, who endeavoured to engage all Christian Princes in a League against the King, pursuant to which they had expressed them­selves, on several occasions, resolved, when a fit opportunity offered it self, to rebel; it was no wonder if the King proceeded against them ac­cording to Law. And for the Countess of Sarum, tho the legality of that Sentence passed against her cannot be defended, yet she had given great offence; not only by her correspondence with her Son, but by the Bulls she had received from Rome, and by her opposing the King's Injunctions, hindring all her Tenants to read the New Testament, or any other Books set out by the King's order. And for the Picture, which was found among her Cloaths, it having been the Standard of the Rebellion, and the Arms of England being found on the other side of it, there was just ground to suspect an ill design in it.

100. He says; ‘The Images which the King destroyed,Page 129. were by many wonderful Works of God, recommended to the Devotion of the Nation.’

All the wonder in these Works, was the knavery of some jugling Impostors, and the simplicity of a credulous multitude, of which see page 224. which being so openly discovered, nothing that had shame in it, could speak of them as our Author does.

[Page 296] Page 131.101. He says; ‘Six and twenty Carts drawn with Oxen, were loaded with the Riches taken from Thomas Becket's Shrine; whom he makes a most glorious Martyr, that died for the defence of the Faith, and was honoured by many Miracles after his death.’

Other Writers have sufficiently shewed what a perfidious, ingrateful, and turbulent Priest he was. All these were Vertues in our Author's Opinion, and Ingredients in his Faith. But he has in this accompt of the Riches of that Shrine gone beyond himself, having by a figure of speech very familiar to him, (called Lying) increased two Chests (see page 224.) to 26 Cart Loads.

Page 1 [...]2.102. He says; ‘The Sentence which P. Paul gave out against the King, was affixed in some Towns, both in France, Flanders, and Scotland: from which he infers, that both the Emperor, the French, and the Scotch King, did consent to that Sentence.’

In this he designed an eminent piece of service to the Apostolick See, to leave on Record an Evidence that three Sovereign Princes had ac­knowledged the Pope's Power of deposing Kings. But he did ill to name the proofs of his Assertion, and had done better to have said sim­ply that it was so, than to have founded it on so ill grounds: as if the affixing Papal Bulls in a place, were an evidence that the Princes, in whose Dominions it was done, consented to it. He might with the same reason have concluded, that Q. Elizabeth consented to the Sen­tence against her self; which it is very like will not be easily believed, tho the Bull was affixed in London. But all those very Princes whom he names, continuing to keep up their correspondence with the King, as well after as before this Sentence, is a much clearer demonstration that they despised the Pope's Sentence.

Page 134.103. He says; ‘The King by his own Authority, threw all the [...]egging Orders out of their Houses.’

The falshood of this has appeared already, for they resigned their Houses to the King: and of these Resignations, tho many were destroy­ed, yet near an hundred are still extant.

Ibid.104. He says; ‘The Parliament, in the year 1539, gave the King all the great Monasteries.’

The Parliament passed no such Act; all that they did, was only to confirm the Grants made, or to be made by these Houses to the King. It was their Surrenders that cloathed the King with the Right to them. All the Tragical Stories he tells us that followed upon this, are founded on a false Foundation.

Page 135.105. He sets down a Form of a Resignation, which he says, ‘All the Abbots, and many Religious Persons, were made to Sign and set their Seals to it.’

Among all the Resignations which are yet extant, there is not one in this Form, for which see page 238.

[Page 297]106. He says; ‘The King's Commissioners,Page 136. who went about getting Hands to that Form, made them believe, in every House, that all the rest had signed it; and so by that, and other persuasions, prevailed with many to set their Hands to it.’

If all the Subscriptions had been procured about the same time, such Arts might be suspected: but in a thing that was three years a-doing, these tricks could not have served their turn.

107. He says; ‘They told the Monks, that tho the King might,Ibid. by virtue of the Act of Parliament, seize on their Houses and Rents, yet he desired rather to do it with their good-will.’

In this there are two Errors; First, Most of these Houses were re­signed to the King before the Act of Parliament, see page 235. and next, the Act of Parliament only confirmed their Deeds, but did not give their Houses to the King.

108. He says; ‘The Abbots of Glassenbury, Colchester, and Reading, Page 137. suffered Martyrdom, because they refused to set their hands to that Writing.’

There was no such Writing ever offered to them; nor was there any Law to force them to resign: so they could not suffer on that account, but they were Martyrs for Sander's Faith, for they were attainted by a legal Trial of High Treason.

109. ‘He tells a long Story of Whitting Abbot of Glassenbury's being brought up to London, Page 138. to be prevailed with to set his hand to the Sur­render. Which he still refusing to do was sent back; and tho a Book against the King's Divorce was found among his Papers, which was laid there by those who searched for it; yet that was past over in a chiding: but as he went home, hearing there was a meeting of the County at Wells, he went thither; and as he was going up to his place on the Bench, he was called to the Bar to answer some things that were to be objected to him: He was amazed at it, and asked what the mat­ter was? but one told him, he needed fear nothing, for some-what was only to be done for form, to terrify others: Upon which he was condemned and sent away to his Abbey, little thinking he was so near his end; but when he came near it, a Priest was sent to him to take his Confession, for they told him he must die immediately; he beg'd a day or two's respite, but in vain: so they hanged him up in his Ha­bit, on the top of the Hill near his Abbey, and quartered him; and all this was done in one day.’

This Book came out in Forreign Parts, and was printed at Rome, in the Reign of Sixtus the Fifth, who took great pleasure in such Execu­tions, as he describes this to have been, which may fall oft out, where the lives of the Subjects are wholly at the Prince's Mercy: But to tell such tales of England, which is so famed over the World for the safety and security the Subjects enjoy, and for the regular and legal proceed­ings in all Trials, especially of Life and Death, was a great Error in the Poet; for the decorum of the Laws and Customs of a place must be observed, when any Nation is made the Scene of a Fable. But as no­thing [Page 298] like this can be done by the Law of England, so there was nothing of it in this Case: The Jury that sate on him, were Men of great credit in the Country, when he died: he acknowledged his Offences; and with appearance of repentance, begged God's Pardon, and the King's: see page 239.

Page 145.110. After many bitter Invectives against Cromwel, for which I could never see good evidence, tho I cannot disprove them by any convincing Arguments; he says, ‘That he advised the King to make a Law, that Persons might be Convented and Condemned in absence, and with­out being heard: and that this Law first of all fell upon him­self.’

There was no such Law ever made, only the Parliament by their Supream Authority, did Attaint some in that manner, but no other Court might do it. Nor was this first applied to Cromwel, for an year before his Attainder, the Countess of Sarum, with a great many more, were so attainted, tho she did not Suffer till a year after him.

Ibid.111. He tells many Reasons why the King had a mind to put away Ann of Cleve: But in this, as in other things, he betrays a profound ig­norance of that time; for every Body knew, that the King, from the first time he saw her, disliked her, and that he never consummated the Marriage.

This is a Subject not fit to be long dwelt on: but if any will compare the account I give of this Matter from the Records, with Sander's Tale, they will see that he wrote at random, and did not so much as know publick Transactions.

Page 146.112. He says; ‘The King had promised to the Emperor, That he would no longer continue in the Smalcaldick League; but Cromwel counterfeited the King's Hand, to a new confirmation of it; which coming to the Emperor's knowledg, he challenged the King of it: and sent him over a Copy of it; upon which the King disowned it, and cast it on Cromwel; and that this was the cause of his fall.’

This I believe is one of Sander's dreams: there is not one word of it in Cromwel's Attainder; nor do I find the least shadow of this in some Original Letters which he wrote to the King for his Pardon, in which he answers many of the things laid to his Charge. Nor is it likely he would adventure on so bold a thing, with such a King, nor could the Emperor have that Writing in his power, as long as the King lived: for it is not to be imagined how he could come by it, till he had taken the Duke of Saxony Prisoner, which was after this King's death.

Page 148.113. He says; ‘When Cromwel was put to death, the King proceeded to the Divorce of Ann of Cleve.’

The Divorce was judged by the Convocation eight days before Crom­wel's death, and confirmed in Parliament, which was dissolved before he suffered.

Ibid.114. He says; ‘The King sent to her, to tell her, he had a mind to be separated from her; and tho he could proceed more severely [Page 299] against her, since he knew she was an Heretick; yet for her Families sake, he left it to her self to devise any reason for their Divorce: upon which she came next day to the Senate, (which may be either the King's Council, or the Parliament) and confessed she had been married to another before she was married to the King; and there­upon by the Authority of Parliament, he was divorced, and within eight days married Katharine Howard.’

There are but six gross Errors in this Period. 1. The King sent not any message to her, nor came there any answer from her till the Sen­tence of Divorce was quite passed. 2. In the Original Letter which those he sent to her, wrote to him from Richmond, it appears that they used no threatnings to her, but barely told her what was done; to which she acquiesced. 3. She never came from Richmond in all that Process, and so made no such declaration in the Senate. 4. She did not say that she was married to another, but only that she had been contracted to the Prince of Lorrain when she was under Age. 5. The Parliament did not dissolve the Marriage, but only confirmed the Sen­tence of the Convocation. 6. The King did not marry Katharine Howard before the 8th of August, and the Divorce was judged the 10th of Iuly, a month wanting two days.

115. He says;Page 149. ‘The King had consummated the Marriage for seven months together.’

There were but six months between his Marriage and the Divorce; and in all that while, as they bedded but seldom, so there were very clear Evidences brought, that it was not consummated.

116. He says; ‘The King sent the Bishop of Winchester, Page [...] and Sir Hen­ry Knevet to the Diet of the Empire; who were ordered to propose to the Emperor, That the King might be again reconciled to the See of Rome; to which, he adds, his Conscience did drive him: but since the King would not confess his past Crimes, nor do penance for them, nor restore the Goods of the Church, it came to nothing.’

This is another Ornament of the Fable, to shew the Poet's wit; but is as void of Truth as any passage in Plantus or Terence is. For the King was all his life so intractable in that Point, that the Popish Party had no other way to maintain their Interest with him, but to comply, not without affectation in that Matter: and when an Information was given against Gardiner, for his holding some correspondence with the Pope's Legate at the Diet, he got the Man who had innocently disco­vered it, to be put in Prison; and said, it was a Plot against him to ruin him, which he needed not be so sollicitous about, if his Instructi­ons from the King had allowed him to enter on such a Treaty.

117. He runs out in a long digression,Page 153. upon the King's assuming the Title of King of Ireland; to shew that the Kings of England only hold Ireland by the Pope's Donation.

In this Sanders shews his Art, he being to carry the Standard of Rebel­lion in that Kingdom, to blast the King's Right to it. He acknowledges the Crown of England had the Dominion of Ireland, with the Title of Lord of Ireland, about 400 years: And certainly if so long a possession [Page 300] does not give a good Title, and a prescription against all other Preten­ders, most of the Royal Families in Christendom will be to seek for their Rights. But he says, It was given by the Pope to King Henry the Second; and yet he confesses that he had conquered some parts of it before that Grant was sent him by Hadrian the Fourth. Certainly King Henry the Second had as good a right to take it, as Pope Hadrian had to give it: nor was the King's accepting the Pope's Donation, any preju­dice to his Title, for things extorted or allowed upon a publick Error, can have no force, when that is openly discovered. If then the Super­stition of those Ages, made, that the Pope's Donation was a great help to any Pretender, it was no wonder that Kings made use of it; but it were a wonder indeed if they should acknowledg it, after the Trick is known and seen by all.

Page 162.118. After this, and a Satyr against Queen Elizabeth for assuming the Title, Defender of the Faith, and a long enumeration of the exactions in the last years of this Reign; in which, tho there is Matter enough for severe complaints, yet many of the Particulars he mentions are without any proof, and must rest on the Author's credit; which by this time, the Reader will acknowledg is not very great. Another long discourse of some length follows, of the misfortunes of the Duke of Norfolk, and of all that served the King in his Divorce, and in the following Actions of his Life: from which he infers, that these were effects of a Cur [...]e from Heaven upon all that he did, and on all those that assisted him: But as the Inference is bad, so he forgot to mention those Noble Families that were raised in his time, and have continued since in great honour; as the Seimours, from whom the Dukes of Somerset are descended; the Pau­lets, from whom the Marquess of Winchester derives; the Russels, Wri­othslies, Herberts, Riches, and Cromwells, from whom the Earls of Bed­ford, Southampton, Pembroke, Essex, and Ardglass have descended; and the Browns, the Petres, the Pagets, the Norths, and the Mountagues, from whom the Vice-Count Mountague, the Barons Petre, Paget, North, and Mountague, are descended. These Families have now flourished in great Wealth and Honour an Age and a half; and only one of them has, and that but very lately, determined in the Male Line: but the Illustri­ous Female Branches of it are intermixed with other Noble Families. So that the Observation is false, and the Inference is weak.

Page 164.119. He says; ‘When the King found his strength declining, he had again some thoughts of reconciling himself to the Church of Rome; which when it was proposed to one of the Bishops, he made a flat­tering answer. But Gardiner moved that a Parliament might be cal­led for doing it: and that the King, for the quiet of his own Consci­ence, would vow to do it; of which God would accept in that extremi­ty, when more was not possible to be done. But some of his Cour­tiers coming about him, who were very apprehensive of such a Re­conciliation, lest they should have been made restore the Goods of the Church, diverted the King from it: And from this our Author infers, that what the King had done was against his Conscience, and that so he sinned the Sin against the Holy Ghost.’

[Page 301]I shall not examine this Theological definition of the Sin against the Holy Ghost, for my quarrel is not at present with his Divinity, but with his History; tho it were easy to shew that he is alike at both. But for this story, it is a pure dream; for not only there is no evidence for it, nor did Gardiner in the Reign of Queen Mary ever own any such thing, tho it had been then much for the credit of their Cause, especi­ally he being often upbraided with his compliances to this King, for which the mention of his repentance had furnished him with a good answer: But as the Tale is told, the Fiction appears too plainly, for a Parliament was actually sitting during the King's sickness, which was dissolved by his Death, and no such Proposition was made in it. The King on the contrary destroyed the chief hopes of the Popish Party, which were founded on the Duke of Norfolk's greatness, by the Attain­der which was passed a day before he died. And yet Sanders makes this discourse to have been between the King and Gardiner after his fall, and his Sons death; between which, and the King's Death, there were only nine days: but besides all this, Gardiner had lost the King's favour a considerable time before his death.

120. He says; ‘The King,Page 166. that he might not seem never to have done any good Work in his whole life, as he was dying, founded Christ's Church Hospital in London; which was all the restitution he ever made for the Monasteries and Churches he had robbed and spoi­led.’

If it had not already appeared, in many Instances, that our Author had as little shame as honesty, here is a sufficient proof of it. I will not undertake to justify the King, as if he had done what he ought to have done, in his new Foundations: But it is the height of impudence to de­ny things that all England knows. He founded six Bishopricks; he en­dowed Deans and Prebendaries, with all the other Offices belonging to a Cathedral, in fourteen several Sees, Canterbury, Winchester, Duresme, Ely, Norwich, Rochester, Worcester, and Carlisle; together with West­minster, Chester, Oxford, Glocester, Peterborough, and Bristol, where he endowed Bishopricks likewise. He founded many Grammar-Schools, as Burton, Canterbury, Coventry, Worcester, &c. He founded and endowed Trinity Colledg in Cambridg, which is one of the noblest Foundations in Christendom. He also founded Professors in both Universities, for Greek, Hebrew, Law, Physick, and Divinity. What censure then de­serves our Author, for saying, that the Hospital of Christ's-Church, was all the restitution he ever made of the Church-Lands.

121. He gives a Character of the King,Ibid. which sutes very well with his History, his malice in it being extravagantly ridiculous. Among other things, he says, ‘The King promoted always learned Bishops, Cranmer only being excepted, whom he advanced to serve his Lusts.’

Cranmer was a Man of greater Learning, than any that ever sate in that See before him, as appears in every thing that he writ: Tonstal was a learned Man, and Gardiner was much esteemed for Learning; yet if any will compare Cranmer's Books of the Sacrament, with those the other two writ on the same Subject; there is so great a difference be­tween [Page 302] the learning and solidity of the one and the other, that no Man of common ingenuity can read them but he must confess it.

Page 170.122. He says; ‘When the King found himself expiring, he called for a Boul of White Wine, and said to one that was near him, We have lost all: and was often heard repeating Monks, Monks, and so he died.’

This was to make the Fable end as it had gone on, and it is forged without any authority or appearance of truth. The manner of his death was already told, so it needs not be repeated.

Page 172.123. He says; ‘The King by his Will appointed the Crown to go to his righteous Heirs after his three Children, and commanded his Son to be bred a true Catholick: but his Will was changed, and ano­ther was forged, by which the Line of Scotland was excluded, and they bred his Son an Heretick.’

There was no such Will ever heard of; and in all the Debates that were managed in Queen Elizabeth's Reign about the Succession, those that pleaded for the Scotish Line, never alleadged this; which had it been true, did put an end to the whole Controversie. It was indeed said, that the Will which was given out as the King's Will, was not signed by his Hand, nor sealed by his Order, but it was never pretended that there was any other Will: so this is one of our Author's Forgeries.

The Conclusion.

THus I have traced him in this History, and hope I have said much more than was necessary to prove him a Writer of no credit, and that his Book ought to have no Authority; since he was not only a stranger to the Publick Transactions, Printed Statutes, and the other Authentick Registers of that time, but was a bold and impu­dent Asserter of the grossest and most malicious Lies, that ever were contrived. I have not examined all the Errors of his Chronolo­gy, for there is scarce any thing told in its right order, and due place; nor have I insisted on all the passages he tells, without any proof, or appearance of truth; for as I could only deny these without any other evidence but what was negative, so there are so many of them, that I must have transcribed the greatest part of his Book, if I had considered them all. I have therefore only singled out these Passages, which I had in the former History demonstrated to be false: and these are both so many and so important, that I am sure, enough is said to destroy the cre­dit of that Author, and of his Book, which has too long deceived the the World. And what is performed in this first part, will I hope dis­possess the Reader of any ill Impressions the following parts of that Work have made on him, concerning the succeeding Reigns, of which an account shall be given, as soon as it possibly can be made ready.

[Page 303]I shall esteem my time to have been well imployed, and my pains rightly placed, if my endeavours have so good an effect, as to take off the unjust Prejudices which some may have conceived at the changes that were then made in Religion; or at the beginnings of them, which being represented by this Author, and upon his testimony by many other Writers, in such odious Characters to the World, are generally so ill looked on.

The Work it self was so good, done upon so much reason, managed with such care, directed by such wisdom, and tempered with so great moderation, that those who intended to blast it, did very wisely to load it with some such Prejudices: for if without these, the thing it self be examined by Men of a candid temper and solid judgment, the Opposers of it know well where the Truth lies; and on whose side, both the Scriptures, and the best Ages of the Primitive Church have declar [...]d. But it was not fit to put a Question of such importance, on so doubtful and so dangerous an issue: therefore it was well considered by them, that some popular and easily understood Calumnies, to disgrace the begin­nings of it, and the Persons that were most imployed in it, were to be fastned on them: and if these could be once generally received, then Men might be alienated from it by a shorter way, than could be done by the dull and unsuccessful methods of Reason. Therefore as the Cause of our Church hath been often vindicated, by the learned Books that have been published in it; and never with more success, and a clearer victo­ry, than of late, in the elaborate Writings (which are never to be men­tioned but with honour) of the renowned Dr. Stillingfleet; so I judged it might not be an unuseful and unacceptable Work (which tho it be of a lower form, and so most suitable to my genius, yet will be of ge­neral use) to employ the leisure I enjoy, and the small Talent commit­ted to me, in examining and opening the Transactions of those Times: And if these who read it, are dispossessed of their prejudices, and in­clined to consider things as they are now set before them, in a truer light, I have gained my end in it.

The Truths of Religion need no support from the Father of Lyes. A Religion made up of Falshoods and Impostures, must be maintained by means suitable to it self: So Sanders's Book might well serve the ends of that Church, which has all along raised its greatness by publick Cheats and Forgeries; such as the Donation of Constantine, and the Book of the Decretals; Besides the vast number of Miracles and Visions that were for many Ages made use of by them; of which even the most disingenu­ous of their own Writers begin to be now ashamed. But the Refor­mation of Religion was a Work of Light, and needs none of the Arts of Darkness to justify it by. A full and distinct Narrative of what was then done, will be its Apology, as well as its History. There is no need of Artifice, but only of Industry, and sincerity to gather together all the remains of that Time, and put them in good order.

I am now beginning to look towards the next, and indeed the best part of this Work: Where in the first Reign, we shall observe the active [Page 304] endeavours of those Restorers of Religion. The next Reign affords a sadder prospect of that Work laid in Ruins, and the Authors of it in Ashes; but the Fires that consumed them, did rather spread than ex­tinguish that Light which they had kindled. And what is fabled of the Phoenix, will be found true of our Church, That she rose new out of these Ashes, into which she seemed consumed.

Towards the perfecting this History, I hope all that love the Subject of it, will contribute their Endeavours, and furnish every thing that is in their power, which may make it fuller or clearer: So I end with that desire which I made in the Preface, that any who have in their hands any Papers relating to these times, will be pleased to communicate them; and what-ever assistance they give to it, shall be most thankfully owned and acknowledged.

The end of the Appendix.

ADDENDA.

Numb. I. ARTICLES about Religion, set out by the Convocation, and published by the Kings Authority.
AN ORIGINAL.

HENRY the Eight, by the Grace of God, King of England, Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. 5. and of France, Defender of the Faith, and Lord of Ireland, and in Earth Supream Head of the Church of England, to all and singular our most loving, faithful and obedient Subjects, greeting. Amongst other cures committed unto this our Princely Of­fice, whereunto it hath pleased God of his infinite mercy and good­ness to call us, we have always esteemed and thought (as we also yet esteem and think) this to be most chief, most ponderous, and of most weight, that his Holy Word and Commandments may sincerely without let or hinderance, be of our Subjects truly believed and reve­rently kept and observed; and that unity and concord in opinions, namely in such things as does concern our Religion, may encrease and go furthward, and all occasion of dissent and discord touching the same be repressed, and utterly extinguished; for the which cause we being of late to our great regret credibly advertised of such diversi­ty in opinions, as have grown and sprongen in this our Realm, as well concerning certain Articles necessary to our Salvation, as also touching certain honest and commendable Ceremonies, rites, and usages in our said Church, for an honest policy, and decent order heretofore of long time used and accustomed; minding to have that unity and agree­ment established through our said Church concerning the premisses; and being very desirous to eschew not only the dangers of Souls, but also the outward inquietness which by occasion of the said diversity in opi­nions (if remedy had not been provided) might perchance have ensued; have not only in our own person in any times taken great pain, study, labour and travails, but also have caused our Bishops and other the most discreet and best learned men of our Clergy of this our whole Realm to be assembled in our Convocation, for the full debatement and quiet determination of the same: where after long and mature deliberation and disputations, had of and upon the premisses, finally they have con­cluded and agreed upon the said matters, as well those which be com­manded of God, and are necessary to our Salvation, as also the other touching the honest ceremonies, and good and politick order, as is a­foresaid; which their determination, debatement, and agreement, for­asmuch as we think to have proceeded of a good, right and true judg­ment, and to be agreeable to the Laws and Ordinances of God, and [Page 306] much profitable for the establishment of that charitable concord and unity in our Church of England, which we most desire, we have caus­ed the same to be published, willing, requiring and commanding you to accept, repute, and take them accordingly; most heartily desiring and praying Almighty God, that it may please him so to illumin your hearts that you, and every of you, may have no less desire, zeal, and love to the said unity and concord, in reading, divulging, and follow­ing the same, than we have had and have, causing them to be thus de­vised, set forth and published. And for because we would the said Ar­ticles, and every of them, to be taken and understanden of you after such sort, order, and degree as appertaineth accordingly; We have caused by the like assent and agreement of our said Bishops and o­ther Learned men, the said Articles to be divided into two sorts, that is to say, such as are commanded expresly by God, and are necessary to our Salvation, and such other, as although they be not expresly commanded of God, nor necessary to our Salvation; yet being of a long continuance for a decent order and honest policy, prudently instituted, are for that same purpose and end to be observed in like manner; which ye following, after such sort as we have prescribed unto you, shall not only attain that most charitable unity and loving concord, whereof shall ensue your incomparable commodity, profit and lucre, as well spiritual as other; but also ye conforming your selves, and using these our said Articles as is aforesaid, shall not a little encourage us to take further travel, pains, and labours for your commodities in all such other matters, as in time to come may happen to occur, and as it shall be most to the honour of God and ours, the profit, tranquillity, and quietness of all you our most loving Subjects.

The Articles of our Faith.

FIrst, as touching the chief and principal Articles of our Faith, sith it is thus agreed as hereafter followeth by the whole Clergy of this our Realm, we will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people by us committed to their spiritual Charge, that they ought and must most constantly believe and defend all those things to be true, which be comprehended in the whole body and Canon of the Bible, and also in the three Creeds or Symbols, whereof one was made by the Apostles, and is the common Creed which every man useth, the second was made in the Holy Council of Nice, and is said daily in the Mass, and the third was made by Athanasius, and is com­prehended in the Psalm Quicunque vult; and that they ought and must take and interpret all the same things according to the selfe-same sentence and interpretation, which the words of the selfe-same Creeds or Symboles do purport, and the Holy approved Doctors of the Church do intreat and defend the same.

Item, that they ought and must repute, hold and take all the same things for the most Holy, most sure and most certain and infallible words of God, and such as neither ought ne can be altered or convelled by any contrary opinion or Authority.

[Page 307] Item, that they ought and must believe, repute and take all the Ar­ticles of our Faith contained in the said Creeds to be so necessary to be believed for mans Salvation, that whosoever being taught will not believe them as is aforesaid, or will obstinately affirm the contrary of them, he or they cannot be the very members of Christ and his Spouse the Church, but be very Infidels or Hereticks, and members of the De­vil, with whom they shall perpetually be Damned.

Item, that they ought and must most reverently and religiously ob­serve and keep the selfe-same words, according to the very same form and manner of speaking, as the Articles of our Faith be already con­ceived and expressed in the said Creeds, without altering in any wise or varying from the same.

Item, that they ought and must utterly refuse and condemn all these opinions contrary to the said Articles, which were of long time past condemned in the four Holy Councils, that is to say, in the Council of Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcidonense, and all other sith that time in any point consonant to the same.

The Sacrament of Baptism.

SEcondly, as touching the Holy Sacrament of Baptism, we will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us unto their Spiritual Charge, that they ought and must of necessity believe certainly all those things, which hath been always by the whole consent of the Church approved, received and used in the Sacrament of Baptism; that is to say, that the Sacrament of Baptism was instituted and ordained in the New Testament by our Saviour Jesus Christ, as a thing necessary for the attaining of everlasting life, accord­ing to the saying of Christ, Nisi quis renatus fuerit ex aqua & Spiritu Sancto, non potest intrare in Regnum coelorum.

Item, that it is offered unto all men, as well Infants as such as have the use of Reason, that by Baptism they shall have remission of sins and the grace and favour of God, according to the saying of St. Iohn, Qui crediderit & Baptizatus fuerit Salvus erit.

