A defense of the reflections on the ninth book of the first volum [sic] of Mr. Varillas's History of heresies being a reply to his answer / by G. Burnet ...

A defense of the reflections on the ninth book of the first volum [sic] of Mr. Varillas's History of heresies being a reply to his answer / by G. Burnet ...

Table of contents

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Title page

The AUTHOR'S ADVERTISEMENT.

The Translator's PREFACE, Put in English.

A DEFENCE Of the REFLECTIONS On the Nin'th Book of Mr. Varillas's History of Heresies; Being a Reply to his Answer.

POSTSCRIPT.

ERRATA.

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A DEFENCE Of The REFLECTIONS On the Ninth Book of the First Volum Of Mr. VARILLAS's History of Heresies. Being a REPLY to his ANSWER.

By G. BURNET, D.D.

Amsterdam, Printed for J. S. 1687.

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The AUTHOR'S ADVERTISEMENT.

I Do not think it necessary to write any thing in the way of Preface to so short a Book; but since there appeared a long Preface before the French Translation of my Reflections, to which Mr. Varillas has made some sort of Answer. The same worthy Person, having given himself the trouble to translate likewise my Reply thought it necessary to say somewhat in Defence of his former Preface: I have translated that into English, since it gives a further discovery of Mr. Varillas's sincerity.

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The Translator's PREFACE, Put in English.

I Had accused Mr. Varillas in the Preface which I had set before Dr. Burnet's Reflections, that he had in his History of Heresies contradicted several things which he had affirmed some years before that, in his History of Wickliaffianism: for tho the two first Books of the former, are indeed the same work with the latter, as to the main parts of them; yet several considerable Alterations were observed to be between them: many things being left out in the History of Heresies, which were in that of Wickliffianism. To all this Mr. Varillas answers, in a few words; and says, 1. That the History of Wickliffianism was printed without his knowledg. 2. That his Name was not prefixed to it. 3. That tho it contained indeed several things that were taken from him, yet it contained others that were none of his. 4. That he not only never owned that Book for his, but that he moved to have it suppressed: and that at his Instance an [Page]Order of Council was granted, for suppressing it, and for fining the Printer in 600. Livres: From all which he concludes, that he is not at all accountable for any thing that is in that Book: and that no Inferences ought to be drawn from it to his prejudice.

It is true, that it cannot be proved that Mr. Varillas sold the Copy to Certe, the Merchant of Lions: but it is certain, that he pay'd dear for it; and that the Copy that was sold him, was very clean writ; and that there were some Marginal Notes writ upon it, by another hand, tho these were not indeed of great Consequence: The Stationer was also so much scandalised, when he saw, that Iohn Hus was represented so advantagiously, and that the Council of Constance was so ill spoke of, that he intended to have altered the Copy a little; but in that he was not left to his Liberty. The Book was printed, and sold publickly, both at Lions and Grenoble, for some considerable time: and it passed generally for Mr. Varillas's Book, both among the Roman Catholicks, and the Protestants: The more moderate of the [Page] Roman Catholicks, recommended the Book to the Protestants, as an Evidence to convince them, that there were Writers in their Church, that even in Matters of Consequence, durst say the Truth very boldly. Nor was it then so much as pretended by any person whatsoever, that there were any Passages foisted in, which were not of the Authors Writing. The Book was not only looked on as writ by Mr. Varillas, in the remoter Provinces, but even in Paris it self it past for his: and this report went so current, that Mr. la Rogue spoke of it in his Iournal last year,Journal p. 170. of the Amsterd. Edition. as a thing of which no doubt had been made: for he tells us, That Mr. Varillas begins his two first Books with the History of Wickliff, of John Hus, and Jerome of Prague, which had already appeared in several Impressions, under the Title of the History of Wickliffianism. So that it is certain, that the Order of Council which Mr. Varillas procured against the Printer of Lions, for suppressing that Book, made no great noise at Paris, otherwise the Author of the Iournal [Page] would have heard of it.

The Preface that was set before the Edition at Lions, is indeed writ by one, who says, that the Author would not give his consent to the printing of the Book: and for that reason, he does not set his Name before it: but he does not say a word of any Additions that are made to it; tho he shews himself to be both so zealous for his Religion, and so full of esteem for Mr. Varillas, that it is not probable that he would have suffered any Additions to be made, especially such as those that were marked in the former Preface. On the contrary, tho he says, he will not answer, but that there may be some Faults in the Printing, yet he affirms, that none will be found that contradict the Truth of the History. I will not be so malicious, as to say, that it is probable this Preface was of Mr. Varillas's own composing; since it is not likely that there are many besides himself that think so well of him, as the Writer of that Preface does: and the Artifice of Printing Books, by the Authors themselves, and yet in the Name of another, as if their [Page] consent was not obtained, is so common, that Mr. Varillas may think, that he escapes well, if he is not charged with fouler and more inexcusable Impostures than this is. But it is certain, that all those Additions, which Mr. Varillas does now reject, and writ in the same stile with the rest of the work, and no man that is acquainted with his way of writing, will think, that if he had intended to have said those things, which he now disowns, he would have expressed himself in other Terms. And besides all this, he cannot think it is enough to say, that there are some things in the History of Wickliffianism, that are taken out of his Book; since the whole Body of the Work is word for word the same, excepting those alterations: So that if he would express himself with any sort of sincerity, he ought to have said, that these two Books weere indeed his. But since he does not think fit to own those passages, that are now struck out, he ought only to have added, that some Additions were put into the former Editions without his knowledge; instead of setting this matter down so [Page] indefinitly as he has done, by which he pretends to cover himself, and to disavow whatsoever passages are abjected to him, as he shall think it convenient for him to do. But it is now a little too late, for Mr. Varillas to make use of this Excuse: and let him say what he will, he must at least justify himself for a [...]l that is in his History of Heresies. An Ingenious Author has lately shewed him, that he has now rendred himself accountable for the former Book, even with all the Faults that were in it. Let him defend himself as he can: but let him not fancy that he will escape a second time, by casting the blame of the Faults that are now in this Edition, as well as they were in the former, over on the Printers or Book-sellers.

As for the Order of Council, it is so far from proving, that the History of Wickliaffianism was none of his, as Mr. Varillas pretends, that it proves the contrary very clearly; for otherwise how could he have obtained it, but by affirming that is was a Book of his, and that a Copy of it was stollen from him. On what other ground could the Merchant [Page] of Lions have been fined: for he had obtained the Licence for printing it, both of the Kings Advocat and his Attorney, according to the Custom, which is printed at the end of the Preface, signed by them both: and it is certain, that such a Licence as this, was sufficient to secure the Stationer against all prosecution at the Kings sute: nor could Mr. Varillas found his complaint upon any other ground, but this, that he was the Author of the Book; since he could not prosecute the Stationer for printing another mans Book.

There is another reason which Mr. Varillas will not easily answer, that shews him to be the Author of all those retracted Passages; which is, that it is well known, that no man in France could be inclined, from any consideration of Interest, to magnify Iohn Hus, or to decry the Council of Constance: on the contrary, this would have been of very ill Consequence to them, and might have brought them into great trouble: so that men will be inclined rather to think, that at first Mr. Varillas writ his own true sentiments [Page] touching Iohn Hus and that Council, which afterwards he thought fit to suppress, when he saw how much prejudice this might bring him: A man is easily believed when he writes against his Interest, but if it appears, that a man has either a design to raise himself, or at least to preserve himself, the world is too ill-natured, not to suspect all that he can say, let him use what terms soever he will, when it once appears that these are his motives: especially if there is any other occasion given to suspect his sincerity: and in a word, all his complaints of the Printer of Lions, and even the Order of Council and Fine, will pass with jealous people, but as a Collusion, so that after all, I do very much apprehend, that he greatest part of his Readers, will still believe him to be accountable for those suppressed passages, whether he will or not; chiefly when they consider, that there was an effectual means, by which Mr. Varillas might have cleared himself of those Imputations, of which he has not made any use: and that was, the refuting by good Evidences all those [Page] Additions, that were in the Edition of Lions; and the disproving them by solid Reasons. For it is not enough barely to affirm the contrary, especially in this case, in which it cannot be denied, but that there are still specious enough Reasons, to induce us to believe them, not withstanding his bare Denial.

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A DEFENCE Of the REFLECTIONS On the Nin'th Book of Mr. Varillas's History of Heresies; Being a Reply to his Answer.

MR. Varillas has given me in his Title-Page all possible grounds to expect foul dealing from him; for tho the Titles of Books are too publick to be falsified; yet he that will be thought an Original in so many other things, it seems resolved to begin with one that is a little extraordinary; for common Impostures are below him. I had entitled my Book, Reflections on his History of Heresies, and more particularly on his ninth Book, and he gives it a new Title, as if it had been a Critick on the [Page]two first Tomes of his History of the Revolutions that have hapned in Europe in the matters of Religion:P. 8.This was not a failure of Memory, but a studied Imposture: for he represents my design as if it had been against his whole Work, and upon that he charges me for having singled out only some particulars, of which he mentions a few: and adds, that tho all these were errors, his first ten Books would deserve still to be believed, since his mistakes were only matters of small consequence, and in this there was nothing but that to which any man was subject. But when I undertook only to examin his ninth Book, if I have discovered, that all that relates to England is a contexture of falsehoods, then I am sure I have quite overthrown one of his ten Books; and by overthrowing that, I have very much shaken the credit of all the other nine: since the Faults that I charge on him, are not only some small mistakes, but a series of Impostures: and the greatest of all is, that he pretends to cite Vouchers which are not in being. I will not say that his Errors[Page]are more than what any man is subject to: but I do not know any man that has ever committed so many: Mr. Varillas charges me for writing against him in so barbarous a manner, keeping none of the Rules of Decency: and to let the World see how little he knows the things which he cites, he says, that the two most passionate Criticks of any Age,P. 5.Scaliger and Schoppius, observed these with great exactness; but for him, he is resolved to play the part of a Christian, and so he will only answer the things in which Truth is concerned,P. 10.without regarding those that relate to himself. I kept all the measures that I thought became a Christian, with relation to his Person: nor have I said one word of him, but as he is a Writer. I have not sent to Paris, to have a series of his life transmitted to me; on the contrary, when some here had offered me, while I writ my Reflections, some particulars that were to his prejudice, I would not hearken to them; for I said, I would only examin Mr. Varillas as he was an Author, but not as he was a Man or a Christian.[Page]I confess, the confidence with which he asserts so many Impostures, gave me a just Indignation against him, so that I resolved to ruin his credit as he was an Historian, because I saw he deserved it so very ill, and made so bad a use of it: but if he expects, that I measure his being a Christian by this Answer, I will have as bad an opinion of him that way, as I have of him in the quality of an Historian. He says, I have cut off and supprest,P. 5.and changed his words, that so I might represent them as I thought fit: But in that I appeal to the Reader. I did not think fit to reprint all he had writ, nor will I now reprint his Answer, as he has done my Reflections. I have indeed desired my Printer to reprint it by it self, if he finds his account in it: and I think that is sufficient. I confess, I cannot enough wonder at his printing of mine, since it discovers too plainly the defects of his Answer; and I am apt to think that his Printer has engaged him to it, as a thing that would have a good appearance. In this the Printer did wisely: for he was sure his Book would[Page]go off the better; but Mr. Varillas did a greater kindness to his Stationer than to himself. Nor do I believe, that he intended it at first; for there are some parts of my Reflections so falsly represented by him in his Answer, that I cannot believe he would have done it, if he had then intended to have printed my Reflections: otherwise I must conclude, that his judgment and his sincerity are both of a piece: for Instance, could a man, that had intended to have printed what I had said, concerning the Lord Darnley, being the next Heir after Queen Mary to the Crown of England,P. 55, 56, 57.so that he might have been a dangerous competitor to her in that Succession, he having been born and bred in England. Could, I say, this man pretend that I had affirmed, that the Lord Darnley was a dangerous Competitor to her for the Crown of Scotland, and his putting that in the Citation he makes of my words, instead of the Crown of England, would appear strange in any other, but in him such strains are so common, that I am not surprised at this; yet he has the Impudence to [Page] triumph upon it, and to spend some Pages to shew that her Title was undisputed. I find many more Instances of the like foul dealing, which makes me conclude, that Mr. Varillas did not design at first to print my Reflections: and besides this, he copies out sometimes half Pages of my Words, which he would not have done, if he had intended to have given them entire to the Reader: for they are not so much to his advantage, that he had reason to desire that they should be twice read.

He tells the world, that if he had a mind to imitate my passionate way of writing,P. 6.and if he would write my life, ever since I was Chaplain to My Lady Dutchess of Hamilton, to this present time, that I am by my fault become a Citizen of Holland, he would write things so singular, that they would make his Answer the most agreeable Book that had been printed of a great while For this I know there have been men at work both in Scotland and England, to furnish Mr. Varillas with materials to defame me: and because I will conceal nothing that I [Page] know that is to his honour, I was informed that he writ back to England, that he would not medle with those personal things; and that he wisht, that instead of these, they would send him good Memorials relating to the matters in dispute between him and me. This was to act like a fair Enemy, I confess. But I do not say this to bespeak his Favour, that so he may not print all those Informations that were sent to him from a Society, that having forged them, had a mind to put another on publishing them. Let him print them when he will; for I am not affraid of all the hurt they can do me: and indeed, if one may judge of this Epocha of my life, by the two Periods here mentioned, the writing upon such Informations may very well agree with Mr. Varillas's other Histories; for these may be Authors of as good credit, for ought I know, as his Florimond de Raymond was. I was never Chaplain to the Dutchess of Hamilton; I do not deny this, as judging it any diminution to me, if it had been true: for I do honour both her Person and Family so much, that I would rather value myself [Page] self upon it, if I had been ever in her Family: but I never was Caplain to any Subject; I was Chaplain to the late King, but to no other. The last Period passes my apprehension; Mr. Varillas reproaches me for the Meanness and Flatness of my Stile: for he that penetrates into so many Secrets, that never were, can even judge of an English stile by a translation: yet since that he is the first who has reproached me for so very bad a stile, I ought to bear this the more patiently: but since he fancies that he has attained the Sublime of stile, I would gladly know to which of all Longins rules, this expression belongs, that by my fault I am become a Citizen of Holland. By my fault seems so odly placed here, and a Citizen of Holland is so strang a way of expressing my being naturalised by the States, and would intimate as if Mr. Varillas's ignorance went so far as to fancy that Holland was a City; that since there are two sorts of Sublimes, the one of Nonsence, and the other of Eloquence, I will not take upon me to judge to which of these this belongs. For it is too great a presumption in one whose [Page] stile is so low as mine, to examin the flights of so elevated a Writer. As for the rest of this Memoire, I am very little concerned whether he print it or not. I have behaved my self so of late, as to shew that I am neither afraid of any discoveries that can be made, nor disturbed at any Calumnies, by which my Enemies may endeavour to blacken me: and as I had much rather have Mr. Varillas print all that has been sent him concerning me, than to publish it up and down Paris: so whatever he thinks fit to say of me, shall be either treated by me with the silent scorn, that an ill made Lye deserves, or shall be answered as the matter may happen to require it.