Item, that the promise of Grace and everlasting life, which pro­mise is adjoyned unto the Sacrament of Baptism, pertaineth not only unto such as have the use of reason, but also to Infants, innocents and children; and they ought therefore and must needs be Baptised: and that by the Sacrament of Baptism they do also obtain remission of their sins, the grace and favour of God, and be made thereby the ve­ry sons and children of God, insomuch as Infants and Children dying in their Infancy shall undoubtedly be saved thereby, or else not.

Item, that Infants must needs be Christened because they be born in Original sin, which sin must needs be remitted; which cannot be done but by the Sacrament of Baptism, whereby they receive the Holy-Ghost [Page 308] which exerciseth his Grace and efficacy in them, and cleanseth and purifieth them from sin by his most secret vertue and operation.

Item, that Children or men once Baptized, can, ne ought ever to be Baptized again.

Item, that they ought to repute, and take all the Anabaptists and the Pelagians opinions contrary to the premisses, and every other mans opi­nion agreeable unto the said Anabaptists or the Pelagians opinions in this behalfe, for detestable Heresies, and utterly to be condemned.

Item, that men or children having the use of reason, and willing and desiring to be Baptized, shall by the vertue of that holy Sacrament obtain the grace and remission of all their sins, if they shall come there­unto perfectly and truly repentant and contrite of all their sins before committed, and also perfectly and constantly confessing and believing all the Articles of our faith, according as it was mentioned in the Ar­ticle before, or else not.

And Finally, if they shall also have firm credence and trust in the promise of God adjoyned to the said Sacrament, that is to say, that in and by this said Sacrament which they shall receive, God the Fa­ther giveth unto them for his Son Jesus Christs sake, remission of all their sins, and the Grace of the Holy Ghost, whereby they be newly regenerated and made the very Children of God, according to the say­ing of Christ and his Apostle St. Peter, Paenitentiam agite & Baptizetur vnusquisque vestrum in nomine Iesu Christi in remissionem peccatorum, & accipietis donum Spiritus Sancti, and according also to the saying of St. Paul ad Titum 3. non ex operibus justitiae quae fecimus nos, sed secundum su­am misericordiam, salvos nos fecit per lavacrum regenerationis & renovati­onis Spiritus Sancti, quem effudit in nos opulenter per Iesum Christum ser­vatorem nostrum, ut justificati illius gratia haeredes efficiamur juxta spem vitae aeternae.

The Sacrament of Penance.

THirdly, Concerning the Sacrament of Pennance, We will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us unto their Spiritual charge, that they ought and must most constantly believe, that that Sacrament was instituted of Christ in the New Testament as a thing so necessary for mans Salvation, that no man which after his Baptism is fallen again and hath committed deadly sin, can without the same be saved or attain everlasting Life.

Item, That like-as such men which after Baptism do fall again into sin, if they do not Pennance in this Life, shall undoubtedly be damned; even so whensoever the same men shall convert themselves from the said naughty Life, and do such Pennance for the same as Christ requir­eth of them, they shall without doubt attain remission of their sins and shall be saved.

Item, That this Sacrament of perfect Pennance which Christ requir­eth [Page 306] of such manner of persons, consisteth of three parts, that is to say, Contrition, Confession, with the amendment of the former Life, and a new obedient reconciliation unto the Laws and will of God, that is to say, exteriour Acts in works of Charity according as they be com­manded of God, which be called in Scripture, fructus digni Paeni­tentia.

Furthermore, as touching Contrition which is the first part, We will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our peo­ple committed by us unto their Spiritual charge, that the said Contr [...] ­tion consisteth in two special parts, which must always be conjoined together and cannot be dissevered; that is to say, the penitent and contrite man must first knowledg the filthiness and abomination of his own sin, whereunto he is brought by hearing and considering of the will of God declared in his Laws, and feeling and perceiving in his own conscience that God is angry and displeased with him for the same; he must also conceive not only great sorrow and inward shame that he hath so grievously offended God, but also great fear of Gods displeasure towards him, considering he hath no works or merits of his own which he may worthily lay before God as sufficient satisfa­ction for his sins; which done then afterwards with this fear, shame and sorrow must needs succeed and be conjoyned, The second part, viz. a certain faith, trust and confidence of the mercy and goodness of God, whereby the penitent must conceive certain hope and faith that God will forgive him his sins, and repute him justified and of the num­ber of his Elect children, not for the worthiness of any merit or work done by the penitent, but for the only merits of the blood and passion of our Saviour Jesus Christ.

Item, That this certain faith and hope is gotten and also confirmed, and made more strong by the applying of Christs words and promises of his grace and favour contained in his Gospel, and the Sacraments instituted by him in the new Testament; and therefore to attain this certain faith, the second part of Pennance is necessary, that is to say, Confession to a Priest if it may be had; for the Absolution given by the Priest was institute of Christ to apply the promises of Gods grace and favour to the Penitent.

Wherefore as touching Confession, We will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us to their spiritual charge, that they ought and must certainly believe that the words of Absolution pronounced by the Priest, be spoken by the Au­thority given to him by Christ in the Gospel.

Item, That they ought and must give no less faith and credence to the same words of Absolution so pronounced by the Ministers of the Church, than they would give unto the very words and voyce of God himself if he should speak unto us out of Heaven, according to the saying of Christ, Quorum remiseritis peccata, &c. & qui vos audit me audit.

Item, That in no ways they do contemn this Auricular Confession which is made unto the Ministers of the Church, but that they ought [Page 310] to repute the same a verry expedient and necessary mean, whereby they may require and ask this Absolution at the Priests hands, at such time as they shall find their consciences grieved with mortal sin, and have occasion so to do, to the intent they may thereby attain certain comfort and consolation of their consciences.

As touching the third part of Penance, We will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us to their spiritual charge, that although Christ and his death be the sufficient oblation, sacrifice, satisfaction, and recompence, for the which God the Father forgiveth and remitteth to all sinners not only their sin, but also Eternal pain due for the same; yet all men truly penitent con­trite and confessed, must needs also bring forth the fruits of Penance, that is to say, Prayer, Fasting, Almsdeeds, and must make Restitution or Satisfaction in will and deed to their neighbour, in such things as they have done them wrong and injury in, and also must do all other good works of mercy and charity, and express their obedient will in the executing and fulfilling of Gods Commandments outwardly, when time, power and occasion shall be Ministred unto them, or else they shall never be saved; for this is the express precept and commandment of God, Agite fructus dignos paenitentia; and St. Paul saith, Debitores sumus, and in another place he saith, Castigo corpus meum & in servi­tutem redigo.

Item, That these precepts and works of Charity be necessary works to our Salvation, and God necessarily requireth that every penitent man shall perform the same, whensoever time, power, and occasion shall be ministred unto him so to do.

Item, That by Penance and such good works of the same, we shall not only obtain everlasting life, but also we shall deserve remission or mitigation of these present pains and afflictions in this World, accord­ing to the saying of St. Paul, Si nos ipsi judicaremus, non judicaremur a Domino; & Zacharias, Convertimini ad me & ego convertar ad vos; & Esajas [...]8. frange esurienti panem tuum, &c. tunc eris velut hortus irriguus. Haec sunt inculcanda ecclesiis & ut exercitentur ad bene operandum, & in his ip­sis operibus exerceant & confirment fidem, petentes & expectantes a Deo mi­tigationem praesentium calamitatum.

The Sacrament of the Altar.

FOurthly, as touching the Sacrament of the Altar, We will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people commit­ted by us unto their spiritual charge, that they ought and must con­stantly believe that under the form and figure of bread and wine, which we there presently do see and perceive by our outward senses, is verily, substantially, and really contained and comprehended, the very selfe-same body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ which was born of the Vir­gin Mary and suffered upon the cross for our Redemption, and that under the same form and figure of bread and wine, the very selfe-same body and blood of Christ is corporally, really, and in the very sub­stance exhibited, distributed and received of all them which receive the [Page 311] said Sacrament; and that therefore the said Sacrament is to be used with all due reverence and honour, and that every man ought first to prove and examine himself, and religiously to try and search his own Conscience, before he shall receive the same according to the saying of St. Paul, Quisquis ederit panem hunc aut biberit de poculo domini indigne, reus erit corporis & sanguinis domini; probet autem seipsum homo, & sic de pane illo edat & de poculo illo bibat: nam qui edit aut bibit ind [...]gne, judi­cium sibiipsi manducat & b [...]bit, non dijudicans corpus domini.

Iustification.

FIfthly, As touching the order and cause of our Justification, we will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that this word Ju­stification signifieth remission of our sins, and our acceptation or re­conciliation into the grace and favour of God, that is to say, our per­fect renovation in Christ.

Item, That sinners attain this Justification by Contrition and Faith joyned with Charity, after such sort and manner as we before menti­oned and declared; not as though our Contrition, or Faith, or any works proceeding thereof can worthily merit or deserve to attain the said Justification; for the only mercy and grace of the Father, pro­mised freely unto us for his Sons sake Jesus Christ, and the merits of his blood and his passion be the only sufficient and worthy causes there­of; and yet that notwithstanding to the attaining of the said Justifi­cation, God requireth to be in us not only inward Contrition, perfect Faith, and Charity, certain hope and confidence, with all other spiri­tual graces and motions, which as we said before must necessarily concur in remission of our sins, that is to say, our Justification: but also he requireth and commandeth us, that after we be justified we must also have good works of charity and obedience towards God, in the observing and fulfilling outwardly of his Laws and Command­ments; for although acceptation to everlasting life be conjoyned with Justification, yet our good works be necessarily required to the attain­ing of everlasting Life, and we being justified be necessarily bound, and it is our necessary duty to do good works, according to the saying of St. Paul, debitores sumus non carni ut secundum carnem vivamus, nam si secundum carnem vixerimus moriemur, sin autem spiritu facta corporis mor­tificaverimus, vivemus; etenim quicunque spiritu dei ducuntur hi sunt filii dei: and Christ saith, si vis ad vitam ingredi serva mandata: and St. Paul saith, de malis operibus, qui talia agunt Regnum dei non possidebunt, Wherefore we will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us unto their spiritual charge, and God necessarily requireth of us to do good works commanded by him, and that not only outward and civil works, but also the inward spi­ritual motions and graces of the Holy Ghost, that is to say, to dread and fear God, to love God, to have firm confidence and trust in God, to invocate and call upon God, to have patience in all adversities, to hate sin, and to have certain purpose and will not to sin again, and such other like motions and vertues; for Christ saith, Nisi abundave­rit [Page 310] [...] [Page 311] [...] [Page 312] justitia vestra plusquam scribarum & Pharisaeorum, non intrabitis in regnum caelorum, that is to say, we must not only do outward civil good works, but also we must have these foresaid inward spiritual motions consenting and agreeable to the Law of God.

Of Images.

AS touching Images, truth it is that the same have been used in the old Testament, and also for the greater abuses of them some­time destroyed and put down, and in the new Testament they have been also allowed, as good Authors do declare; wherefore we will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people com­mitted by us to their spiritual charge, how they ought and may use them. And First, that this may be attributed unto them that they be representers of vertue and good example, and that they also be by oc­casion the kindlers and firers of mens minds, and make men often re­member and lament their sins and offences, especially the Images of Christ and our Lady; and that therefore it is meet that they should stand in the Churches, and none otherwise to be esteemed: And to the intent the rude people should not from henceforth take such superstiti­on, as in time past it is thought that the same hath used to do, we will that our Bishops and Preachers diligently shall teach them, and according to this Doctrine reform their abuses; for else there might fortune Idolatry to ensue, which God forbid. And as for Censing of them, and kneeling and offering unto them, with other like worship­pings, although the same hath entred by devotion and fallen to cu­stome; yet the people ought to be diligently taught, that they in no ways do it, nor think it meet to be done to the same Images, but only to be done to God and in his honour, although it be done be­fore the Images, whether it be of Christ, of the Cross, or of our Lady, or of any other Saint besides.

Of Honouring of Saints.

AS touching the honouring of Saints, we will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people, committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that Saints now being with Christ in Heaven be to be honoured of Christian people in Earth; but not with that confidence and honour which are only due unto God, trust­ing to attain at their hands that which must be had only of God, but that they be thus to be honoured, because they be known the Elect persons of Christ, because they be passed in Godly Life out of this transitory World, because they already do Reign in Glory with Christ; and most specially to laude and praise Christ in them for their excellent vertues which he planted in them, for example, of and by them to such as are yet in this World to live in vertue and goodness, and also not to fear to dye for Christ and his cause as some of them did; and finally to take them, in that they may, to be the advancers of our prayers and demands unto Christ. By these ways and such like be Saints to be honoured and had in reverence, and by none other.

Of Praying to Saints.

AS touching Praying to Saints, We will that all Bishops and Preach­ers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that albeit grace, remission of sin and Salvation, cannot be obtained but of God only by the mediation of our Saviour Christ, which is only sufficient mediator for our sins; yet it is very laudable to pray to Saints in Heaven everlastingly living, whose chari­ty is ever permanent, to be intercessors and to pray for us and with us unto Almighty God after this manner: All holy Angels and Saints in Heaven pray for us and with us unto the Father, that for his dear Son Jesus Christ's sake, we may have grace of him and remission of our sins, with an earnest purpose, not wanting Ghostly strength, to observe and keep his holy Commandments, and never to decline from the same again unto our lives end: And in this manner we may pray to our Blessed Lady, to St. Iohn Baptist, to all and every of the Apostles or any other Saint particularly, as our devotion doth serve us; so that it be done without any vain superstition, as to think that any Saint is more merciful, or will hear us sooner than Christ, or that any Saint doth serve for one thing more than another, or is Patron of the same. And likewise we must keep Holy-days unto God in memory of him and his Saints, upon such days as the Church hath Ordained their memories to be celebrated; except they be mitigated and moderated by the assent or commandment of the Supream head, to the Ordina­ries, and then the Subjects ought to obey it.

Of Rites and Ceremonies.

AS concerning the Rites and Ceremonies of Christs Church, as to have such vestments in doing God service as be and have been most part used, as Sprinkling of holy-Water to put us in remembrance of our Baptism and the blood of Christ sprinkled for our redemption upon the Cross; Giving of holy bread to put us in remembrance of the Sacrament of the Altar, that all Christen men be one body mystical of Christ, as the bread is made of many grains and yet but one Loaf, and to put us in remembrance of the receiving the holy Sacrament and body of Christ, the which we ought to receive in right Charity; which in the beginning of Christs Church, men did more often receive than they use now adays to do; Bearing of Candles on Candlemas­day in memory of Christ the spiritual light, of whom Simeon did pro­phesie as is read in the Church that day; Giving of ashes on Ash-We­densday, to put in remembrance every Christen man in the beginning of Lent and Penance, that he is but ashes and earth and thereto shall return; which is right necessary to be uttered from henceforth in our mother-tongue always on the same day: Bearing of Palms on Palm-Sunday in memory of receiving of Christ into Ierusalem a little before his death, that we may have the same desire to receive him into our hearts; Creeping to the Cross and humbling our selves to Christ on Good-Friday before the Cross, and offering there unto Christ before the same, and kissing of it in memory of our Redemption by Christ made [Page 314] upon the Cross; Setting up the Sepulture of Christ, whose body after his death was buried; the Hallowing of the Font, and other like Ex­orcisms and Benedictions by the Ministers of Christs Church: and all other like laudable Customs, Rites, and Ceremonies be not to be con­temned and cast away, but to be used and continued as things good and laudable, to put us in remembrance of those spiritual things that they do signifie, not suffering them to be forgotten, or to be put in oblivion, but renuing them in our memories from time to time; but none of these Ceremonies have Power to remit sin, but only to stir and lift up our minds unto God, by whom only our sins be forgiven.

Of Purgatory.

FOrasmuch as due order of Charity requireth, and the book of Maccabees and divers ancient Doctors plainly shewing, that it is a very good and charitable deed to pray for Souls departed, and foras­much also as such usage hath continued in the Church so many years even from the beginning, We will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed by us unto their spiritual charge, that no man ought to be grieved with the continuance of the same, and that it standeth with the very due Order of Charity, for a Chri­sten man to pray for Souls departed, and to commit them in our prayers to Gods mercy, and also to cause others to pray for them in Masses, and Exequies, and to give Alms to others to pray for them, whereby they may be relieved and holpen, of some part of their pain: But forasmuch as the place where they be, the name thereof and kind of pains there, also be to us uncertain by Scripture; therefore this with all other things we remit to God Almighty, unto whose mercy it is meet and convenient for us to commend them, trusting that God ac­cepteth our prayers for them, referring the rest wholly to God, to whom is known their estate and condition; wherefore it is much ne­cessary that such Abuses be clearly put away, which under the name of Purgatory hath been advanced, as to make men believe that through the Bishop of Romes Pardon Souls might clearly be delivered out of Purgatory, and all the pains of it, or that Masses said at Scala caeli, or otherwhere, in any place, or before any Image, might likewise deli­ver them from all their pain, and send them streight to Heaven, and other like Abuses.

Signed
  • Thomas Cromwell.
  • T. Cantuarien.
  • Edwardus Ebor.
  • Ioannes London.
  • Cuthbertus Dunelmen.
  • Ioannes Lincoln.
  • Ioannes Lincoln Nomine procurato­rio pro Dom. Ioan. Exon.
  • Hugo Wygornen.
  • Ioannes Roffen.
  • Richardus Cicestren.
  • Ioannes Bathonien.
  • Thomas Elien.
  • Ioannes Lincoln. nomine procurato­rio pro Dom. Rowlando Coven. & Lichfielden.
  • Ioannes Bangoren.
  • Nicholaus Sarisburien.
  • Edwardus Hereforden.
  • Willielmus Norwicen.
  • Willielmus Meneven.
  • Robertus Assaven.
  • [Page 315]Robertus Abbas Sancti Albani.
  • Willielmus Ab. Westmonaster.
  • Ioannes Ab. Burien.
  • A Richardus Ab. Glasconiae.
  • A Hugo Ab. Redying.
  • Robertus Ab. Malmesbur.
  • Clemens Ab. Eveshamen.
  • Iohannes Ab. de Bello.
  • Willielmus Ab. S. Petri Glocest.
  • Richardus Ab. Winchelcombens.
  • Ioannes Ab. de Croyland.
  • Robertus Ab. de Thorney.
  • Robertus Ab. de Waltham.
  • Ioannes Ab. Cirencest.
  • Ioannes Ab. Teuxburen.
  • Thomas Prior Coventr.
  • Ioannes Ab. de Osney.
  • B Henricus Ab. de
  • Anthonius Ab. de Eyntham.
  • Robertus Prior Elien.
  • Robertus Magister ordinis de Sem­per-ingham.
  • Richardus Ab. de Notley.
  • Hugo Prior de Huntingtoun▪
  • Willielmus Ab. de Stratford.
  • Gabriel Ab. de Buckfestia.
  • Henricus Ab. de Wardenor.
  • Ioannes Prior de Merton.
  • Richardus Pr. de Walsingham.
  • B Thomas Ab. de
  • Thomas Ab. de Stanley.
  • Richardus Ab. de Bytlesden.
  • Richardus Pr. de Lanthony.
  • Robertus Ab. de Thame.
  • B Ioannes Prior de
  • Radulphus Prior de Kymme.
  • B Richardus Ab. de
  • Robertus Ab. de Welhows.
  • Bartholamaus Pr. de Overhey.
  • Willielmus Pr. de Burgaveny.
  • Thomas Ab. de Abendon.
Inferior Domus.
  • C R. Gwent Archidiaconus London, & Breck.
  • Robertus Alridge Archid. Colecestr.
  • Thomas Bedyl Archid. Cornub.
  • Richardus Street Archid. Derbiae.
  • David Pole Ar. Salop. Procurator.
  • Archid. & Cleri Covent & Lich­field.
  • Richardus Doke Archid. Sarum.
  • Edmundus Bonner Archid. Leyce­striae.
  • Thomas Baghe Archid. Surr.
  • Richardus Rawson Archid. Essex.
  • Edmundus Cranmer Archid. Cant.
  • Polidorus Virgilius Archid. Wellen.
  • Richardus Coren Archid. Oxon.
  • Henricus Morgan Procurator cleri Lincoln.
  • Petrus Vannes Archid. Wygornen.
  • Georgius Hennage Decanus Lin­coln.
  • Nilo Spencer Procurator Cleri Nor­wicen.
  • Guilielmus Knight Archid. Cestriae.
  • GamalielClyfton Decanus Hereford. & Proc. Capit.
  • Ioannes London Decanus Walling­ford.
  • Richardus Layton Archid. Bucks.
  • Hugo Coren Pro [...]. Cleri Hereford.
  • Richardus Sparaheford Proc. Cleri Hereford.
  • Mauritius Griffith Proc. Cleri Roffen.
  • Gulielmus Buckmastr. Procurator Cleri London.
  • Richardus Shelton Mag. Colleg. de Melyngham.
  • Per me Willielmum Glyn. Archi. An-glessen.
  • Robertus Evans Decan. Bangoren.
  • Walterus Cretying Ar. Bathonien.
  • Thomas Bagard Procurator Cleri Wygornen.
  • Ioannes Nase Proc. Cleri Bathon & Wellen.
  • Georgius Wyndham Archid Nor­wicen.
  • [Page 316]Nicolaus Metcalfe Archid. Roffen.
  • Gulielmus Hedge Procurator Cleri Norwicen.
  • Adam Traves Archid. Exon.
  • Ricardus Woleman Dec. Wellen.
  • Tho. Brerewood Archidiacan. Har. Procur. Capituli & Cleri Exon.
  • Georgius Carew Archid. Totten Proc. Capituli & Cleri Exon.
  • Thomas Bennet Psoc. Cleri & Ca­pit Sarum.
  • Richardus Arch Proc. Cleri & Ca­pit Sarum.
  • Petrus Lighman Proc. Cleri Cant.
  • Edmundus Stewart Proc. Cleri Winton.
  • Ioannes Rayne Proc. Cleri Lincoln.
  • Leonardus Samill Proc. Cleri Ar­chid. Lewen.
  • Simon Matthew Proc. Cleri London.
  • Linfrid Ogle Archid Salop.
  • Gulielmus Maye Proc. Cleri Elien.
  • Rol. Philips Proc. Eccles. St. Pau­li London.
  • Ioannes Bell Ar. Glocest.
  • Ioannes Chambers Dec. St. Ste­phani Archid Bedford.
  • Nicolaus Wilson
Some Observations on the former Subscriptions.

A The Abbots of Glossenbury and Reading Subscribe with the rest: by which it appears that they complyed in the changes that were made as readily as others did.

B The Abbots writ generally so ill that it is very hard to read their Subscriptions: Some of them I could by no means know what to make of.

C There are of 50 of the lower house of Convocation: of those there are 25 Archdeacons 4 Deans of Cathedrals 3 Deans of Collegial▪ Churches 17 Procura­tors for the Clergy and one Ma­ster of a Colledge.

II. Some Queries put by Cranmer in Order to the Correcting of several Abuses.

Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. 5. FIrst, What causes, reasons, or considerations hath or might move any man to desire to have the Bishop of Rome restored in any point to his pretended Monarchy, or to repugn against the Laws and Statutes of this Realm made for the setting forth of the Kings Ti­tle of Supream Head?

2 Item, Whether a man offending-deadly after he is Baptized, may ob­tain remission of his Sins, by any other way than by Contrition, through grace?

3 Item, If the Clergy know that the common sort of men have them in a higher estimation, because they are perswaded, that it lyeth in the will and Power of Priests to remit, or not remit sins at their pleasure whether in such case the said Clergy offend if they wink at this, and voluntarily suffer the people to continue in this Opinion?

4 Item, Whether a sinner being sorry and contrite for his sins and forthwith dying, shall have as high a place in Heaven, as if he had never offended?

5 Item, Whether any, and what difference may be Assigned betwixt two men, whereof the one being very sorry and contrite for his sins di­eth without Absolution of the Priest, and the other which being con­trite is also absolved by the Priest and so dieth?

[Page 317] Item, If it may appear that the common people have a greater af­fiance 6 or trust in outward Rites or Ceremonies than they ought to have, and that they esteem more vertue in Images and adorning of them, kissing their feet or offering Candles unto them, than they should e­steem, and that yet the Curates knowing the same, and fearing the loss of their offerings, and such other temporal commodities, do ra­ther encourage the people to continue after this sort, than teach them the truth in the premisses according to Scripture; what the Kings Highness and his Parliament may do, and what they are bound in con­science to do in such case?

Item, Whether now in time of the new Law the Tithes or tenth be 7 due to Curates by the Laws of God, or of man; and if the same be due by the Laws of man, what mans Laws they be?

Item, Whether the Clergy only, and none but they ought to have 8 voices in general Councils?

Item, Whether the 19th Canon in the Council of Calcedon, where­in 9 is contained that one Clerk may not sue an other before any secu­lar Judge, but only before his Bishop, and such other Canons of like effect, have been generally received or not? and whether the same be contrary to the Kings Prerogative and Laws of this Realm; and whether it be expedient that it were declared by the Parliament that the said Canons being at no time received, especially within this Realm, be void and of none effect?

Item, Of the 24th Canon of the said Council, wherein is contain­ed 10 that Monasteries once consecrate by the Bishop, may not after be made dwelling houses for Say-men, whether that Canon have been re­ceived and observed, and whether the same be against the Power of the King and Authority of his Parliament?

Item, If it may appear that the Bishops have not, ne yet do maturely 11 examine and diligently inquire of the Conversation, and Learning of such as be ordered or admitted to Cures by them, but rather with­out examination or inquisition indistinctly admit persons unable, where­of ensueth great peril of Souls, and innumerable inconveniences o­therways, what the Kings Highness or his Parliament ought to do, or may do for reformation in the premisses?

Item, If such as have Deanries, Arch-Deaconries, Chanterships,12 and other Offices or promotions of the Clergy, use not themselves in their own persons after such sort as the primary institution of these Offices or Promotions require, and according to the Wills of them that endowed the same, what the King and his Parliament may do or ought to do in this case?

Item, For what causes and to what ends and purposes such Offices and promotions of the Clergy were first instituted?13

Item, If Curates having Benefices with cure, for their more bodily 14 ease, refuge to dwell upon any of their said Cures, and remain in i­dleness continually in Cathedral or Collegial Churches, upon their Prebends, whether it be in this case expedient, that the Kings High­ness or his Parliament take any Order for the redress of the same?

[Page 318] 15 Item, Of the Sacraments of Confirmation, Order, Matrimony, and extream Unction, what the external signs and inward graces be in every of the said Sacraments, what promises be made to the re­ceivors of them by God, and of what efficacy they be of and ener­gy of themselves?

III. Some Queries concerning Confirmation, with the answers which were given to them by Cran­mer, and Stokesley Bishop of London.
AN ORIGINAL.

WHether Confirmation be Instituted by Christ?

Written with Cranmers hand. Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. 5. Respon. There is no place in Scripture that declareth this Sacrament to be instituted of Christ.

First, For the places alledged for the same be no Institutions but Acts and deeds of the Apostles.

Secondly, These Acts were done by a special gift given to the Apo­stles for the confirmation of Gods Word at that time.

Thirdly, The said special gift doth not now remain with the Suc­cessors of the Apostles.

What is the External Sign.

The Church useth Chrisma for the exterior sign, but the Scriptur maketh no mention thereof.

What is the Efficacy of this Sacramint?

The Bishop in the name of the Church doth invocate the Holy Ghost to give strength and constancy, with other spiritual gifts, unto the person confirmed: so that the efficacy of this Sacrament is of such value, as is the Prayer of the Bishop made in the name of the Church.