But before I enter into any more particular enquiries, I will in general state the whole matter, as it lies between Mr. Varillas and my self: and then I will leave it even to the judgment of a Reader that may be partial of his side. He had published two Volums of the Revolutions that have hapned in Europe, in the matters of Religion: and with Relation to English Affairs he had pretended in his Preface, [Page] that he did found that part of his Work on Card. de Bellay's Letters, besides several other Papers that he cited on the Margin of his ninth Book: but he had given no intimations where any of these were to be found: I had on the other hand writ the History of that time, in which I not only cited many Original Papers, but had likewise printed the most important of them, and had also told where they were to be found: as for those which I have cited from publick Records, they are accessible to all the World, for the greatest part: and for those that are not to be come at but by a Warrant under the Kings hand, that is so easily had, and would be so readily granted at present, that I may with some degrees of just assurances say, that I ought to be believed till it can be made appear that I have been guilty of any Imposture in those Citations: and the stir that has been made of late to supply Mr. Varillas with matter against me, and the meanness of those Objections with which they have furnished him, gives me reason to conclude, that they know they cannot accuse me of Fraud [Page] or Forgery, in any of my Citations: as for the other Original Papers, that I mention, they are either in the Cotton Library in Corpus Christi Colledge in Cambridge, or in some other private Hands: but I have cited all these so particularly, as to tell whether my Vouchers were Originals or Copies; and have told so exactly where those of the Cotton Library may be found, that a man cannot be a minute there, without being able to discover, whether I have cited sincerely or not. I had also in my History confined my self so severely to the materials with which I was furnished, that I resolved not to add one Tittle to that which appeared clearly to me to be well verified: and tho Mr. Varillas reproaches me, for writing so superficially, and for mentioning only publick events;P. 26. yet I am not ashamed to own that where authentick Proofs failed me: I would not impose upon my Readers so far, as to give them my Imaginations for true History; where I am forced to guess, I warn my Reader of it; and when the grounds on [Page] I went seemd which I went seemed to me only probable, I advertised my Reader likewise of it: so that I writ my History with the same scrupulous exactness, that I would have used, if I had been required to give a deposition upon Oath before a Judge. This being the case, I do not pretend to be believed upon my own Word: I do not say,P. 29. the state of the Records and Libraries is altered since I writ; I do not pretend that I saw many Papers in confidence, so that I cannot in honour discover where they are. Ibid. I will not say, that Mr. Varillas proves himself to be an Impostor by such pretences; but I am sure this is the method that an Impostor would use: and whenever I pretend to excuse my self in this manner, I am content to past for one. His defence of himself from the four thousand citations of Du Tillet, and Peter du Puy, that are now all found to be false, P. 28. tho he says, it is as certain they were all true when those Eminent Authors writ, is another of his Sublime strains: for if they are now false, they were false at all times: but [Page] if a man that has so low a stile as mine is, dares ofter to correct him, I crave leave to tell him, that he should have said, that tho the proofs of those Citations cannot now be found, yet there is good reason to believe that those Authors cited them sincerely. This I guess to be his meaning, tho his sublime wants sometimes a little clearness: but it is very probable, that if those Authors had been called to an account for their Citations, they could have answered for themselves in another manner than Mr. Varillas has done. I confess, when I heard that he was writing an Answer to my Reflections, I could not imagin where he could attack me: I knew I had Authentick proofs for all that I had laid to his charge; yet I fancied he might have seen some Letters of that time, in which those matters had been represented as he relates them: For false newes are writ at all times, and from all Courts: and if he had been able to justify himself by such Vouchers, this would have saved his own Reputation, tho the proofs I had given to the contrary, would have had still force enough to discredit his History: I [Page] fancied at least that he would have cited some of Cardinal de Bellay's Letters: But I was surprised when I received his Answer, and saw, that instead of all these Authorities, of which he had boasted, that the only two Authors that he cites, are Florimond de Raimond, and himself; the two worst Writers that he could find: if in his Preface he had owned that he had done nothing,P. 265. but copied Florimond de Raimond; that he was his Warrant;283. that his Testimony was the authentick Proof of what he affirmed;323. and that he himself was only Florimond de Raymond's Eccho;423. if, I say, he had owned in his Preface all this, then I acknowledg, that I had no reason to complain of him, since he justifies himself by so many Pages cited from that Author, that they make the half of his Answer; but since he pretends to write upon Original Papers, and yet does not cite any one, I leave it to all indifferent men to conclude, what account is to be hereafter made of all the Histories that either has come or can come from [Page] him: let him print his Vouchers, or at least, let him tell where they may be found; otherwise I will take the liberty to tell him, that all his Histories are Romances, which he has drawn as to the matters of Fact out of the worst Authors, and the most decried of any that had writ in the last Age; and to which he adds a refining of Policy, such as his own Invention could furnish; so that without the least aggravation, I do affirm, that one may seek the History of Alexander the Great, or of Augustus, in the Romances of Cassandra or Cleopatra, with as much assurance as the History of the Reformation in Mr. Varillas: all the difference between him and those Romantick Writers being, that they built indeed on good Authors, upon which they grafted their own fictions, yet in such a manner that no body could be deceived by them: whereas Mr. Varillas had founded his Romance on very bad Authors, and he delivers his Fictions with such an air of sincerity, as may very probably deceive those who believe too easily. So that I see nothing that is left for him, to preserve that small remnant of Reputation [Page] that it seems a Coquelin, or some few of his Friends, retain yet for him; but to own that he intended not to write true Histories, but only to amuse the World with a new sort of Nouvelles: in which the point at which he aimed, was not to tell truth; but that as the Writers of Plays or Romances, think the best way to work upon the passions, is to dress up known Storys with moving Circumstances, since men are not so apt to be affected when all is Fiction; so he fancied, that he could not raise a Rage against Heresy, and an admiration of that conduct that has driven it out of France, by any other method so successfully, as by this that he has taken. If, I say, he will betake himself to this Defence. I will pursue him no further; but till he is so sincere as to confess his Impostures, I will take the pains yet once more to unmask him, and after I have laid him open for this Answer, as well as for the second Volum of his History, then I shall take leave of him: and will promise him, that for ought I know, I will never write more against him; for this one good reason, which is, that [Page] I will never read one word of his Writings any more; and now I doubt no but I shall make him to be so well known, that to turn his Approver in Mr. Coquelins words a little altered, His works will need no more to be decried; for the bare name of the Author will be beyond all that a can be said for their disparagement. I confess, I cannot imagin what a sort of a man Mr. Coquelin is, whose approbation accompanies all Mr. Varillas's late Works; for it seems he cannot find another that is so complying, and therefore he does not change his man. I fancy Mr. Coquelin must be profoundly learned in the Oriental Tongues, or in the Mathematicks; for these are the studies in the World, that are most opposite to that of History; therefore I conclude, that Mr. Varillas comes to him as to the person in the whole Sorbon, that is the most unacquainted with late Transactions: and perhaps he finds him resolving some Probleme, or reading some Arabick Manuscript; and as all men, tho addicted to one sort of study, yet are willing to be thought universal; so no doubt Mr. Coquelin hopes [Page] to pass for a good Judge in History, by approving Mr. Varillas's Books: but he will do better to go on in the course of his other studies, in which he may be very Eminent for ought I know; but I am sure he is a very ill Judge of the History of the last Age. I shall not take the pains to examin all that recital that Mr. Varillas makes of the Pensions that have been offered to him; and that have been refused by him. I will believe them all for once: and this is a great matter for me to do, since he himself is the only Author of this piece of his own History; for his Credit is not very authentical with me; but all that can be made out of this, is, that he had once gained some Reputation, as a man that had discovered many Secrets, and that had penetrated into many Intrigues; all which he has made a shift now to lose; for as long as he went about the Ruelles of Paris, those things might perhaps pass with less exact Judges; but now that he will carry his Visions further, he is not like to be solicited on all hands by the offers of Pensions any more: so he must now try to keep up the value of his Books; for the sale [Page] of them, being perhaps the only revenue that is left him; he must maintain their credit better than he has done, otherwise both they and he will sink in their price. It is not the Dedicating his Books to a great Monarch, that will support their Reputation. It seems he fancies, that those poor Flateries that he has offered up at that Altar, give him such a pretension to a protection from thence, that he may boldly invite that Prince to be a Witness to this Dispute of his with me; not considering how much it is below the Sublimity of such a Monarch, to be appealed to on so mean an occasion: It is a forgetting the respect due to crowned Heads, to run to them with every trifle: but Mr. Varillas will needs engage the King in the Quarrel, and represent himself as his Champion, not doubting but that this his Zeal for his Glory will receive some Eminent Reward; yet if the reward is proportioned to the service that is done, it will not go far: and as it seems the Iesuites have desired Mr. Varillas not to meddle with the concerns of their Order; for they are too good Judges not [Page] to know that the services of so decried an Author, are Injuries rather than Favours; so it is not to be doubted, but those two Eminentmen, who have consecrated their pens to their Princes Honour, will be moved with a just Indignation when they see how poorly it is defended by Mr. Varillas;P. 20. and that they will procure an Order, prohibiting him to medle with Subjects that are so far above him.

But it is very likely, that this precaution will be needless: and that he will quickly bring himself as low in the esteem of the World, as it seems he is high in his own. For not contended to tell the World, that he rises above the Vulgar, P. 26. and that he has studied to imitate the Antients, leaving, as in a Region below him, such poor Writers as I am, to be reckoned among the Historians of the lower form, as if all this were too little, he will carry his own Commendations further: and since this ingrateful Age does not pay him the esteem it owes him, he will make all that up in a most superlative value that [Page] he puts on himself. He is not satisfied to compare himself to Tacitus, but thinks the Characters that he gives are even Superiour to those of Tacitus. I will not disturb him in the peaceable possession of those good thoughts that he has of his own productions, in which I believe he has few rivals: but as for that small disposition that I once had to think well of them,P. 90. with which he reproaches me sometimes, he has so fully convinced me of my mistake,433. that he has quite cured me of it; I had softned a severe censure I put on his works, by saying, that his writings wanted none of the beauties of History, but that of truth; where the Incense that I gave in the former part of the Period, was intended to carry some mitigation to the sharpness of the latter part of it; but as one that is extreamly in love with himself, misrepresents even the reproofs given him, as if they had been praises; so he turns this as if I had said, that he wanted none of the qualities of a good Historian, without adding any expression of that of truth; yet because I confess my words [Page] gave some occasion to this mistake, and since I would not be willingly guilty of any thing that may encrease his distemper, I do now acknowledg, that I writ these words too carelesly, and that I shewed more good breeding than exactness in them. But to let him see how apt I am to confess my Faults, and to retract them, I do acknowledg that he has so fully convinced me of my error, that I am now like to fall into the other extream, and to allow him none of the beauties of History, unless it be a smooth way of telling his dreams; for there is as little judgment as there is truth in what he writes. I hope he is now satisfied with my sincerity in this confession; and to shew him how sensible I am of my former error, I shall take great care in all time coming, not to commend him beyond what I think is due to him, and then I am sure I shall be very sparing, and will praise his works as little as those learned men at Paris do, who begin now to speak out to the world that which they said to me in discourse, while I had the honour to see them. Mr. Hosier's Letter is no [Page] great sign of his admiring Mr. Varillas, as much as it seems he himself does; and tho I do not think fit to name the persons that gave me those ill impressions of his works,P. 30. for which he reproaches me, yet I do not doubt but some of them will name themselves too soon perhaps for his honour. A man is indeed tempted by the confidence with which Mr. Varillas proposes his Fictions to the world, to express his Indignation in terms that are perhaps sharper than is fitting: and this carried me into a smartness in my Reflections upon him, that had never appeared in any of my other writings: the Cause, the present conjuncture of Affairs, and the reputation that Mr. Varillas had gained, seemed to require it: but now I do assure him, that how much raillery or contempt soever he may find in my Reply to him, he shall meet with no mixture of anger. I must put a little salt and seasoning in a writing of this nature: for it is a dull business to go on in a Flat strain like his, and only to say this is False, and that is Impudent, and to sprinkle here and there a [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] course piece of raillery. I will therefore make my self and my Reader a little merry with him: for a very bad entertainment must be set off with guarnishings: And Mr. Varilla's errors and his ignorance exposed to the world, would make but an ill Regale, if they were not quickned with a little humour.

A very short Answer carrys off all that is material in this Book; for the only Authority that is brought being Florimond de Raymond; as soon as I have shewed how little credit is due to him, then the substance of his whole Answer is examined: he lived at Bourdeaux far from England, and from the knowledg of English Affairs: he had no sort of Instruction relating to our matters, but what he drew from Sanders, whose Eccho he was, as much as now Mr. Varillas is his. So that since Sanders was the Text upon which both he and all the other Writers of the Roman Communion had only enlarged, I had reason to conclude, that the overthrowing Sander's credit, did at the same time refute all the other Authors that had copied him. And I had done [Page] this so effectually, that no man has since that time pretended to justify Sanders. I do not think every man is bound to read my Book; yet I may say,P. 108.257. that every man that goes to write upon those matters, is bound to read it, and either to discover that the Authorities upon which I have founded my History, are false, or to forsake those common Mistakes that Forreigners had taken up on Sander's Authority. It is no excuse for a man that has followed those Authors to say, that such a man had said those things before him; unless it appears, that the Voucher was both well informed, and that he was a sincere and dispassionate man. Now as Florimond de Raymond had no particular Informations of our Affairs, so a man sees in every period of his History, so much of a malignant spirit against the Reformation, that this gives a just Prejudice against all that he says: and if I have proved beyond a possibility of Contradiction, that the relations that he gives must be false, they will not become true because a Florimond, or a Varillas from him, have affirmed [Page] them. As for that part of Florimond's History, which relates to the affairs of England, it is not so much as pretended to be writ by him: for the contrary is expresly intimated in the Preface, & his Son seems to claim the praise of that to himself. But upon the whole matter, it is first very much doubted, whether he was at all the Author of those Books that passed under his name. For many have said, that F. Richeome a Iesuite writ them, and borrowed the name of a Councellour of Parliament to give his work the more credit: perhaps it was thought necessary to set a Writer of some name in opposition to Mr. de Thou, whose History was writ with too much sincerity to be acceptable to that Order. Peter Mathieu in his History says positively, that it was believed that F. Richeome was the Author of the Books that went under the name of Florimond de Raimond. Viguier in his Theater of Antichrist, and Rivet in his Answer to the Iesuite, say the same thing: and these were men that writ soon after Florimond's Books appeared. Blondel was also of the same mind; and tho he aggreed with the [Page] pretended Florimond concerning the Falsehood of the Story of Pope Ioan, upon which he had also writ a Book; yet he spends forty pages towards the end of his Book, to shew how poorly Florimond had disproved it, and lays him open in a vast number of errors, that he had committed, of which some are extream absurd. It is true, some of the Writers of the Church of Rome have magnified him highly: a man that writ so passionatly for them, could not fail of this: so no wonder if Possevin and Gretzer cry him up: and we see by a Letter of Card. Baronius, (published by Mr. Colomies) writ to Florimond de Raimond, how highly he valued him, and that he looked on him as a most extraordinary person. But all this will not prevail much on those who knew the genius of those Writers, and how apt they were to magnify every one that was passionate in their cause. Yet these praises given him by strangers, could not raise his reputation in France, where he never passed for a Writer of any note, either for judgment or sincerity: and he was as little esteemed in the quality of a Judge, as he [Page] deserves to be for his writings; for the Character that was given of him, was no less severe than pleasant: Iudicat sine conscientia, libros scribit sine scientia, & aedificat sine pecunia: He judges without conscience, he writes Books without knowledge, and builds without money. And now this is the Hero of Mr. Varillas, upon whose Testimony he triumphs: and he who perhaps a year ago, would have resented it, as the greatest indignity that could have been done him, if it had been said, that he did nothing but copy such an Author, and that he was only his Eccho, is now glad to fly to so poor a shift; for which he is, as I hear, so much censured in Paris, that it is perhaps too great a cruelty in me to urge this matter too far. Yet Mr. Varillas has a sublim tour in every thing, so that instead of setting before us the reasons that led him to depend upon such an Author, which might pass with the world, such, as that he was well informed, and that he was free of passion: he gives one, which indeed no man besides himself would ever have thought on: he tells us, that he had [Page]a Wife and Children:P. 157. now it is not easy to find out the force of this Argument: but a man must rise above the Vulgar as much as Mr. Varillas, to comprehend his lofty strains. If to have Wife and Children makes a man a good Writer, one may conclude without any further enquiry, that Mr. Varillas has neither. Here is also a new Argument for he Marriage of the Clergy, that has never been yet thought on, yet an ordinary capacity like mine, cannot comprehend why this should have made Florimond de Raimond a good Writer, and why it had not the same effect on Mr. de Thou. So I think I have said enough concerning this Councellour of Bourdeaux, and his Wife and Children.

There are two other general Considerations,P. 364, 366, 380. which I will propose before I enter into the more particular review of his Answer: He argues in several places against matters that I had proved by the most Authentical Evidences possible; and from some Improbabilities he pretends to overthrow what I had said: and in one place he [...] [Page] [...] [Page] [Page] thinks he argues strongly, when he says, I cannot shew him an Instance that the like ever fell out before: an Impossibility is indeed a very good answer to all the Proofs that can be brought: and such are the evidences by which I overthrow the Calumnies thrown on Anne Bullen: but Improbabilities ought never to be set against Positive Proofs: for men are so apt to be guided by Humour and Caprice, and are sometimes so blinded by passion and Interest, that they do often depart from all the Rules both of Prudence and Decency: nor is it a Reason to be alledged by any, but Mr. Varillas, that such things cannot be true, because I cannot shew the like instance in any other History. For supposing that were true, every Age, as it produces Originals, so affords new Subjects of Amasement: for Instance, it may seem incredible that a man could have writ so many Books of History as Mr. Varillas has done, in which he mentions nothing less than Letters, Instructions, and other Original Papers; and this in an Age in which men are not easy nor Implicit, but love to examin Matters, and that also upon [Page] Subjects of Religion, in which it was probable, that some men might call him to an account; and that yet this man, when called to an account, should not cite one of all these Papers, but should build only on a doubted and despised Author: and that when he had reason to think, that this other Writings might be critically examined, he went on in the same careless and bold strain; a man may argue very strongly, that this cannot be true; and it is certain, that Mr. Varillas cannot give an Instance that the like ever fell out before; yet after all, the thing is true; so that Improbabilities may be justly set against Probabilities; but they are unreasonably urged against Positive proofs. Truth is Truth still, tho it had never fallen out but once; as Mr. Varillas is an Original; for there was never an Author before him that carried on Impostures in Matters of History so impudently as he has done.