Haec respondeo, salvo semper eruditiorum & Ecclesiae ortho doxae judicio.

Stokesley's Paper.

The first Question, Whether the Sacrament of Confirmation be a Sacra­ment of the New Testament institute by Christ?

To this I answer, That it is.

The second Question, What is the outward sign, and the invisible graces which be conferaed in the same?

To this I Answer, That the Words Signo te Signo Sanctae crucis & confirmo te, &c. With the consignation, with the Creame, imposition of hands of the Prelates, be the Signs: and the increase of the gifts of the Holy Ghost, and especially of fortitude, to speak, shew, and defend the Faith, and to suffer for the same in case need be.

[Page 319] The third Question, What promises be made of the said graces?

I Answer, That the facts and deeds that be expressed in the Books of the Apostles, with the effects ensuing, by the imposition of their hands, upon them that before had received Remission of their sins, joyn­ed with the promises of Christ, made to his Church, and the continu­al belief of the university of the same Catholick Church from the time of the Apostles hitherto, without contradiction of any man (igno­rants and suspects of Heresie only excepted) maketh us, and in my opinion, without prejudice of other mens opinions, ought to suffice to make all men that hath promised to believe the Catholick Church, as­suredly to think that God hath made the promises of the said grace.

Ego Joannes London. sic respondeo, fretus autoritate & Testi­monio antiquissimorum, eorumque Doctissimorum pariter ac Sanctis­simorum virorum, & praecipue Sanctae matris nostrae Ecclesiae Ca­tholicae, cui etiam in non expressis in sacra Scriptura, non multo minus quam scriptis, fides adhibenda est; nisi tam de baptismo par­vulorum, quam de perpetua Deiparae virginis integritate, & id ge­nus compluribus, quibus sine salutis periculo nemo discrepat, licebit salva fide contradicere.

IV. Some Considerations offered to the King by Cranmer, to Induce him to proceed to a further Reformation.

PLeaseth it your Highness graciously to consider,Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. 4. deeply to pon­der and weigh by your high wisdom these Considerations fol­lowing.

First, How no great thing is to be determined, principally matters of Christs Religion, without long, great, and mature deliberation.

Secondly, How evil it hath succeeded when in Provincial, yea or yet in General Councils, men have gone about to set forth any thing as in the force of Gods Law, without the manifest Word of God, or else without apparent reasons, infallibly deduced out of the Word of God.

Thirdly, How all Christened Regions are now full of Learned men in the Scripture, which can well espie out and judge how things that be, or shall be set forth are agreeable with Scripture or not.

Fourthly, Of what Audacity men be of now adays, which will not spare to write against high Princes, as well as against private per­sons, without any respect to their high Estates, only weighing the equity or the iniquity of the cause.

Fifthly, How not only men of the New Learning (as they be cal­led) but also the very Papistical Authors, do allow that by the Word of God, Priests be not forbidden to Marry, although they were not igno­rant that many expounders of Scripture were of the contrary judgment.

Sixthly, How that it is not possible that all Learned men should be [Page 320] of one mind, sentence, and opinion, as long as the cockle is mingled with the wheat, the Godly with the ungodly, which certainly shall be as long as the World endureth.

Seventhly, How variety of Opinions have been occasion of the open­ing of many verities heretofore taken for Heresie, yea and yet so esteem­ed and taken of many, in other Regions; as namely the usurped Au­thority of the Bishop of Rome hath by that occasion come into Light, with the effusion of the blood not of a few, such as were the first stir­rers up thereof.

Lastly, There be also other opinions not spoken of, which have made, and yet will make as much variance in your Graces Realm as any of them treated of, namely, Whether the Holy Scripture teacheth any Purgatory to us after this Life or not? whether the same Scripture teacheth the Invocation of dead Saints? Whether there be any un­written verities necessary to be believed not written in Scripture, nor deducted by infallible Arguments out of the open places of Scripture? Whether there be any satisfactions beside the satisfaction of Christ? Whether free will by its own strength may dispose it self to grace of a conveniency (as it is said) de congruo? Whether it be against Scrip­ture to kiss the Image of Christ in the Honour of him? And general­ly whether Images may be used any other way than your Grace set­teth forth in your Injunctions?

Wherefore in consideration of the premisses it may please your High­ness to suspend your judgment for a time, and not to determine the Marriage of Priests to be against Scripture, but rather to put both parts to silence, commanding them neither to preach, dispute, nor o­penly to talk thereof under pain of, &c. And in case these premisses do not move your Highness to stay, that then it may please the same to grant that the Article of Priests Marriage may be openly disputed in both Universities, under indifferent Judges, before it be determined. All the Arguments of the contrary party first to be delivered in writ­ing to the defenders twelve days before the disputation; to the intent they may the more maturely and deliberately make answer to the same; and they that shall enter as defenders into this disputation, to do it under this condition, that if their Judges decern them to be o­vercome, they be right well contented to suffer death, therefore: And if their adversaries cannot prove their purpose, their desire is no more but that it may please your Highness to leave your most humble Sub­jects to the liberty that Gods Word permitteth them in that behalf; and your said humble Subjects shall pray unto Almighty God for the preservation of your most Royal Estate long to continue to Gods Glory and Honour.

V. A Declaration made of the Functions and Di­vine Institution of Bishops and Priests.
AN ORIGINAL.

AS touching the Sacrament of Holy Orders, we will that all Bi­shops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people com­mitted by us unto their spiritual charge,

First, Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. [...]. How that Christ and his Apostles did institute and Ordain in the New Testament, that beside the Civil Powers and gover­nance of Kings and Princes, which is called in Scripture, pote­stas gladij, the Power of the Sword, there should be also continually in the Church Militant, certain other Ministers or Officers, which should have Spiritual Power, Authority and commission under Christ, to Preach and teach the Word of God, unto his people, and to dis­pence and administer the Sacraments of God unto them; and by the same to confer and give the grace of the Holy Ghost, to consecrate the blessed body of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar, to loose and absoil from sin, all persons which be duly penitent and sorry for the same; to bind and excommunicate such as be guilty in manifest crimes and sins, and will not amend their defaults; to order and consecrate others in the same room, Order and Office, whereunto they be called and admitted themselves; and finally to feed Christs people like good Pastors, and Rectors, as the Apostles calleth them, with their whol­some doctrine, and by their continual exhortations and monitions to reduce them from sin and iniquity, so much as in them lyeth, and to bring them unto the perfect knowledg, the perfect love and dread of God, and unto the perfect charity of their neighbours.

Item, that this Office, this Ministration, this Power and Authority is no tyrannical Power, having no certain Laws or Limits, within the which it ought to be contained, nor yet none absolute Power, but it is a moderate Power, subject, determined, and restrained unto those certain Limits and ends for the which the same was appointed by Gods Ordinance; which, as was said before, is only to administer and di­stribute unto the members of Christs Mystical body, spiritual and ever­lasting things; that is to say, the pure and heavenly doctrine of Christs Gospel, and the graces conferred in his Sacraments: And therefore this said Power and administration is called in some places of Scripture, donum & Gratia, a gift and a grace; in some places it is called Claves sive potestas clavium, that is to say, the keys or the Power of the keys, whereby is signified a certain limited Office restrained unto the execu­tion of a special Function or Ministration, according to the saying of [Page 322] St. Paul in his first Chap. of his Epistle to the Romans, and in the fourth Chap. of his first Epistle to Timothy, and also in the fourth Chap. of his Epistle to the Ephes. Where he writes in this Sentence; Quum ascen­disset Christus in altum, captivam duxit captivitatem, & dedit dona homi­nibus, dedit autem, alios q [...]idem Apostolos, alios vero Prophetas, alios vero Evangelistas, alios autem pastores ac doctores, ad instaurationem sanctorum, in opus administrationis, in aedificationem corporis Christi, donec pervenia­mus omnes in unitat [...]m fidei & agnitionis filii Dei, in virum perfectum, in mensuram aetatis plene adultae Christi. That is to say, ‘when Christ as­cended into Heaven, he subdued and vanquished very captivity her self, and led or made her thrall and captive, and distributed and gave divers heavenly gifts and graces unto men here on earth; and a­mong all he made some the Apostles, some Priests, some Evange­lists, some Pastors and Doctors, to the intent they should execute the work and office of their administration, to the instauration, in­struction, and edifying of the members of Christs Mystical body: And that they should also not cease from the Execution of their said Office, until all the said members were not only reduced and brought unto unity of the Faith, and the knowledg of the Son of God, but also that they were come unto a perfect state, and full age therein; that is to say, until they were so established and confirmed in the same that they could no more afterwards be wavering therein, and be led or carryed like children, into any contrary doctrine, or opini­on, by the craft or subtile perswasion of the false Pastors and Teach­ers, which go about by craft to bring them into erroneous opinions, but that they should constantly follow the true Doctrine of Christs Gospel, growing and encreasing continually by charity unto a perfect member of that body, whereof Christ is the very head, in whom if the whole body, that is to say, if every part and member be grown and come unto his perfect estate, not all in like, but only one according to the gift and quality which is deputed unto it, and so to be com­pacted, united, and corporated together in the said body, no doubt bu [...] that whole body and every part thereof shall thereby be made [...]he more perfect and the more strong, by reason of that natural love and charity, which one member so united in the body hath un­to the other:’ by which words it appeareth evidently not only that St Paul accounted and numbred this said Power and Office of the Pa­stors and Doctors among the proper and special gifts of the Holy Ghost, but also it appeareth that the same was a limited power and Office, ordained specially and only for the causes and purposes before re­hearsed.

Item, That this Power, Office, and Administration is necessary to be preserved here in Earth for three special and principal causes. First, for that it is the Commandment of God it should be so, as it appear­eth in sundry places of Scripture. Secondly, for that God hath insti­tuted and ordained none other ordinary mean or instrument, whereby he will make us partakers of the reconciliation which is by Christ, and confer and give the graces of his holy Spirit unto us, and make us the right inheritors of everlasting Life, there to Reign with him for [Page 323] ever in glory, but only his words and Sacraments; and therefore the Office and Power to Minister the said Word and Sacraments, may in no wise be suffered to perish, or to be abolished, according to the say­ing of St. Paul, Quomodo credent in eum de quo non audi [...]runt? quomodo autem audient sine praedicante? quomodo autem praedicabunt nisi missi fue­runt? sicut scriptum est, quam specios [...] super montes pedes Evangelizanti­um pacem, annunciantium bona! Thirdly, because the said Power and Office or Function hath annexed unto it assured promises of excellent and inestimable things; for thereby is conferred and given the Holy Ghost with all his graces, and finally our justification and everlasting life, according to the saying of St. Paul, Non me p [...]det Evangelii Ie­su Christi, potentia siquidem est Dei ad salutem omni credenti; that is to say, I am not ashamed of the room and Office which I have given un­to me by Christ, to preach his Gospel, for it is the Power of God, that is to say, the elect Organ or instrument ordained by God and en­dued with such vertue and efficacy, that it is able to give and Mini­ster effectually everlasting Life unto all those that will believe and obey unto the same.

Item, That this Office, this Power and Authority was committed and given by Christ and his Apostles unto certain persons only, that is to say, unto Priests or Bishops, whom they did elect, call, and ad­mit thereunto by their Prayer and Imposition of their hands.

Secondly, We will that all Bishops and Preachers shall instruct and teach our people committed unto their Spiritual charge, that the Sacrament of Order may worthily be called a Sacrament, because it is a holy Rite or ceremony instituted by Christ and his Apostles in the New Testament, and doth consist of two parts, like as the other Sacraments of the Church do; that is to say, of a spiritual and an invisible grace, and also of an outward and a visible Sign. The invisible gift or grace con­ferred in this Sacrament, is nothing else but the Power, the Office and the Authority before mentioned: the visible and outward Sign, is, the Prayer and Imposition of the Bishops hands, upon the person which receiveth the said gift or grace. And to the intent the Church of Christ should never be destituted of such Ministers, as should have and execute the said power of the keys, it was also Ordained and com­manded by the Apostles, that the same Sacrament should be applyed and ministred by the Bishop from time to time, unto such other per­sons as had the qualities, which the Apostles very diligently descryve; as it appeareth evidently in the third Chap. of the first Epistle of St. Paul to Tim. and his Epistle unto Titus. And surely this is the whole ver­tue and efficacy, and the cause also of the institution of this Sacrament, as it is found in the New Testament; for albeit the Holy Fathers of the Church which succeeded the Apostles, minding to beautifie and ornate the Church of Christ with all those things, which were com­mendable in the Temple of the Iews, did devise not only certain other ceremonies than be before rehearsed, as Tonsures, Rasures, Unctions, and such other observances to be used in the administration of the said Sacraments, but did also institute certain inferiour orders or degre [...]s, as Ianitors, Lectors, Exorcists, Acolits, and Subdeacons, and deputed [Page 324] to every one of those certain Offices to Execute in the Church, where­in they followed undoubtedly the example and rites used in the Old Testament; yet the truth is, that in the New Testament there is no mention made of any degrees or distinctions in Orders, but only of Dea­cons or Ministers, and of Priests or Bishops: nor there is any word spoken of any other ceremony used in the conferring of this Sacrament, but only of Prayer, and the Imposition of the Bishops hands.

  • Thomas Cromwell.
  • T. Cantuarien.
  • Edwardus Ebor.
  • Ioannes London.
  • Cuthbertus Dunelmensis.
  • Ioannes Lincoln.
  • Ioannes Bathoniens.
  • Thomas Elien.
  • Ioannes Bangor.
  • Nicolaus Sarum.
  • Edwardus Hereforden.
  • Hugo Wygorn.
  • Ioannes Roffen.
  • Rich. Cicestr.
  • Richardus Wolman.
  • Ioannes Bell.
  • Willielmus Clyffe.
  • Robertus Aldridge.
  • Gilfridus Downes.
  • Ioannes Skip.
  • Cuthbertus Marshall.
  • Marmaduke Waldeby.
  • Robertus Oking.
  • Nicolaus Heyth.
  • Rodolphus Bradford.
  • Richardus Smith.
  • Simon Matthew.
  • Ioannes Prynn.
  • Gulielmus Buckmastre.
  • Willielmus Maye.
  • Nicolaus Wotton.
  • Ricardus Cox.
  • Ioannes Redman.
  • Thomas Robertson.
  • Thomas Baret.
  • Ioannes Nase.
  • Ioannes Barbar.

(Some other hands there are that cannot be Read.)

Sacrae Theologiae, Iuris Ecclesiastici, & Civilis Professores.

VI. A Letter of Melanthons, to perswade the King to a further Reformation. An Original.

S. D. Serenissime & Inclyte Rex,Cotton Libr. Cleop. E. 5. Etsi audieramus Romanum Epis­copum omnibus artificiis incendere Caesaris Caroli & Regis Galli­ci animos adversus Britannos & Germanos, tamen quia spero Deum haec pericula gubernaturum esse, & defensurum tranquillitatem tuam, scripsi in alteris literis de Ecclesiarum emendatione, quam si tempora sinent, rogo ut Regia Majestas tua suscipiat. Postea adjeci hanc Epistolam, non impudentia, sed optimo studio, & amore cum Ecclesiarum, cum Regiae Majestatis tuae incitatus: quare per Christum obtestor Regiam Majesta­tem tuam ut meam libertatem boni consulat. Saepe cogito Britannicae Ecclesiae primordia, & caeteras laudes: hinc enim propagata est doctrina Christiana in magnam Germaniae & Galliae partem; imo Britannicae Ec­clesiae beneficium fuit, quod primum Romanae Provinciae liberatae sunt persecutione. Haec primum nobis Imperatorem pium Constantinum de­dit: magna haec gloria est vestri nominis. Nunc quoque Regia Majestas tua, primum heroica magnitudine animi ostendit se veritati patrocina­turum esse, excussit Romani Episcopi tyrannidem, quare veterem puri­tatem Ecclesiae vestrae maxime optarim restitui integram. Sed animad­verto istic esse quosdam qui veteres abusus ortos aut confirmatos a Ro­mano Episcopo adhuc mordicus tenent. Mirum est autem Autore abu­suum ejecto ipsa tamen venena retineri; qua in re illud etiam periculi est, quod illi ipsi aut eorum imitatores aliquando revocaturi potestatem Romani Episcopi videntur, si populus hunc putavit esse Magistrum Ec­clesiarum, incurrunt enim ritus in oculos & admonent de autore, ut So­lonis memoria cum legibus Athenis & propagata & jucunda fuit.

Gaudebam igitur in Edicto recens istic proposito de Religione, pro­mitti publicam deliberationem & emendationem de Ecclesiarum ritibus & legibus, eaque sententia mitigavit Decreti acerbitatem: quanquam enim laudo pietatem, quod errores prohibentur, qui pugnant cum do­ctrina Catholicae Ecclesiae quam & nos profitemur; tamen doleo ad eas causas adjectum esse articulum, in quo praecipitur omnium rituum usita­torum & caelibatus observatio. Primum enim multi transferent Edicti Autoritatem ad stabiliendos abusus Missae. Deinde in universum confirma­tur pertinacia eorum qui Doctrinae nostrae sunt iniquiores, & debilitantur studia piorum. Augustinus queritur sua aetate jam duriorem fuisse ser­vitutem Christianam quam Judaicam, quanto erit asperior servitus, si superstitiosiores ineptiae, ut reptatio ad crucem aut res similes, mu­nientur corporum suppliciis? Gerson scribit prodesse piis, qui tamen superstitiosius observant ritus, ut invitentur ad eos violandos, ut usu & exemplo dediscant superstitionem.

Sed munio tranquillitatem, dices, & nolo dissimilitudine rituum ex­citari discordias. Ego de piis & modestis loquor qui humanas traditio­nes sine tumultibus violant, non de his qui in caetu publico seditiose tranquillum populum aut concitant aut perturbant. Extant autem antea leges de seditiosis, nec statim violatio inepti & non necessarii ritus judicanda est seditiosa, attamen hac in re non solum tranquilli­tatis, [Page 303] sed etiam piarum conscientiarum ratio habenda est: est enim tenera res conscientia, facile languescit perculsa potentum judiciis.

Nec ignoro quosdam novo jam uti genere sapientiae, excusant abusus, & leniunt eos astute affictis interpretationibus, ut habeant speciosam causam cur eos retineant; sicut nefarios abusus excusat Autor reforma­tionis Coloniensis, ut campanarum consecrationem & similes imposturas. Quam multa sunt in fabulosis historiis sanctorum, ut Christophori, Georgii, quae ut poemata continent venustissimas Allegorias; nec ta­men propter has cogendae sunt Ecclesiae ut illas poeticas personas co­lant,

Erat in Egypto sacrum cum fici maturuissent, populus enim in templo edens recentes ficus, addebat canticum his verbis, Dulcis veritas. Huic ritui facile est bellam significationem addere, eum (que) accommodare ad laudem Verbi Dei, nec tamen propterea hic mos in Ecclesias revocandus est; atqui hanc novam sophisticam exoriri passim videmus. Sic in Ita­lia dicuntur abusibus patrocinari, Contarenus, Sadoletus, & Polus Car­dinalis; nam hi praecipue susceperunt sibi jam has partes defendendae Romanae impietatis, & hanc ducunt esse magnam ingenii laudem fucos illinire vitiosis ritibus, putant (que) se his ineptiis Dionysii Theologiam My­sticam renovare. Haec Sophistica, nisi prudentes gubernatores Ecclesia­rum obsistent, pariet horribilem confusionem religionum, & rursus ob­ruet veritatem. Donec flagitantur humani ritus tanquam necessarii, confirmatur prava opinio de cultu; ideo Paulus tam vehementer non modo opinionem, sed ritus ipsos Leviticos insectatus est, praevidebat enim non excuti posse superstitionem, si ritus manerent, quare gravissime in­quit, si circumcidimini, Christus vobis nihil proderit.

Retineatur ergo simplex & perspicua sententia de libertate in adia­phoris, & doceant concionatores quae scandala vitanda sint; retinean­tur ritus divinitus instituti, & aliquae humanae traditiones utiles ad bonum ordinem, ut Paulus loquitur, & sit modus caeremoniarum quae habeant conjunctam gravitatem & elegantiam; decet autem abesse ab Ecclesiis barbariem: Caeteri inutiles & inepti ritus non duriter flagitentur.

Deinde quantum periculi adfert conscientiis prohibitio conjugii, nec ignorat Regia Majestas tua, legem de caelibatu perpetuo tantum Romae natam esse: extant Epistolae Episcopi Tarraconensis defendentes conju­gia Presbyterorum in Hispania contra Romanum Episcopum. In Germa­nia ante annos quingentos adhuc Sacerdotes fuerunt mariti, adeoque aegre tulerunt sibi eripi hanc libertatem, ut in Episcopum Moguntinum recitantem edictum Romanum tumultuantes impetum fecerint, quare Episcopus fugere coactus recitationem omisit. Erat Autor Edicti Gre­gorius septimus qui cuilibet tyrannorum veterum audacia & impietate par fuit. Hic cum longo & funesto bello civili nostros Germanicos imperatores implicuisset, simul etiam Ecclesias Tyrannide oppressit. Audio & in Anglia Sacerdotes fuisse maritos: deni (que) notae sunt Historiae, quae exempla satis multa continent, quare miror in Edicto citari Episto­lam ad Corinthios, cum haec longe aliud tradat de conjugio, ac praecipiat conjugium iis qui non sunt idonei ad caelibatum.

Nec objicienda sunt vota quae & expresse pugnant cum divinis man­datis, & trahunt secum multiplicem superstitionem & morum corrup­tionem; videmus enim qualis sit vita multorum Sacerdotum caelibum: [Page 331] ita (que) non sine dolore aliquo legi in Edicto, quod hi qui Uxores duxe­runt accusantur Levitatis, nam hoc convicio causa nostra praegravari videtur, quae tamen Ecclesiae necessaria est, ut conjugii dignitas clarius conspiciatur, ut superstitiosi cultus votorum reprehendantur, ut arce­antur libidines. Non enim impurus caelibatus, sed honesta & pia con­jugum consuetudo, est castitas Deo grata, sicut Christus sua voce divi­nam conjunctionem appellat connubium, inquiens, Quos Deus conjunx­it, &c. Discamus Dei Ordinationem in natura magnifacere, eaque re­verenter uti, non fingamus ipsi novos cultus sine Verbo Dei; de quo genere Paulus nominatim concionatur, cum ad Timotheum scribens du­riter reprehendit eos qui prohibent nuptias.

Propheta Daniel insignes notas addidit Antichristo duas, cum ait co­let Deum Maosim argento & auro, & Deum patrum suorum non in­telliget, & mulieres non curabit. Haec quadrant maxime ad Roma­nos mores: Missarum abusus & Sanctorum cultus pepererunt immensas opes & Regiam potentiam. Nova numina confecta sunt, adorantur aureae & argenteae statuae, & auro atque argento ornantur. Deinde accedit Lex de caelibatu, unde magna corruptio morum orta est. Hae notae cui genti, cui Regno usquam competunt nisi factioni Episcopi Ro­mani? qui cum sit Antichristus, pio & forti animo ipsius autoritati & legibus adversandum est.

Porro faeliciter coepit Regia Majestas tua quaedam emendare, sustulit aliqua idola quae impie colebantur: Obtestor ergo Regiam Majestatem tuam, ut reliquam impietatem Romanam etiam ex Ecclesiis tollat. Ex­empla testantur ingentibus victoriis ornatos esse Reges qui sustulerunt Idololatriam, ac saepe testatur Deus quantopere requirat hunc cultum, ut removeantur superstitiones, & pro hoc officio ingentia praemia polli­cetur: quare Deus etiam defendet Regiam Majestatem tuam, si ut Eze­chias & caeteri pii Reges impios ritus sustuleris. Audit Regia Majestas tua in Belgico & alibi immanem saevitiam exerceri adversus pios; & haec Tyrannis gignit alia multa vitia, stabilit idololatriam, delet veram in­vocationem, extinguit penitus veram Religionem; cum (que) desint boni Doctores, multi in populo fiunt palam [...] Constat enim pene Eth­nicam licentiam esse in Belgico, alii superstitiosi natura, alii fanaticas opi­niones Anabaptistarum amplectuntur. Talis est in Belgico status, quod quidem floret pace, otio, opibus; adfluunt luxu ditiores, ita se beatos esse putant, nec interea prospiciunt quot paenae ipsis impendeant: Deus autem haud dubie tantam impietatem & crudelitatem atrociter puniet. Nollem igitur in Regno tuo renovari asperitatem adversus pios, quam ita prohibebit Regia Majestas tua si Edictum leniet & Ecclesias consti­tuere perget. Deinde ut etiam ad posteritatem, animi abhorreant a Tyrrannide Romani Episcopi, plurimum refert illas leges tolli, quae sunt nervi autoritatis ipsius; magna vero adminicula potentiae Romanorum Episcoporum fuerunt, Missarum abusus, & Coelibatus, quae si durabunt ali­quando poterunt praebere occasionem iis qui depravatae sunt opinionis Romanae Aulae, ut ad eam rursus inclinationem faciant. Id caveri quantum referat, si doctrinae puritas conservanda est, satis intelligit Re­gia Majestas tua. Verum adhuc est quod Iuvenalis de Romana aula scripsit, hic fiunt homines, &c. imbuti eo loci malis artibus, contuma­ciam singularem adversus Reges inde referunt, ut multa exempla testan­tur. Hanc Epistolam loquaciorem ac liberiorem ut Regia Majestas tua [Page 332] boni consulat oro. Precor autem Deum & Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum, ut Regiam Majestatem tuam servet & defendat, ac gubernet ad salutem Ecclesiae. Bene & feliciter valeat Regia Majestas tua. Ex Francofordia,

Cal. Aprilis 1539.
Regiae Majestatis tuae Addictissimus Philippus Melanthon.
Directed thus on the back; Serenissimo & Inclyto Angliae & Franciae Regi D. Henrico Octavo Walliae & Cornubiae Principi, Capiti Anglicae Ecclesiae post Christum Supremo, Principi Clementissimo.

VII. A Letter written by the German Ambassadors to the King, against the taking away of the Chalice, and against private Masses, and the Celibat of the Clergie, &c. An Original.

Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. 5.SErenissime & Potentissime Rex, Domine Clementissime, Etsi Sere­nissimam Regiam Majestatem vestram maximorum negotiorum mo­le, tum ad Regnum ac Provincias proprias Majestatis Vestrae pertinen­tium, tum etiam exterorum Regum, Principum, & Potentatuum gra­vissimis causis, quae ad Regiam Majestatem Vestram pene quotidie devol­vuntur, obrui non ignoremus; nosque pro nostra erga Regiam Maje­statem Vestram debita observantia ut par est, nihil minus velimus aut cogitemus, quam Serenissimam Regiam Majestatem Vestram vel mitten­dis literis crebrioribus, vel ulla alia re interturbare & a Reipublicae curis impedire, tamen certis quibusdam de causis, quas Serenissimae Regiae Majestati Vestrae probaturos nos speramus, duximus iterum ad Serenissi­mam Regiam Majestatem Vestram literas dandas esse, nihil dubitantes quin Vestra Serenissima Regia Majestas eas pro sua insigni bonitate, sa­pientia, doctrina, atque favore sincerioris Religionis, benigne acceptura sit. Cum enim ab Illustrissimis Principibus nostris nobis injuncta man­data Vestrae Serenissimae Majestati jampridem exposuerimus, & praeterea postulante Majestate Vestra cum quibusdam ejusdem Reverendissimis & eruditissimis Episcopis & Theologiae Doctoribus, de articulis Religionis Christianae per duos pene menses sermones contulerimus, ac Dei benefi­cio res eo perducta fuerit, ut nihil ambigamus, quin inter Serenissimam Regiam Majestatem Ve [...]ram & Principes nostros, ac eorum in causa re­ligionis confaederatos, utrorum (que) Episcopos, Theologos & Subditos fir­ma [Page 333] at (que) perpetua concordia in sinceriore Evangelii Doctrina, in laudem Dei Optimi Maximi, salutem Ecclesiae Christianae, ac perniciem Romani Antichristi, secutura sit, nosque reliquam disputationem de abusibus non expectare queamus, existimavimus non esse alienum ab officio nostro, ut ante discessum nostrum Serenissimae Regiae Majestati Vestrae, quae per Dei Gratiam indefessa cura & diligentia sinceram Evangelii Doctrinam promotam cupit, debitam observantiam, atque perpetuum studium no­strum literis nostris testatum relinqueremus, & Majestati Vestrae nostro­rum etiam sententiam de quibusdam Articulis abusuum, de quibus Maje­stas Vestra post abitum nostrum haud dubie curabit eosdem Episcopos & Theologos pro inquirenda veritate, sermones conferre & disputare, declararemus: nihil ambigentes, quin ea etiam in re Serenissima Regia Majestas Vestra pro Christi gloria id praestitura sit, ut non tantum do­ctrinam puram habeat, verum etiam abolitis aliquando impiis cultibus & abusibus per Romanum Episcopum in Ecclesiam introductis, cultus ac caeremonias consentaneas Verbo Dei constituat: facile enim Serenissima Regia Majestas Vestra pro sua summa sapientia perspicit, non posse un­quam Doctrinae puritatem, vel constitui, vel conservari, nisi tollantur è medio etiam hi abusus, qui prorsus & ex diametro, ut dici solet, cum Verbo Dei pugnant, & Romani Antichristi tyrrannidem ac idololatriam, tum pepererunt, tum etiam hactenus conservarunt; nam ut radicibus demum resectis, necesse est arbores & herbas penitus exarescere & perire, ita dubium non est, quin impiis Romani Episcopi abusibus & idololatria, ut fundamento stabilitatis ipsius, labefactis & eversis, etiam Tyrannis ejus­dem prorsus ruitura & interitura sit; quod nisi fiat perpetuo metuendum est, ne levi aliqua occasione iterum repullulescat & tanquam a radice re­viviscat.

Sunt vero haec tria pene capita & fundamentum Tyrannidis & Idolo­latriae Pontificiae, quibus stantibus, neque Doctrina Religionis integra permanere, neque unquam Romani Episcopi improbissimus domina­tus, penitus extirpari poterit: nempe, Prohibitio utriusque speciei Sacra­menti in caena Domini, Missa Privata, & Interdictio conjugii Sacerdo­tum, quae quidem usque adeo Dei Verbo adversantur, adeoque etiam honestati publicae repugnant, ut vel ex his solis apertissime intelligi possit Romanum Pontificem verum Antichristum, & omnis idololatriae, im­pietatis, erroris, & turpitudinis, in Christi Ecclesiam introductae aucto­rem esse; de quibus sane articulis nos pauca quaedam Serenissimae Regiae Majestati Vestrae optimo studio scribemus, & ejusdem ut Regis summa sapientia, acerrimo judicio, & excellenti doctrina praediti, censurae com­mittemus, persuasissimum nobis habentes Vestram Majestatem Illustrissi­mam Principum nostrorum, & Statuum confaederatorum consilium & institutum, in hisce articulis non improbaturam esse.

Primum enim, Serenissime ac Potentissime Rex,De utraque specie. non existimamus quenquam inficias iturum, quin Christi Doctrina, mandata, & ordina­tiones omnibus aliis praeceptis, traditionibus aut caeremoniis humanis praeferri debeant; hic enim cum ipse sit vita & veritas, errare non potest, humana vero omnia, praecipue in rebus divinis, incerta & dubia sunt. Porro constat Christum ipsum utram (que) speciem instituisse, cum ait, Bi­bite ex hoc omnes; & Paulum idem docuisse, cum inquit, 2 Cor. 11. probet seipsum homo, & sic de pane comedat & poculo bibat. Quibus sane locis, non de una parte Ecclesiae, id est, de Sacerdotibus tantum, [Page 334] sed de tota Ecclesia mentio fit: Nam quod quidam ita Argumentantur solis Apostolis Christum id dixisse, eaque de causa utram (que) speciem ad solos Sacerdotes pertinere, infirmum admodum est Argumentum; quia eadem ratione sequeretur, quod Laicis ne altera quidem species danda esset; neque enim alio loco Christus mandavit solum corpus laicis dari, & utramque speciem pro Sacerdotibus instituit: sed hoc fatendum est, quod illud mandatum Christi de Sacramento, aut ad omnes, hoc est, Laicos & Sacerdotes pertineat, aut Laici prorsus a Sacramento Corporis etiam arcendi fuerint, cum nusquam alibi in Evangelio, nisi tunc [...]um dedit Apostolis simul corpus & sanguinem, Sacramentum pro Laicis in­stitutum reperiatur; idque ad omnes pertinere Paulus declarat, cum ad­dit, & de poculo bibat, &c. Quod enim dicunt Sacramenti divisionem, urgentibus quibusdam causis, ab Ecclesia institutam esse, & sub una spe­cie, non minus quam sub utraque contineri, non multum ad rem facit: Quis enim non intelligit hic de Christi instituto & mandato agi, idque humanae auctoritati & opinionibus longe praeferendum esse; neque enim Ecclesia sumit sibi hanc libertatem, ex Christi Ordinationibus res indiffe­rentes constituendi; & rationes illae vel de discrimine ordinum, seu dig­nitate Sacerdotali, vel periculo effusionis & similes, nullo modo tantam queunt vim habere, ut propterea Divinae Ordinationes mutandae sint; neque ulla etiam consuetudo contra mandata Dei introducta, ipsis canoni­bus Pontificiis attestantibus, probanda est. Constat vero usum utrius­que speciei, & clarum habere mandatum Christi, & adprobationem San­ctorum Patrum, ac consuetudinem veteris Ecclesiae; sic enim, inquit Divus Hieronymus, Sacerdotes qui Eucharistiae serviunt, & sangui­nem Christi populis distribuunt: & Gelasius Pontifex, Sacramenti Cor­poris & Sanguinis Domini divisionem prohibet, eamque grande Sacrile­gium adpellat.

Adhaec, durat hodie hic mos Communionis utriusque speciei in Graecis Ecclesiis, quae hac in re Romani Pontificis tyrannidi semper restiterunt, neque ejus jugum recipere voluerunt, & testantur Historiae tum in Ger­mania, tum in multis aliis regionibus ac provinciis, verum Communio­nis usum diu conservatum fuisse, sed tandem fulminibus Romani Anti­christi, quibus totum paene orbem terrarum conterruit & subjugavit, homi­nes, ut verisimile est, victi, verū Eucharistiae usum mutarunt, ad quem tamen, per singularem Dei Gratiam, agnita iterum veritate Evangelica, cum Principes nostri, tum alii Evangelii Doctrinam profitentes, jam redie­runt, & sese ac suos in re Universae Ecclesiae maxime salutifera, tanquam in libertatem, excusso jugo Pontificio, vendicarunt & adseruerunt. Nam quae causae Pontificem permoverint, ut contra Christi mandatum & institutum, contra sententiam Sanctorum Patrum, contra consuetu­dinem Universae Ecclesiae Christianae, Sacramentum divideret, & Laicos Sanguine Domini nefarie spoliaret, facile Serenissima Regia Majestas Ve­stra perspicit. Verisimile quidem videtur, eum voluisse suam, suique ordinis auctoritatem ac dignitatem, ea ratione augere, & hoc discrimen inter Laicos & Sacerdotes constituere; nam etiam nunc clamitant adver­sarii, laicos debere esse altera specie contentos; quasi regnum aliquod possideant, & ita imperare ipsis liberum sit, ut etiam Christi beneficium hominibus eripere queant, ad quod potius, si suo officio fungi vellent, omnes invitare & pellicere deberent. Sed quid Christo cum Belial? quid Pontifici cum Christi instituto, cujus ipse se summum adversarium [Page 335] esse satis declarat, ideoque tum in hoc, tum aliis salutaribus Religionis Christianae Articulis oportuit ipsum a scriptura discedere, imo Doctri­nam Evangelio consentaneam damnare, ut manifestum fieret, eum esse Antichristum, de quo passim Scriptura talia praedixit.

Porro in altero Articulo, De Missa Privata,De Missa privatae. adhuc magis adparet a Romano Pontifice Religionem Christianam adeo oppressam & obscura­tam, ut Christi Beneficium qui sua morte nos redemit, solusque est ho­stia & satisfactio pro peccatis nostris, penitus sustulerit, & in ejus lo­cum idololatricum cultum pro abolendis peccatis in Ecclesiam invexerit, eamque suis erroribus & prophanationibus miserabiliter implicaverit, turbaverit & deformaverit. Cum enim Missa nihil aliud sit, nec esse de­beat, quam communio sive Synaxis, ut Paulus adpellat, neque etiam alius ejus usus fuerit tempore Apostolorum & veteris Ecclesiae, quemad­modum hoc clare ex S. Patribus probari potest, plane diversum quod­dam opus, prorsus pugnans cum communione & vero Missae usu inde factum est, quod docent ex opere operato, ut loquuntur, mereri grati­am, & tollere peccata vivorum & mortuorum.

Haec opinio quantopere distet a Scripturis, ac gloriam Passionis Chri­sti laedat, Sereniss. Regia Majestas Vestra facillime judicabit. Si enim hoc verum est, quod Missa pro aliis applicari potest, quod peccata tollit, & prodest tam vivis quam mortuis, sequitur Justificationem ex opere Missarum contingere non ex fide; verum hoc omnino Scripturae re­pugnat, quae tradit nos gratis propter Christum per fidem justificari, ac peccata nobis condonari, & in gratiam nos recipi, atque ita non alieno opere, sed propria fide propter Christum, singulos justos [...]ieri: At illi docent alienum opus pro remittendis peccatis alteri, quod quidem me­rum est somnium & figmentum humanum, repugnans Evangelicae Do­ctrinae; nam tunc demum adplicatur gratia per Verbum & Sacramento­rum usum, cum ipsi utimur Sacramentis, sed isti pro aliis utuntur, quod perinde est ac si pro aliis Baptizarentur. Neque vero potest dici quan­topere deformet Christi Gloriam opinio illa de Missa, quae ex opere ope­rato conferat gratiam, aut applicata pro aliis mereatur eis remissionem venialium & mortalium peccatorum culpae & poenae; idque aperte ad­versari Scripturae, & a vero usu Missae sive communionis longe disce­dere, vel inde liquet, quia Missa sive Synaxis ideo est instituta, ut fides Lis qui utitur Sacramento recordetur quae beneficia accipiat per Christum, & erigat ac soletur pavidam conscientiam; ideoque ibi por­rigi debet Sacramentum, his quibus opus est consolatione, sicut Ambrosi­us ait, quia semper pecco, semper debeo accipere Medicinam. Atque hic usque ad tempora Gregorii in Ecclesia Missae usus fuit, neque antea privatae Missae cognitae fuerunt; quod quidem cum multis aliis Patrum Sententiis patet, tum Chrysostomi, qui inquit, Sacerdotem stare ad al­tare & alios ad Communionem accersere, alios arcere: Et ex veteribus Canonibus constat, unum aliquem celebrasse Missam, a quo reliqui Presbyteri & Diaconi sumpserunt corpus Domini, sic enim inquit Canon Nicenus, Accipiant Diaconi secundum Ordinem post Presbyteros ab Episcopo vel Presbytero, Sacram Communionem. Et scribit Epiphani­us, in Asia Synaxim ter celebratam singulis septimanis, nec quotidianas fuisse Missas, eumque morem ab Apostolis traditum esse; qui quidem Missae usus etiam hodie in Graecis Parochiis durare dicitur, nam tantum singulis dominicis diebus & festis, fit ibi una publica Missa, privatas vero [Page 336] non habent: fuitque Graeca Ecclesia hoc nomine longe foelicior quam Latina, quae meliorem usum coenae Domini, Synaxis, sive Missae reti­nuerit, neque vel Sacramentum Corporis & Sanguinis Domini, contra claram Evangelii Doctrinam diviserit, ut paulo ante diximus, neque etiam privatas Missas Sacrae Scripturae acerrime repugnantes, receperit; cujus quidem rei hanc potentissimam causam fuisse arbitramur, quod Graeca Ecclesia Romanum Episcopum auctorem perversae & Idololatricae Doctrinae, & omnium poene abusuum qui in Ecclesiam introducti sunt, pro summo Ecclesiae Universalis sive Catholicae capite, nunquam ag­noverit.

Sed concedunt quidam adplicationes quae f [...]unt in Missa pro vivis & mortuis, & item opiniones, quod ex opere operato gratiam mereri tra­duntur, non esse probandas, & disputant abolitis illis opinionibus im­piis, alia ratione Missas privatas retinendas, nempe quia sunt gratiarum actiones, quae possint ab uno vel a pluribus fieri. Haec sane ratio videtur aliquam habere speciem, estque [...], ut inquit Sophocles, quo in causis invalidis, & ut ipse ait, morbidis utendum sit. Si Missa tan­tum esset gratiarum actio, possit fortassis tali aliquo praetextu colorari; verum constat eam principaliter institutam esse, ut sit Sacramentum quod per ministrum alteri exhibeatur, ut accipiens & credens consequatur gratiam. Et hoc quidem principali fine posito, accedit alter de gratia­rum actione; quare nullo modo ab institutione Christi recedere, sed modum & formam illius Institutionis, & exemplum veteris Ecclesiae sequi & retinere debemus: Nulla enim novitas, praesertim in Sacramentis, re­cipienda est, contra formam a Christo traditam, & contra exempla vete­ris Ecclesiae.

Porro constat privatas Missas esse recentes, & a Romanis Pontificibus introductas, & ne hodie quidem, ut paulo ante dictum est, in Graecis Ecclesiis esse, nisi Parochiales diebus festis, cum quibus adhuc manet ve­stigium Communionis: Cum igitur contra Dei Verbum Missa privata in­troducta sit, eamque humanum tantum & commentitium cultum esse ad­pareat, quis dubitat quin talis Missa, sine ullo periculo omitti possit, imo debeat, cum repugnet Evangelio? Estque pium & sanctum opus, verum Missae sive Synaxis usum Ecclesiae restituere ac reddere, quo per Romanum Pontificem, hoc est Antichristum, multis jam annis miserabi­liter privata fuit, qui quidem adhuc mordicusprivatas Missas tenet, adserit, & defendit. Neque id immerito, facile enim sentit quod labefactata Missa privata, labefactetur imo ruat Universum ejus Regnum & Tyran­nis, quae Missis illis nititur; ut enim in seminibus causa est Arborum & stirpium, ita hujus luctuosissimi dominatus, imperii, tyrannidis, nundi­nationis & idololatriae Pontificiae semen fuit superstitio Missarum priva­tarum: Nam hae pepererunt & sustinuerunt, veluti Atlas quidam, to­tum Papatum; ad harum normam omnia redacta sunt, siquidem nihil fuit, quod non Missa aliqua expiari posse creditum est. His aucupatus Pontifex Romanus indulgentias, quibus immensam pecuniam ex toto orbe terrarum praedatus est; hae Monachorum turbas infinitas coacerva­runt, cum eorum nullus alius esset usus, quam demurmurandi Missas privatas, & alioquin inutile terrae pondus forent. Hae sunt & fuerunt universa pietas, quam Pontifex Romanus profitetur, hanc solam novit ille Religionem, quae in Missis privatis consistit; Doctrinam enim Evan­gelii non modo non habet, verum acerrime odit & prosequitur, & in [Page 337] summa his Missis ipsam praedicationem Verbi Divini Pontifex extermi­navit, ut per omnia Antichristi munere fungeretur: Nam in loco unius concionis Verbi, amplius mille Missae privatae, hoc est, humani & com­mentitii cultus, contra Divinum Verbum successerunt; cum non Missas fieri sed Evangelium praedicare, & Sacramenta rite distribuere & admi­nistrare, Christus Apostolis, quorum illi volunt esse successores, manda­verit.

Curarunt igitur Illustrissimi Principes nostri, & alii Evangelii Do­ctrinam profitentes Principes & Status, privatas Missas penitus aboleri, & verum Missae usum sive Synaxim Christi institutioni, exemplo Apostolo­rum, veteris Ecclesiae ac Patrum sententiis conformem, in Ecclesiam re­vocarunt & restituerunt. Quae quidem Missa sive Synaxis summa cum reverentia celebratur, servatis pene omnibus usitatis Caeremoniis, quae non repugnant pietati; & admiscentur Germanicae sive vernaculae cau­tiones ad docendum populum, praecepit enim Paulus, in Ecclesia uti lingua intellecta a populo. Porro, quia propter communionem sive usum Sacramenti Missa instituta est, hi qui sunt idonei & antea explorati, sa­cramento utuntur; ac dignitas & usus Sacramenti, summa diligentia ac cura ex Verbo Dei populo commendatur, ut sciant & intelligant homi­nes, quantam consolationem pavidis conscientiis adferat, ac discant Deo credere, & optima quaeque ab eo expectare & petere.

Et hunc quidem Sacramenti & Missae usum, Scripturae consentaneum, Deo gratum, & pietati conducibilem esse, Serenissima Regia Majestas Vestra facile agnoscit; neque enim hic aliquid contra Dei Verbum admit­titur, imo secundum Christi mandatum & ordinationem, qui hanc Sa­cram Communionem ad hunc finem instituit, omnia geruntur: Nulla est hic admixta, prava, aut impia opinio, ut in Missa privata Papistica, cujus finis & institutio cum Evangelio pugnat. Nihil hic etiam absque summa reverentia, ordine, & decoro, digno Ecclesiae, fieri cernitur. Audemusque adfirmare, majore Religione hunc verum Missae usum exhi­beri apud nos, quam hactenus unquam sub Papatu privatae Missae cele­bratae fuerint, provocamusque ad testimonia doctissimorum virorum, qui a Majestate Vestra missi in illis locis fuerunt, & haec omnia coram fieri viderunt & audierunt.

Quod enim Adversarii clamitant, Nostros omnes cultus Divinos, om­nes Caeremonias, omnem denique Religionem abolere & labefactare, ea in re Principibus nostris, & aliis Evangelii Doctrinam profitentibus, in­juriam faciunt; & haec eos insigni quadam malevolentia & odio plus­quam Vatiniano, ut dici solet, confingere & comminisci clare adparet, cum ex Doctrina nostrorum, quam consentientem Sacris Literis in lu­cem ediderunt, & Scriptis suis universo orbi Christiano promulgarunt, tum etiam exemplis nostrarum Ecclesiarum, in quibus nolint velint co­guntur fateri, omnia religiosius & sanctius fieri, quam apud ipsos; im­mo Dei beneficio universus populus, non tantum in templis est religio­sior, sed in tota disciplina publica modestius se gerit, majoremque erga Magistratum civilem, & eos qui Ecclesiis praesunt, reverentiam & hono­rem exhibet, quam unquam antea factum fuerit: & hoc sincerae Evan­gelii Doctrinae acceptum referre debemus, quae singulos, rectius omni­bus Pontificiis constitutionibus, sui officii admonet, & sola in quibus re vera pietas ac cultus divinus consistat, tradit ac docet.

Porro, quod Missae collocatae ad quaestum, ut sub Papatu accidit, tur­piter [Page 338] prophanentur, quodque hic abusus in omnibus pene templis latis­sime pateat, non est obscurum: Nam Christi beneficium qui nos pre­cioso suo sanguine redemit, idque gratuito pro vili stipe & mercede vendere, & tale etiam opus inde constituere velle, quod ex sui natura, hoc est ex opere operato, mereatur gratiam, & possit adplicari pro pec­catis aliorum, mortuorum & vivorum, quis non videt summam esse im­pietatem? Quid enim est corpus Domini indigne tractare & sumere, si hoc non esset? An potest etiam magis impium quidquam dici, quam illi de Missis istis docuerunt? Nempe quod Christus sua passione satisfecerit pro peccatis Originis, & instituerit Missam, in qua fieret Oblatio pro quotidianis delictis mortalibus & venialibus: cum Christus poenitentiam & remissionem peccatorum praedicari mandaverit; Missam vero, hoc est Synaxim, ad alium plane finem instituerit, viz. ut porrigatur Sacramen­tum his quibus opus est consolatione, & ut per Verbum & Sacramentum credentes gratiam recipiant, & remissionem peccatorum consequantur, non ut ipsi suum opus, quod quale quale sit, humanum figmentum, huma­nus cultus est, contra Scripturam Deo offerant ac sacrificent. Hoc enim non placat Deum, ut Christus ipse inquit, se frustra coli mandatis homi­num: Nam Missam non esse tale opus sive Sacrificium, quod mereatur gratiam & prosit etiam aliis, inde adparet, quia Missa sive Synaxis ad hoc est instituta, non ut Deo aliquid offeratur, sed ut communicantes consolationem hauriant, & veluti pignus seu certum signum gratiae ac bonae voluntatis Dei erga se recipiant, atque ita recordentur mortis Christi, hoc est, beneficiorum quae per Christum accipiunt, qui qui­dem pro nobis mortuus est, solusque pro peccatis nostris satisfecit, id­que probant Verba ipsa quibus & Christus & Paulus de Missa sive Synaxi usi sunt.

Primum enim inquit Christus, hoc est Corpus Meum, quod pro vobis traditur. Haec sunt Verba promissionis Divinae quae solam fidem exi­gunt, quibusque offertur nobis gratia & remissio peccatorum, ergo non est Sacrificium, hoc est, opus quod Deo offeratur & quidem pro abo­lendis peccatis. Item Paulus ait, Annunciantes mortem Domini: An­nunciare autem non est Sacrificare, hoc est tale opus Deo reddere, quo peccata deleantur. Praeterea Evangelii textus ita sonat, Fregit & dedit Discipulis, inquiens, accipite & comedite, &c. item, bibite ex hoc om­nes, &c. accipere autem, comedere, & bibere, non est sacrificare, quia haec opera ex opere operato non delent peccata.

Neque mandatur hisce verbis, ut nos Deo aliquid offeramus, sed po­tius ut ab eo accipiamus, quia addit, pro vobis traditum, & sanguis qui pro vobis effunditur; quae Verba ostendunt, non exhiberi a sumentibus Eucharistiam Deo Sacrificium, sed donum hominibus datum. Praeterea vero nemo dicit Laicos cum sumunt Sacramentum, Sacrificare: at quan­tum ad hanc Sacram Communionem, Missam, sive Synaxim pertinet, nulla est ratio diversitatis, cum idem Christus uno eodemque tempore ac momento, propter eundem finem & usum, hoc Sacramentum absque differentia utentium Sacerdotum vel Laicorum instituerit. Et quemad­modum prohibitio utriusque speciei, humanum tantum commentum & mandatum est; ita quod de Sacrificio Missae ex opere operato gratiam promerente traditur, humana tantum opinio est, contra Verbum Dei, a quo in rebus maximis, nempe ad remissionem peccatorum, salutem animarum, & vitam aeternam pertinentibus, nullo modo est discedendum: [Page 339] Non enim frustra Paulus inquit & bis repetit, Si nos aut Angelus de Coelo Evangelizet vobis praeter id quod Evangelizavimus & accepistis, Anathema sit.

Praeterea nec potest ratio diversitatis adsignari ex Sacris Literis, cur magis dicant eos qui Sacramento Eucharistiae fruuntur Sacrificare, quam illos qui alio Sacramento, ut Baptismo, utuntur, cum utrumque nihil aliud sit, quam Sacra­menta, quae Christus horum institutor & auctor prorsus ad alium finem, quam ut sint talia Sacrificia, qualia illi comminiscuntur, ordinavit. Sed opor­tuit Romanum Pontificem Missas privatas, ad opprimendam Christi, cum ip­se hostis est, gloriam attollere, ut populum Christianum a veritate Evangelica & agnitione Christi, & Sacramentorum legitimo usu, prorsus abduceret, Chri­stique bonitatem & misericordiam obliteraret. Qui enim Missam [...]ale Sacri­ficium esse cogitant, quo Deus placetur, hi non queunt Christi beneficium expendere pro dignitate, & in terroribus ac doloribus irae & judicii Dei non habebunt refugium, neque bo [...]a conscientia poterunt do [...]a & signa amoris di­vina agnoscere, si alieno opere Deum placari & peccata remitti sibi persuasum habeant: Nam illi ipsi qui nituntur impias opiniones de Missa privata excusa­re, hoc praetextu, quasi Missa ideo vocetur Sacrificium, quia sit gratiarum actio & sacrificium laudis, hi convincuntur propriis ipsorum testimoniis & Scriptis quae de Missis extant, haeque persuasiones hominum animis etiam hodie de Missis privatis inhaerent: sic enim Thomas inquit in Opusculo de Sacramen­to Altaris, cur Missa instituta sit? Corpus Domini semel oblatum est in cruce, pro debito originali, sic offeratur jugiter pro quotidianis delictis in Altari, ut habeat in hoc Ecclesia munus ad placandum sibi Deum, super omnia legis Sa­crificia preciosum & acceptum.

Alexander Papa, nihil in Sacrificiis Ecclesiae majus esse potest, quam Corpus & Sanguis Christi, nec ulla oblatio hac potior est, sed omnes praecellit: item ipsa veritas nos instruit, Calicem ac Panem in Sacramento offerre, quando ait, accipite & comedite, nam crimina at (que) peccata, oblatis his Domino Sacrifi­ciis, delentur. Et rursus inquit, talibus hostiis delectabitur & placabitur Deus, & peccata dimittet ingentia. Gabriel de Canon. Missae, Sacramentum Eucha­ristiae veluti Sacrificium summo patri oblatum, nedum veniale sed etiam mor­tale, non dico sumentium sed omnium eorum pro quibus offertur, & quantum ad reatum culpae & poenae, plus vel minus secundum dispositionem eorum pro quibus offertur, tollit: unde Thomas in Quarto Dist. 1, 2. q. 2. Eucharistia in quantum est Sacrificium, habet effectum etiam in aliis pro quibus offertur, in quibus non prae-exigit vitam spiritualem in actu, sed in potentia, & ideo si eos dispositos inveniat, eis gratiam obtinet, virtute illius veri Sacrificii a quo omnis gratia in nos fluxit, & per consequens peccata mortalia in eis delet, non sicut causa proxima, sed in quantum gratiam contritionis eis impetrat.