Mr. Varillas cites likewise many passages out of his other Books,P. 27, 92, 225, 86, 244, 201, 374. to shew that he was not ignorant of those things for [Page] which I charge him, and which contradict what he has writ in his History of Heresies: but first, I do assure him, I have not read his other Books with so much exactness as to remember all that is in them. I was indeed at first surprised, with the many Discoveries that he seemed to make; but I very quickly made another Discovery, that destroyed them all: and found, that he was a Writer of Romances, and not of true Histories, unless it be in that sense in which Lucian uses that Title: so I am nothing concerned in his other Books, but intend only to destroy his Credit, which, I think my self as much obliged to do, as to discover a false Coyner: If he has writ differently in his other Books, from what he writes in this, I am not bound to receive or bear all his Contradictions: and from this very thing, by which he pretends to justify himself, he destroys his own Credit; for if he had writ upon good Instructions, all would have been Uniform: for Truth is ever the same, and does not change faces: but a man that writes his own Visions, cannot carry always along with him all his Dreams: and [Page] therefore he fits them to the present occasion; so that his having reported them in another manner in some of his other Books, does not at all justify him, but gives a further discovery of his Romantick Impostures.

I now come to a more particular Enquiry, and shall hereafter follow him more closely; but I will represent only the most Eminent of the Impertinencies that are in his Book, and strike the Eye; for to search after all, were both endless and needless.

I. He will needs justify his view of Heresy, delivered in a prophetick stile, P. 44. from Titus Livius's beginning; who only tells what he intended to do himself: which any Writer besides Mr. Varillas may very well do; for those who write upon true Information, know what they go about; but an Author of Romances cannot so easily fore-tel this: I do not quarrel with him for telling what he intended to do himself, but for representing the progress of Heresy in a fore-telling stile. It seems his Acquaintance among the Roman Authors is equal to his Knowledg of Manuscripts; otherwise he could [Page] have found others that had begun their Works as Livy does, without going so far down as to St. Ierome; and if that Father had not done the Church more service in writing on the Scriptures, than he did in the writing of Lives, his Authority would be as small as Mr. Varillas ought to be.

II. I tell him once for all, that I do not believe a title of the Negotiation of Mr. de Noailles, P. 46. that he cites, nor of any other upon his word, unless he tells where they may be found; and if Mr. de Noailles was instructed to go to the Duke of Northumberland, when Edward the sixth was but thirteen year old; then the paper must be false: for Dudley was not created Duke of Northumberland before Edward the sixth was fifteen years old: there is a great difference between Governing a Prince, and being his Governour: all the world believed, that Cardinal de Richelieu governed Lewis the thirteenth; yet no body called him his Governour.

III. He denies, that in the two Editions of his Book printed at Paris, P. 50. the Epithet simple is added to the quality of Gentleman, [Page] with which he had honoured the Lord Darnley; in this I must refer my self to those who have the French Editions; but all who have read the Impression of Amsterdam, see that he does me wrong in saying, that I have added it. No, I leave such practices to Mr. Varillas. I have taken some pains to find a Book of the Paris Edition in this Countrey, but have not been able to do it: yet as for his Answer, and his second Volum, I have them before me of the Paris Edition, so there shall be no more room for any such Dispute for the future; but it is strange, that this word simple should have been soisted into the Dutch Impression, if it was not in the Paris Edition: words are left out, but seldom added in those Impressions, that do only Copy another. The Series of the Narration makes me believe, that Mr. Varillas denies this, with the same sincerity that he affirms other things, why did he call him a Gentleman without adding any other Description of his Quality; for let him say what he will, of the Honour of that Title, yet all the world knows, that when a man is upon such an occasion [Page] qualified barely as a Gentleman; that it is understood, that he has no higher rank, nor any particular distinction: and that which comes after this, that by this Marriage the Queen grew contemptible to all her Subjects; shews, that even tho Simple were not to be found in the Paris Editions, yet it must be understood. But because Mr. Varillas will pretend to know the Scottish Story, he offers to recriminate. In short, those who sent him that Story of my life, have also furnished him with some. Errors for which he charges me in such heinous terms as to call them Faults of vast importance, which the meanest of all the little Schollars at Edinburgh would have avoided. I ought to fall a trembling here; for I know there would be no quarter for me if I fell into Mr. Varillas's hands: yet all these dreadful words come only to this, that she whom I called the Lord Darnley's Grandmother, proves to be his Great Grandmother; and that she whom I call Isabel, was Margaret. And are not these justly to be aggravated with such severity, P. 222. as to say, that these were Faults of the [Page]grossest sort, against the first Elements of the History of my Countrey. I forgive Mr. Varillas for magnifying those mistakes, since he can meet with no other: and I do not find my self a whit troubled, if writing in Holland, where I had not the requisites of Books or Papers, I did not carry the race of the Family of Lennox so exactly in my memory, but that I might mistake so far as to call a Great Grandmother a Grandmother; and there having been a famous Lady Isabel Dowglas, if I mistook Isabel for Margaret, this is no great matter. But he charges me with a third, because I said, that the Branch of the Lennox's came out of the Family of the Stewards, before the Crown came into it by Marriage; whereas he tells me, I should have said at the same time, since the first of the Family of Lennox was Brother to him that married the Heir of the Crown. If I had said, long before, he might have challenged me for it; but the younger Brother being born before that Marriage, and not being descended from it, I used all necessary caution in my words, my design being only to shew, that the [Page] House of Lennox, by the Paternal descent, had no relation to the Crown: after this our Author, P. 53. to make some reparation to the Royal Family, reckons up the Honours that some Branches of the House of Lennox had in France, as that they were Marquisses, Counts of Aubigny, Viceroys of Naples, Admirals of Sicily, and Mareshals of France: tho to make up this Catalogue of honour, the same man runs Charles the fifths fate, to be subdivided into two or three Dignities. But Mr. Varillas ought to know, that the Dignity of the K. of England's birth is too great a thing to receive any addition by the Imployments that those of the Family of Lennox might have merited in France: So mean a man as Mr. Varillas, who has nothing in his thoughts but the smiles of Versailles, fancies he gives a lustre to one of the greatest Kings in Europe, when he says, that some of his Family served in France, which rather lessens his Race than exalts it. As for his Impudence in putting the Crown of Scotland instead of the Crown of England, and his making me say, that the Lord Darnley might have [Page] been a dangerous competitor to Mary Queen of Scots for that Crown, when not only my words, but the whole series of the Discourse, shews, that I meant only of the Crown of England, was already observed. It will indeed bear a repetition; for it is a remarkable instance of Mr. Varillas's sincerity, and shews how safely the world may rely on his word. He shews his Ignorance again in saying, That his Marriage of the Queen of Scotland, was the first cause of the change of Religion in Scotland. The change of Religion was made before the Queen came out of France, and so was setled some years before this Marriage; and this was rather a step towards the subverting of the Religion then established, since the Lord Darnley lived and died a Roman Catholick.

IV. What he says to shew, that the greatness of Queen Maries spirit does not contradict the character that He gives of her,P. 60. is so poor, that I will not examin it; the subject is too tender to admit of it, as well as what he says is too dull to deserve it.

[Page]V. He gives a long Citation of his own words,P. 67. by which it does not appear that I supprest any thing that needed to be told by me; if this Book had been printed two years sooner than it was, I should have believed, that Mr. Varillas was in Pension to some body else, than the King of England, by the pains he is at to justify the putting a Bastard into the Succession of the Crown: for I do not believe, that at this time any body thinks him considerable enough to be corrupted.P. 73. 2. His alledging that I had accused him as if he had said, that the King had composed whole Volums on this subject, is another mark of his sincerity; for it is visible, I had said no such thing. 3. The Proofs he brings to justify what he had said of the baseness of the Race of the Tudors from some Strangers, and Harpsfield, one of the worst of our Writers, are not to be put in the ballance either with Polider Virgil's Testimony, or the more Authentick Evidences that I had given, particularly in my Appendix, to which he says not a word. [Page] 4. There is a great difference between saying, that the Tudors were not Gentlemen, and the denying that he was a fit match for a Queen-Dowager. And tho Mr. de Courteney is perhaps of a higher degree of Nobility, than I pretend that the Tudors are, yet I believe he would be thought an unequal match to a Queen Dowager of France: so tho the Tudors might perhaps drive up their pedigree to Cadwaller, yet they had been for some Ages reckoned only as one of the best Families of W [...]les: and this puts an end to all that trifling of his, when he pretends to argue against his Birth, by saying, that if he was so descended, he was an equal Match to the Queen Dowager. 5. There might be very good reasons that might make the Queen conceal her Marriage all that was possible, even tho Tudor had been ever so good a Gentleman: for she being a Queen-mother, and having a Son newly born, which gave the prospect of a long share in the Government, she had reason to hide her Marrying a Gentleman, had he been ever so nobly born. The Dowager of France, that was King Henry's Sister, [Page] had none of those considerations for hiding her Marriage with Brandon; and the other Sister the Queen Dowager of Scotland, had no reason at all to hide her Marriage; for she made it to secure her in the Government, Dowglas Earl of Angus being then the greatest Subject in the Nation: so the keeping this Marriage with Tudor secret, does not at all prove that He was no Gentleman. 6. But Mr. Varillas does not pretend to answer the main thing that I laid to his charge, which was, that he speaks of the Tudor that married into the Family of the Plantagenets, as a mean man, when he was the Kings uterine Brother; so that I shewed, that when he writ his History, he knew nothing of that Marriage, since it is not to be imagined, that any man who knew it could pretend to reckon up the Race of the Tudors, without mentioning its chief Dignity. 7. If I had thought so slight a fault, which Mr. Varillas magnifies so much in me, of calling a Great-grand-mother a Grand-mother, worth mentioning, here I have proved him guilty of it; for [Page] he calls the Tudor that married the Plantagenet, Great-grandfather to King Henry the VIII. P. 70. whereas he was only his Grand-father. 8. He tells us in his Justifying the Succession of Bastards, that the Rank of the King's Bastard was much higher than Owen Tudors was; but tho the French have so far flattered the Lewdness of their Kings, as to esteem their Bastards Princes born, yet in England they have no Rank at all, till the King gives them a Title, and then their Rank is only according to the degree and the date of their Creation.

VI. He confess here the very words that I cited out of him, Pag. 84. and yet he pretends, that I had accused him falsely. But that he may have some colour for this, he charges on me words that are not in my Reflections. He had said, The four principal Cantons had suffered themselves to be seduced in less than a year; whereas this was ten years work: and now he thinks to save this by saying, that a great part was abused [Page]in less than a year; but even this belonged only to Zurich; whereas he had said, that the four Cantons suffered themselves to be seduced: besides that, what he speaks thus of the Cantons in general, cannot be meant of some Individuals, but must be understood of the Magistracy; and yet now he confesses, that they were ten years a considering this matter before it was generally received by the Government, to whom only the name of the Cantons belongs: and as the Bigness of the Town of Basil does not hinder its being one of the little Cantons, so the pensions that France might pay an Age ago to Schaffhouse, will never change its rank among them: nor does he say a word to justify his Mustring up of the seven Popish Cantons among the small ones; or his raising Appensel and Glaris to be among the middlesised.

VII. Here he remembers me of my Fault of having said, P. 90. That his way of writing wanted none of the Beauties of History, except that of Truth; which he thus repeats, according to his ordinary sincerity, [Page] that I my self had avowed, that he wanted none of the Qualities proper for writing History; without putting in my exception of that of truth: that even by this citation he might justify my accusing him of want of truth: but he tells us, that by his Copyers fault his Preface to his third Book was lost; so he was forced to make that up the best he could; and then he comforts himself with his meditation, that the Books of Authors are subject to Fortune as well as other human things: but I was not bound to know the secrets that past between him and his Copyer, no more than I am bound now to believe what he says of it. The Books of Authors are subject to Fortune; for by a great chance his were once in some esteem; but as we say of the Dead, that they are beyond the reach of Fortune; so his Books very likely may be soon exempted from Fortune in that sense. In short, he seems to confess, that the Preamble he sets before Luthers affair is Impertinent, and I said no more of it.

VIII. He gives me an Advice how I should have begun my History:P. 94. With the Indignation that [Page]the English Nation had to the Papacy ever since King John had subjected his Crown to the Holy See, and had established the Peterpence, that this was encreased because a Pope had made them lose Guienne, by binding one of their Kings to levy the tenths on the Church Lands: that King Henry the Eighth's lewdness gave him a great byas to schism, which he pursues in a full career: and repeats those Absurd Calumnies concerning Anne Bullen, which I had to copiously refuted: and at last he adds, That King Henry raised mean persons to great Imployments; that these by the Laws and Government of England, could not enrich themselves but moderatly, and in many years; and therefore since they resolved they would be rich all of the sudden, they saw they must do it at the Churches cost.

I do not wonder that Mr. Varillas should advise me to have made up a Preface in this manner, that so I might write in his own way; but I think I have sufficiently convinced him, that I have not such an esteem of him as to be much inclined to follow his Councel. 1. It was King Ina, and not King [Page] John, that setled the Peterpence 2. K. John's Action was a personal Baseness in him, Polid. Virg. lib. 4. which did not at all affect the Kingdom; so that there was scarce any notice taken of that meanness of his, unless it was to make him that was guilty of it contemptible; for a King of England can neither alienate nor subject his Crown to any forreign power. 3. What he says of Guienne seems to be one of his Discoveries; for it is not mentioned by any of our Historians, that I know of. 4. At the time that Guienne was lost, the Popes by residding at Avignon, and being considered as in the power of France, had so little credit in England, that as there were many Laws made all that while against the Papal Pretensions, so a Bull at that time could not have been so much as executed in England, without the Kings leave, much less could it have obstructed the Subsidies levied upon the Clergy. 5. He understands the Interest of England as little as he does other things, that fancies the Nation was much troubled for the loss of Guienne: which lay at so great a distance, [Page] and was defended at so vast a charge, that the Nation that received no profit by it, in an Age in which there was little trade, was glad of getting out of this necessity of giving the King so many Subsidies. If he had apply'd that which he says of Guienne to Normandy, it had been more pertinent; but Mr. Varillas is as wanting in Judgment, as he is fruitful in invention. 6. He ought not to awaken the Memory of the pretensions that England has upon Guienne; for if the Rights of Crowns are so sacred, that no prescription cuts them off, and that no Treaties can alienate them, a time may come when a Chamber may be set up at Westminster, as well as we have seen one at Metz, to examine the pretensions of the Crown of England to Guienne, which will be found less ancient and better made out, than some that have been carried up to King Dagobert. 7. But I would gladly know what Law of England has prescribed the measure and the number of years in which the Kings Ministers may enrich themselves: but Mr. Varillas has found out Laws that we have not, [Page] as he is ignorant of those we have: and now I think I have given him good Reasons, why I do not think fit to follow his Advice in the making of Prefaces.