His & similibus omnes libri Scolasticorum pleni sunt, quibus uno ore do­cent, Missam tale esse Sacrificium, quo gratiam homines mereantur ex opere operato, quod ad delenda aliorum peccata adplicari possit. Quae Doctrina aut potius perversum & impium figmentum, an pugnet cum Sacris Literis nec­ne? An verum Missae seu communionis usum tradat necne? An Christi bene­ficium non magis obscuret quam illustret, imo etiam prorsus tollat? Vestrae Serenissimae Regiae Majestati dijudicandum relinquimus, quae pro sua sapientia, & non tantum in rebus politicis, sed etiam Sacris & in omni genere doctrina­rum acerrimo judicio, facile censebit, justissimam causam habuisse Principes nostros & alios Evangelii Doctrinam profitentes, Missas privatas abrogandi, & verum Missae sive Communionis usum, pro Christi gloria & consolatione totius Ecclesiae Christianae, restituendi & revocandi, postquam ex Dei Verbo cog­noverunt, [Page 340] quantum privatae Missae a veritate Evangelica distent, quantum (que) in iis insit impietatis & idololatriae: fuit enim unicum Sacrificium propitiato­rium in mundo, viz. Mors Christi, qui, ut Paulus inquit, semel est pro nobis oblatus, & factus hostia pro peccatis nostris, quod caetera legis Sacrificia pro­pitiatoria significarunt, quae similitudine quadam, erant satisfactiones redimen­tes justitiam legis, ne ex politia excluderentur illi qui peccaverant, ea (que) cessa­verunt post Revelatum Evangelium: in Novo Testamento, necesse est cul­tum tantum esse Spiritualem, hoc est, justitiam fidei & fructus fidei, quia ad­fert justitiam & vitam spiritualem & aeternam, juxta, Dabo legem meam in cordibus eorum; & Christus ait, veri adoratores adorabunt Patrem in spiritu & veritate, id est, vero cordis adfectu, qua de causa abrogati sunt Levitici cultus, quod debeant succedere cultus Spirituales mentis, & horum fructus ac signa, ut in Epistola ad Hebraeos manifeste docetur.

Ex quibus omnibus sequitur Missam non esse Sacrificium, quod ex opere ope­rato mereatur, faciente vel aliis remissionem peccatorum, ut illi docuerunt. Et quocun (que) quidam fuco nitantur excusare Missas privatas, semper eis refragatur & reclamat Doctrina ipsorū de Missa, qua eam aliis posse adplicari tradiderunt, & peccata delere hominibus persuaserunt. Haec opinio nisi restituto vero Missae usu, nunquam ex animis hominum delebitur, sed perpetuo manet & redit is er­ror, quod oporteat talem esse cultum in Ecclesia, quo Deus placetur.

Et ut videatur fictione juris; ut Jureconsulti loquuntur, Missam posse vocari sacrificium memoriale sive laudis: at cum id non sit satisfactorium pro facien­tibus, vel adplicabile pro aliis, quo quis mereatur remissionem peccatorum, quorsum attinebit, relicto vero ejus usu & institutione, id in Ecclesiam intro­ducere, ubi propter nullam humanam rationem, commentum, aut opinionem, a Christi mandato & ordinatione est discedendum? Eadem enim ratione; Natalis Domini & similia festa, quae in Christi memoriam celebrantur, sacrificia memorialia sive Eucharistica dici possent; imo talia Sacrificia verius sunt, Evan­gelii praedicatio, fides, invocatio, gratiarum actio, adflictiones, aut adplicatio­nes pro aliis; & Missae principalis finis, ut supra disseruimus, is est, ut sit Sacra­mentum, quod per ministrum alteri exhibeatur, quare non potest dici Sacri­ficium; cum nemo ignoret magnum inter Sacrificia & Sacramenta discrimen esse, his enim nos dona a Deo oblata accipimus, illis vero nostrum Deo red­dimus & offerimus.

Neque vero habent privatae Missae alios auctores quam Pontifices, qui a tem­pore Gregorii, nunc hanc, nunc illam caeremoniam, cantionem, aut orationem, singuli pro sua sanctitate & opinione adjecerunt, ut historiae uno consensu testantur, donec eandem, egregium illud opus, dignum istis auctoribus exaedi­ficarunt, & relicto vero Missae sive Communionis usu, ac obliterata doctrina de Christo, Universa Ecclesia Missis privatis in qua sola omnem poene sanctitatem posuerunt, repleta & obruta fuit.

Haec Serenissime ac Potentissime Rex, nostrorum Principum & aliorum Im­perii ordinum, Evangelicam Doctrinam profitentium, Theologi & Doctores, ju­stis voluminibus explicarunt, quae quidem hac Epistola nos breviter adtingenda duximus; non quod Serenissimam Regiam Majestatem Vestram haec latere penitus putemus, neque enim ignoramus Serenissimae Regiae Majestati Vestrae & veterū & recentiū scripta, de his & aliis Controversiis Ecclesiasticis diligen­tissime cognita esse, de quibus etiam Majestas Vestra sapientissime eruditissime saepe cum doctis viris conferre & disputare solet: Sed haec ideo fecimus ut Majestati Vestrae quam posset fieri brevissime, occasionem & causas quasdam abolitarū pri­vatarum Missarum apud nos, summa cum observantia ut decet exponeremus; [Page 341] & adversariorum calumnias, quibus cum apud Regiam Majestatem Ve­stram tum alias, undecunque quaesita & arrepta occasione, variis technis & figmentis, doctrinam sinceriorem gravare & in odium omnium per­ducere conantur, declinaremus.

Neque vero ambigimus quin Majestas Vestra, ut Rex eruditissimus & veritatis Evangelicae amantissimus, facillime judicabit, quod non temere privatae Missae apud nos abrogatae sint, sed justissimis & firmissimis ratio­nibus, ex Dei Verbo quod solum errare non potest, sincere & absque sophistica deductis, pro conservanda & illustranda Christi Gloria, & ho­minum salute id factum esse: Et opponantur qualescunque excogitari possint cavillationes & sophismata, tamen adparebit nostros hoc agere quod sit tutius, dum retinent modum & formam institutionis Christi. Ac maxima pars Sacerdotum sua sponte apud nos desiit Missas privatas celebrare, posteaquam intellexerunt ex Evangelica Doctrina, quantum in iis erroris & impietatis esset; & plurimi ac doctissimi quique, qui Sa­cerdotia aut Parochias sub Magistratibus alienis a sincera Evangelii Do­ctrina tenebant, eas deseruerunt, ne cogerentur facere contra suas con­scientias, seque ad ea loca in quibus Evangelii Doctrina libere praedicatur contulerunt; gravissimum enim est quenquam in re praesertim tali, quae Dei gloriam laedit, ac Divino Verbo repugnat, tanquam ad cultum di­vinum adigi, & compelli.

Sed ne Serenissimae Regiae Majestati Vestrae prolixitate literarum si­mus molesti, desinemus plura de hoc articulo inpraesentiarum disse­rere.

Restat tertius locus instituti Argumenti,De Conjugio Sacerdotum. viz. de Conjugio Sacerdo­tum, quod itidem Romanus Episcopus contra Scripturam, contra leges naturae, & contra omnem honestatem prohibuit, ac multorum peccato­rum, scelerum & turpitudinis occasionem praebuit: sed fortassis ne pos­sit dubitari eum esse Christi adversarium, de quo cum illam ipsam prohi­bitionem, tum alia quaedam quae in illum solum adperte quadrant, Scrip­tura clare praedixit, oportuit eum talem legem Caelibatus Sacerdotalis sancire, ut sicut leo ex unguibus, ita Papa, hoc est Antichristus, ab hac prohibitione Sanctissimi & in omnibus honorabilis conjugii, agnoscere­tur; sic enim Paulus inquit, Spiritus autem manifeste dicit, quod in no­vissimis temporibus discedent quidam a fide, attendentes Spiritibus Er­roris & Doctrinis Daemoniorum, in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium, cauteriatam habentium conscientiam suam, prohibentium nubere: haec si non in Romanum Episcopum congruunt, in quem alium convenient? nemo enim alius quam ipse conjugium Sacerdotibus injustissime eripuit, & caelibatum impurissimum sub specie Sanctitatis, & ut Paulus ait in Hypocrisi & per mendacium introduxit.

Scriptura non minus Sacerdotibus, quam alterius sortis hominibus ma­trimonium liberum permittit, sunt enim de eadem carne, quae totum ge­nus humanum vestit & continet, nati: non possunt igitur naturam suam mutare, non possunt carnem abjicere, nec absque singulari Dei dono caelibes vivere, nam non quilibet, ut Christus inquit, capit Verbum hoc: & Paulus, propter Fornicationem unusquisque suam Uxorem habeat; & peculiariter de Sacerdotibus ait, constituas per civitates Presbyteros sicut disposui tibi, si quis sine crimine est, unius Uxoris vir, Filios habens fi­deles, non in accusatione luxuriae; item, oportet Episcopum esse irre­prehensibilem, unius Uxoris virum: patet igitur hanc prohibitionem [Page 342] non ex jure Divino, sed potius contra Sacram Scripturam decretum esse.

At solet a quibusdam Pontificiis defensoribus opponi, quod licet con­jugium Sacerdotum non videatur vetitum Divinis Literis, tamen Sacer­dotes a veteribus temporibus in hunc usque diem in caelibatu vixisse, ea­que de causa addunt non esse discedendum hac in re a tali exemplo, ne­que permittendum conjugium Sacerdotibus. His, Serenissime ac poten­tissime Rex, adperte refragantur historiae, tum Ecclesiasticae tum aliae, ex quibus clare patet, Episcopos & Sacerdotes veteribus temporibus con­jugatos fuisse.

Primum enim Spiridion Cyprius Episcopus, vir unus ex ordine pro­phetarum, ut Historia Ecclesiastica ait, Uxorem habuit ex qua filiam no­mine Irenen suscepit; deinde ordine pene omnes Episcopi Uxorati fue­runt, quorum plurimi Filii postea, tum Romani, tum alii Episcopi cre­ati sunt: fuit enim Sylverius Papa Hormisdae Episcopi Filius, Papa Theo­dorus Theodori Episcopi Hierosolymitani, Papa Adrianus secundus Ta­lari Episcopi, Joannes decimus Papa Sergii Papae, Gelasius Valerii Epis­copi, Papa Joannes decimus quintus Leonis Presbyteri Filius; & ne omnes enumeremus, patet vel unica historia Polycratis, ex cujus parentibus septem fuerunt per ordinem Episcopi, ipse vero fuit octavus: at non est credibile omnes illos ex illegitimis nuptiis prognatos esse, cum ipsi ca­nones & decreta Synodorum doceant, conjugia Sacerdotum esse licita; sic enim inquit Canon Apostolorum, si quis docuerit Sacerdotem sub ob­tentu Religionis propriam Uxorem contemnere, Anathema sit.

Item extat praeclarum exemplum de Paphnutio confessore, qui uni­versae Synodo Nicenae prohibitionem conjugii dissuasit, & obtinuit ne hac ex parte [...]ancitum, sed hoc in uniuscujusque voluntate non necessi­tate permissum fuerit. Quae Historia etiam in jure Pontificio recensetur, extatque decretum quoddam sextae Synodi, in quo palam damnatur pro­hibitio conjugii Sacerdotalis.

Sed objicitur iterum, propter votum castitatis, quod Sacerdotes praesti­terunt, non posse eis permitti nuptias. Hoc quale votum sit, quamque obligatorium, quod sine peccato servari non potest, Serenissima Regia Majestas Vestra pro summa sapientia & Doctrina, facile aestimabit: neque enim donum castitatis omnibus datum est, idque caelibatus ipse Sacerdo­tum, & quotidiana experientia etiam nunc testatur; & quid de tali voto sentiendum sit, Sanctorum Patrum sententia declaravit, sic enim Augu­stinus ait, quidam nubentes post votum adserunt adulteros esse, ego autem dico vobis quod graviter peccant qui tales dividunt. Et Cypria­nus de virginibus qui continentiam voverunt, sic inquit, si perseverare nolunt, vel non possunt, melius est ut nubant, quam ut in ignem deli­tiis suis cadant.

Censent itaque praedicti Sancti Patres, tale votum non debere impe­dire Matrimonium, sicut revera etiam non potest obstare quo minus hi quibus donum continentiae non contigit, matrimonium contrahant: nam melius est nubere quam uri, ut inquit Paulus; Quid autem est impurius coelibatu illo Sacerdotali? quam pauci vero continent? quam plurimi in fornicationibus, adulteriis, & id genus similibus ac gravioribus peccatis & flagitiis pene quotidie deprehenduntur, contra quod sileges severe ani­madverterent, non habituri essent, quo de illo ficto & hypocritico coeli­batu adeo gloriarentur?

[Page 343]Ac tradunt Historiae in Germania triennium aut amplius, Sacerdotes acerrime restitisse Sanctioni Pontificis Hildebrandi de caelibatu, qui sum­ma vi eis Uxores adimere conatus est, hique justissimas causas contra il­lam constitutionem ac tyrannidem Pontificiam, pro Matrimonio defen­dendo allegarunt, in qua re cum nihil aequi obtinere potuerint, tandem ingens orta est seditio contra Archiepiscopum Moguntinum, qui decre­tum pontificium detulat, adeo ut is ab incaepto destiterit; & vix tandem Papa post multas diras execrationes & bullas, quibus etiam coelum ip­sum expugnare conatus est, miseris Sacerdotibus facultatem liberam con­jugii, contra divina & humana jura abstulerit, & omnis generis libidinis & impuritatis exercendae occasionem praebuerit: Extat quoque Epistola ad Nicolaum Episcopum Romanum I. Divi Udalrici Episcopi Augu­stensis, qua is gravissimis & optimis argumentis dissuadet & damnat pro­hibitionem conjugii Sacerdotum.

Cum igitur Principes nostri, & alii porfitentes Evangelii Doctrinam, patefacta per Dei Gratiam iterum veritate, intellexerint quid de prohi­bitione illa pontificia conjugii Sacerdotalis sentiendum esset, & palam viderent & experirentur, quod non posset coelibatus ille sine peccatis & scandalis consistere, reperunt in ea etiam vincula pontificia, ac Matrimo­nium Sacerdotibus, sicut hoc Scriptura Sacra & exempla Sanctorum Pa­trum ac veteris Ecclesiae exigunt & testantur, liberum permiserunt. Exi­stimarunt enim hoc quoque ad suum officium pertinere, ut infinitorum scandalorum & scelerum, quae necessario secum trahit caelibatus Sacerdo­talis, occasionem & materiam praescinderent & auferrent, publicaeque honestati hac quoque in re consulerent; maxime cum animadverterent quantae etiam abominationes, & in ordine Sacerdotali, & in Monaste­riis Vestalium ac Monachorum evenerint, in quibus compertum est saepe infantes crudeliter necatos, pharmacis foetus depulsos, & similia nefaria crimina commissa, quos solos fructus caelibatus ille protulit: ideoque plurimi nunc sunt conjugati Sacerdotes apud nos, multi etiam caelibes, idque cujusque conscientiae ut vel ducat uxorem, vel a conjugio abstine­at, permittitur; modo ita vivat ne sit aliis offendiculo, alioqui enim non minus in Sacerdotes quam reliquum vulgus, hac quoque parte, se­cundum leges politicas animadvertitur. Ac per Dei Gratiam, hoc inde secutum est, quod eorum conscientiis, quibus continentiae donum non contigit, consultum fuerit, plurimorum flagitiorum & scelerum occasio cessaverit, matronis ac puellis quibus plerique istorum sub specie pietatis saepissime inhiabant, & laqueos nectebant, nihil ejusmodi periculi sit; & in summa, quod quum tum Officia Ecclesiastica tum politica majore reve­rentia & honestate tractentur, quodque ab universis in majore honore & favore habeantur Sacerdotes, quam antea in illo pleno scandulis cae­libatu acciderit, id quoque magna ex parte honestum conjugium Sacer­dotum praestat.

Adhaec, nulli acrius & constantius oppugnant Romanum Pontificem, & tum Matrimonii libertatem, tum sanam Doctrinam ab illo obscuratam & oppressam defendunt, quam hi qui ab ejus jugo impuri illius caeliba­tus liberati sunt: & honeste etiam [...]os liberos, quos ex conjugio susci­piunt educare solent, quibus haud dubie Deus etiam post mortem pa­rentum, ubi in timore Domini aliti & edocti fuerint, prospiciet; gra­vissimum enim esset, Sacerdotes ideo a conjugio arcere, quia sua munia sive officia tantum ad vitam suam, non autem jure haereditario tenent; [Page 344] eadem ratione multis aliis qui sunt aut in publicis muneribus, aut in pri­vatis Ministeriis, Matrimonium interdicendum foret. Quod quidem si fieret, Reip. plus incommodi quam boni allaturum esset; cum & Sacra­rum Literarum Auctoritate, Sanctissimorum Patrum Sententiis, legum naturae & gentium testimonio, & omnium sapientissimorum virorum ju­dicio ac suffragiis constet, Matrimonium semper iis qui caelibes vivere non queant, ad vitanda graviora pericula, concessum & liberum esse de­bere.

Haec, Serenissime ac invictissime Rex, coram Serenissima Regia Ma­jestate Vestra, breviter disserenda duximus, ut Majestati Vestrae ratio­nes quasdam commemoraremus, cur Illustrissimi Principes nostri, & alii Evangelii Doctrinam profitentes Principes & Status Imperii, in his tribus Articulis adeo dissentiant a Romano Pontifice, ut sicut in reliquis Do­ctrinae Christianae partibus, a veritate vel latum digitum non disceden­dum esse existiment, ita in his etiam decreverint, abjecta ejus tyrannide, pro Gloria Evangelii, & ad vitanda infinita scelera, perdurare: neque vero hic dicemus de aliis abusibus a Romano Pontifice introductis, in quos imprimis Confessio Auricularis recenseri meretur, qua ille, & Po­testatem clavium tantum ad turpissimum quaestum & tyrannidem rede­git, & Confessionem ipsam, quae informandarum & consolandarum con­scientiarum gratia salubriter instituta fuit, carnificinam tantum Con­scientiarum reddidit, perque eam tum omnes Reges, Principes, & Po­tentatus sub suo jugo tenuit, tum multorum malorum auctor extitit; de qua quid nostri sentiant, ac qua reverentia in Ecclesiis retineant, edita ipsorum scripta testantur.

Ac gratulamur nobis datam occasionem haec Serenissimae Regiae Maje­stati Vestrae exponendi, ejus (que) censurae committendi: Cum enim Majestas Vestra & summa Doctrina, sapientia ac studio veritatis praedita sit, & Romani Episcopi tyrannidem (haud sine mente deum, sive numine di­vum, ut Poeta inquit) itidem ex suis amplissimis Regnis exterminari cu­raverit, neque amplius per Dei Gratiam illius impiis opinionibus capti­va teneatur; persuasissimum nobis habemus Vestrae Serenissimae Regiae Majestatis hisce de rebus maximis, quae ad Dei Gloriam, salutem Eccle­siae, & perpetuam profligationem Romani Antichristi pertinent, aequis­simum ac liberrimum fore judicium, quod sane ii, quibus vel Doctrina aut veritatis studium deest, vel animum habent addictum Pontificiis Opi­nionibus, vel metu interdum prohibentur, aut etiam ab affectibus di­verse trahuntur, non adeo facile praestare possunt; & plurimi interdum inservientes tempori, fingunt se odiisse pontificem, simulantque studium veritatis, quibus tamen revera aliud est cordi, hi vero quum non pos­sint nec debeant de hisce controversiis ferre sententiam, Serenissima Regia Majestas Vestra nequaquam ignorat.

Non autem dubitamus, quin ut quisque est eruditissimus, & veritatis Evangelicae amantissimus, ita facillime eum causam nostram immo Christi & Ecclesiae adprobaturum esse, neque enim ea ullum commodum aut emolumentum privatum quaeritur, sed solum agitur de abolendis impiis abusibus in Christi Ecclesiam per Antichristum invectis, & Christi Glo­ria illustranda, ac veris cultibus restituendis, & ut hominum Conscientiae jugo ac tyrannide pontificia liberentur, ac scandala publica, quantum sieri possit è medio tollantur. Quarum quidem rerum studium quo ju­re reprehendi queat, ut etiam magis favore & imitatione dignum censen­dum [Page 345] sit: Cum enim omnium bene constitutarum Rerumpub. hic praeci­pue finis & scopus esse debeat, ut & Dei Gloria ornetur, & publica sa­lus, honestas, pax, & tranquillitas conservetur, quis dubitat eos qui se­dent ad gubernacula Rerumpub. & ad haec tanquam ad Cynosuram ut dici solet, cursum suum & omnem rationem regendi Rempublicam insti­tuunt, maximis laudibus dignos esse? Et quoniam Serenissima Regia Vestra Majestas, ut Rex sapentissimus & eruditissimus, hunc quoque scopum in gubernandis amplissimis & laudatissimis Regnis & Provinciis suis, ob oculos habere luce meridiana clarius adparet, non possumus non nobisipsis, quum in hac honestissima causa promovendae Christi gloriae & publicae utilitatis ad Serenissimam Regiam Majestatem Vestram Orato­res missi sumus, non gratulari; non possumus etiam non faelices judicare universos subditos Majestatis Vestrae, quibus divina bonitate talis Rex & Princeps contigerit, qui cum aliis regiis virtutibus excellit, tum stu­dio verae pietatis & veritatis Evangelicae omnibus modis admirandus con­spicitur.

Sunt quidem illa maxima Remp. certis & justis legibus civilibus con­stituere, bonos tueri & juvare, improbos poenis adficere, arcere injurias, pacem & concordiam subditorum conservare; quis enim non tanquam Deum aliquem talem Principem amplectendum & honorandum putet, a quo ista praestentur: sed adhuc sunt majora, si vera pietas accesserit, si Christi Gloria ornetur, si Dei Verbum in pretio habeatur, si cultus Di­vinae voluntati consentanei instituantur, si hominum conscientiis consu­latur, & publica scandala e medio tollantur; illa enim tantum hanc ci­vilem vitam attingunt, quam unumquem (que) quum tempus praefinitum ad­venerit, deserere oportet; haec vero ad aeternam salutem pertinent quae bonos & pios, cessante hac misera conditione humanae vitae, expectat, quibus (que) & in hoc, & in futuro saeculo, maxima praemia proposita sunt. Hoc est cur Deus Reges honore sui nominis ornat, cum ait, ego dixi Dii estis, maxime ut res divinas intelligant, & veram Religionem in mundo conservent; huc praecipue Scriptura hortatur, cum inquit, nunc Reges intelligite, & erudimini qui judicatis terram, servite Domino, &c. huc invitant exempla praestantissimorum regum in Sacris Literis, qui summa cura, opera, ac studio veram Religionem promoverunt, & impios cultus abrogarunt: hoc David, hoc Josias, hoc Josophat, hoc Ezechias, & deinceps omnes Sanctissimi Reges praestiterunt. Eadem cum Sereniss. R. M. Vestra haud dubie etiam cogitet, imo jam nunc in hoc totis viribus incumbat, ut sincera Evangelii Doctrina Papae Tyrannide oppressa restituatur, Gloria Christi itidem a Ponti [...]ice obscurata iterum illustretur, & impii abusus ab illo ipso Antichristo in Ecclesiam tanquam venenum quoddam pestilentissimum sparsi & introducti aboleantur, ac veri & Divinis Literis consentanei cultus & caeremoniae constituantur, non dubitabimus quin Deus Opt. Max. Sereniss. R. Majestatis Vestrae co­natus & consilia, in hisce rebus Sanctissimis & Honestissimis fortunatu­rus sit, & pro sua bonitate clementer effecturus, ut inter Sereniss. R. M. Vestram & Principes nostros, ac eorum in causa Religionis confaedera­tos, talis concordia constituatur, quam & in laudem Evangelii, & pub­licam totius Christiani Orbis utilitatem cessuram, & majori exitio Roma­no Antichristo futuram esse, minime ambigimus; estque optima spes, ut volente Deo, plures Reges, Principes, & potentatus, ad hanc Sanctis­simam causam accedant, ac Evangelicae veritatis Doctrinam agnoscant & [Page 346] recipiant, sicut etiam hactenus per Dei Gratiam, maximi progressus fa­cti sunt, & non tantum in Germania, verum etiam extra Germaniam, Potentissimi Reges, Principes & civitates, Divini Verbi Doctrinam re­ceperunt.

Adparetque homines passim agnita veritate, ex Scriptis eorum qui Evangelii Doctrinam profitentur & docent, per totum pene orbem ter­rarum sparsis, sanioris Doctrinae admodum cupidos esse, quorum preces aliquando Deus pro sua benignitate exaudiet, ac suum Verbum illumi­natis mentibus Regum & Principum latissime propagabit, ut sit unus pastor, hoc est Dominus noster Iesus Christus, & unum ovile quod est Ecclesia Catholica, quae profitetur sincerum Christi Evangelium, & illi consentaneum usum Sacramentorum retinet, non Papistica aut Romana, quae utrumque reprobat, odit, & oppugnat.

Quod reliquum est, Serenissime ac Potentissime Rex, Domine Cle­mentissime, precamur & optamus ut Sereniss. Regia Majestas Vestra in caepto negotio veritatis Evangelicae pro illustranda Christi Gloria & salute publica, per Dei Gratiam fortiter pergat, quod quidem Majesta­tem Vestram, ut Regem verae pietatis & omnis virtutis ac Doctrinae amantissimum, facturam nihil dubitamus: Oramusque ut Serenissima Regia Majestas Vestra dato benigno responso, ad Illustrissimos Principes nostros, quam primum fieri queat, ne commodam praesentis Navigatio­nis occasionem negligamus, clementer nos dimittat; & ut Serenissima Regia Majestas Vestra, erga quam nostra debita officia atque servitia summa cum observantia perpetuo constabunt, has nostras literas pro sua insigni humanitate, bonitate ac clementia, in optimam partem accipiat, nosque etiam clementer commendatos habeat. Bene valeat Serenissima Regia Majestas Vestra, quam Deus Opt. Max. pro illustranda & propa­ganda nominis sui Gloria & publica salute, diu servet incolumem. Datae Londini quinto die Augusti Anno Dom. 1538.

Vestrae Serenissimae Regiae Majestatis Addictissimi & obsequentissimi, Franciscus Burgratus Vicecancellarius. Georgius a Boyneburgh D. Oratores. Friderichus Myconius Ecclesiastes Gothanus.

VIII. The Ki [...]g's Answer to the former Letter.

LIteras Vestras, Egregii ac praestantissimi Oratores,Cotton Lib [...]. Cleop. E. 5. per ministrum vestrum nuper ad nos mis [...]as summa humanitate plenas, atque in­gentem erga nos benevolentiam spirantes, tum libenter accepimus, tum magna cum voluptate legimus; quibus significatis vos, post exposita no­bis mandata, cum quibusdam Episcopis & Theologiae Doctoribus a nobis designatis de Christianae Religionis nonnullis articulis per duos menses contulisse; non dubitare quoque quin inter Principes vestros & nos, at (que) utrorum (que) Episcopos Theologos & subditos, firma perpetua (que) concordia in Evangelii Doctrina ad laudem Dei, & Romani Antichristi perniciem sit sequutura: Verum quia reliquam disputationem de abusibus expecta­re non potestis, cum jam naves appulerint vos in patriam deportaturae, ante discessum vestrum existimatis vestri officii esse ut sententiam vestram de quibusdam abusuum articulis nobis declaretis, de quibus nos post dis­cessum vestrum cum Episcopis & Theologis nostris conferre possemus. Et quia tria capita praecipua putatis quae fundamentum Pontificiae Tyran­nidis sustentare videntur, nempe Prohibitionem utriusque speciei in caena Domini, Missas privatas, & Prohibitionem Conjugii Sacerdotum; de his articulis sententiam vestram ingenue aperitis, atque eam judicio no­stro quantumcun (que) id sit, & censurae committitis: Quis non hanc vestram benevolentiam, Egregii Oratores, summopere amplectatur, Quis non hanc Vestram gratitudinem modis omnibus admiretur? Qui nobiscum ea communicare studetis, quae non modo ad praesentem vitam transigen­dam sed ad futuram quoque assequendam conferunt? Enimvero si illos non abs re existimamus amicos, qui in Regionum commerciis ea quae sunt grata atque commoda important, ne quid usquam desit quod ad prae­sentem vitam degendam pertinet, quanto magis illi sunt amici judicandi, qui quae ad aeternam vitam conferunt impertiri non gravantur! nam quae praesentis vitae subsidia parantur durabilia diu non sunt, quae vero ad aeter­nam promovent nunquam intermoriuntur; quinimo amicitia ipsa terre­na, quantumvis ingens, quantumvis firma, finem habet è vita excessum, charitas vero quae nunquam excidit post hanc vitam splendescit magis. Et quia nostrum judicium non aspernari videmini, quod nos ipsi indig­num existimamus, ut de rebus tam arduis judicemus, atque ea proponitis quae putatis inprimis amplectenda, qua in re non vulgarem sed ingen­tem vim erga nos amoris ostenditis, ne nos non respondere huic vestrae tantae gratitudini videremur, si quae nobis ad praesens videntur vobiscum non communicaremus, decrevimus itidem de his tribus Articulis non­nihil attingere, & pectus nostrum ingenue vobis aperire: Quo fiet ut mutuus inter nos & Principes vestros amor eo magis augescat, eo diutius foveatur, si nihil occultum inter amicos retentetur, sed summa sinceri­tate gerantur omnia, id quod nos cum omnibus amicis semper facere consuevimus; quod nostrum perpetuum institutum in praesentia apud Amicissimos, eosque quos habemus charissimos, mutare nequaquam li­buit. Verum de Articulis ipsis tandem agamus.

De utraque Specie.

Quod inprimis sub utra (que) Specie semper Eucharistiam populis secun­dum primariam Christi institutionem dandam esse existimetis, & nullo pa­cto sub altera tantum, non possumus quovis pacto adduci, egregii & praestantissimi Oratores, ut putemus vos id serio affirmasse, sed forsan probandi causa nobis id protulisse, ut quid sentiamus intelligeretis; nam ipsa opinio tam aliena est a recta Scripturae intelligentia, ut vix quivis id serio affirmare praesumeret, quod latius in hac Epistola declarabimus. Nec nobis persuadere possumus, etsi occasio sit, vos non nobiscum cre­dere, quod sub specie Panis sit realiter & substantialiter verum & vivum Corpus Christi, & una cum Corpore Sanguis verus, alioqui fatendum e [...]set Corpus ibi exsangue esse, quod nefas esset dicere, cum Caro illa Christi non modo viva, sed & vivificatrix sit; & quod sub specie vini non modo vivus & verus Christi Sanguis sit, sed etiam una cum vero Sanguine viva & vera etiam Corporis sit Caro. Quod cum ita sit, ne­cessario consequetur etiam eos qui sub altera specie communicant, & solum sub specie Panis Corpus Christi sumunt, non fraudari Commu­nione Sanguinis Christi, atque eos etiam qui sub specie vini Commu­nicant non fraudari communione Corporis Domini; Quocirca cum sub alterutra specie utrum (que) contineatur, viz. & Corpus & Sanguis Christi, utravis solum species porrigatur populis, utrumque, id est tam Sanguis quam Corpus Christi, per hoc eisdem exhibeatur. Nam Christus ipse sub altera specie dedisse legitur in Evangelio Lucae Discipulis duobus in Emaus euntibus, quando agnitus est in fractione Panis; scribitur enim, quod cum recumberet cum eis, accepit panem & benedixit, ac fregit & porrigebat illis, & aperti sunt oculi eorum, & cognoverunt eum fractio­ne panis. Ubi de Eucharistia eum locum vetustissimi Authores Chryso­stomus, Theophylactus, & Augustinus intelligunt, & tamen de vini po­culo nulla ibi sit mentio: Unde Christus qui in altera specie miuistravit Eucharistiam, libertatem Ecclesiae sponsae suae reliquisse videtur, ut imite­tur sponsi sui vestigia, ac similiter sub altera specie, sicut sub utraque, communicare libere possit. Nam Christus qui sub utra (que) specie Commu­nionem docuit, etiam de Communione sub altera ipse exemplum reli­quit, qui secum tamen nusquam vel in praeceptis, vel in exemplis dissi­det.

Simile idem Lucas in Actis Apostolorum citat, quando post adventum Spiritus Sancti, praedicante Petro, appositae sunt animae circiter tria mil­lia, inquiens, Erant autem perseverantes in Doctrina Apostolorum & Communicatione & fractione panis & orationibus; Ubi similiter de Eu­charistia eum locum intelligunt veteres, & de poculo nulla fit ibi mentio. Jam si Christum ipsum Autorem, si Apostolos ab eo ad docendum orbem missos patronos habet, Communio sub una specie nempe Panis, usitata in Ecclesia non est tanquam Evangelicis praeceptis contraria, statim repudi­anda; nam Apostoli, qui per adventum Spiritus edocti sunt omnem ve­ritatem, nunquam in fractione Panis Communionem dedissent populo, si utra (que) species de praecepto Christi semper necessario fuisset porrigenda, ne Christi jubentis parum memores institutum ejus mutasse viderentur.

Porro ipsa Christi Verba, quae post Evangelistas Paulus totam coenam dominicam Corrinthiis enarrans citat, nos admonent Christum separatim [Page 349] de alterutra specie locutum esse; ait enim, Dominus Iesus in qua nocte tradebatur, accepit panem & gratias agens fregit, & dixit, accipite & manducate, Hoc est Corpus meum quod pro vobis traditur, hoc facite in mei commemorationem. Ecce Christus de Corpore suo sub specie panis sumendo separatim locutus est, inquiens, Hoc facite, priusquam ul­lam de poculo faceret mentionem. Postea autem de Calice ait Paulus, Similiter & Calicem postquam caenavit accepit dicens, Hic calix Novum Testamentum est in meo sanguine, hoc facite quotiescun (que) bibetis in mei commemorationem: Nec dixit sicut de corpore dixerat simpliciter, Hoc facite in mei commemorationem, sed dixit, Hoc facite, cum hac ad­jectione, nempe quotiescun (que) bibetis, in mei commemorationem, per hoc nobis indicans non semper sub specie vini sumendum esse sanguinem una cum corpore sub specie Panis, sed quotiescun (que) sumeretur Sanguis sub specie Vini in Commemorationem Christi id faciendum.

Ecce rursum Christus post distributionem corporis sui, peracta coena in qua corpus suum sub specie Panis separatim prius dederat, iterum se­paratim sub specie Vini Sanguinem suum offert, inquiens, Hoc facite quotiescun (que) bibetis in mei commemorationem, significans nobis & se­orsum nonnunquam alterum porrigi posse, & tamen cum ita sit, utrius (que) vim integram populis dari, alioqui suffecisset semel duntaxat de utro (que) fuisse dictum, Hoc facite, nec de Calice adjecisset Hoc facite quotiescun­que bibetis, cum prius de specie Panis simpliciter dixisset Hoc facite, nisi separatim ea sumi posse judicaret.

Neque quisquam negare potest Discipulos in coena sub specie panis sumpsisse Corpus Christi, nam coenantibus illis, accepit panem & bene­dixit, ac fregit dedit (que) illis, dicens Hoc est Corpus meum; Calicem au­tem non nisi post intervallum ac peracta coena porrexit, nisi quis adeo stupidus esset, ut crederet post sumptionem speciei panis non prius eos sumpsisse Corpus Christi, quum postquam caenavit porrexisset Calicem; quasi vero priora Verba Christi irrita fuissent, cum de specie panis di­ceret Hoc est Corpus meum, aut ipsa distribut [...]o facta Discipulis nullam vim haberet, priusquam de Calice peracta Caena bibissent; Quod cum impium sit sentire, tum ipsum Verbum & factum Christi, proh nefas! eva­cuat. Denique ipse Paulus, postquam etiam de utraque specie conjun­ctim locutus est, rursum de ipsis speciebus disjunctim infert, inquiens [...].

Quae verba latine sic transtulit Erasmus, Ita (que) quisquis ederit panem hunc aut de Calice biberit indigne, reus erit corporis & sanguinis Do­mini; ubi ex Pauli verbis aperte liquet, Quisquis indigne panem hunc sumpserit, reum esse Corporis & Sanguinis Domini, aut si quis de Calice biberit indigne, similiter reum esse Sanguinis & Corporis Domini, quod tamen nullo modo crimini daretur, nisi seorsum sub specie panis esset & Corpus & Sanguis Christi, at (que) itidem sub specie vini seorsum esset & Corpus & Sanguis Christi; nec disjunctim despecie panis locutus fuisset Paulus, si nunquam nisi conjunctim cum Calice sumeretur: Ne (que) rur­sum disjunctim de Calice dixisset, si nunquam nisi conjunctim cum specie panis esset sumendus. Quorsum enim ea disjunxisset si nunquam nisi conjuncta esse possent? At Verba ipsa Scripturae singula sunt attendenda, nam Propheta inquit, Inclinate au [...]em vestram in Verba oris mei; & Moises in Deuteronimo ait, Ponite corda vestra in omnia verba quae ego [Page 350] testificor vobis hodie, quia non incassum praecepta sunt vobis. Et iterum, non addetis ad verbum quod vobis loquor, nec auferetis ab eo. Verba igitur Domini atque ipsius Pauli, & separatim de alterutra specie primum posita; & post utriusque conjunctionem etiam iterum disjuncta, significa­re nobis videntur, & posse alterutram speciem seorsum porrigi secundum Verbum Christi.

Nec per hoc quod Christus dixit, Bibite ex hoc omnes, statim conse­quetur Christum jussisse Communionem cuilibet de populo semper sub utra (que) specie & nunquam sub altera dandam esse: Nam illorum Verbo­rum sensum non alium esse apparet, quam quem ipse Dominus Aposto­lum suum Paulum, qui a Domino de hoc Sacramento omnia se accepisse testatur, edocuit, nempe quod quotiescun (que) de Calice hoc quisquam bi­beret, id in Christi memoriam faceret, sicuti fecerunt Discipuli, qui tunc aderant praesentes & de eo biberunt omnes: Itaque quotiescunque Sanguis Christi bibendus a quoquam esset, in memoria Passio Christi re­cordanda est; sicut similiter quisquis Corpus Christi sumpserit ad memo­riam passionem ejus revocare debet: Neque ex praecepto Christi toties bibendum es [...]e de hoc Calice, quotiescun (que) Corpus Christi sumendum est, apparet per ea quae de verbis & de exemplo Christi supradicta sunt. Certe quicquid Christus omnino observari praecepit, non posse ulla hu­mana sanctione prohiberi putamus, cum humana lex divinam abolere non possit. Similiter etiam existimamus, nec morem ullum, nec ullam consuetudinem tantopere apud homines valere debere, ut Dei Verbum expugnet & Christi praeceptum subvertat.

Verumtamen cum Christus nobis libere reliquerit ut eum tribus mo­dis corporaliter sumere possimus, & quarto spiritualiter, nempe primo sub utraque specie, secundo, sub Panis specie tantum; tertio, sub Vini; quarto, voluntate & desiderio solo cum aliter necessitate coacti eum su­mere nequimus; existimamus pro primo, ut si quis fidelis ardenti in Deum amore flagrans, pietate (que) ingenti aestuans, magnopere desideraret Sacra­mentum sub utra (que) specie sumere, si nullum vel valetudinis vel imbe­cillitatis obstaret impedimentum, ei sub utra (que) specie Communio praeberi possit, dummodo ne (que) postulans ne (que) ministrans Sacramentum in scan­dalum populi, aut in contemptum Ecclesiae id faciat, neque suo jure leges regionis in qua degit sive Ecclesiasticas sive laicas infringere prae­sumat.

Pro secundo & tertio sic, Quod si impedimentum aliquod hujusmodi intervenit, ut in utraque specie abs (que) periculo sumi non possit, ut si quis Paralysi correptus, aut ab alio quovis naturae aut morborum impe­dimento utram (que) speciem recipere commode non possit, hic si desideret Sacram Communionem sumere, ei sub altera tantum specie porrigatur. Pro quarto autem, Quod si quis nausea, vel alia corporis molestia adeo sit infestatus, ut nihil in stomachus receptum non rejectet, huic si id pe­tat Sacramentum saltem ostendi posset, ut viso eo mortem Christi re­demptoris sui citius revocans in memoriam compunctus corde spiritualiter communicet.

Plurimum igitur demiror, quod hi qui Christianae Libertatis assertores & acerrimi propugnatores videri volunt, libertatem hanc nostram in hoc uno Corporis & Sanguinis Domini Sacramento, quo nihil superexcellen­tius, nihil celebrius, nihil incomparabilius, nihil deni (que) ad consolandos [...]idelium animos solidius, Christus hinc abiturus Ecclesiae suae reliquit, [Page 351] nobis tollere velint; Quid enim majus donare potuit Christus in hoc Sacramento sumendum quam seipsum? Deinde cum ipse omnino libe­rum nobis reliquerit, & posse aliquos sub utra (que) specie Communionem accipere, & posse alios sub altera, nonnullos quo (que) morborum necessi­tate impeditos, saltem in conspectum prolato Corpore Domini compun­cto corde posse Spiritualiter communicare, quanta immodestia, quanta inclementia esset, libertate hac fraudare Christianos? Ut quibus sub utra (que) specie, ob impedimenta quae sunt innumera, Communio praeberi non posset, his summi boni fruitione privatis sub neutra daretur! Nec adhuc fatentur etsi non corporaliter sumatur saltem Spiritualiter capi posse. Qua non servitute durior esset haec conditio, ut Christi redemp­toris nostri corpus, quod ille a fidelibus sumi voluit, nobis id summope­re desiderantibus violenter eripiatur? quis ingenue Christianus liberta­tem fruitionis hujus sibi extortam non omni morte intolerabiliorem pu­taret? Ita (que) libertas haec a Christo nobis relicta omni conatu retinenda est, omnibus viribus amplectenda, nec ipsis mea opinione fidendum es [...], qui eam nobis tollere velint.

Praeterea quid fiat apud septentrionales populos? quid apud populos Aphricae & qui intra Tropicos habitant? apud quos non ea vini copia est ut populis omnino sub specie vini praeberi possit, (nam his populis cervisia ex frugibus est potui) an ideo quia sub utra (que) specie his mini­strari Sacramentum non potest, ab utra (que) arcendi essent? aut sub una non integrum Christum capere possent? id quod absit.

Quando autem primum populus priscum morem deserere, & sub altera tantum panis specie Communionem sacram sumere coepit, nobis est in­compertum; credibile est majores nostros auctoritate Scripturae motos, quae alteram nonnunquam speciem per Christum & Apostolos datam me­morat, propter periculum effusionis in terram Sanguinis Christi, cum li­quida omnia levi membrorum trepidante motu facile effundantur, reli­giosa quadam & pia reverentia, non mediocri (que) Dei timore abstinuisse in Sacramento a vini specie, nec Christum qui se cum Ecclesia usque in finem omnibus diebus mansurum promisit, tot saeculis eam deseruisse, ut si necessarium praeceptum de utra (que) specie semper ab omnibus sumenda dedisset, in re tanti momenti eam permisisset turpiter labi; sed magis Ec­clesiae suae liberum reliquisse videtur, ut cum in alterutra specie totus & integer Christus contineatur, sub altera etiam sumi possit.

Qui vero sit mos hodie de utra (que) specie in Ecclesiis Graecis, quae Ro­manae Ecclesiae Tyrannidem nunquam admiserunt, non satis nobis est compertum, cum Graecia tota Turcarum subsit imperio, nec liberam ha­beant facultatem Christum ut libet profitendi, quando nec Verbum Dei publice praedicare, nec ad Campanarum sonitum populum convocare, nec publicas Litanias crucis vexillo praeeunte facere, his ullo pacto est concessum.

Illud quo (que) inprimis est observandum, nempe quod in Universis Ec­clesiis in die Parasceves Sacerdos & omnis populus sub una tantum spe­cie panis communicant, non sub specie Vini, ut cum is dies repraesentat mortem Christi in qua sanguis ejus pretiosus pro nostra salute effusus est & separatus a corpore, separatim illo die sub altera solum specie commu­nicarent omnes sive Sacerdos sive populus; qui mos per universam Ec­clesiam nunquam fuisset admissus, nisi sub altera tantum specie integer Christus contineretur, at (que) nisi sub altera Sacramentum populis ministrari posset.

De Missa Privata.

Per Missas autem privatas multos abusus intoductos esse dicitis, quas velut Atlantem quendam Papatum sustinuisse, indulgentias invexisse, or­bem expilasse, utpote quae ad quaestum pateant, monachorum turbas coa­cervasse, Verbum Dei exterminasse asseritis, at (que) ideo Germanos Princi­pes Synaxim veteri more reduxisse, quam lingua vernacula facere, ritu satis decoro atque decenti commemoratis; privatas vero Missas apud vos in totum abolitas esse, quae tot pepererunt abusus & foetus malignos. Qua de re nobiscum diu multum (que) cogitantes, consideramus inprimis nihil unquam in Ecclesia sua Christum ordinasse quo malignus serpens ali­quando non sit abusus, neque tamen propterea rejiciendum est quicquid sancte est ordinatum, alioqui Sacramenta omnia antiquanda essent; quin magis reputavimus longe satius esse abusus omnes in totum removere, quae vero Sancte & pie introducta sunt in Ecclesiam, illa ipsa stabilia ma­nere.

Nam si ideo Missae privatae abolendae sunt in totum, quia de illis Tho­mas Aquinas, Gabriel, atque alii Doctrinas ut dicitis impias induxe­runt, viz. Missas ex opere operato gratiam mereri, & tollere peccata vivorum & mortuorum, & applicari posse alienum opus ad alterum, Quicquid sit, quod illi asserunt, hoc de omni Missa asserunt, non de privata duntaxat; Qua propter si ad tollendas illas opiniones qualescun­que Missa privata esset abroganda, eadem ratione abroganda esset Sy­naxis & Missa publica, quam vos ipsi retinetis nec censetis abolendam, quicquid de ea alii opinentur. Missa vero privata, velut privata quae­dam est Communio & Synaxis, quae si recte atque ut decet fiat, quicun­que fideles illi interesse decreverint, si paenitentes convenerint contriti de peccatis, Dei (que) implorent misericordiam cum filio prodigo dicentes, Pater peccavi in Coelum & coram te, haud dubie quin ipsi Spiritualiter cum Sacerdote communicant, offerentes se & animas suas, hostias vivas & acceptabiles Deo, tametsi pauci fuerint, at (que) a corporali Sacramenti sumptione abstinuerint: ac per hoc Missa privata Ecclesiae adeo non obest, ut non parum & ad vitam corrigendam, & ad fidem in Christum corroborandam prodesse videatur; quippe Christiani per hoe peccato­res se agnoscunt quotidie delinquentes, quotidie veniam postulant, quo­tidie per peccatum in salebroso vitae hujus cursu cadentes, quotidie pae­nitentes resurgunt, & velut alacriores redditi, devicto saepius hoste, fi­unt ad pugnam audentiores.

Porro statim in exordio omnis Missae privatae publica est peccatorum omnium generalis Confessio, venia postulatur a Deo, absolutio impar­titur a Sacerdote secundum Dei Verbum, quemadmodum in Missa pub­lica.

Et si in Missa publica & quantumcun (que) solenninemo adsit alius praeter Sacerdotem qui Communicare velit in esu Sacramenti, quid quaeso dif­feret Missa publica a privata? An Sacerdos in solenni die populo ad Sacra conveniente, si nemo alius communicare velit, abstinet a Missa publica? atque inter Graecos ipsos, ubi singulis dominicis diebus fit una Missa publica uti asseritis, raro admodum communicat in esu Sacramenti quisquam è populo, uti a fide dignis accepimus, qui ipsi Graecorum Sacris interfuerunt.

[Page 353]Quod vero Epiphanium citatis qui singulis septimanis ter celebratam Synaxim in Asia asserit, eum (que) morem ab Apostolis inductum, cum jam tantum in Graecia singulis Dominicis fiat populi conventus ad Sacra, si mutari mos potuit ab Apostolis inductus, ut rarius quam statuerunt Apo­s [...]oli populus congregaretur, cur non etiam mutari potuit ut saepius con­veniret, quando per hoc celebrior fit mortis Christi memoria, id quod in Missa sit etiam privata.

Jam vero si Sacramentum hoc a fidelibus exerceri Christus in mortis suae memoriam praecepit, inquiens, Hoc facite in meam commemoratio­nem, ne mors ejus raro admodum commemorata in oblivionem transi­ret, quo crebrius, quo frequentius, memoria ejus in Sacramento repe­titur, eo mandatum ejus servatur magis: Etenim sicut raro admodum memorata oblivioni sunt obnoxia, ita crebro frequentata radices in mente agunt altius, ne obliterari unquam possint; ita (que) ut mors Christi creb [...]a memoria illustretur, Missa etiam privata non parum confert.

Certe Paulus Apostolus singulas domos privatas, ubi credentium nu­merus aliquis erat, Ecclesias vocat, membra Majoris Ecclesiae, civitatis illius in qua essent, sicut majores ipsas civitatum Ecclesias, membra Ca­tholicae & universalis Ecclesiae appellat, scribens ad Corinthios; at quae Ecclesia arcenda est a Communione Corporis Domini? Christus etiam ipse instituendo Sacramentum hoc Corporis & Sanguinis sui, inquit, Hoc quo­tiescun (que) facitis, facite in meam commemorationem; nec tempus nec lo­cum ullum cohibuit, quo fieri id non posset, quonam modo igitur arce­bimus quenquam a Missis privatis? Et ad dies festos publicam (que) Synaxim eum relegabimus? Cujus arbitrio Christus liberum reliquit, quando & ubi id vellet decenter exequi, dum inquit quotiescunque? nam si certa tempora servanda essent, non indefinite locutus fuisset Christus, ipsum Dei Verbum, ipsa sapientia Patris.

Jam vero ab initio nascentis Ecclesiae per singulas domos ubi erant fi­deles fiebat communio, at (que) id quotidie, teste Luca in Apostolorum Actis, ubi ait, Quotidie quo (que) perdurantes unanimiter in templo, & frangentes circa domos panem; quem locum etiam de Communione ve­teres interpretes intelligunt, & tamen singulis diebus non agebant pub­lice dies festos, sed privatim per domos communicabant: Etsi terrenorum regum at (que) principum ministri pleri (que) omnes nullum diem transigere cupiunt, quo non fruantur vel solo aspectu sui Domini, tametsi propior congressus non contingat, quis fidelis Christianus non omnibus optabit votis, ut quando in hac vita Christum Regem Regum, & Dominum Dominantium, in Majestate gloriae regnantem cernere mortales oculi non possunt, saltem per fidem in Sacramento Corporis Domini, quod ille fidelibus in memoriam sui frequentandam reliquit, interim quotidie Re­gem gloriae videat?

Quod vero Chrysostomus Sacerdotem ad altare stare, & aliosad Com­munionem accersere, alios arcere scribit, enarrat morem publicae Com­munionis, qui in initio nascentis Ecclesiae crebrius quam nunc fit frequen­tabatur; qui mos nunc in Paschate, quando ubi (que) communicat populus, apud omnes servatur Ecclesias: Caeterum ille ipse expostulat cum fideli­bus sui temporis, quod rarius communicent, quam vel oporteret, vel vetus mos erat; caeterum nusquam is privatas Missas vetuit.

At Canon Nicenus Diaconis in Communione publica suum locum de­signat [Page 354] post Presbyteros; caeterum nec is Canon, nec ullus alius Missas privatas abrogat.

Sacramentum autem Eucharistiae Sacrificium non esse arbitramini, quod unum Sacrificium sit propitiatorium mors Christi, & cum is ultra non moritur, qui semel tantum pro nobis oblatus est, nullum restat ultra Sa­crificium, nisi cultus Spiritualis, hoc est, justitia fidei & fructus fidei. Quid sibi velit justitia quae ex fide est scimus, quippe quam Paulus op­ponit Justitiae quae est ex lege: Caeterum qui sunt fructus fidei, nobis ex Scripturis non satis liquet, ipsam fidem sicut charitatem, & multas alias virtutes scimus esse fructus Spiritus. Verum enimvero non satis mira­mur, cur quispiam aegre ferat Missam Sacrificium vocari, quando omnis vetustas & Graecorum & Latinorum sic eam appellare consuevit, quum ibi fiat consecratio Corporis & Sanguinis Domini in memoriam mortis ejus, qui, ut inquit Paulus, pro peccatis offerens hostiam, in sempiter­num sedet ad dextram Dei, una enim oblatione consummavit in sempi­ternum sanctificatos; ita (que) si Christus & Sacerdos esset, & Sacrificium, & hostia, ubicun (que) est Christus, ibi est hostia nostra, ibi est sacrificium nostrum; at si in Sacramento altaris est verum Corpus Christi, & verus Sanguis Christi, quo pacto manente veritate Corporis & Sanguinis Do­mini, non est ibi Sacrificium nostrum?

Porro quia in Missa est Christus Sacrificium nostrum, qui ipse ultra non moritur, ibi (que) cum ipso capite nostro, nos illius Corpus & membra nosmet ipsos Deo hostias vivas offerimus▪ Graeci id totum [...], id est, Sacrificium incruentum vocant: ita veteres omnes intrepi­de Missam Sacrificium vocarunt, quod ibi sit Christus Sacrificium nostrum in Sacramento.

Sic Basilius, sic Chrysostomus, sic Hieronymus, sic Augustinus eam appellare non dubitavit; Quocirca quid vetat Missam, in qua consecra­tur Panis in Corpus Christi, & Vinum in Sanguinem ejus, qui vere est Sacrificium nostrum, & hoc fieri in memoriam sui jussit, vocari Sacrifici­um: alioqui si id negabimus, non parum verendum est, ne cum Sacra­mentariis quos nunc vocant, qui veritatem Corporis & Sanguinis in Sa­cramento negant, & cum Anabaptistis consentire videamur, a qua su­spicione sicut in animo nostro nos profitemur longe abesse, ita quo (que) cu­pimus calumniantibus adversariis omnem obtrectandi ansam auferri: At­qui cum in Missa tum Sacerdos, tum populus contritus de peccatis se, ut hortatur Paulus, hostiam vivam, sanctam at (que) Deo placentem exhibeat, laudes quas Deo canat & in gratiarum actione versetur, quis dubitare potest, ea quo (que) ratione, Missam jure Sacrificium nominari, cum Pro­pheta appellat Sacrificium laudis, & Paulus omnes hortetur, ut se hostias vivas exhibeant, id quod fit in Missa. Malachias etiam Propheta inquit, Ab ortu solis us (que) ad occasum, magnum est nomen meum in gentibus, & in omni loco Sacrificatur, & offertur nomini meo oblatio munda, quia magnum est nomen meum in gentibus, dicit Dominus exercituum. At quae alia oblatio munda in omni loco intergentes, nisi solus Christus, aut quod aliud Sacrificium Christianorum, nisi Missa, ubi Commemoratio mortis Christi agitur? Nam aut aliquod inter gentes Christianorum oportet esse Sacrificium, aut mentitus est Propheta: quaenam quaeso est oblatio munda, nisi solus Christus hostia nostra, qui in Sacramento alta­ris est sub Panis & Vini speciebus? quippe quantumcun (que) nos ipsi nos [Page 355] Deo offeramus, hostiae mundae non meremur nomen, quorum omnis ju­stitia velut pannus est menstruatae: Ita (que) constat Missam Sacrificium vo­cari ex Verbo Dei per Malachiam enunciato, quod cum ita sit, cur Mis­sae invidemus nomen Sacrificii, quod Propheta praedixit, & in qua Chri­stus in Sacramento praesens est ipse mundi Sacrificium?