IX. He is so much in love with his Maxim concerning the Slavery to which he fancies Religion carries men, P. 102, 103. in not suffering them to examin, whether what they say is true or false, that he repeats it twice so copiously, that he bestows ten lines upon it in every one of these two pages. 2. He cites a famous Calvinist, that commended him for his sincerity in setting forth the handsome Actions of those of that party; and who owned, that he had not seen any of his side, commend those of the other party with the like sincerity; but since I give so little credit to Mr. Varillas's Citations, even when he names all particulars, he cannot expect that I will consider this much. 3. But what sincerity soever he might have affected in his History of Charles the ninth, which he did perhaps to gain him some Reputation, that he might be the less inspected in what should [Page] come afterwards, I am sure no Calvinist will make him great Complements for the future. 4. Mr. Varillas's Defence of his Theory of the power of Religion is wonderful; he says, It seems I thought he meant only that true Religion had this power over the conscience; whereas he is convinced by experience, that false Religions have as much power over mens minds as the true has. If Mr. Varillas were not of so singular a composition as he is, the excuse that he ought to have made, was, that he only meant of false Religions, or of mens Perswasions in matters of Religion: but to say that Religion does this, and now to own so plainly that the true Religion does it as well as false ones, is an expression that is so contrary to all Religion, that I do not see how Mr. Coquelin can answer to the Faculty for his licensing such a Book: for tho the good man is utterly unacquainted with Historical matters, yet he seems to have read Tertullian, and he ought to understand a little Divinity: now tho his competence in that is probably very small, as appears by his way of treating me, yet even the Catechism will [Page] inform him, that true Religion instead of making us unconcerned in what we write, whether it is true or false, binds us to the greatest strictness of Truth. 5. His second Excuse is of the same force: He says, that according to the Principles of the Catholick Religion, after the Authority of the Church is once interposed, there is no need of any ones troubling himself, whether what She decrees is true or false, since the Decision must certainly be true. But the occasion that led Mr. Varillas to deliver this wonderful Apothegme, was concerning Historical Matters of Fact, in which Points of Doctrine are not concerned, except he will conclude, that when one is assured in Matters of Doctrine, he may support them with lyes, which he has indeed taken care to do, even to a degree of Supererogation: and after all, it is to be reckoned among the Sublimes of Mr. Varillas, that he expresses the assurance of the Infallibility of the Church, by saying, that one does not trouble himself, to examin whether what She decrees is true or false. If then this is the sense of his words, they cannot belong to those Religions, that do [Page] not own that Infallibility; so that in short, the Priviledge of not considering whether what one says is true or false, belongs only to Roman Catholicks; in which we have no reason to pretend to a share. And if this is the Priviledge of Catholcisk, Mr. Varillas must be concluded the truest Catholick in the world; so never man used it in its full extent as he has done.

X. What he says of my History's being so partial P. 109., is a Reproach that he does not confirm by any one Instance; and I hope he does not expect that I will believe this upon his word. He says, if Mr. Maimbourg had lived five or six moneths, he had finished his confutation of my Book: But if it was so near being compleated, I wonder that Mr. Varillas could not hear of any one of my many Errors, which had been a more Important thing, than the putting a Grand-mother for a Great Grand-mother, or an Isabel for a Margaret. He also tells me, that it will not be impossible for him to prove, either that the Papers that I have printed, are not true, or that the Copies of some of them that[Page]are in the Kings Library, are defective. This last is so important to me, that the very apprehensions of the Discovery should make me dye of fear. Certainly Mr. Varillas has no Friends that review what he writes, otherwise tho he himself is very capable of writing extravagantly, yet they could not let such things pass; for it seems Mr. Coquelins Judgment is of the same sise with his own.

XI. He threatens me again with a Conviction that shall be stronger than I look for. P. 115.

I confess, if any thing that is strong; comes from his Pen, it will be stronger than I look for. But some one Instance had been stronger than so many Threatnings: but he added here a little sprinkking of sincerity; for he confesses ingenuously, that tho he read all the Kings Manuscripts that were then in the Duke of Orleans's hands, and were communicated to him by the late Mr. de Bethune, yet he has drawn no part of his History out of them, but out of the Authors that he has cited, and is to cite in this Answer. I assure him, I believe one part of this Period, [Page] that for all his pretending to have founded his History on Cardinal de Bellay's Letters, he has drawn nothing of it out of good Papers: for then it would have been quite different from what it is: but I do not believe that he read them all over; for how weak soever he may be, yet his weakness cannot go so far as to make him fancy that a Florimond was a better Warrant for his History than Original Papers.

XII. Mr. Varillas will still pretend to build on Cardinal de Bellay's LettersP. 117., which he says, were communicated to him by Mr. du Puy: he says, he had two Negotiations in England; and that the second did not relate to the Divorce, but to the Reconciling King Henry to P. Clement: and here he fills the Page with a needless Repetition of that matter. And adds, that he made use of that Cardinals Letters on that single occasion: and for those dangers which he represents, as if the Cardinal had set them before the King; he says, they are contained all in one Letter, and that it was not strange if King Henry was disposed to reconcile himself to the Pope, apprehending[Page]danger to his Person, since Camdem reports, that Queen Elisabeth could not bring her self to resolve on the Queen of Scots death, but after she had said those terrible words, Either she or I most perish: And in conclusion he says, that the Manuscripts that are in the Kings Library, favour my History so little, that he who would undertake to refute it, Page by Page, would find more than enough in Mr. de Bethunes Manuscripts alone.

1. Mr. Varillas had done well to have named the first Negotiation of Cardinal de Bellay in England; for the Books that he cites mention but one. 2. The breach that the King made with the Pope, being only founded on the divorce, it cannot be said that this Negotiation did not relate to it. 3. I refer the Readers to his Preface, if they will be at the pains to take so ill a Book any more in their hands, there they will find that he makes Cardinal de Bellay's Letters the Text of all that he writ of English Affairs. 4. If that Discourse of the Cardinals with the King, of the Dangers he might run of Rebellions and Assassinations, be all contained in [Page] one single Letter. Mr. Varillas had obliged the Publick more by printing it, than by all the rest of this Book. 5. If King Henry apprehended this, the more shame for that Church, that has authorised such Doctrines, and such Practices: and in which a Pope made a Panegyrick on one Assassinate, Clement, & the Iesuites have Besainted another, Garnet. 6. If Mr. Varillas intends to justify Queen Elisabeth's Severity to the Queen of Scots, he does very pertinently to alledge this: for as Self-preservation works strongly on all men, so it ought to make a greater Impression on Princes, whose Live are of greater consequence, and more in danger: and if Queen Elisabeth had reason to say, That either the one or the other must perish, no body will wonder if she chose to let the fate fall on the Queen of Scots: for in such an alternative, one would not lose much time in the deliberation. 7. As for his threatning me, it is known, that is the language of Cowards: I am not affraid of him, and I do not apprehend that he has so much tenderness for me, or that he thinks himself so much [Page] obliged to me, that he would not discredit my History, as much as I have done his, if he but knew how to go about it.

XIII. He assures me, He has read Camdem exactly, and he excuses his citing him as the Historian of the Revolution of England,P. 120. only in the singular; and confesses, if he had said it in the plural number, Revolutions, I had some reason for my Censure; so since he writ of the Revolution under Queen Elisabeth, this justifies him. He denys that Camdem troubled Mr. de Thou, with the Manuscript of the second part of his History; which was an Imployment below a President de Mortier to be concerned in: and he adds, that he has often heard that Camdem sent his Manuscript to Mr. du Puy, who took care to print it: and then he reflects on Mr. de Thou's partiality in all those matters, that related to the Queen of Scots, and says, that King James spake so severely to his Son upon it, that it threw him into a sickness of three moneths continuance: and in conclusion, he thinks I contradict my self, having said, that he had not read a Paege in Camdem, [Page] and yet adding, that he was displeased with him for his having discovered so many Rebellions and Conspiracies against Queen Elisabeth; for how could he know this is he had not read him?

1. I do not know why Mr. Varillas calls Camden always Camdem; this tempts me still to think, that he never saw his Book; for when men hear names only mentioned in discourse, they are apt to Mistake them; but when they see them before them in print, they write them truer. 2. When Mr. Varillas set a Preface before his first Volum, and mentioned a Revolution of Religion in England in it, that must be understood of the Revolution comprehended within the Volum, and not of one that does not come in but in the third Volum: so the Revolution made by King Henry, being all that was comprehended in that Volum, I had reason to say, he had never opened Camden, since he cites him as having writ concerning it. 3. He obliges me here to tell the Story of Camdens Manuscript more particularly than I had thought necessary. [Page] Mr. de Thou having intended to make his History general, entred into a Correspondence with the men over all Europe, that were most likely to inform him right: so he was in a great Correspondence with Camden: and when Camdens first Volum appeared, he writ severely to him, finding that it was so different from what had past between them in Letters, chiefly with Relation to the Queen of Scots; upon which Camden told him the truth, that King Iames would needs revise it himself, and afterwards put it in the Earl of Northampton's hands, who was Brother to the Duke of Norfolk, that had been beheaded on that Queens account, and that many things were struck out, and many things altered: this troubled Camden extreamly, who took care, that his second Part should not run the same fate: and therefore he sent it out of England, to that Great Man, that it might be printed faithfully after his death: This is well-known in England, and the sending the Second Part beyond Sea to a forreigner, does very easily carry a man to believe this to have been the true Reason of it. [Page] 4. I do not indeed think that a President de Mortier went to the Cramoisy's and the Barbin's of that time, to sell the Manuscripts, or to correct the Impression: and if so worthy and so learned a man as Mr. du Puy took care to see it faithfully printed, Mr. de Thou, as he did nothing unworthy of his dignity in being the Depositary of so valuable a piece of History, so he answered the sacredness of the trust to the full, when he put it in his Kinsmans hands. 5. It is true, that King Iames reproached Mr. de Thou's Son for his Father's having copied Buchanan's invectives against his Mother; but Mr. de Thou had a very tender heart, if this gave him a sickness of three moneths. 6. It is no contradiction for me to say, that he never read Camden; and yet to add, that he disliked him for the Discoveries he had made; unless Mr. Varillas will prove, that it was impossible for him to know this by hear-say: now I, that tell him so oft, and which is worse, that prove that he writes upon hear-say, might well say that he had condemned Camden, tho he had never read a word in him, [Page] as there are now a great many that think very ill of Mr. Varillas's Histories, and yet are resolved never to be at the pains to read a Page in him.

XIV. He excuses himself for what he had said concerning Mortons History, by telling us, that Mr. de la Vallade,P. 127. a Gentleman of Poictou, that was of the Religion, shewed him the Latin Manuscript of a History, that he said was Mortons, which he intended to print; this he says, he read, and drew Extracts out of it: yet Mr. Varillas here speaks modestly, and says, that Manuscript did not at all relate to the times that fall within the two first Volums; and that he will strike out of what Remains any thing that is drawn out of that Book, if he is informed by his Friends in England, that he has been deceived in it.

I have already so oft told Mr. Varillas, that I will take nothing on his word, that I grow weary of repeating it. 2. If this History did not relate to the two first Volums, why did he speak of it in his Preface to the first? 3. I believe he needs not take great care of the Volums that remain; for I suppose, [Page] the world will be at last convinced.

XV. He excuses that which he had said of Sanders P. 130., whom he had brought in as one of the Authors of our History, and of whom he had said, that he was so violent against the Protestants, that no wonder if they forced him to dye of hunger in the Mountains of the North of England. He pretends, that by calling him Violent, he did not intend to reflect on his History: But since he brings him in as a Historian, this Character must be applied to his Book: and as he makes no Excuse for his having said, that he died in England, whereas it was in Ireland; so his representing the severity under which he fell, as an effect of his Emportments, is a very soft way of speaking, of one that had raised a Rebellion, and that upon its miscarriage had fled into Woods, where he died of hunger; but this agrees well enough with his notion of Zealous Catholicks.

XVI. What he says of Ribadeneira, is still so triflingP. 134., that I will not dwell on the examining of it: the severest things that [Page] he could say against England, must have recommended him and his Books so much the more to Philip the Second, who considered Queen Elisabeth as the greatest Enemy he had: so I could not imagin what the Severity of the Inquisition and Philip the Second's strictness as to the printing of Books had to do here: and there were no false steps of Charles the fifths to be related; for he adhered firmly both to his Aunt's Interests, and to the Interests of the See of Rome in this matter, and his setting on with much vigour the giving Sentence at Rome, would have appeared rather as a raising, than as a darkning of his Glory.

XVII. He tells me, That what is printed of Lesley's Works, is not the tenth part of his Works P. 137. which are preserved with great care in Paris, in the Scottish Colledge. This is like the rest of Mr. Varillas's Citations. It is 23. years since I took some care to be informed by the Rector of the Scottish Colledge, F. Barclay, if there were any Scottish Manuscripts saved in the time of the Reformation; he told me, they had none; but they believed [Page] there were some in Italy: since that time there has been pains enough taken to enquire after those grounds, upon which Dempster had promised so great a Work: but it seems he was a Writer like Mr. Varillas: for it could never be known out of what Instructions he intended to draw those things that he promises concerning Scotland: and some have been so severe to him as to think, that he made all that pompous Apparatus, as Mr. Varillas makes his Histories, out of his own Invention. In short, Lesley's Book has been so well received of all hands, and is so much esteemed, that it will not be easy to persuade any, that a Colledge of Scottish Priests, would have suffered the Manuscripts of so good an Author, to lye above a hundred years in the dust.

XVIII. He charges me with a Contradiction, for saying,P. 139., That there were some of Cardinal Bellay's Letters in the Kings Library, that were not yet printed: and yet adding in another place, That I know no other of his Letters besides those that are printed.

[Page]But he must have made as great Discoveries in Logick, as he pretends to do in History, before he can make a Contradiction out of these two Expressions: Some told me there were some of that Cardinals Letters in the Kings Library besides those that were printed, and that I knew of no others besides those that are printed. For I do not pretend to have searched the Kings Library: yet after all, I had said no such thing; for I only said, that none of the matters, mentioned by Mr. Varillas, are in the printed Volum of that Cardinals Letters, without adding, whether I knew of any other, or not: tho it is very true, that I know of no other. If I have put him oftner than once in mind of his Boldness, in pretending to draw his History out of Cardinal de Bellay's Letters: I do not wonder to see him troubled at it, since he cannot justify any one tittle of his History out of them: the thing was so important, that it deserved to be often repeated, and I used him gently in speaking of it so seldom.

XIX. He excuses his Political. P. 141. Refinings by the Example [Page]of Guichardin. But as there is no part of History more Instructing than that of the Cabinet, so a man like Guichardin, that knew those secrets, and had a share in Affairs, obliged the World as much in delivering those so judiciously, as he did, tho perhaps a little too tediously, as Mr. Varillas has abused it, by so much counterfeit stuff, as he has given out instead of true Politicks. But Mr. Varillas tells me a dreadful thing upon this, That then his Friends are not clear sighted, since they have assured him, that this was that which they found to be the least amiss in his Books. If Mr. Varillas writes long at this rate, I shall come to believe, that he has no Friends at all; and if he have any, it seems they are chosen according to Martials character (pares amici) men of his own sise; so that I do not now wonder if Mr. Varillas has been able to find a Coquelin, and a few more as ignorant as himself, who may perhaps admire him; yet he says in one thing true, that this is the part of his Books, that is the least amiss; and indeed this is all the praise that can belong to any part of his Books: for [Page] tho all that is in them, is amiss; yet some parts are less amiss than others. And is roving about Political projects, are certainly less amiss than his plain and impudent Falsehoods.

XX. I had accused Mr. Varillas for saying, that all England, witout excepting any one person, P. 144. professed the same Religion under Henry the Seventh: and I shewed him, that the putting this so generally must be false, since in the second year of Henry the Eighth's reign there were a great many condemned of Heresy: he pretends to excuse this since the Spaniards boast that Heresy never past the Pyrenees, tho many have suffered in the Inquisition for it. But if any Spaniard had said, that there was never so much as one Heretick in Spain, I should have told him that he did not write exactly; and because I press this no further, than to shew by it, that Mr. Varillas is a careless Writer, and am willing to let it pass with a gentle censure, because I had greater things to lay to his charge, he, according to his usual sincerity, pretends, that I acknowledged the weakness [Page] of the Objection, and abandoned it.