De Conjugio Sacerdotum.

Caelibatum Sacerdotum contra Scripturam, contra leges naturae, con­tra honestatem, per Pontificem Romanum asseritis introductum, cum Scrip­tura Sacerdotibus, sicut caeteris hominibus, conjugium permittat, nec possint naturam suam mutare, nec abs (que) singulari dono caelibes vivere: nam non omnes capiunt verbum hoc, & Paulus inquit, propter fornica­tionem unusquis (que) Uxorem suam habeat.

Hic primum ordiri juvat, ut locum illum Evangelii de tribus Eunucho­rum generibus consideremus, quandoquidem Christus alios a natura Eunuchos esse asserit, alios per vim factos, quorum neutrum genus con­tinentiae virtute splendet; quoniam alteros ad generandum natura, alte­ros violentia reddidit inutiles. Tertium vero genus eorum est, qui quanquam terrena generatione uti possunt, malunt continere, & se ca­strare propter Regnum Coelorum; de quo genere Christus statim infert, qui potest capere, capiat, id quod nec de primo, nec de secundo Eunu­chorum genere intelligi potest, quibus continentiae palma negata est, cum descendere in certamen nequeunt: tertium vero genus eorum est, qui continentiae student, & a licitis nuptiis abstinere malunt propter Reg­num Coelorum, quo Christum liberius at (que) expeditius sequantur, ne ter­renis nuptiis implicati, cogitare cogantur, ut inquit Paulus, quae sunt mundi; ad quod genus Christus virginitatis autor homines sapientissime invitat, inquiens, Qui potest capere, capiat: per hoc quod inquit, ca­piat, homines adhortans ad capescendum certamen ut palmam arripiant, nempe Regnum Coelorum, ad quod neminem hortaretur, si nemo car­nem posset vincere; per hoc vero quod ait, qui potest capere, posse capi palmam indicans; alioqui si impossible esset carnem superare, quor­sum attineret dicere, Qui potest, si nemo id posset.

Praeterea per ea verba Qui potest capere, quosdam etiam esse declarat, qui non facile possunt, nam nisi aliqui non facile possent capere, cur se­cerneret eos qui possunt; ita (que) considerandas animi vires admonet, pri­usquam certamen aggrediare, ne temere arrepto certamine turpiter suc­cumbas: Nec dixisset quosdam esse, qui se castraverunt propter Regnum Coelorum, si caro esset insuperabilis, & nemo se castrare posset. Nec dubitandum est quin is qui hortatur ad subeundum certamen, gratiam suam sine qua nihil possent, his non defuturam demonstrat, qui nomina sua in militiam ei dederunt, quorum ille ipse dux futurus est, qui non modo in periculis suos milites invocatus nunquam deserit, sed stat ante januam & pulsat, paratus semper ad succurrendum, si quis ei aper [...]at: Nam Paulus tentationes superari posse nos admonet, modo Dei auxilium im­ploremus, inquiens, Tentatio vos non apprehendit nisi humana, fidelis autem Deus qui non patietur vos tentari supra id quod potestis, sed fa­ciet etiam cum tentatione proventum ut possitis sustinere. Quamobrem his qui continentiam semel profitentur, & eam postea turpiter deserunt, [...]tiam at (que) etiam considerandum est, ne nomen Dei blasphemare videan­tur, [Page 356] Christum accusantes deserti auxilii, cum sint ipsi desertores militiae, & primo statim congressu terga dantes hosti: ita (que) quod Paulus liberum cui (que) [...]acit, ut propter fornicationem Uxorem suam habeat, id de his intelligi, qui continentiam non sunt professi, Paulus ipse nos docet, in­quiens, de viduis adolescentioribus, quae cum luxuriatae fuerunt in Christo nubere volunt, habentes damnationem quia primam fidem irri­tam feceru [...]t. Augustinus Pauli Doctrinam secutus, Psal. 83. inquit, alius ex Dei muner [...] majus aliquid vovit, statuit, nec nuptias pati, qui non damnaretur si duxisset Uxorem; post votum quod Deo promisit si duxerit damnabitur: sic virgo quae si nuberet non peccaret, Sanctimo­nialis si nupserit Christi adultera reputabitur, respexit enim retro de lo­co quo accesserat, exemplo Uxoris Loth, & sicut canis reversus ad vo­mitum reputatur.

Itidem Augustinus, Psal. 75. ample asserit votum semel emissum ser­vandum esse. Hieronymus etiam adversus Jovinianum inquit, virgo quae se Deo dicavit, si nubat, damnationem habet; at (que) alio loco adversus eundem, Virgines tuae quas prudentissimo consilio (quod nemo unquam legerat, nec audierat de Apostolo) docuisti, melius esse nubere quam uri, occultos adulteros in apertos verterunt maritos; non suasit hoc Apo­stolus, non Electionis vas Virgilianum consilium est, conjugium vocat, hoc praetexit nomine culpam. Verbum ipsum Dei palam adversatur ubi­que ne rumpantur vota. Propheta inquit, vovete & reddite Domino Deo Vestro; in Deuteronomio quo (que) scribitur, cum votum voveris Domino Deo tuo, non tardabis reddere, quia requiret illud Dominus Deus tuus, & si moratus fueris, reputabitur tibi in peccatum; si nolue­ris polliceri abs (que) peccato eris, quod autem egressum est de labiis tuis, observabis & facies, sicut promisisti Domino Deo tuo & propria volun­tate & ore locutus es. Ecclesiastes etiam inquit, si quid vovisti ne mo­reris reddere, sed quodcun (que) voveris redde: Et in Numerorum libro scribitur, si quis virorum votum Domino voverit, aut se constrinxerit juramento, non faciat irritum Verbum suum, sed omne quod promisit implebit. Quocirca Ecclesia a principio sicut conjugatos Sacerdotes & Episcopos, qui sine crimine essent unius Uxoris viri, propter necessita­tem admisit, cum tot alii quot possent ad edocendum orbem sufficere tunc non reperirentur idonei, & tamen Paulus ipse Timotheum caelibem ele­git; ita quo (que) si quis ad Sacerdotium caelebs accersitus, postea Uxorem duxerit, semper a Sacerdotio deponebatur, secundum Canonem Neo­caesariensis Concilii, quod fuit ante Nicenum. Similiter in Calcedonensi Concilio, in cujus primo capite priora Concilia confirmantur, statui­tur ut Diaconissa, si se nuptiis tradat, maneat sub Anathemate, & Vir­go Deo dicata & Monachus jungentes se nuptiis, maneant excommu­nicati.

Hoc quo (que) observandum est, quod in Canonibus Apostolorum habe­tur, tantummodo Lectores cantores (que) non conjugatos posse Uxores ducere, caeteris vero in clerum admissis postea Uxorem ducere nunquam licuit.

Qui vero conjugati ad Sacerdotium admissi erant, Uxores suas prae­textu Religionis abjicere nequaquam poterant, ut docet Canon Aposto­licus; cumque in Niceno Concilio proponeretur de Presbyterorum jam ductis Uxoribus abjiciendis, restitit Paphnutius ne legitimae Ux­ores pellerentur, cujus sententiam, cum Canone Apostolorum de [Page 357] non abjiciendis Uxoribus concordantem, omnes sunt secuti.

Caeterum in Niceno Concilio nihil unquam propositum fuit, ut Sacer­dotes post Sacerdotium Uxores ducerent, quod jam ante sic erit prohi­bitum, ut si quis contrarium auderet, ducens postea Uxorem, deponere­tur a Sacerdotio, ut supra dictum est; ita (que) Paphnutius de non abjicien­dis jam ductis ante Sacerdotium Uxoribus, non autem de ducendis post Sacerdotium aperte locutus est.

Ita (que) ne (que) Canon aliquis Apostolicus, ne (que) Concilium Nicenum quic­quam habet ejusmodi ut in Sacerdotium admissi, postea Uxores ducant, sicuti vos allegatis.

His concordat sexta Synodus in qua sancitum est, quod si quis è clero vellet Uxorem ducere, ante subdiaconatum id faceret, postea nequa­quam liceret, nec ulla usquam libertas Sacerdotibus in sexta Synodo da­tur post Sacerdotium Uxores ducendi, sicut vos asseritis.

Ita (que) a principio nascentis Ecclesiae, plane compertum est nullo un­quam tempore licuisse Sacerdoti post Sacerdotium Uxorem ducere; at (que) ubicun (que) id fuit attentatum, id non fuit impune, nam tantum nefas ausus deponebatur a Sacerdotio. Paulus Apostolus inquit, de conjugibus lo­quens, nolite fraudare invicem nisi forte ex consensu ad tempus, ut va­cetis orationi. Hieronymus in Apologia ad Pammachium ait, Paulus Apostolus dicit, Quando coimus cum Uxoribus nos orare non posse, si per coitum quod minus est impeditur, id est orare, quanto plus quod majus est, id est Corpus Christi, prohibetur accipere: idque late prose­quitur exemplo panum propositionis, qui non dabantur nisi continen [...] ­bus Davidi & ministris, ut scribitur in libro Regum; Panes enim Pro­positionis, quasi Corpus Christi, de Uxorum cubilibus consurgentes edere non poterant, ut inquit Hieronymus, atque exemplo dationis legis vete­ris, ante cujus dationem filii Israel in Exodo triduo abstinere sunt jussi ab Uxoribus.

Hieronimus etiam adversus Jovinianum inquit, si Laicus & quicun (que) fidelis orare non potest, nisi careat officio conjugali, Sacerdoti cui semper pro populo offerenda sunt Sacrificia, semper orandum est: si semper orandum est, semper ergo carenduum Matrimonio. Idem asserit Ambrosius ample in Epistola ad Timotheum prima, cum quo consentit Augustinus.

Paulus Timotheum Discipulum in Sacerdotali Officio erudiens, admo­net secularia negotia fugienda esse, inquiens, Labora ut bonus miles Christi Iesu, nemo militans implicat se negotiis secularibus, ut ei placeat cui se probavit; & si Sacerdotes Uxores acciperent, curis secularibus ne­cesse est involvantur, nam teste Paulo, qui cum Uxore est, solicitus est quae sunt mundi, quomodo placeat Uxori; qui vero sine Uxore est, so­licitus est quae Domini sunt, quomodo placeat Deo: Ideo (que) eundem ad caelibatum hortatur, quando ait, Teipsum castum custodi, nam castitas, ubi de conjugatis non fit sermo, caelibatus intelligitur, suum enim Disci­pulum sui similem reddere cupiebat; atque quodam in loco Corinthiis scribens, omnes homines hortatur ad continentiam, ait enim, volo om­nes homines esse sicut meipsum, & rursus dico non-nuptis & viduis bo­num est, si sic permanserint sicut & ego. Alio in loco scribens eisdem, ministros Ecclesiae sui officii admonet, adhortans ne in vacuum Gratiam Dei recipiant, & subdit, Nemini dantes ullam offensionem, ut non vitu­peretur ministerium, sed in omnibus exhibeamus nosmetipsos sicut Dei [Page 358] Ministros, &c. in vigiliis, in jejuniis, in castitate, in scientia, in verbo veritatis. Quae omnia ad ministros Ecclesiae pertinent quos castitatem maxime sectari convenit, ut impuri non appropinquent altaribus, a qui­bus [...]alaces omnino arceri decet: Nam non nisi de Sacerdotibus ea intel­ligi possunt, quando scientia divinae legis & populi institutio ad eos spe­ctat, ut inquit Malachias, Labia Sacerdotis custodiunt scientiam & legem requirunt ex ore ejus. Et Paulus Timotheum vult se exhibere operari­um inconfusibilem, recte tractantem verbum veritatis, viz. in Doctrina populi; igitur Sacerdotes Domini, qui se Deo jampridem dedicaverunt, qui se castraverunt propter Regnum Coelorum, qui pro suis & populi peccatis orare assidue debent, quonam pacto, deserto caelibatus vexilli­fero Christo, novis nuptiis operam dare secularibus (que) molestiis quibus scaturiunt se implicare decet? quid enim est ad aratrum manum mittere, retro (que) recipere exemplo Uxoris Loth, si hoc non est? cujusmodi ho­mines non aptos esse Regno Dei, Christus ipse pronunciat, etenim si ne­mo potest Uxori pariter & Philosophiae operam dare, ut mundana pru­dentia docet, quanto magis is qui se Deo dicavit, duobus Dominis ser­vir [...] non poterit, nempe Deo pariter & mundo, quorum uter (que) totum hominem, non dimidiatum, ad se raptat?

Quanquam autem & conjugati & caelibes in initio Ecclesiae admitte­bantur ad Sacerdotium, id tamen non ubi (que) ita servabatur teste Hiero­nymo adversus Vigilantium, ubi inquit, quid facient Orientis Ecclesiae, quid Egypti, & Sedis Apostolicae, quae aut Virgines clericos accipiunt, aut continentes, aut si Uxores habuerint mariti esse desistunt? Atque ad Pammachium Hieronymus inquit, Christus Virgo, Virgo Maria, utri­us (que) sexus virginitatem dedicaverunt, Apostoli vel Virgines, vel post nuptias continentes, Episcopi, Presbyteri, Diaconi, aut Virgines eli­guntur, aut vidui, aut certe post Sacerdotium in aeternum pudici, in morem Ecclesiae veterem, cujus autor est haud dubie Paulus & Scriptura ipsa. Jam vero uti Augustinum citatis, qui ait, quidam nubentes post votum asserunt adulteros esse, ego dico vobis quod graviter peccant qui tales dividunt: at ille ipse Augustinus asserit, lapsus & ruinas a castitate Sanctiori quae vovetur Deo adulteriis esse pejores, ne (que) statim legitimum est quicquid tolerat Ecclesia.

Cyprianus quo (que) ipse quem citatis, in illa ipsa Epistola de Virginibus quae continentiam voverunt, ubi inquit, si perseverare nolunt, vel non possint, melius est ut nubant, quam ut in ignem delitiis suis ruant; ex quo infertis tale votum non impedire Matrimonium, longe aliud sentit: nam consultus a Pomponio Sacerdote, quid sibi videretur de Virginibus his, quae cum semel statum suum continenter & firmiter tenere decre­verint, detectae sunt postea in eodem lecto pariter mansisse cum Mascu­lis; ea de re altius repetens Sermonem, periculosam (que) esse Virginum & Masculorum cohabitationem, confirmans per Scripturas ac graves mul­torum ruinas ex hoc enatas, asserens generaliter de omnibus Virginibus inquit, quod si ex fide Christo se dicaverint caste & pudice sine ulla fa­bula perseverent, ita fortes & stabiles praemium Virginitatis expectent; si autem perseverare nolunt, vel non possunt, melius est ut nubant, quam ut in ignem delitiis suis cadant, certe nullum fratribus aut sororibus scan­dalum faciant, cum scriptum sit, &c. Et paulo post infert, Christus Dominus & judex noster, cum virginem suam sibi dicatam & sanctitati suae destinatam jacere cum altero cernat, quam indignatur & iras [...]itur, [Page 359] & quas paenas incestis hujusmodi conjunctionibus comminatur! Deinde ad quaesitum respondens, jubet obstetrices adhiberi ut videatur an Vir­gines illae sint corruptae, ubi inquit, si autem aliquae ex ei [...] corruptae fuerunt deprehensae, agant poenitentiam plenam, quia quae hoc cri­men admisit▪ non mariti sed Christi adultera est, & ideo aestimato justo tempore & ex homologesi facta ad Ecclesiam redeant; quod si obstinatae perseverent, nec se ab invicem separent, sciant se [...]um hac sua impudica obstinatione nunquam a nobis admitti in Ecclesiam posse, ne exemplum caeteris ad ruinam delictis suis facere incipiant. Ecce quid sentit Cypria­nus de votis ruptis, incestuosos & Christi Adulteros hujusmodi flagitio­sos appellat, & nisi separentur, nunquam admittit in Ecclesiam; quo­modo ergo talia vota non impediant Matrimonium, aut quis ad tale Ma­trimonium quenquam hortari audebit, quod sine violatione voti & transgressione divini mandati, ideo (que) sine gravissimo s [...]elere contrahi non possit? Atqui quod Principes Germaniae, scribitis, cum viderent mul [...] flagitia de coelibatu Sacerdotum provenire, Matrimonia Sacerdotibus li­bera permisisse, si meum, Egregii Oratores, consilium requisissent vestri [...] priusquam tot Sacerdotes apud vos [...] [...]inculis ad nuptias [...], an id consilii dedissem quod vestri [...] arripuerunt [...]; nam si Sacerdotes qui continere nollent, erump [...] ad nuptias omnino voluissent, quanto satius forte fuisset, exemplo ve­terum deposuisse tales a Sacerdotio, suae (que) de c [...]ero Conscientiae qu [...]n­quam reliquisse, ac deinde puriores altaribus admovisse, quam libere omnia permittendo peccatis alienis auctores videri, at (que) ea ratione alie [...] peccata nostra facere: Veruntamen nos, qui in aliena Repub. cu [...]o [...] nunquam fuimus nec esse voluimus, omnia Principum vestrorum acta at (que) gesta in optimam partem interpretamur, non dubitantes, q [...] ad tollendos abusus omnes sincerus his animus, at (que) ad repurgandam Dei Ec­clesiam appositus non desit.

Porro nos qui in Regno nostro Romani Episcopi Tyrannidem pro [...]li­gare magna industria studuimus, & Christi Gloriam sinceriter promovere curabimus Deo propitio, qu [...]ntum humano consilio fieri potest, ne quis abusus sive a Romano Episcopo sive a quovis alio inductus non abolea­tur, & si quos comperiemus tempori inservientes, fingentes (que) se odisse Romanum Episcopum, at (que) in Sermone simulare veritatem, quam corde non amplectuntur, ejusmodi viris consilia nostra de rebus Sacris non communicabimus, nec eorum vel de Sacris vel de Prophanis expectabimus sententiam.

Quae vero Christi puram at (que) sinceram Doctrinam promovere, quae Christi Evangelium dilatare, quae ad repurganda Ecclesiae Anglicanae vitia tendere, quae ad extirpandos abusus at (que) errores omnes spectare, quae deni (que) Ecclesiae candorem exornare posse videbuntur, ea totis viribus se­ctabimur, his studebimus, his Deo volente in perpetuum incumbemus.

De Articulis vero quos jam disseruimus maturius cum Theologis no­stris quamprimum vacabit agemus, at (que) ea demum statuemus quae ad Christi Gloriam Ecclesiaeque sponsae ejus decorem conducere existimabi­mus.

Vobis autem, Praestantissimi Oratores, qui tot labores terra marique perpessi estis, ut nos inviseretis, qui cum Theologis nost [...]is tamdiu con­tulistis, qui ob Evangelii negotium a Patria abfuistis multis mensibus, immensas at (que) innumeras habemus gratias; nec miramur si dulcis amor [Page 360] Patriae, post diuturnam absentiam vestr [...], ad reditum vos invitat. Ita­que post expleta Principum vestrorum mandata, post absoluta in totum negotia vestra, si non gravabimini nos invisere, vester ad nos accessus admodum gratus erit, vosque in Patriam non modo libenter dimittemus cum bona venia, sed ad Principes etiam vestros, literas dabimus sum­mae diligentiae vestrae in exequenda legatione testimonium perhiben­tes. Valete.

IX. A Letter written by the King to his Bishops, directing them how to instruct the People. An Original. By the KING.

HENRY R.

Cotton Lib [...]. Cleop. E. 5.RIght Reverend Father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well: And whereas for the Vertue, Learning, and good Qualities which we saw and perceived heretofore in you, judging you thereby a Personage that would sincerely, devoutly, purely, and plainly set forth the Word of God, and instruct our People in the truth of the same, after a simple and plain sort, for their better instruction, unity, quiet, and agreement in the points thereof, we advanced you to the room and office of a Bishop within this our Realm; and so endowed you with great Revenues and Possessions; perceiving after, by the contra­riety of preaching within this our Realm, our said People were brought into a diversity of Opinion, whereby there ensued contention amongst them; which was only engendred by a certain contemptuous manner of speaking, against honest, laudable, and tolerable Ceremonies, Usages, and Customs of the Church; we were enforced, by our sundry Letters, to admonish and command you, amongst others, to preach God's Word sincerely, to declare abuses plainly, and in no wise contentiously to treat of matters indifferent, which be neither necessary to our Salvation, as the good and vertuous Ceremonies of Holy Church, ne yet to be in any wise contemned and abrogated, for that they be incitements and moti­ons to Vertue, and allurements to Devotion: all which our travail not­withstanding, so little regard was by some taken and adhibited to our advertisements therein, that we were constrained to put our own Pen to the Book, and to conceive certain Articles, which were by all you the Bishops and whole Clergy of this our Realm in Convocation agreed on, as Catholick, meet, and necessary to be by our Authority for avoid­ing of all contention set forth, read and taught to our Subjects, to bring the same in unity, quietness, and good concord: supposing then that no Person having Authority under us, would either have presumed to have spoken any word, that might have offended the sentence and meaning of the same, or have been any thing remiss, slack, or negli­gent in the plain setting forth of them as they be conceived, so as by that mean of abstinence such quiet and unity should not grow thereupon as we desired and looked for of the same; and perceiving eft-soons, by credible report, that our labours, travail, and desire therein, is never­theless defeated, and in manner by general and contemptuous words [Page 361] spoken, by sundry light and seditious Persons, contemned and despised, so that by the abstinence of direct and plain setting-forth of the said Articles, and by the fond and contentious manner of speaking, that the said light Personages do still use against the honest Rites, Customs, Usa­ges, and ceremonial Things of the Church, our People be much more offended than they were before; and in a manner exclaim that we will suffer that injury at any Man's hand, whereby they think both God, us, and our whole Realm highly offended, insomuch that principally upon that ground, and for the Reformation of those Follies and Abuses, they have made this commotion and insurrection, and have thereby grievou­sly offended us, dammaged themselves, and troubled many of our good Subjects: We be now enforced, for our discharge towards God, and for the tender love and zeal we bear unto the tranquillity and loving unity of our said People and Subjects, again to readdress these our Let­ters to all the Bishops of our Realm, and amongst other unto you, as a peremptory warning to admonish you, to demean and use your self for the redobbying of these things as shall be hereafter declared, upon pain of deprivation from the Bishoprick, and further to be punished for your contempt, if you shall offend in the contrary, as Justice shall require for your own Trespass.

And first, we straitly charge and command you, that plainly and di­stinctly, without any additions, ye shall every Holy day, wheresoever ye shall be within your Diocess, when ye may so do with your health and convenient commodity, openly, in your Cathedral Church, or the Parish Church of the place where ye shall for time be, read and de­clare our Articles; and in no wise, in the rest of your words which ye shall then speak of your self, if you speak any thing, utter any word that shall make the same, or any word in the same, doubtful to the People.

Secondly; We will and command you, That you shall in your Per­son travel from place to place in all your Diocess, as you may with your commodity, and endeavour your selves every Holy-day to make a Collation to the People, and in the same to set forth plainly the Texts of Scripture that you shall treat of; and with that also as well to de­clare the obedience due by God's Laws to their Prince and Soveraign Lord, against whose commandment they ought in no wise, though the same were unjust, to use any violence, as to commend and praise honest Ceremonies of the Church as they be to be praised, in such plain and reverent sort, that the People may perceive they be not contemned, and yet learn how they were instituted, and how they ought to be observed and esteemed; using such a temperance therein, as our said People be not corrupted, by putting over-much affiance in them, which a part should more offend, than the clear silencing of the same, and that our People may thereto the better know their duties to us, being their King and Soveraign Lord.

Thirdly; We straitly charge and command you, That neither in your private communications you shall use any words that may sound [Page 362] to the contrary of this our Commandment, ne you shall keep or retain any Man of any degree, that shall in his words privatly or openly, di­rectly or indirectly, speak in these matters of the Ceremonies, conten­tiously or contemptously; but we will that in case ye have, or shall have towards you any such Person that will not better temper his Tongue, you shall, as an Offender and a Seductor of our People, send the same in sure custody to us and our Council, to be punished as shall appertain; and semblably to do with other Strangers whom ye shall hear to be notable offenders in that part.

Fourthly; Our pleasure and commandment is, That you shall on your behalf, give strait commandment upon like pain of deprivation and further punishment, to all Parsons, Vicars, Curats, and Gover­nors of Religious Houses, Colledges, and other places Ecclesiastical within your Diocess, that they and every of them shall, touching the in­different praise of Ceremonies, the avoiding of contentious and con­temptous Communication, concerning any of the same, and the di­stinct and plain reading of our said Articles, observe and perform, in their Churches, Monasteries, and other Houses Ecclesiastical aforesaid, the very same order that is before to you prescribed. And further, that you permit nor suffer any Man, of what degree soever in learning, Strangers or other, to preach in any place within your said Diocess out of his own Church, by virtue of any License by us, or any other of our Ministers, granted before the fifteenth day of this month, neither in your presence nor elsewhere, unless he be a Man of such hon [...]sty, vertue, learning, and judgment, as you shall think able for that purpose, and one whom in manner you dare answer for.

Finally; Whereas we be advertised that divers Priests have presumed to marry themselves, contrary to the custom of our Church of Eng­land, our pleasure is, Ye shall make secret enquiry within your Dio­cess, whether there be any such resiant within the same or not: And in case ye shall find that there be any Priests that have so presumed to marry themselves, and have sithence nevertheless used and exercised in any thing the Office of Priesthood, we charge you, as ye will answer upon the pains aforesaid, not to conceal their doings therein, but rather to signify their demeanour to our Council, or to cause them to be ap­prehended, and so sent up unto us accordingly. Given under our Signet at our Castle of Windsor, the 19th day of November, in the 28th Year of Our Reign.

X. Tonstall's Arguments for the Divine Institution of Auricular Confession; with some Notes written on the Margent by King Henry's own Hand. An Original.

Quod Confessio Auricularis sit de Iure Divi [...]o.

PRobari videtur ex illo loco Matthaei 3. ubi Joanne Baptista in deser­to praedicante poenitentiam,Cotton Libr. Cleop. E. 5. exibat ad eum Hierosolym [...] & omnis Judaea, & baptizabantur ab eo in Jordane confitentes peccata sua; quem locum Chrysostomus ita exponit, inquiens, Confessio peccatorum est testimonium Conscientiae confitentis Deum, qui enim timet Judicium Dei peccata sua non erubescat confiteri; qui autem erubescit non timet, perfectus enim timor solvit omnem pudorem; illic enim turpitudo con­fessionis aspicitur, ubi futuri judicii poena non creditur. Nunquid nes­cimus quia Confessio peccatorum habet pudorem, & quia hoc ipsum erubescere poena est gravis, sed ideo magis nos jubet Deus confiteri peccata nostra, ut verecundiam patiamur pro poena? nam & hoc ipsum pars est Judicii, O misericordia Dei! quem totiens ad iracundiam exci­tavimus, sufficit ei Nota bene de s [...]lo pud [...]re. solus pudor pro poena.