XXI. He pretends, that I accuse him falsly for denying the consummation of P. Arthur's Marriage:P. 151 whereas he says, he determined nothing positively concerning P. Arthur's Impotence. But that was never the Question; for it was never brought under debate, whether he was impotent or not: and that for which I had chiefly accused Mr. Varillas, was, that he affirmed, that P. Arthur was then sick, and not yet recovered out of a great disease: this is all Fiction, and is disproved by Witnesses upon Oath; but he says not a word to justify this. 2. Here the pretends to tell at what pains he was, to examin the Affairs of England, that he thought the English and Germans of both Religions might be too partial; that the Italians were too short; that Ribadeneira might be suspected because of his Orders; and therefore he thought Florimond de Raimond the best Author to depend upon: But if he had read Sanders alone, he would have found that both his Florimond and his Ribadeneira was nothing but Sanders [Page] over and over again. 3. He accuses me for making him say, that P. Arthur died Seven moneths after the Marriage, whereas he had said Five moneths. But in my English it was five moneths: so he has no reason to blame me for this, since I am not bound to answer for a Translation; and tho this was a good and exact Translation, in which my meaning was not mistaken, as it has been too often in a Translation of a late Book of my Letters concerning Italy, yet so small a mistake was no great matter: and in a thing of this nature, Mr. Varillas ought to have got some who understand English, to examin my Book in the Language in which I writ, before he had aecused me of having put seven for five on design to deceive my Readers. P. 161. 4. He justifyes his false Citation of the Bull, by the most exact of all those who have continued Baronius, in whom the words he had cited are to be found. But why then did he cite the third Tome of the Bullarium on his Margin, and why did he not name this Writer, and the place of his Book: for such a [Page] way of citing, especially in Mr. Varillas, is very suspicious; and if that Author does not set down the Bull it self, but only delivers these words as his sense of them, then this was like the rest of Mr. Varillas's Citations, to give this on the Margin as drawn out of the Bull. 5.Ibid. He pretends that there is no material difference between his Citation and mine: But as it was enough for me to shew, that the words he cited were not in the Bull, so tho Mr. Varillas boasts in another place how much he has studied the Law, yet I must take the Liberty to tell him, that he has lost his time extreamly, while he pursued that Study; if he does not know a difference between a Confirmatory Clause, which may have passed with less observation, and what is set forth in a Preamble, which being the ground upon which the grace is granted, and set at the head of the Bull, is of much more importance, and was probably much better considered, than any general Clause.

XXII. He accuses me for having said, That Henry the Eighth was educated[Page]as his Brother had been, P. 164. who knew only Latin, and some general Elements of Learning; and tells me, how learned King Henry was. It appears by my words, that I spake only of his first Education, and not of the Improvements that followed. 2. He seems mightily concerned for the Memory of King Henry the Seventh, as if by this affected Zeal he would make some reparations to the Royal Family, for the Injuries he has endeavoured to do them: but I will be so plain as to tell him roundly, that Henry the Seventh weakned the Rights of the Crown of England more than any that ever reigned in it: He knew that he could not found his Title on his Descent from the House of Lancaster; for then he could never have been more than Prince of Wales, since his Mother, by whom he had that pretension, outlived him a year: and he would not hold the Crown by his Queens Title; for then the Right must have been in her, and have passed from her to her Children upon her death, or to her Sister, if she hapned to dye without issue: therefore he who would not hold the [Page] Crown upon such a doubtful tenure, made that dangerous Law, that whosoever is in possession of the Crown, is to be acknowledged as the Legal King. And if King Henry the Seventh had been so Wife a King as some Flatterers have made him, he would never have suffered the Dutchy of Bretagne, to have fallen in to the Crown of France, it having been always considered, that the preserving that in a separated Principality, was one of the most indispensible Maxims of the English Policy: yet he, tho he made use of this as a pretence to ask Money of his Parliament, to oppose it, no sooner had the Money, than he gave way to it; for which it was believed, that he had Money from France. 3. He denies that learning w [...]s then esteemed among Princes: and says, that the Cardinal of Lorrain was the first Prince that valued himself upon his Learning. But is it not known, that Francis the First valued himself upon the protection that he gave to Learning: and the Glory of the Houses of Est and Medici was not a little encreased by the care they took of learned men; [Page] of which I could convince Mr. Varillas by his own Anecdotes; if I were not ashamed to cite so bad an Author.

XXIII. He reproaches me for my insupportable Ignorance in not knowing the difference between the Council and the Parliament of England,P. 167. and in great charity he explains it to me; and so he says, that I confound what he had said of the Council of England with the Parliament.

1. If I were ignorant of this, my Ignorance were indeed insupportable: or which is all one, it were as great as his own. 2. But tho he speaks indeed of the Council, yet when he had the confidence to cite on the Margin the Petition of the Parliament to the Pope, I had reason to discover something else, which is in him, that is yet more insupportable than Ignorance: and to prove his forging of Authorities, by shewing that the Parliament never medled in this matter, which I do yet more evidently in my Appendix, since no Parliament met at that time. 3. He affirms here, that the Council of England [Page] knew that care was taken that the Marriage with P. Arthur could not be consummated; which is another character of that insupportable quality for which I charge him. I clearly prove, that the Privy Councellors knew there was no such matter, since they deposed the contrary upon Oath. 4 But at last, he betakes himself to his Florimond, and there I leave him in Company like himself.

XIV. He accuses me of an irreparable Injury, that I have done the Memory of Henry the Seventh, P. 172. in taxing him of Avarice; which he says, no Historian, Protestant or Catholick, had done before me. This is a good discovery of his acquaintance with our Historians, in particular with Chancellor Bacon, since that whole reign, but chiefly the last year of it, was a course of Extortions; and as the vast Treasure which he left behind him shewed this, so if Mr. Varillas had known Henry the Eighths History, he would have seen, that the very day he came to the Crown, he sent the two chief Instruments of his Fathers Oppressions to Prison, and that [Page] their Process was made, and they were soon after executed. So certain it is, that Mr. Varillas read no History of that Reign. 2. He excuses the Impertinence with which I had taxed him, in calling Henry the Eighth Duke of York after his Brothers death, by saying, he did it to avoid a Galimathias, which he thinks had followed, if he had called both the Brothers Princes of Wales; but having once shewed, that by the death of the Elder, the Younger became Prince of Wales, this had been no more a Galimathias, than to call any Successor to a Crown the King, which will create no confusion in the Readers mind; or if he was too tender in this point, he might have distinguished them by their names of Arthur and Henry, which was both clearer and shorter.

XXV. He excuses himself here, and says, he drew from a Letter of the Catholick King's, P. 177. that which he had asserted of their Apprehensions; and adds, that Authors are not to be blamed when they write out of good Memoirs. P. 178. But I do not blame him [Page] for writing out of good Memoirs, but for forging false ones. 2. His confidence in putting himself in the Class with Salustius and Tacitus, is another of his insupportable Qualities. 3. His spending two pages in repeating over again that for which I had charged him, as if he had read it in a Letter of the Catholick King's, does not make any man believe this a whit the better. If he had told where that Letter was to be found, what the date of it was, and to whom it was writ; and if he had given it in the Language in which it was writ originally, then this might have had some appearance of a Proof: but he had several very weighty Reasons, that kept him from doing this; and he hoped that as Downright Impudence was the shortest way, so it would be the surest to make him be believed.P. 180. 4. He goes on to justify that of Henry the Sevenths power to alienate the Crown of England, by saying, that he was a Conquerour, and was the Master of the Kingdom, as much as William the Conquerour was: and so he might dispose of it as he pleased. This is a new Theory [Page] of Mr. Varillas's, that one who pretends to be the right Heir, and is so happy as to defeat an Usurper, is upon that to be accounted a Conquerour: for this was the case both of William the Conquerour and of Henry the Seventh: the one pretended a Title from Edward the Confessor, and defeated Harold, as the other did derive a Title from the House of Lancaster, and defeated Richard; but neither the one nor the other pretended that the Nation was a Conquest, no more than Henry the Ninth of France did when he broke the League. 5. He says, I needed not tell him that K. Henry the Seventh chused rather to hold the Crown by his Marriage with the Heir of the House of York, than by his right of Conquest. I told him no such thing, for I know it is false; since for the Reasons that I formerly named, he would never consent to hold the Crown in his Wife's Right. 6. He pretends, that I am banished England, for having been in the design of the Exclusion of the present King. All this is equally false: that I was in that design, that I was banished the Nation, and that it was [Page] on that account: so his Sentence set in Capitals, is only a more evident discovery that he makes of himself, which he has done indeed in Capital Letters.

XXVI. He had said somewhat to purpose upon the Article of P. Alexander the sixth, P. 185. if he had given any sort of proof, that he had refused to grant the Dispensation for the Marriage.

XXVII. If instead of all the Relations both printed and Manuscripts, P. 187. which he mentions so indefinitly, he had cited any one printed Relation of an Author that deserves credit, or any Manuscript that may be examined, this had deserved an Answer. Mr. Varillas had not said, as he would have it pais now, that Ferdinand only pretended to give his Daughter to the Duke of Calabria, but he had affirmed positively, that he intended it: and yet all the proof he brings for this, is, that there is no inconvenience in thinking, that at some time or other of his life, he might have been touched with the Remorse of the Injustice he had done the Duke of Calabria.

[Page]I am not to examin the State of Ferdinands Conscience, nor what his secret Remorses might be, tho in matters of Injustice his was not very tender: But it is a new sort of proof, and well becoming our Author, who being called on to make good a thing, which he had positively affirmed, tells us, there is no Inconvenience in thinking it true; but then I see as little Inconvenience in thinking otherwise: it was convenient indeed for Mr. Varillas to have it believed; but his Conveniences do not determin me.

XXVIII. He pretends that I had denied, that Henry the Eighths Parents thought of Marrying him to Francis the Firsts Sister:P. 191. He tells me, It was ordinary in those days to contract Marriages among Children, and therefore it was not inconvenient, that the French Ambassador should have proposed that Marriage. And whereas I had denyed, that the French Ambassadors writ Relations of their Ambassies, he mentions some that writ them. And whereas I had shewed the Improbability of a design of the Court of France's advancing the Count d'Angolesmes [Page] Sister to the Crown of England. He tells me, that Lewis the twelfth never intended to cut off his Cousin Francis's Right of Succession; and that his Sister was of a Rank fit to be a Match to the Heir of the Crown of England; and that the Duke of Lorrain married one, that was many degrees further from the Crown than Margaret of Valois was.

And now are not all these good substantial Proofs, and as he calls them, P. 193. Discoveries of Errors, that are insupportable in me? I never deny'd that Henry the Eighth's Parents would not think of this; but I lookt upon the whole thing as a Fiction. 2. If it was ordinary in those days to contract Children, does that prove that this Proposition was ever made? 3. Mr. Varillas's new discoverys in Logick makes him now a second time, offer to prove a thing, because it was not Inconvenient. 4. It is no proof that Mr. de Piennes writ a Relation of his Embassy, because some others writ their own Memoirs, and this was the thing in question; so he should have justified that Citation. 5. There is a great difference between [Page] the not cutting off of Francis's Succession, and the raising his Interest, by giving him so powerful an Ally. In short, I denied the Fact, and he instead of proving it, tells me, it was not inconvenient, nor a Match below Henry, which I had never pretended.

XXIX. He tells mighty things of his performances with Relation to England, and says, it is but too well known how it comes P. 198. that these things appear not in his History. But if what is lost is of apiece with what appears now, the world may wellbear the loss. 2. He denys,P. 200. that I have cited any passage of his Book in which he had raised the power of the Parliament above the King's. Tho I told him, that in this very place he had said, that the Parliament being careful to maintain the Authority which they had over the King, obliged him by repeated Remonstrances to marry. 3. But if he has said it, he will make it good: and he tells me, that he will cite two Authorities for this, which I dare not contradict: the one is of King Iames the First, who in his Advice to this Son, [Page] says, That the Parliament of England had not always kept its power within its due Limits, but had often enlarged it to the prejudice of the Royal Authority; to this he adds another long Citation of his, that filled a Page indeed, but had not one word to prove a Superiority in the Parliament to the King: on the contrary, it proves that it was a Court assembled by the King for the great Affairs of the Kingdom: now tho I will not presume to dispute this Authority, yet I will take the Liberty to tell Mr. Varillas, that it makes against him; for if Parliaments have sometimes gone beyond their Limits, and have carried their power to the prejudice of the Kings Authority; then by our Laws the Parliament is not Superiour to the King, but has its Limits, and it exceeds those Limits when it attempts to raise it self above the Kingly power. 4. His second Authority is taken from an Italian of Bologna, and he sets down in Capitals his words, whereas ordinary Letters served for the Citation of King Iames's words; but he thought the one did him not such service as the other, and therefore [Page] he bestowed the Capitals in gratitude to him, that did him the best service. The Writer of Bologna indeed does say, That the Parliament of England has pretended a great Superiority above the King of England. As for this Author Count Majolino Bisaccioni, I know nothing of him; so whether this is one of Mr. Varillas's Inventions or not, I will not determin: but I cannot imagin why this should be such an Authority that I dare not dispute it: It is true, the Author is of Bologna, where men are easily assassinated; yet I do not think, that this Count or his Heirs are so spiteful, as to send one to the City of Holland, according to Mr. Varillas's Geography, to Murder me, if I contradict this Authority; for besides this, I cannot imagin, what should make me not dare to dispute the Authority of one of Bologna, in a matter relating to the Government of England. But after the pains our Author has been at to depress the Dignity of the Kings of England, and the Capitals that he has bestowed upon it, I confess he needs no more deny that he pretends to a Pension from thence. [Page] 5. In conclusion, he cites his Florimond, tho he had the confidence to cite on the Margin the Articles of the Parliament 1509. but now he runs to his Author; but tho he has done himself the Honour as to say, he is his Eccho, yet I never heard of Eccho's that repeated more than had been said: some repeat over and over again, but none add: yet Mr. Varillas, who cited Florimond, to prove that the Parliament had obliged the King by reiterated Remonstrances, to marry the Infanta, finds neither these Remonstrances nor the Parliament in the Citation that he gives us out of him: for he says only, that the Princes, the Lords, the Council, and the People of England, approved of it by their consent, and made no Opposition to it.

XXX. For the Kings five Children by Queen Catherine: He brings again Florimond, P. 206. who says, She bore him three Sons and two Daughters: and as if this had been a solid proof, Mr. Varillas triumph and says, He does not know upon what principle in Arithmetick I reckon, if I deny that 2. and 3. make 5. [Page] I think I may allow Mr. Varillas so much of Arithmetick as this essay amounts to, but I will scarce allow him much more of it, or of any thing else.

XXXI. He does indeed give an Author here, for that which I thought was his own Invention:P. 211. but still it is no other than Florimond. I do confess I read him very carelesly: I found Sanders was transcribed by him, and that he could not pretend to any good Information: but now I see one Writer of Legends refines upon another; and as Mr. Varillas adds some few things of his own Store to Florimond, so the other had added a great deal to Sanders; but his Voucher was an Author of so little credit, that I confess I read him so superficially, that finding some strokes in Mr. Varillas that were new to me, I fancied that he was the Author of them; but now I see he has an Author such as he is: For what he says concerning Flattery, it is to so little purpose, that I use him kindly in passing over it.

[Page]XXXII. He cites again Florimond, for his Garand; P. 218. and because he had it seems one of Mr. Varillas's Artifices of citing boldly Papers that never were; and so cites those of Cardinal Campege, Mr. Varillas upbraids me with my not having seen them; but I believe both their Citations alike; I have indeed printed a long Letter of that Cardinals, writ to the Pope, in conjunction with Cardinal Wolsey, while he was in England, in which he asserts the Justice of the Kings cause, and presses him to give Sentence in his favour; he assures the Pope, that nothing but Conscience moved the King in the matter; and in short, says all that even Mr. Varillas would have said, if he had been animated with the prospect of a good Pension.

XXXIII. He says, I contradict my self, P. 222. in denying that the K. of Scotland sought the Daughter of Henry the Eighth, & confessing it afterwards. I denied only, that the Father had ever sought it, since he was dead before she was born; and here Mr. Varillas has the confidence to deny all that long [Page] Scheme that he had given of the project that the King of Scotland had set on for his Son, so that the Imposture of suppressing his Text with which he charges me, lies on his side, and he leaves out all that he had said of the Machines that the King of Scotland was managing for his Son the Prince, who was no other than King Iames the Fifth, so the King must be King Iames the Fourth his Father: and for that which he says of King Iames the Fifths going with an Army to France, P. 225. it fell out many years after this: so it could not be the Reason that made King Henry deny his Daughter to the King of Scotland, it being long after, even the year 1533. after which time he owns that he does not say, that the King of Scotland pretended to her: and whereas he pretends, that he only said, that the Scots had pressed the Marriage; that is one of his common practices, to which I will not give the name that it deserves; for he had expresly named both the King and the Prince, who he said asked her with all the Submissions that were compatible with the Dignity of Soveraigns: whereas [Page] as the one was dead before she was born, and the other was an Infant at that time. His Discourse of the Design of Uniting the whole Island into one Monarchy, and his taking a start over into Spain, is one of his Impertinencies, to which he fly's to cover his shame: and the Contradiction with which he charges me before he ends this Article, is worthy of him: He says, I own that King Henry was Master of his Parliament; and yet I denied, that his Government was Tyrannical. I never denied this last; on the contrary, I have set it out as fully as was necessary: but tho I had denied it, the saying that he was the Master of his Parliaments, is so far from being a Contradiction to that, that it agrees exactly with it. Queen Elisabeth was always the Mistress of her Parliaments, tho guilty of no Tyranny, and it was because she was not Tyrant, but governed well, that she was the Mistress both of her Peoples Hearts and Purses, and likewise of her Parliaments: so the Triumph that he makes upon this Contradiction, which he says the most able Sophister of Europe will not be able [Page] to set to rights, turns upon himself.

XXXIV. He pretends to justify his Impertinence in reckoning the Emperour and the King of Spain P. 233. as two of the Pretenders to Queen Mary; by saying, that Charles the fifth was for three years King of Spain before he was chosen Emperour, and that during all that time, he pretended to her: but tho he cites his Florimond here, yet he finds no such thing in him, so that here the Eccho does not repeat, but speaks of it self: and as he cannot give the least shadow of proof for this confident Assertion of his, so he himself contradicts it in his own words, which he cites afterwards, in which he had said,P. 243. that the Emperour was the second that pretended to this Princess: so then he was not only King of Spain but already Emperour when he began that pretension. All the digression that he makes concerning Charles the fifth, is a continued Impertinence to hide his Shame: the only thing he had to do, was to prove that he began that pretension while he was no more than King of Spain. 2. he trys how Raillery will do with him, because [Page] I had only named Arragon and Castile, instead of the many other Kingdoms that lie within Spain: but he is equally sublime both in his Ridicule and his serious strains; for since the conjunction of all these Titles rise out of the Marriage between Arragon and Castile, I writ correctly in naming these two only, instead of all the rest that lay in Spain.

XXXV. Our Author will still justify what he had said concerning P. 240. K. Henry's rejecting the match with Scotland, because the King of Scotland had declared himself for France during the last War, in which K. Henry had been engaged with Francis: now it is to be considered, that all the propositions for Queen Mary that our Author sets forth, fell out before the year 1527, in which the sute of the Divorce was begun; for after that time none courted her, as he himself confesses; therefore this War between England and France, in which Scotland took part with the latter, and for which the King lost his Unkles favour, must be before that time: since then there had been no war between France and England in which Scotland took part, after that battel [Page] of Floddon, in which K. Iames the Fourth was killed, and after which during the interval between the year 1513. and the year 1527. which is the only time in debate, nor indeed for many years after it; all this is an ill-laid fiction, which destroys it self; so what K. Iames the fifth might do ten years after the year 1527. cannot be brought to excuse that which had been given for a reason of K. Henry's rejecting him before that year.

XXXVI. He accuses me for denying in one place that the Emperour pretended next, P. 242. and yet afterwards confessing it: but I only excepted to this because he says, the Emperour pretended the second after the K. of Scotland; whereas I shew that the Dolphin was the first that pretended, and by the Contract for that Marriage, which is yet extant, it appears, that his dream of Charles's pretending to her while he was yet King of Spain, is not only without ground, but is a downright falsehood; for that contract bears date the ninth of November, 1518. so that during this Interval, in which Charles was only King of Spain, she was promised to [Page] another. 2. Whereas I had discovered his Ignorance of those Transactions by this; that he knew nothing of Charles the fifth's coming to England in Person, to contract this Marriage; he tells me, that he had writ of this in his History of Francis the first, where he had mentioned his coming over from Flushing to Kent, while K. Henry was at Calais: but now I tell him plainly, that I see by his Citation, that neither before nor now, does he know any thing of the Voyage into England, of which I had made mention: for this that he speaks of here was in the year 1520. and the Enterview was at Dover, and was design'd to hinder the ill effects which the Emperour apprehended from the late enterview that had passed between Henry and Francis, that had carried him over to Calais: But that which I spake of was two years after this, in the year 1522. which passed with more Magnificence; for then the Emperour was Install'd Knight of the Garter, and contracted to King Henry's Daughter.

XXXVII. Concerning Card. Wolsey, he tells me,P. 250. that if I have seen some Manuscripts that [Page]never were in his hands, he has likewise seen those that have escaped me, and he mentions a Letter of Lewis the twelfths, in which Wolsey is so excessively commended, that it is neither sutable to the dignity of him that writ it, nor of him to whom it was writ, therefore he supresses many particulars that are in it. Mr. Varillas's boasting of the Manuscripts that he has seen, is like the Chymists boasting of the Philosophers stone, which no body believes a whit the more for that. A Letter writ by so good a King as Lewis the twelfth, would be better received by the world than all that ever Mr. Varillas can print: yet since he pretends to be so good a Courtier, he should have thought it enough to say, that the strain of that Letter was below the Dignity of him who writ it, without adding any thing else of the Dignity of him to whom it was written, since unless it was to the K. of England, there is scarce any other person whose Dignity ought to be named as in parallel with that Kings. And since Wolsey was but just entring upon the ministry, when that King died, it is not probable that he fell into Raptures upon [Page] that subject; but Mr. Varillas takes more care of Lewis the twelfths honour in not printing it, than he does of his own. The rest of this Article is in Citations drawn out of Florimond and out of another much worse Author, who is Mr. Varillas himself.

XXXVIII. I had printed some Original Letters to discover his mistake concerning Wolsey, P. 257. and he in opposition to that cites what his Florimond had said eighty years before him; as if a Falshood by a prescription of 80. years, could become true: he adds, that the proof that I had given to the contrary it not convincing. The point in question, is, whether Cardinal Wolsey knew of the King's design to marry Anne Bullen: now I had printed two of her Letters to the Cardinal, in one of which there is a Postscript writ by King Henry's hand, that speaks plainly of the thing, & they were both written while Card. Campege was on his Journey: any man besides Mr. Varillas would think this is a convincing proof; and whereas I had accused him for citing on the Margin Charles the fifth's Letter to P. 260. [Page] Wolsey; he justifies this out of Florimond: if he had cited these as from him, I confess this would have justified him; but since he cited them without any such qualification, he shews us how little credit is due to his Quotations. I had called Charles the fifths coming to England in person, The most important Circumstance in all this affair; P. 261. and this he, according to his ordinary sincerity, turns, as if I had said, that the secret of the Reformation consisted in that Voyage. I was speaking of the Pretenders to King Henry's Daughter, and had not so much as the Reformation in view; so the affair upon which I was, being the disposal of Queen Mary, had reason to say, that the most Important Circumstance of it was the Emperours coming in person, and contracting himself to her. The raillery that follows here, is another proof that Mr. Varillas is equally happy both in Iest and Earnest. If I were to make my Court to the Spaniards, I must be as Ignorant as Mr. Varillas is, if I think to do it effectually, by representing Charles the fifth, as having advanced the Reformation.

[Page]XXXIX. He meets me here again with another long Citation of Florimond, P. 263. which always goes for nothing with me. After which he says somewhat himself, that is next to nothing. I had told him, That the new Treaty that King Francis had made with Henry for his Daughter, in an alternative between Francis and his second Son, was somewhat extraordinary: and if he had known it, it would have furnished him matter for his embelishments. But to all this he says, he could not imagin how Francis, that was engaged by the Treaty of Madrid, to marry Charles the fifths Sister, could court the Princess of England for himself, or his second Son; Since he was a Prince that valued himself extreamly on the keeping of his word. But the Treaty of Madrid was so ill executed by Francis, that there is no part of his life to which his Exactness to his word ought to be less applied than to this: yet in this he might have observed both Treatys; for since the Match with England was agreed in an alternative between him and his Son, it being left to himself to declare [Page] which of them should have her; it was easy for him to observe both these Treatys, by declaring that the Duke of Orleans should marry Henry's Daughter: and here our Author shews his Judgment in setting such Conjectures as his are, against matters so Authentically proved as this is.

XL. A new Justification from Florimond comes here again, with this Preface,P. 267.that if he is deceived, it is after Florimond: but whose fault it is that he believed him, and copied him, notwithstanding all the noise he makes with his Manuscripts? He adds two of my Expressions, and fancies that there is a Contradiction in them: That in this he differs from Sanders, tho he copies him ordinarly; for he says, If he invents matters, he does not copy him; and if he copies him, he does not invent. But may he not Copy Sanders for the greatest part, and yet now and then invent a little without any Contradiction? There is a terrible charge against me in the Conclusion of this Article. In my English by a fault of the Printer, the year 1529. was put instead of the [Page] year 1524. and was marked in the Errata: now the Translator went on with the error that he found in my Book, and so the year 29. being wrong put, he triumps: but since he pretends to answer me, he ought to have examined my English, and to have compared the Errata. So his accusing me of Impudence falls back on himself.

XLI. All that he says to this Article is, that he had writ it after Florimond;P. 272. and to prove this, he gives me a Citation of fix Pages and a half long out of him. And is not this an unanswerable thing, that deserves well to be set in Opposition to Original Papers?

XLII. Here comes Florimond again;P. 279. but because I had mentioned the Pictures of Anne Bullen, which shew that what was said of her person, was false: he tells me, that Painters and Poets have always taken liberties: and because his good Judgment made him fancy, that this wanted a proof, he gives me two storys to make it good. But after all, a Painter is as well to be believed as a Poet at any time: So I may set Hans [Page]Holben, that was a very good Painter, against two such ill Poets as Florimond and Mr. Varillas; the first saw her, and the others only heard of her; so they copied, whereas he drew to the life.

XLIII. Here again comes Florimond as his Garend for four Pages:P. 285. and he thought it was necessary to produce him, since here, as almost every where else, I accuse him of a want of Sincerity; but I will never give over this Accusation, till he produce those Manuscripts, out of which he pretends to have drawn his History.

XLIV. After I had refuted Sanders, he tells me, this does not touch him,P. 294. who had not made use of him: but if Florimond does in these Lines copy Sanders, then by refuting him, I refute all that Copy from him, whether it be at first or second hand. Mr. Varillas's saying, that Cardinal Pool is the Writer of all the Catholicks that has blackned Henry the least, shews how carelesly he has read him, or how boldly he cites him; Pool compares Henry to the wickedest Princes in History, [Page] and makes a War against him to be more meritorious than against Infidels. I had said, that the Calumnies, by which Anne Bullen was defamed not being objected to her,P. 295., upon her fall, this shews, that they were not thought on in that Age: to this he answers, That this shews the Moderation of the Catholicks; but the not mentioning such things in History, had been a vicious Moderation, and indeed their Writers of that Age, were as seldom guilty of any excess on that hand, as he himself is in this. He says also, that it was needless to speak of the former Scandals of her Life, after she was convicted to Adultery and Incest with her own Brother. But when both she and her Brother died, denying this, and that it was generally thought she suffered injustly, then former Scandals should have been alledged to make the Justice of her Sentence appear the more evidently, therefore the silence of the Writers of that time, and upon that occasion, is still a good Negative Argument: but he turns this matter upon me with some shew of [Page] Reason, and says, That since none writ a justification of Anne Bullen, neither then nor afterwards, this is a just prejudice against her. But the Unfortunate have seldom pens imployed for their Honour: and in Queen Elisabeth's time it was thought below the Dignity of the Daughter, to examin too critically all the Reports that malicious Writers had set on foot against the Mother. For if any impudent man would question the Birth and Descent of a Crowned Head, severer tools than Refutations are thought the properest ways of answering them. He then tells me, why should I be believed more than the Catholick Writers? But I ask not to be believed on my own word; but I have shewed the Impossibility of the story that Sanders and our Author from him, at second hand, had contrived of Anne Bullen; for what is impossible, can never be true, by my Logick; but our Author shews how little he ought to be believed upon his Word; for I having given for a proof of Anne Bullens good Reputation, this, that she served Claude, Queen of [Page] France, which he had set down truly in one page, but in the very next page being to repeat and examin this, he turns it as if I had made her serving Lewis the twelfths second Queen a proof of her vertue. I knew the vertues of Queen Claude were as sublime as the others were questioned: therefore I had made her serving the one as an evidence of the good esteem in which she was; and this he would turn aside in a way very lime himself: and wheras he had mentioned English Authors, in the Plural, and had set only Sanders on the Margin, I had reason to ask if he could make a plural out of him, as he had done out of Charles the fifth; he tells me, he had cited Florimond de Raimond; but I do not yet find another, to justify the plural of the English; for whatever Title the King of England may have to Guienne, so that Florimond may be reckoned in some sort among his Subjects, yet all this does not put him among the English Authors; so the Sanders is still all that we have for the plural; and all the Histories that have appeared since his time by the Writers of that Communion, are nothing but he over [Page] and over again in different languages, and a little differently drest.

XLV. He had cited a Petition to P. Clement the 7. for which I had accused him of forgery, P. 303. and had told him, that he shewed his ignorance since, tho the matter for which he invented it, is mentioned by Card. Pool, yet he was not so well Informed as to cite him; now he alledges Florimond as his Garand for that citation, whose authority is of so little credit; and yet he has the confidence to think, that was a more formal proof than if he had cited Cardinal Pool: as if an Author that writ 80. years after those matters, were to be put in competition with Cardinal Pool, who lived and writ in that time: he tells me he had Cardinaal Pools book before his eyes while he was writing; but by this way of writing it seems he did not open him; and his lying shut before him, could not Inform him much when a Petition was cited and brought in question: no body besides Mr. Varillas would have called the citing of an Author that lived about 80. year after the going to the source for it. P. 306.

[Page]XLVI. He gives me a notable proof of the credit due to Florimond in the matters relating to the Bishop of Tarbes: P. 310. because he had greatengagements with that Bishops heirs, so that it is very probable that they communicated to him that Prelate's Papers. And are not these very convincing Proofs? Sometines a thing is to be believed because it is not Inconvenient; at another time because it is probable: but when he comes to answer the Reason I had given to demonstrate all this story to be false, which was, that it is not to be imagined, that when that Bishop came to end the marriage of his Masters Son with the Heir of the Crowen of England, that he I say could have been prevailed on to let that go and to set on a new Negotiation for Henry's marrying Francis's sister. He sayes, that Wolsey cheated the Bishop, and made him believe that the other marriage was sure: notwithstanding this new Proposition. This is to make him resolve to accept the Marriage of one that was to be declared a Bastard by the Divorce: P. 226. and yet he act knowledged before, that the King of Scotland [Page] would never ask her after that: But now he makes an Ambassadour of France lesse sensible of this point of Honour, and content to have both these Marriages made at once. But besides all this, the great advantage of Marrying the Daughter of England, was because she was the Heir of the Crown, so then if the Bishop of Tarbes would have concurred to help the King to another Marriage, by which that Succession might have been cut off from Mary, we must conclude him to be as fit a man for Negotiations as Mr. Varillas is for Histories or Panegyricks: but he must be pardoned; if he cannot alwayes carry up his Fictions to a probability. All that he adds of the General powers given to Ambassadours, upon which they depart sometimes from all their Instructions, and act contrary to them, has nothing to do here in a matter of such vast consequence especially when a few dayes delay, could have procured him positive Instructions upon any new propositions that might be made him.

XLVII. I had cited his words concerning Cardinal Wolsey exactly,P. 319. and he repeats my quotation [Page] wrong, that he might give himself a colour to reproach me. Then he gives me a long Citation out of Florimond, and sends his Reader back to another that is much longer, and so he thinks all is well proved.

XLVIII. He argues against a positive Instrument, and thinks, that some of the Probabilities that he offers,P. 324. and Florimond's Testimony, ought to overthrow the plain Proof of a Matter of Fact.