Si verecundia pro poena est apud Deum, ea autem non continget ex confessione facta soli Deo,Fall [...]x. nam nemo rationis compos ignorat etiam abs­que Confessione Deum peccata nostra scire, de Confessione facta homini necesse est intelligatur. Praeterea ipsa Verba demonstrant quod Joanni Baptistae confessi sunt peccata sua, nam dixit eis, facite ergo fructum dig­num poenitentia, quod apte dicere non poterat, nisi poenitentes eos ex confessione sibi facta rescivisset.

Beda Marci I.

Et Baptizabantur ab illo in Jordane flumine, confitentes peccata sua. Exemplum dicit non prae­ceptum. Exemplum confitendi peccata ac meliorem vitam promittendi datur eis, qui Baptisma accipere desiderant, sicut etiam praedicante Non praecep­to. Paulo in Epheso multi credentium veniebant, confitentes & annunciantes actus suos, quatenus abdicata vita veteri, renovari mererentur in Christo.

Scribitur quo (que) in Evangelio Joannis 21. Quorum remiseritis peccata,Huic respon­dendum est. Absolutio da­tur in remedi­um peccato­rum petenti­bus tantum, nam si non petiero. remittuntur eis, & quorum retinueritis, retenta sunt: & Matth. 18. Quae­cun (que) ligaveritis super terram erunt ligata in Coelo, & quaecun (que) solveri­tis super terram, erunt soluta in Coelo. Remittere autem & solvere ne­mo potest id quod ignorat, occulta autem peccata praeter peccantem no­vit nisi solus Deus, quare nisi peccata aperiantur Sacerdoti, nec ea ligare nec solvere posset. Et Exemplum bene declarat rem, sed non perite positum. quemadmodum Sacratissima tua Majestas, si commissionem aliquibus dedisset audiendi & terminandi negotium ali­quod, non possent judices rem ignorantes nisi negotio coram eis patefa­cto causam finire, viz. propter culpam litigatorum non comparentium coram eis; sic nec Sacerdotes ligare & solvere possunt peccata quae ig­norant. Ita (que) cum Deus Sacerdotem velut medicum Spiritualem Eccle­siae dederit, si quis enim sua vulnera celat ipse sua culpa perit, cum tamen de salute sua deberet esse sollicitus, sicut Paulus ad Phil. 2. admonet, in­quiens, cum metu & tremore Salutem vestram operamini.

Origenes in Levit. Homilia 2. loquens de Remissionibus Peccatorum.

D [...] su [...] [...]pin [...] ­ne l [...]quens.Est adhuc & septima, licet dura & laboriosa, per poenitentiam remis­sio peccatorum, cum lavat peccator lachrimis stratum suum, & fiunt ei lachrimae suae panis die & nocte, & cum non erubescit Sacerdoti Domini indicare peccatum suum, & quaerere medicinam secundum eum qui ait, Male s [...]nt [...]t q [...] abu [...]rur Scriptura. Dixi pronunciabo adversum me injustitiam meam Domino, & tu re­misisti impietatem cordis mei, in quo impletur & illud quod Jacobus Apostolus dicit, Si quis autem infirmatur, vocet Presbyteros Ecclesiae, & imponant ei manus, Nunq [...]a [...] is modi [...] uncti [...] ­nis [...] Confes­sione [...]. ungentes eum oleo in nomine Domini, & oratio fidei salvabit infirmum, & si in peccatis fuerit remittentur ei.

Origenes Homilia 2. in Psal. 37.

Intellige mihi fidelem quidem hominem sed tamen infirmum, qui eti­am vinci ab aliquo peccato potuit, & propter hoc mugientem pro deli­ctis suis & omnimodo curam vulneris sui sanitatem (que) requirentem, licet praeventus sit & lapsus, volentem tamen medelam ac salutem reparare; si ergo hujusmodi homo memor delicti sui, confiteatur quae commisit, & hu­mana confusione parvi pendat eos,Non a [...]t neces­se est ut con [...]i­teantur, [...]am de contemp [...] loquitur. qui exprobrant eum confitentem, & notant vel irrident, ille autem intelligens per hoc veniam sibi dari, & in die Resurrectionis pro his quibus nunc confunditur coram hominibus, tunc ante Angelos Dei confusionem at (que) opprobria evasurum, ut nolit te­gere & occultare maculam suam, sed pronunciet delictum suum, nec velit esse Sepulchrum dealbatum, quod deforis quidem appareat hominibus speciosum, id est ut videntibus se quasi justus appareat, intus autem sit repletus omni immunditie & ossibus mortuorum.

Et paulo post, Quoniam iniquitatem meam pronuncio. Pronuncia­tionem iniquitatis, id est confessionem peccati, frequentius diximus, vide ergo quid edocet nos scriptura divina, quia opportet peccatum non cela­re intrinsecus; fortassis enim sicut ii qui habent intus inclusam escam in­digestam, aut humoris, vel flegmatis stomacho graviter & moleste immi­nentem, si vomuerunt relevantur; ita etiam hi qui peccarunt, si quidem occultant & retinent intra se peccatum intrinsecus urgentur, & prope­modum suffocantur a phlegmate vel humore peccati: Si autem ipse sui accusator fiat, dum accusat semetipsum, simul evomit & delictum, atque omnem morbi digerit causam. Tantummodo circumspice diligentius cui debeas confiteri peccatum tuum, proba prius medicum cui debeas causam languoris exponere, qui sciat infirmari cum infirmante, flere cum flente, qui condolendi & compatiendi noverit disciplinam, ut ita demum si quid ille dixerit, qui se prius & eruditum medicum ostenderit & misericordem, si quid consilii dederit, facias & sequaris, si intellexerit & praeviderit talem es [...]e languorem tuum, qui in conventu totius Ecclesiae exponi de­beat & curari, ex quo fortassis & caeteri aedificari poterunt, & tu ipse fa­cile sanari, multa hac deliberatione & satis perito medici illius consilio procurandum est.

Cyprianus in Sermone de Lapsis.

Denique, quando & fide majore & timore meliores sunt,Ha [...]tur [...] ­prianus Con­f [...]ssionem auri­cularem nobis non plus praeci­pi quam vir­ginitatem. qui quamvis nullo Sacrificii aut libelli facinore constricti, quoniam tamen de hoc vel cogitaverunt, hoc ipsum apud Sacerdotes Dei dolenter & simpliciter confitentur, exomologesin conscientiae faciunt, animi sui pondus expo­nunt, salutarem medelam parvis licet & modicis vulneribus exquirunt, sci­entes scriptum esse, Deus non deridetur; derideri & circumveniri Deus non potest, nec astutia aliqua fallente deludi: plus imo delinquit qui se­cundum hominem Deum cogitans evadere se poenam criminis credit, si non palam crimen admisit. Christus in praeceptis suis dicit, qui confusus me fuerit, confundet eum filius hominis, & Christianum se putat qui Chri­stianus esse aut confunditur aut veretur: Quomodo potest esse cum Christo, qui ad Christum pertinere aut erubescit aut metuit? minus plane peccaverit non videndo idola, nec sub oculis circumstantis at (que) insultantis populi sanctitatem fidei profanando, non polluendo manus suas funestis Sacrificiis, nec sceleratis cibis ora maculando; hoc eo proficit ut sit minor culpa, non ut innocens conscientia; facilius potest ad veniam criminis pervenire, non est tamen immunis a crimine, nec cesset in agenda poeni­tentia, at (que) in Domini misericordia deprecanda, ne quod minus esse in qualitate delicti videtur, in neglecta satisfactione cumuletur.Si pr [...]c [...]ptum hab [...]ret non persuade [...]er. Con [...]itean­tur singuli, quaeso vos fratres, delictum suum, dum adhuc qui deliquit in soeculo est, dum admitti confessio ejus potest, dum satisfactio & remissio facta per Sacerdotes apud Dominum grata est; convertamur ad Domi­num mente tota, & poenitentiam criminis veris doloribus exprimentes Dei misericordiam deprecemur; illi se anima prosternat, illi maestitia satisfa­ciat, illi spes omnis incumbat; rogare qualiter debeamus dicit ipse, Rever­timini inquit, ad me ex toto corde vestro, simul (que) & jejunio, & fletu, & planctu, & scindite corda vestra & non vestimenta.

Praeterea Esaias peccatorem admonet Cap. 42. secundum 70. inquiens,Hi omnes su [...] ­dent, sed non praeciptunt. Dic tu prior iniquitates tuas ut justificeris; & Salomon Prov. 18. ait, Justus prior est accusator sui, at (que) ideo ne Satan nos in judicio coram om­nibus accuset, nos illum in hac vita, per priorem confessionem delicti nostri factam aliis praevenire debemus, nam Deum praevenire in nostri accusatio­ne nequimus, qui omnia facta nostra jam novit, immo vero antequam fie­rent ea praescivit; quare Confessio illa necesse est, intelligatur, de extra­nea confessione facta Dei ministro qui id ignoravit, nam Deum nihil un­quam latuit non modo jam factum, sed ne futurum quidem quicquam.

Circa personas vero ministrorum quibus fieri deberet Confessio,C [...]m nec cui nec tempus designatur non firmum [...]rae­ceptum datu [...]. at (que) circa tempora Ecclesiae nonnunquam aliquid immutarunt, & varie pro re­gionibus statuerunt.

Et ne tuam solicitudinem, Sacratissima Majestas, circa publicam Regni tui tranquillitatem stabiliendam sanctissime occupatam, longa multorum lectione, quae praeter ista afferre possem, remorari videar, plura adjun­gere supersedebo, illud tantummodo precatus, ut meam hanc scribendi te­meritatem boni consulat, quam ego totam perspicacissimo at (que) eruditissi­mo Majestatis tuae judicio considerandam pensitandam (que) committo. At (que) ita foelicissime valeat Sacratissima tua Majestas, cujus Regnum & prosper­rimum & in soeculum diuturnum nobis fore precamur.

XI. A Letter of King Henry's to Tonstall, Bishop of Duresme, against Articular Confession being of Divine Institution. An Original.

Cott. Libr. Cleop. E. 5.SInce me thought (my Lord of Durham) that both the Bishops of York, Winchester, and your Reasons and Texts were so fully an­swered this other day, in the House, as to my seeming and supposal, the most of the House was satisfied; I marvelled not a little why eft-soons you have sent to me this now your writing, being in a manner few other Texts or Reasons than there were declared both by the Bishop of Can­terbury and me, to make smally or nothing to your intended purpose: but either I esteem that you do it to prove my simple judgment alone, which indeed doth not much use (tho not the wisest) to call in aid, the judgments of other learned Men, and so by mine ignorant answer, seem to win the Field; or else that you be too much blinded in your own fansy and judgment, to think that a Truth, which by learning you have not yet proved, nor I fear me cannot by Scriptures, nor any other Di­rectors probable grounds, though I know mine unsufficiency in learning, if the matter were indifferent, and that the ballance stood equal, since I take the verity of the Cause rather to favorize the part I take than yours; it giveth me therefore great boldness, not presuming in Lear­ning, but in justness of the Cause, seeing by writing you have provoked me to it, to make answer to your Arguments: Therefore I beginning now to reply to your first Allegation, shall essay to prove, if I can, that your own Author in place by you alledged, maketh plain against your Opinion; for as you alledg him, St. Chrysostom saith, Quod sufficit so­lus pudor pro poena, then Articular Confession is not by commandment necessary; for if it were, this word (Solus) is by your Author ill set; therefore your Author in this place furdereth you but little, To your Fallax Argument, I deny your consequent, founded only upon small Reason, which is the ground of your Fallax Argument: which Reason I need not take away, for your alledged Author doth shew too plainly, in his 5. Homily, Tom. 5. that you gather wrong sense upon his words; for he saith, with much more touching this matter, these few words, Non hominibus peccata detegere cogo; then this other Text before rehear­sed, is not to be understood as you will by writing it. Further, me thinketh, I need not (God thank you) too greatly study for Authors to conclude your wrong taking of Texts, for those your self alledg serveth me well to purpose: for all your labour is to prove that Auricular Con­fession were by God commanded, and both your Authorities of Bede and Paul, sheweth nothing but that they did confess their sins, and yet do not they affirm that it was by commandment; wherefore they make for mine Argument and not for yours. Your other Texts of Iohn 21. and Matthew 10. were so throughly answered this other day, and so ma­nifestly declared not to appertain to our grounded Argument, that I marvel you be not ashamed eft-soons to put them in writing, and to found your Argument now so fondly on them; for what fonder Argu­ment can be made to prove thereby a necessity of Confession, than to say, If you confess not, I cannot forgive? Would a Thief which com­mitteth [Page 367] Felony, think himself obliged by the Law to disclose his Fe­lony, if the Law say no more, but if thou confess not I cannot forgive thee? or would the [...]t the sooner therefore to be forgiven? This is mat­ter so apparent, that none can but perceive except he would not see. As touching Origens places by you alledged; as the first, in Leviticum, sheweth that we be as much bound lavare stratum lacrimis, as dicere Sa­cerdoti, which no Man, I think, will affirm that we be bound to do; and yet he affirmeth not that any of them is commanded: the Text also whereby ye would approve his so saying, doth not yet speak quod pro­nunciabo justitiam meam Sacerdoti, but Domino: The other of Iames seemeth better to make for extream Unction, than for Confession; for when was ever the use, that Folk coming only to Confession, were wont to be anointed with Oil, therefore this makes nothing to your Argu­ment. As touching Origen in Psal. 37. he saith not, quod obligamur di­cere Sacerdoti, but si confiteantur; and seemeth rather to perswade Men that they should not parvipendere Confessionem, (as all good Folk wold) than that they were obliged to Confess them to a Priest. Though Cypri­an de Lapsis, doth praise them which do Confess their Faults to Priests, yet doth he confess that we be not bound to do so; for he saith in the highest of his praise these words, How much be they then higher in Faith, and better in fear of God, which though they be not bound by any deed of Sacrifice, or Book, yet be they content sorrowfully to confess to the Priest sins! He knowledgeth no bond in us by neither fact of Sacrifice or Libel, why alledg you (tho he praise Auricular Confession) that we should be bound by God and Law thereto? This is no proof thereof, neither by Reason nor by Scripture, nor any good Authority. And whereas he saith further, Confiteantur singuli, quaeso vos fratres, delictum suum; this doth not argue a precept: nor yet the saying of Esay, cap. 43. s [...]cun­dum Septuaginta; nor Solomon in the Proverbs 10. for these speak rather of knowledging our Offence to God in our Heart, than of Auricular Confession; after David the Prophets saying and teaching, when he said, Tibi soli peccavi, that was not to a Priest. By the text also which you alledg, beginning, circa personas vero ministrorum, &c. you do open­ly confess that the Church hath not accepted Auricular Confession to be by God's Commandment; or else by your saying and Allegation, they have long erred: for you confess that the Church hath divers times changed both to whom Confession should be made, and times when; and that also they have changed divers ways for divers Regions; if it were by God's Commandment they might not do thus: Wherefore, my Lord, since I hear no other Allegations, I pray you blame not me tho I be not of your Opinion; and of the both, I think that I have more cause to think you obstinate, than you me, seeing your Authors and Allegations make so little to your purpose. And thus fare you well.

XII. A Definition of the Church, corrected in the Margent by King Henry's own hand. An Original.
De Ecclesia.

Cotton Libr. Cleop. E. 5.ECclesia praeter alias acceptiones in Scripturis duas habet praecipuas: Unam, qua Ecclesia accipitur pro Congregatione Sanctorum & ve­re fidelium qui Christo capiti vere credunt, & sanctificantur Spiritu ejus; haec autem una est, & vere Sanctum Corpus Christi sed Soli Deo Sponsa Chri­sti cognita. cog­nitum, qui hominum corda solus intuetur. Altera acceptio est, qua Ec­clesia accipitur pro Congregatione omnium Hominum qui baptizati sunt in Christo, & non palam abnegarint Christum, nec sunt Iuste. excommuni­cati A [...]t obstinati. quae Ecclesiae acceptio congruit ejus Statui in hac vita duntaxat, ubi habet malos bonis simul admixtos Et cognitio hu [...]us Ecclesiae perve [...] per usum Verbi & Sacramento­rum, acceptio­ne perfecta, [...]., & debet esse cognita per Verbum & legitimum usum Sacramentorum ut possit audiri; sicut docet Christus, Qui Ecclesiam non audierit. Porro ad veram unitatem Ec­clesiae, requiritur ut sit consensus in recta Doctrina Fidei & administra­tione Sacramentorum.

Traditiones vero & ritus at (que) Caeremoniae quae vel ad decorem, vel ordinem, vel Disciplinam Ecclesiae ab hominibus sunt institutae, non om­nino necesse est, ut eaedem sint ubi (que) aut prorsus similes: hae enim & va­riae fuere & variari possunt Modo rec̄to­rib [...] place ant quibus semper obtemperan­dum est, ta­men ut eorum institutio at (que) lex Verbo D [...] non a [...]verse­tur. pro regionum at (que) morum diversitate & & commodo Ista est Ec­cl [...]sia [...] Catholica & Aposto [...]ica, cum qua nec Pontifex R [...] ­man [...]s, [...] quivis alius Praelatus aut Pontifex, habet quicquid agere praterquam in suas Dioceses., sic tamen ut sint consentientes Verbo Dei: & quamvis in Ecclesia secundum posteriorem acceptionem mali sint bonis admixti, at (que) etiam Ministeriis Verbi & Sacramentorum nonnunquam praesint, tamen cum ministrent non suo sed Christi nomine, mandato & authori­tate, licet eorum ministerio uti tam in verbo audiendo quam recipiendis Sacramentis, juxta illud, Qui vos audit me audit; nec per eorum mali­tiam imminuitur effectus aut gratia donorum Christi rite accipientibus, sunt enim efficacia propter promissionem & ordinationem Christi etiam­si per malos exhibeantur.

The End of the Addenda.

A Table of the Records and Papers that are in the Collection, with which the places in the History to which they relate, are marked; the first number, with the Letter C. is the Page of the Collection; the second, with the Letter H. is the Page of the History.

C.H.
1. THe Record of Card. Adrian's Oath of Fidelity to K. Henry the 7th for the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells312
2. P. Julius's Letter to Arch-Bishop Warham, for giving K. Henry the 8th the Golden Rose519
3. A Writ for summoning Convocationsibid20
4. A Writ for a Convocation summoned by Warham on an Ecclesiastical account6ibid
5. The Preamble of an Act of Subsidy granted by the Clergie721
6. Bishop Tonstal's License to Sir Tho. More for his reading Heretical Books832

The Second Book.
1. The Bull for the King's Marriage with Queen Katherine935
2. The King's Protestation against the Marriage1036
3. Cardinal Wolsey's first Letter to Gregory Cassali about the Divorce1245
4. Two Letters of Secretary Knight's to the Cardinal and the King, giving an account of his Conferences with the Pope concerning the Divorce2147
5. A part of a Letter from Knight to Card. Wolsey, that shews the Di­spensation was then granted and sent over2649
6. Gregory Cassali's Letter concerning the Method in which the Pope desired the Divorce should be managedibidibid
7. The King's Letter to the Colledg of Cardinals, from which it appears how much they favoured his Cause2852
8. The Cardinal's Letter to the Pope concerning the Divorce29ibid
9. Card. Wolsey's Letter to Cassali, directing him to make Presents at Rome30ibid
10. The Decretal Bull that was desired in the King's Cause31ibid
11. The Cardinal's Letter to John Cassali concerning it3453
12. Staphileus's Letter to the Cardinal5754
13. The Cardinal's Letter to Campegio38ibid
14. The Cardinal's Letter to Cassali, desiring a Decretal Bull might be sent overibid56
15. The Breve of P. Julius for the King's marriage, suspected to be forged3937
16. A part of the Cardinal's Letter to G. Cassali, desiring leave to shew the Decretal Bull to some of the King's Council4058
17. John Cassali's Letter concerning a Conference he had with the Pope41ibid
18. The Pope's Letter to the Cardinal, giving credence to Campana4760
19. A part of Peter Vaunes's Instructions, directing him to threaten the Popeibidibid
20. The Cardinal's Letter to the Ambassadors, concerning his promotion to the Popedom4863
21. An Information given to the Pope concerning the Divorce4965
22. The 2d part of a long Dispatch of the Cardinal's concerning the Divorce51ibid
23. Another Dispatch to the same purpose6067
24. A Letter from the two Legats to the Pope▪ advising a Decretal Bull6768
25. Another Dispatch to Rome concerning it7170
26. A Letter from the Pope to the Cardinal75ibid
[Page] 27. The King's Letter to his Ambassadors to hinder an avocation of the Sute75ibid
28. The King's Letter concerning his appearance before the Legats7773
29. Dr. Benn [...]t's Letter to the Cardinal, shewing how little they might ex­pect from the Pope8075
30. A Letter from the Pope to the Cardinal concerning the Avocation8176
31. An Act Releasing to the King Sums of Mony that were raised by a Loan8283
32. A Letter from Gardner and Fox, concerning their Proceedings at Cambridg8586
33. A Letter from Crook out of Venice, concerning the Opinions of Di­vines about the Divorce8891
34. The Iudgments of the Vniversities concerning the King's Marriage8992
35. The Iudgment of the Lutheran Divines about it9494
36. An Abstract of the Grounds of the Divorce9597
37. A Bull sent to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, against the Statutes of Provisorsibid110
38. A Letter to King Henry the Sixth, for Repealing that Statute98111
39. A Letter to the Par [...]lament upon the same occasion99ibid
40. An Instrument of the Speech the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury made to the House of Commons concerning it100ibid
41. An Act restraining the payment of Annales to the See of Rome102117
42. The King's last Letter to the Pope107118
43. A Promise made to the Cardinal of Ravenna, for engaging him to pro­cure the Divorce110120
44. Bonn [...]r's Letter concerning the Proceedings at Rome111ibid
45. Anot [...]er Letter about the same Process116121
46. Another Letter concerning the progress of the Process at Rome118122
47. The Sentence of Divorce given by Cranmer120131
48. An Act for the Deprivation of the Bishops of Salisbury and Worcester121148
49. A Letter from Cromwell to Fisher concerning the Maid of Kent123154
50. A Renounciation of the Pope's Supremacy, signed by the Heads of six Religious Houses128155
51. A Mandate for the Consecration of Suffragan Bishops130157

The Third Book.
1. Instructions for the General Vlsitation of the Monasteries131184
2. General Injunctions sent by the King to all the Monasteries137185
3. Some Paarticulars relating to the Dissolution of Monasteries  
Sect. 1. Of the Preambles of some Surrenders141191
Sect. 2. A List of Religious Houses that were of new founded by the King, after the Act for their Dissolution142224
Sect. 3. A List of all the Surrenders of Monasteries which are extant143238
Sect. 4. The Confessions made by some Abbots149237
Sect. 5. Of the manner of suppressing the Monasteries, after they were surrendred151268
4. Queen Ann Boleyn's last Letter to King Henry154206
5. The Iudgment of the Convocat [...]on concerning General Councils155219
6. Instructions for a Visitation of Monasteries, in order to their Dissolution157222
7. Instruct [...]ons given by the King to the Clergie160225
8. A Letter from Cromwell to Shaxton Bishop of Sarum163240
[Page] 9. The Sentence given out by Pope Paul the Third against King Henry166245
10. The Opinion of some B [...]shops concerning the King's Supremacy177248
11. Injunctions to the Clergie made by Cromwell178249
12. Injunctions made by Arch-Bishop Cranmer182255
13. A Letter of Cromwell's to the Bishop of Landaff, directing how to pro­ceed in the Reformation183256
14. The Commission by which Bonner held his Bishoprick of the King184267
15. The King's Letters Patents for printing the Bible in English186270
16. The Attainder of Thomas Cromwell187278
17. Cromwell's Letter to the King concerning his marriage with Ann of Cleve193280
18. The King's own Declaration about it197ibid
19. The Iudgment of the Convocation annulling itibid281
20. Ann of Cleves Letter to her Brother200222
21. The Resolutions of several Bishops and Divines concerning the Sacra­ments201289
22. Dr. Barnes's Renounciation of some Articles informed against him244296
23. The Foundation of the Bishoprick of Westminster246300
24. A Proclamation for the English Bible to be set up in all Churches250302
25. An Admonition set up by Bonner for all that came to read the Bible251303
26. Injunctions given by Bonner to his Clergie252315
27. A Collection of Passages out of the Canon-Law made by Cranmer, to shew the necessity of Reforming it257330
28. A Mandate for publishing and using the Praiers in the English Tongue264331
29. Articles subscribed by Shaxton the late Bishop of Sarum265341
30. A Letter from Lethington the Scottish Secretary, to Cecill Secretary to Queen Elizabeth, by which it appears that King Henry's Will was forged267349
An Appendix, corncerning some Errors and Falshoods in Sanders's Book of the English Schism273 

Addenda.
1. Articles about Religion, set out by the Convocation, and published by the King's Authority305364
2. Some Queries put by Cranmer, in order to the correcting of several Abuses317ibid
3. Some Queries concerning Confirmation, with the Answers that were given to them by Cranmer and Stokesley Bishop of London319ibid
4. Some Considerations offered to the King by Cranmer, to induce him to proceed to a further Reformation320ibid
5. A Declaration made by some Bishops and Divines, concerning the Fun­ctions and Divine Institution of Bishops and Priests321365
6. A Letter of Melanthons, to perswade the King to a further Refor­mation329367
7. A Letter written by the German Ambassadors to the King, against the taking away of the Chalice, and against private Masses, and the Celibate of the Clergie332ibid
[Page] 8. The King's Answer to the former Letter396ibid
9. A Letter written by the King to his Bishops; directing them how to in­struct the People360368
10. Arguments given by Tonstal to the King, to prove Auricular Confession to be of a Divine Institution; with some Notes on the Margent writ­ten with the King's own hand363369
11. A Letter of the King's to Tonstall, in Answer to the former Paper366ibid
12. A Definition of the Catholick Church, corrected with the King's own hand367370
FINIS.

Errata in the Collection of Records.

PAge 21. Line 4. compendio, read Compendio. P. 19. l. 32. huic, r. hic. P. 21. l. 23. datum, r. datam. P. 65. l. 30. before to, r. than. P. 38. l. 5. and take, r. to take; l. 22. gentily, r. generally. P. 111. the Marginal Note should stand 6 lines higher. P. 1 4. l. 14. for, r. her; l. 15. Word, r. were. P. 128. l. 12, 13, 14, 15, the Comma's are all wrong placed. P. 137. l. 42. other, r. Oath. P. 154. l. 19. as if, dele as. P. 157. l. 12. here, r. have. P. 190. l. 18. our, r. your. P. 220. l. 5. Quest. 3. r. Quest. 9. P. 269. l. 47. Variety, r. Verity. P. 285. l. 19, 28, r. 18. P. 305. l. 30. in any, r. many. P. 311. l. 41. and, r. that. P. 317. l. 26. say-men, r. Lay-men; l. 45. refuge, r. refuse. P. 322. l. 30. only, r. every. P. 335. l. 35, 36. fides lis, r. fidelis.

Literal Faults, or escapes in the Punctuation, are left to the Reader's Correction.

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