XLIX. He opposes to what I had said concerning Sr. Thomas Wiat, P. 228. his constant Voucher Florimond, and then he runs out in his way to argue upon this Foundation of the Truth of that Testimony. But instead of pursuing him in such trifling stuff, I will here add a more importance Discovery of the Falsehood of all this matter by an Original Paper, Ex MSS. Gul. Petyt Ar. which fell into my hands since I writ my History, but was not in my power when I writ my Reflections on Mr. Varillas, yet it comes in here properly enough. It is a long account that Sr. Thomas [Page]Wiats Son writ of that matter as soon as Sander's Book appeared. He says, it was never so much as spoken of before that time: that his Father was Squire of the Body to King Henry, all the while that that Marriage with Anne Bullen lasted, and for many years after, and yet neither did he in discretion retire out of the Court, nor did the King seem jealous, nor the Queen offended at him: and he shews further the Improbability of the Fiction; for upon her fall it was very probable that as Queen Catherine Howards ill life, as well before, as after her Marriage, was examined, when she was condemned, so the like method would have been observed towards Anne Bullen, if there had been any room for it; and as to Anne Bullen, he says, that her Tryal was managed secretly in the Tower: and that the Evidence upon which it was pretended that she was condemned, was kept so secret among the Peers that tried her, that it was never certainly known: some of the Lords confessed afterwards, that her Defence had cleared her entirely: and to all this he adds one remarkable [Page] particular, that there was none of all her Ladies brought to swear any thing against her; now it is certain, that no Queen, especially in such a Court as that of England was then, the Household being the greatest in Christendom, could be guilty of so many disorders as were laid to her charge, without taking some Woman into the Confidence, and yet none were either accused of it, or brought to Witness it. He adds, that his Father was afterwards Ambassadour, for several years, in Charles the Fifth's Court, where he conceived that aversion to the Spaniards and to their Councils, that this threw him into the Rebellion that he raised against Queen Mary, when she was treating about the Spanish Match: for I must here warn the Reader,Lib. 20. that Mr. Varillas transforms this Wiat into Haviet, and makes a long story of him elsewhere. In Conclusion, a man must be as ignorant of our Affairs as Mr. Varillas is, not to know that a Privy Councillor thinks an Ambassy no disgrace, but on the contrary, a preferment to [Page] him; and those who know that by the forms of our Court, no Officer has a more free and frequent Access to the King's person, than the Squire of the Body, tho he is but one of the second Rank in the Household, will see how ridiculous a contrivance all this story is, of Wiats having corrupted Anna Bullen, and his revealing it to the Privy Council, and their imploying the Duke of Suffolk to acquaint the King with it, who was so far from believing it, that he would not accept the conviction that Wiat offered to his own eye sight; but on the contrary, disgraced him for it.

L. Here is a new long citation of his Garand; P. 340. but at the end of it our Author seems not to comprehend how More could be for the Divorce, without being for the Schism; and thinks the distinction is a little too Metaphisical: but the difficulty of apprehending this must lie in Mr. Varillas's dulness; since there is nothing easier to be understood, than that More thought there was just reason to move the Pope to annul a Marriage, that had been made by vertue of a Papal Bull: and yet tho [Page] More would have approved of the Divorce if it had been obtained in that manner; he did not like K. Henry's doing it by the Authority of his own Clergy, and his separating from the Court of Rome upon it. More's works make a huge thick Volum in Folio, and were printed in Queen Mary's time by her positive Order: nd so great a Book, while Printing was yet so low as it was then in England, could not be so easily carried thro the Press, without some particular Assistance from the Court. All that understand English will see that I have cited his Letters true, and Mr. Varillas's Reasons against this is arguing against a plain Matter of Fact, which can make no Impression upon any mans spirit, unless it be to shew the Impertinence of him that undertakes it. After this there comes another Impertinence of a Citation of five Pages out of Florimond.

LI. Before I examin what he says concerning Cajetan, P. 359. I will state the Matter in short: He had given a long Abstract of Reasons, which he had pretended to have drawn out of Cajetan's Consultation, [Page] that had no appearance of truth in them, such as that of the blocking up of Constantinople, the avoiding to Mary in Houses, suspect of Heresy, with several other Follys. I upon that concluded this must be as true as his other Quotations were; so I searcht for Cajetans Works, not having then by me those Extracts that I had made, when I writ my History. I found only at first his great Work on Aquinas's Summs, of which I made mention in my Appendix; but having after that found the Consultation it self, set down by Raynoldus, I desired the learned Author of the Nouvelles of the Common-wealth of Learning, to give notice in the Moneth of April, that I owned my mistake: but it was added in that Advertisement, that I had as much reason as ever to say, that Mr. Varilas had not cited it as he ought to have done: upon which he in his ordinary method of sincerity says, that I had retracted all, and passed a condemnation upon my self, P. 484. for all that I had said concerning Cajetan. If I were disposed to be Angry, or to use foul Language, [Page] here is a just enough provocation on his part; but I do here repeat what I had said, that the whole Abstract that he had given of that Consultation in his History, is false in every one of the reasons, upon which he pretends, that Cajetan founded his Conclusion. The only thing that looks like an approach to Truth, is yet far from it; for he had said, that Cajetan laid down this for a ground, that the High Priest under the Old Testament could dispence with such a degree of Marriage, and by consequence, that the High Priest under the New Testament must have the like Authority. Now there is not a word of this in Cajetan, who knew too well that it was not the High Priest, but the express Letter of the Law, that allowed of such a Marriage under the Old Testament: So that Cajetan did not argue with relation to this particular case, but he argued upon the General topick, that as under the Old Testament all hard Matters were to be referred to the High Priest's Decision, so the like ought also to be admitted under the New. Now a man must be dull to Mr. Varillas's degree, not to see the [Page] difference that is between these two things. And as for all the other particulars that he had given as the abstract of Cajetan's Consultation, there is not one word of one of them to be found in it. He argues against that which in my History I prove, that the Pope ordered Campana to say to the King, by telling me, that if it is true, the Pope was the worst Politican that ever was, since he was then so much in the Emperour's power. But the Politick was not so bad as Mr. Varillas fancies, since Campana's words, tho he carried a credence with him, might have been easily disowned. Yet if this were not the case, must a plain proof be laid aside, because then the Pope was an ill Politican? No body besides Mr. Varillas would argue in this manner. His reasoning in what follows against positive proofs,P. 366. is all of a piece; but because my Garand for this is not in an Author like Florimond, but in a Letter writ by Cassali an Italian, who was at that time the King's Ambassadour in Rome, and these words he uses, are of great consequence I shall here set them down in Latin, [Page] the Language in which they were writ, it bears date at Orvieto the 13. of Ianuary. It is in the Cotton Library under Vitellius B. 10. ‘Heri & hodie ad multum diem sum allocutus Sanctum Dominum nostrum de mittendo Legato : insequens ordinem à Reverendissimo Domino Eborac : suis literis 27. Decemb. mihi praescriptum. Pontifex ostendit se cupidissimum satisfaciendi Regiae Excellentiae, cui omnia se debere fatetur: & tum habuit mecum longum de hac re Colloquium, ut inveniatur modus omnia bene, firme, & secure faciendi: quo facto & tueri possit. Ideoque consulere voluit judicium Card. Sanctorum quatuor & Simonetae qui Excellentior & Doctior Auditor Rotaeest: cum quibus sub sigillo confessionis egit, ut ex eorum consilio inveniatur modus ad moram tollendam, & causam secure peragendam. Atque ita Pontifex cum illis in hoc quod sequitur se revolvit; videturque optimus verus & securus modus: & me rogavit ut nullo pacto dicam: hoc obtinuisse ab ejus sanctitate sicut revera obtinui: nam Caesariani eum statim pro suspecto alligarent, sed quod [Page] dicam me habuisse à Cardinali sanctorum quatuor & à dicto Auditore. Dicunt quod Rex deberet committere illic causam Cardinali, ratione commissionis quam attulit Secretarius vel propria authoritate Legationis quod facere potest: & ubi causa fuerit commissa, si Rex conscientiam suam persentiat coram Deo exoneratam, & quod recte possit facere quod quaerit, quia nullus Doctor in mundo est qui de hac re melius discernere possit quam ipse Rex. Itaque si in hoc se resolverit ut Pontifex credit, statim causam committat, aliam Uxorem ducat, litem sequatur mittatur publice pro legato qui consistorialiter mittetur.’ Now I think I have given him a Citation in Latin, that is a little more to the purpose than that he gave me out of Cajetan: and let him argue against this as long as he will. He will needs justify what he had said of the Blocking up of Constantinople, and tells me, that Pope Pius the Second projected it: but he had cited this out of Cajetan, and I tell him positively it is not in his Consultation: so he is an Impostor still, tho this may have been projected at some [Page] other time. I do not think it worth the while to examin Pius the Seconds project for ruining the Turkish Empire:P. 368. but I am sure, it is not in P. Leo the Tenths, which was made nearer this time, tho that has so many impracticable things in it, that this might have well enough accompanied the rest; I had also said,P. 369. That the Princes of that time had not fleets of men of war; and he tells me of some Fleets that the Republick of Venice had: but tho their Doge is called the Prince, yet nobody reckons that State among Princes. Yet here he has got an occasion to digress, and to talk of the Fleets of the Ventians, which he does with so little judgment as to tell us of three stately Fleets that perished in the design of seising the Town of Ferrara, and another stately Fleet appeared on the Lake Benaccio, and made it inaccessible to all other Vessels, except those of the Republick. But sure Mr. Varillas intends to bring the scorn of all the world upon himself, since he talks of gallant fleets to come up the Po, or to go upon the Lago di Guarda: and I would gladly [Page] know by what Machines the Republick conveyed their Fleet into that Lake. It is almost a shame to answer a man that writes at this rate. The other two particulars, concerning the Peace of Italy, and the keeping Henry from marrying into Families suspect of Heresy, are also falsely cited out of Cajetan; but he does not say a word to justify, are also falsely cited out of Cajetan; but he does not say a word to justify this, and does not so much as give a shaddow of a proof that Pope Iulius designed to settle the Peace of Italy, P. 373. but much to the contrary; for that of hindring K. Henry from marrying into Houses suspected of Heresy, he says, it is the part in which I treat him with the greatest Injustice, and for which he has the justest occasion to complain of me: and yet after all, he confesses it is wrong, and lays the blame of it on his Compositor, P. 376. so that he would make it only an Error of the Press; but yet this is so expressed, that it seems there is some other thing under it, and what ever may be in it I vehemently suspect that there is no truth at all in it, and I am neither bound to know how Matters go between his Compositor & [Page] him, nor to believe so unlikely a thing, as that the put Heresie instead of those who were suspect to the Holy See. He says, his weak sight makes him correct the proofs by the eyes of another: but if he Imployed his Ears, he might have corrected this, without straining his Sight: in short, it had been good for the Age, that both his Sight and his hearing had failed him long ago, for then the world had not been troubled with such a set of Impostures as he has given it. He has much more material faults to answer for than the putting Squadrons for Bataillions for which he makes such an excuse.P. 377.

LII. Beauvais for Belcaire is a fault of the Impression in the French, P. 380. and in my English it is Belcaire: he sets up here again his probabilities against the positive Proofs that are among the Acts which I have printed that shew the truth of this concerning a Bull of dissolving the Marriage that was sent over by Cardinal Campege; but all this is already shewed to be so ridiculous, that I will say no more of that subject.

LIII. He makes me guilty of a Contradiction [Page] tradiction for saying, that he adds no new matters of fact to those mentioned by Sanders;P. 385. and yet adding, that he had Invented somewhat: but this was only a Circumstance of the time, when the Queen went out of the Court; so this is not to be reckoned among the Matters of fact: yet after all, he shews me indeed, that Florimond had said this, which I had believed was an effect of his own Invention; so that I find I judged too well of his Invention, in ascribing to him those Romantick tours that he gave matters: for I find he had these furnished him by another: This is all that he does in the 54. Article; for after a dull saying over and over again,P. 391. that he was not guilty of those things for which I had charged him, he again justifies himself by his Florimond.

LIV. And this is all he says likewise upon the next Article, P. 394. only because I had shewed him that the Queens Cause could not be pleaded by her Advocates, after she had declined the Court, this being so Universal a rule, that is founded on so clear a principle, that I had thought [Page] even Mr. Varillas could not be ignorant of it; that when one declines a Court, he can no more plead before it, since by pleading before it he passes from his Declinator; he, after he has shewed that he took this from Florimond, P. 396. concludes in those dreadful words, Dare I doubt, that this Author did not know the forms of Courts, since he was so long a Councellor in a Parliament, where this Practice is followed with as much regularity as in any place in the World? but I am not so soon frighted as Mr. Varillas fancies: for I dare do any thing that I think fit to be done: and I do not see what should appear in this, that is so terrible; for tho I were in the hands of that Parliament, I do not believe they would use me ill, for saying, that one of their body writ once Impertinently concerning the forms of proceeding: but I dare not only doubt of this, but because of this I dare doubt yet much more than I did, concerning the Author of this Book; and if it is not likely that a Councellour of Parliament could be guilty of such a Mistake, which I confess I think he could hardly commit [Page] unless he was as Ignorant as Mr. Varillas is, then this makes it more probable, that he was not the Author of that Book, but that F. Richeome writ it, and published it in Florimond's name; for a mistake in a point of form might be justly enough supposed in the one, without any great derogation to him, but not in the other.

LVI. Upon the 56. Article there is nothing but two short Citations out of Florimond. P. 398.

LVII. He cites again the same Voucher: and because he thought it would be a little offensive to me,P. 400. he runs out in an Invective against King Henry, in which I am no way concerned, having writ of him with all the freedom that became a sincere Historian: yet in one thing I must tell Mr. Varillas, that his heat carries him a little too far, when he says, that for four hundred years, there had been no Prince who had put to death more of his Subjects than he had done, when there was neither War nor Rebellion in the case. I have examined in my Reflections on his second Volum, a long List he had given, of all that King Henry [Page] had put to death, and have shewed him, that there is not one Article of all the ten that he gives, that is either ture, or so much as near truth: and that those who suffered upon the account of his Supremacy, and that were not either in actual Rebellion, or in Conspiracies for raising one, were not above twelve persons: and I believe it is possible to find out Princes within muchless than four hundred years, that have put more of their Subjects to death, upon the account of Religion.

LVIII. He gives no other justification of all he had said to blacken Cranmer, P. 409. but his constant Voucher Florimond: and yet he appeals to the Publick upon this: and thinks the Quotation he brings is an entire Iustification: but whether He or I knew Cranmer's Character better, and gives it truer, will be no hard point to decide: he never saw any thing concerning him, but Florimond's History: and I have perused many Volums writ with his own hand, besides a vast number of Letters, that were writ by him, and to him: yet as for Cranmer's being made the King's Chieff Minister, [Page] Florimond says not a word of that, so that Mr. Varillas, who had asserted it, does not find an entire Iustification in his Florimond.

LIX. Mr. Varillas, who is Ignorant of every thing, cannot bear the least Imputation of Ignorance;P. 416. for commonly men are tender when they know their own defects: and tho it had been no heinous matter, if he had been thought a little unacquainted with the Laws of England; for I have discovered his Ignorance in other things that are less pardonable; yet he is so uneasy at this, that he cannot bear my saying, that such matters were above men of his form: and upon that he says, he does not know whether he or I has studied the Law most: and no more do I: but I am sure, if he was long at that Study, he has spent both his time and his money to very little purpose: and if he is no better Lawyer than he is Historian, I doubt he will hardly ever recover the Money that he laid out on that Study. I assure him, I will not compare with him in any thing; and I do not know a greater Injury that can be done me in [Page] such matters, than to be put into a comparison with him. But to convince his Reader of his Learning in our Law, he gives us another long Quotation out of Florimond, which is all the rest of this Article.

LX. He justifies his saying, P. 419. that Audley the Chancellour was meanly born: he cites an Author that had mentioned the mean-birth of a Chancellour; and says, this was necessary for the History, to shew what a sort of men King Henry imployed; but what needs all this? I had only said, that the raising a man of a mean-birth to that post, ought not to be taken notice of, as a very extraordinary thing, since it is very ordinary to see men of the Profession of Law raised upon their merit to that Dignity. If he had been to write that Audley's life, I acknowledge he must have mentioned his Birth, but since his Hero Chancellour More was of no better extraction, I am not yet convinced of the Importance of this Reflection; and Mr. Varillas will do wisely for himself not to examin too anxiously the birth of the Chancellours of Europe, for this [Page] last Age: but in conclusion, a Quotation of Florimond's comes to set all right: yet even in it, Audley is not said to be a Churchman; so here the Eccho did not repeat, but speak.

LXI. Here again, Florimond is brought out, P. 423. with the honorable Character that Mr. Varillas assumes, of being his Eccho, which must pass for one of his Sublime Strains. P. 425. But here I must explain one part of my Book; for some have mistaken my Reflections in one point, as if at every time, that I speak of Mr. Varillas's Religion, I had meant of the Religion of the Church of Rome; but they do me wrong; for I mean it only of his Religion in particular, according to the notion that he gives us of it, that it enslaves a mans powers so far as to hinder him from examining whether what he writes is true or false. All the rest of his Article is a sequel of such Impertinences, that I grow weary to examin them, as well as the Character that he gives his Florimond, as an Author that is worthy of Credit, against whom the English have never [Page]excepted. But if they have always excepted against Sanders, who is copied by him, than there is no reason to expect that we should have any regard to him. His Excuse for his turning the Affairs of Amours so ill, P. 429. is like himself; this it seems went to his heart; for tho I have destroyed his credit as a Writer of History, yet there is some comfort left, if he may be still considered at least a good Author of Romances.

LXII. He thinks, It is the chief of all the Qualities necessary for the writing of History, P. 432. to be able to describe the Intriques of great men in the matters of Amour; and it he has not that, as he reproaches me for denying it to him, since I had allowed him all the good qualities of a Historian, except that of Truth, those who praise his works chiefly in this point, are much deceived: and then he justifies himself with a Quotation out of Florimond. I will not dispute much with him whether the quality of setting forth Amours, is the Principal one of a Historian: tho I do not deny but in a Reign of much Dissolution, this is necessary: [Page] but I will add, that this is the hardest to be found out unless one has lived in the time; for those are matters in which, as it is easy to slander, so the only persons who know those Secrets, are very shye of writing them, and are generally men of Pleasure themselves, and not much given to writing. I have already satisfied Mr. Varillas by my retracting the praises that I had undeservedly given him: but I find he would let that of Truth go, and would compound the matter, if he might but have the other Qualities allowed him: but now I am worse-natured, and will allow none of them to him: and I as little believe what he says of the Praises that some give his works, on that account, as I do his other Quotations. After this he calls me the rashest of all men; P. 433. this from any man but him, would have put me in some disorder; but I know his way of writing now too well, to be alarmed at any thing he can say. One should have thought that I had robbed Churches, or coined money, or done some very hardy thing, to deserve to be called the rashest of all men; but all is safe: [Page] for my only Crime is, that I had denied an Assertion of his so modestly as only to say, I had never found it in any Author; upon which he pretends to infer, That to justify this, I must say two things; the one, that I have read all Books, whether printed or Manuscripts; the other is, that I have forgot nothing of that which I have read: which two things, says he, very gravely, are not found in any one man without a miracle.

Tho I should have thought, that neither the one nor the other could be found in any man without a miracle: and now is it not evidently made out, that I am the Rashest of all men?

LXIII. Here again comes the often named Voucher; P. 435. and after that comes another piece of our Authors reasoning: I had shewed him, that King Henry, when he pretended to obtain his Divorce, had argued upon the principle of Tradition, which is so much considered in the Church of Rome; and that it had been made out, that the Tradition of the whole Church all down to Cajetans time, was clearly of the King's side: since the degrees of Marriage prohibited [Page] in Leviticus, had been considered in all the Ages of the Church as Moral and Indispensable Laws: so I had added, that according to the Principles of the Church of Rome, his Marriage with his Brothers Wife was Unlawful: He reproaches me for this, since I am of a Religion that rejects Tradition absolutely. But still it made the Kings cause good against that Church, which makes Tradition the only sure Expounder of Scripture: for if the Tradition was here of the King's side, then all Cajetans Reasoning against it, was no more to be considered than according to themselves Luther's and Calvin's ought to have been: besides, we of the Reformed Religion do not so absolutely reject all Tradition, as not to accept of it according to the famous expression of Vincent of Lerins, When the Tradition is Universal in all Times and in all Places.

LXIV. He pretends to justify Cardinal de Bellay's words concerning the Zealous Catholicks, as if by the Zealous were to be understood the False Zealots. P. 441. But this same expression, without [Page] any such qualification, returns so often in his third and fourth Tomes, always indeed when he had occasion to speak of the Rebels in England, that I have reason to believe, that he adds this of False Zealots now, because he dares not say otherwise, when he is forced to explain himself; but his hardiness in denying that the Sorbon in the time of the League, or that Cardinal Perron in his Harangue to the third Estate, did own that doctrine of deposing Heretical Princes, is no surprise to me, since it comes from him; for I can assure him, that I am past the being amased at his Ignorance, or his Confidence, either in asserting or denying. If any Protestants have failed in their duty of their Princes, it was not an effect of their Religion, as it is in the Church of Romes; it being decreed by a General Council, The fourth Council of the Lateran. that Popes may depose Heretical Princes, and absolve their Subjects from their Allegeance. So that Papists when they rebel, act as good Papists: whereas Protestants that rebel, act against their Principles, and as bad Protestants.

[Page]LXV. Mr. Varillas appeals to all those, who do him the honour to read this Book. P. 446. It is certain, that those who read it, do him more honour, than they do themselves. He says here, that two years had passed after King Henry's Marriage with Anne Bullen, when the Cardinal de Bellay was in England; whereas it is clear, that only one year had passed; for she was married the 14. of November 1532. and the Cardinal de Bellay came to London in November 1533. but so small a fault as two years for one, is inconsiderable: and tho he had himself in his History said, that she was married the 22. of November 1532. yet now, when a turn was to be served by a bold denial, he was more hardy, than to stick either at contradicting himself, or me; but tho he will perhaps be easily reconciled to himself, yet I am not so ready to forgive such faults. He accuses me for having said, That the Pope had sent a formal Assurance to the King, that he would Judge in his Favour. I cited for this in my History an Original Letter of the Archbishop of York's, and of Tonstal Bishop of Duresm, [Page] that affirm positively, that the Pope had promised, that he would judge for the King against the Queen, if he would but send a Proxy to Rome, because he knew his Cause was good & just: This and F. Paul's History of the Council of Trent, are two such Authorities, that I will forgive him every thing that he advances on such grounds. He ends this Article with his ordinary stile of boasting his having read all the Original Letters of Cardinal de Bellay, that are in Mr. de la Moignon's hands; and I believe this as I do the rest of what the affirms.

LXVI. P. 451. He denies he had said that for which I had cited him concerning the passages into Italy being stopt by the Emperour's Garrisons, and he hoped his Readers would believe him, when they saw a Quotation of almost a Page out of him, in which that is not to be found; but he just begins his Quotation, at the words that follow a whole Page that he had spent upon that for which I had cited him. This is a Confidence in Disingenuity, that never man that I know of, assumed before himself, [Page] and I beg the Readers to turn his Book here, and examin this: for by this one essay they may judge of his Sincerity. It is in the 287. Page of the Edition of Amsterdam; he begins to cite the last words of the Page, and passes over the half of a Page that went before; because it contained that which I had mentioned, and which he here denies, and says, he never thought it; and upon this single point, I desire that his sincerity may be measured. The comparing his History and my Reflections, and his Answer in this particular, will be no great trouble, and I promise my self, that most Readers will be so complaisant as to grant me this Favour; for I cannot bring my self to submit to the labour of copying out so much impertinence.

LXVII. He had set down Queen Catherine's death, after the Session of Parliament:P. 455. so I reckoned that he intended to make his Reader believe, that she died immediatly after: now he owns, that as I had accused him, it was two year after the Parliament before the Queen died, and he fancies to save all this, because [Page] he had begun a linea; but I am not bound to guess that a linea in his stile stands for two years: all Historians carry on the series of time in their Narrations; or if some remarkable Circumstances makes them at any time break it, they warn their Reader of it: and if warning is not given, a Reader naturally reckons, that the series goes on, and that it is not discontinued by every a linea. But he neglects the main point of this Article, which is, the false Date that he gives with his usual Confidence to that famous Session of Parliament, that enacted the Breach between England and the See of Rome.

LXVIII. He cites a whole Page out of his own History;P. 458. for he is here his own Eccho: and tho every tittle of it is false, he concludes it in these word, Is there any thing here that deserves the least Censure? But is there any Censure so severe, as that he gives not here so much as his Florimond for his Garand? So here again the Eccho speaks. I had said, that it is certain, King Henry pretended not to have seen any thing that could any way disgrace Anne Bullen: [Page] and he fancied I had said, that he had owned this; upon which he protests, that he neither thought it, said it, nor writ it; and that it could not be found in any page of his Books. But I can assure him, when I say, it is certain, I never think of him: for his Authority and Certainty are the two things in the World, that are the most opposite to one another in my thoughts. I had denied that any thing had appeared in the Tilting at Greenwich: but to prove the contrary of this, he gives me two Arguments that are equally strong: The one is, that once at Naples something like this fell, out, and the other is Florimond's Authority; and if I will not believe these two, he leaves me to my Incredulity.

LXIX. He says, I shew a very good Opinion of my self,P. 467.if I expect to be believed in this point, whether Anne Bullens Father was one of her Iudges, against all other Writers. No, it is only that I have a good opinion of my eye-sight, and that, having seen the Original Record, and marked the place where any body else may see for it, I expect [Page] to be believed beyond those who write only upon Hear-say: and when our Author gives such marks of sincerity in his Quotations, as I have done in mine; then if I question his Papers, he may use the right of Reprisal upon me; but this is the case between us.

LXX. He tells me the use of the term Stoical is now altered in France;P. 468. if it is so, I was not bound to know that: but this ought not to come into so high a reckoning. The term Stoical is understood to be affected to that Philosophy, whose character was an Insensibility and a constant equality of temper; so I had reason to say, this was ill applied to Anne Bullen. The little he says after this, is so slight, that I cannot dwell upon it: every Reader will see, that he had a brow of a peculiar composition, that could say, that I had added nothing in those Articles that are in my Appendix; and that I had only repeated those things that I had already said in my Reflections: and because he knew he could answer no part of it, he thought the more dextrous way of avoiding to do it, was to send his Reader back to [Page] the former parts of the Book: hoping no doubt that they would not be at that pains, and so he fancied he had very artificially put all that by him; but as my Appendix contains not any one thing that was in the former part of my Book, so he had not answered any one tittle in it in those parts to which he sends his Reader; yet if he does not answer that which I had said, he makes me say that, which I had not said concerning Cajetan, as appears by the words which are upon the first Page, of the Nouvelles of the Common-wealth of Learning for the Month of April.

And now Mr. Varillas sees, that those great Affairs, that as he tells me, are upon my hands, have not hindred me from dispatching so small a one as his is. Neither this, nor the Continuation of my Reflections on his second Volum, could hold me long. I should have had both many scruples and much uneasiness upon me, if this had required much of my time; but I have prevailed with my self to bestow a week on each of them. If it were a matter of any Importance on which I [Page] had writ, I should have thought, that the owning the hast in which it was writ, was a disparaging of it: but since it was imploy'd in so mean and so easy a performance, I think it is a Justification of my self to confess the speed I made in it. It will perhaps be a little longer a digesting to Mr. Varillas, than it was a preparing to me. One Proof will quickly appear whether the world is so satisfied with his Answer, as upon that to return to any tolerable thoughts of his History; for I have been informed from England, that a Gentleman, who is famous both for Poetry and several other things, had spent three moneths in translating Mr. Varillas's History, but that as soon as my Reflections appeared, he discontinued his Labour, finding the credit of his Author was gone: now if he thinks it is recovered by his Answer, he will perhaps go on with his Translation: and this may be, for ought I know, as good an entertainment for him as the conversation that he had set on between the Hinds and the Panthers, and all the rest of the Animals; for whom Mr. Varillas may serve well enough as an [Page] Author; and this History and that Poem are such extraordinary things of their kind, that it will be but suteable to see the Author of the worst Poem, become likewise the Translator of the worst History, that the Age has produced. If his Grace and his Wit improve both proportionably, we will hardly find that he has gained much by the change he has made, from having no Religion to choose one of the worst. It is true, he had somewhat to sink from, in the matter of Wit, but as for his Morals, it is scarce possible for him to grow a worse man than he was. He has lately wreaked his Malice on me for spoiling his three moneths labour; but in it he has done me all the the honour that any man can receive from him, which is to be railed at by him. If I had ill nature enough to prompt me to wish a very bad wish for him, it should be, that he would go on and finish his Translation: by that it will appear, whether the English Nation, which is the most Competent Judge in this matter, has upon the seeing our Debate, pronounced in Mr. Varillas's favour, or in mine. It is true, [Page] M. D. will suffer a little by it, but at least it will serve to keep him in from other Extravagancies: and if he gains little Honour by this work, yet he cannot lose so much by it as he has done by his last Imployment.

POSTSCRIPT.

I Have perhaps said already more than enough for laying open those HIstories that have appeared hitherto with so much pomp: and that have been received much more favourably than they deserved. It is perhaps a little too cruel in me, to pursue Mr. Varillas so closely, when he has drawn the Indignation of all the World upon himself. Mr. Hosier was not satisfied to call him an Impostor, and an Author of Romances, in a private Letter to a Friend, but was willing to let this be published, that all the world might likewise know it: and Mr. Larroque has laid [Page] open his Errors and Impostures so copiously, that he has at the same time discovered his own Learning and Exactness, as well as the Ignorance and the Falsehoods of Mr. Varillas, in which he has shewed himself to be the worthy Son of so great a Father, and has given such an Essay of what may be expected from him upon greater occasions, that the world will long for more of the Production of such a Pen. But because Mr. Varillas intends to treat all Nations, and all Illustrious Families alike ill, and to shew that he is equally ignorant and bold with them all: I will only add here one part of the Remarks that those learned Persons who publish the Abstracts of Books in Leipsig have made on him, in the account of the moneth of October, 1686.

In which after they have shewed, that he writes almost all names false; that he confounds the Order of time, and the persons concerning whom he writes; that he does not know the Map of Germany, nor the situation of Towns, or the division of the Circles, nor the Interests in which the Princes of Germany were at that time; that he [Page] contradicts in one part of his Book what he had said in another; that he sets down the Reformation of Leipsig 18. years before it was done; he who was their Prince all that while, having been so noted an Enemy to that work; that the whole Relation he gives of Fronsberg, is false in all the parts of it, as well in the Character of the Man, as in his Actions, and both in his own death and in the death of his Children; besides all these, in every one of which they give a great many Instances, they conclude with that which is more remarkable, and in which their duty to their Prince made them the more concerned, since it touches one from whom the Elector of Saxony is lineally descended by the Maternal Line. The fault is indeed worthy of Mr. Varillas, and in that I say a great deal: it is this, Mr. Varillas says,Lib. 7. p. 89. That Albert of Brandenburg, who from being Master of the Teutonick Order, was made Duke of Prussia, did when he was 69. years old (he adds compleat, for he loves to be exact) marryed Dorothee, Princess of Holstein (tho she was indeed [Page] Daughter to Frederick the First King of Denmark) that She who was very young, consented to the Marriage, hoping he would shortly dye, and that so She would carry away a vast Fortune with her; but She was notably deceived; for She quickly bore him a Son, which cut off her hopes of having his Wealth: but which was worse, She spent 30. years of her life with him, so long did he live after their Marriage.

But Mr. Varillas might have found the Falsehood of all this out of the common Genealogists, and in particular out of Chytraeus, whom he cites. Albert was born in the year 1490. and married the Daughter of Denmark in the year 1525. which was in the 35. year of his Age. She bore him several children, but one Daughter only came to Age, who was married to the Duke of Meklebourg. She died after they had lived 22. years together: and after that in the year 1550. when Albert was now 60. year old, he married to a Daughter of the House of Brunswick, by whom he had the Son, that succeeded him in the Dutchy of Prussia: he had also many Daughters by her, [Page] of whom one was married to the Elector of Saxony, and another to the Elector of Bradenbourg, and the rest to other Princes: and this Albert died in the year 1568. in the 78. year of his Age, which one would have thought was a great Age: but Mr. Varillas must be Sublime in every thing, so he makes him to have lived till he was 99. Some have wisht that such hints as these are might be furnished from the men of the several Nations that Mr. Varillas has brought into his History: for it must be confessed, that no man has ever taken so much pains to make himself be so generally decried as he has done, by giving every Kingdom an Act in his Play; that so all Europe over he may be equally despised: and therefore all further pains concerning him may be well superseded. I am sure, I am more than weary of him.

FINIS.

ERRATA.

Page 11. line 4. after Library put,. P. 21. l. 28. any expression r. my excep [...]ion. P. 39. l. 6. was r. it. P. 49. l last, inspected r. suspected. P. 56. l. 9. besainted r. beated, P. 77. l. 14 ninth r. fourth. P. 80. l. 15. deny'd r. said. P. 91. l. 2. which r. shat. P. 102. l. 25. the r. that.

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Title statement

A defense of the reflections on the ninth book of the first volum [sic] of Mr. Varillas's History of heresies being a reply to his answer / by G. Burnet ...

Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715.

Edition statement

1687

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Text Creation Partnership,

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2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A30334

ID [STC]

Wing B5774

ID [STC]

ESTC R8180

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12251945

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12251945

ID [VID]

57150

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A30334)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57150)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 910:5)

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— A defense of the reflections on the ninth book of the first volum [sic] of Mr. Varillas's History of heresies being a reply to his answer / by G. Burnet ..., Burnet, Gilbert, 1643-1715..

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[127], 144 p.

Printed for J.S.,. Amsterdam :: 1687.. (Reproduction of original in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York.) (Advertisement: p. [3]) (Errata: p. 144.)

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