MR. Varillas thinks, that all his Imaginations are matters of such Importance, that they deserve to be presented to the King; and because Panegyricks are things acceptable to Princes as well as to all other men, he it seems has projected one; and that we may judge of the piece by a pattern, he lets the King of France know, that he has found out two extraordinary Subjects for the enriching that Master-piece of his Eloquence, which perhaps he has in design, that when the quality of an Historian fails him, yet his appointments may be continued to him as the Kings Panegyrist. But if one expects common things, he is much mistaken: for as Mr. Varillas has told us, that he loves to rise above the Vnlgar; so he has found out a Topick for his Masters praise, on which no man would ever have thought besides himself: some have compared the King to Alexander the Great, and others to Augustus; some to Trajan, and others to Charles the Great: in short, all that is most eminent in Ancient or Modern History, has been brought forth to raise his Glory: but no body before Mr. Varillas thought, that it would raise the Kings Character much, to give him the preference to a Woman: yet since he thought that stroke was wanting to make a compleat Panegyrick, one would have expected to have seen some of the Chief of the Sex brought out, a Semiramis, a Zenobia, or for all her Heresy a Queen Elisabeth, had made the comparison less odious: but to set the short and despised Reign of a Princess, that drew on her self the Aversion of her Husband, and the contempt of all her People, in any sort of comparison with Lewis le Grand, is a sublime becoming our Author. But as the comparison and the preference is a strain a little too humble for the present Reign, so the two points on which this part of his piece of Oratory is to be enlarged, are mistakes of such a nature, that I do not know how a man could contrive it to put two such conspicuous ones in so remarkable a part of his book.

The one is, that Queen Mary satisfied her self with the re-establishing of the Catholick Religion in her Dominions, without endeavouring to destroy the Calvinists: whereas His Majesty has not stopt half way, as that Princess did: and here he trys the full strength of his Sublime to set forth the Kings Glory in his extirpating Heresy. But one would be tempted to ask Mr. Varillas, whether he has ever read the History of that Queens Reign or not: for by his way of writing, one is disposed to believe, that he knows not yet what her Reign will be when he comes to write it: he has not yet made her Character: he thought softness became the Sex; so it seems he will represent her gentle and feeble in all her actings: and it must be so, otherwise the Panegyrick will be quite spoiled; but what will our Author say when he finds there were two hundred eighty four burnt by her: that She was not satisfied with all the Laws that had been anciently made against Herefy, nor with executing them with a rigour that had nothing of the softness of her Sex in it: Bishops and other Churcbmen being put in prison long before those severe Laws were made, and kept there till there should be colour in Law to make them Sacrifices to the zeal of the Priests: she was apt enough to shew Mercy on all other occasions, but was never guilty of any towards Hereticks: she gave Commissions that came very near the Courts of Inquisition; and besides the evidences of those that I have given in my History, I have since that time seen a Register of the Earl of Sussex's Letters,Fx Mss. D. Petyt. and in it there is a Secret Article of the Directions that the Queen sent him, in which he is ordered to have two or three Spies in every Parish, who should be engaged by Oath to observe and discover every mans behaviour, and upon whose Informations men were to be examined and punished, without discovering the Informers: this was to act in the Spirit of an Inquisition; all the difference was, that Lay-men had still the management of it, who have naturally Bowels and Compassions, which is defaced by the indelible Character. The Queen set on the Persecution with so much rigour, that she herself writ Letters to animate even the bloodiest of all the Bishops, Bonner, if at any time Compassion softned his spirit a little. There were eight, ten, and thirteen sometimes burning all in one fire, neither Age nor Sex made any difference, and the Cripple and the Blind were burnt at the same stake. Now I do not deny but Galleys and Dungeons, and a butcher-like De Rapine of Valence, are really dreadfuller things, than a quick end of ones misery, tho by fire; yet so many fires had more lustre, and lookt more terrible; so this part of the Panegyrick will fail Mr. Varillas, and he will find that Queen Mary had the better of his Monarch. It is true, great numbers seemed to comply in Q. Mary's time, as well as they have lately done in France, and as we find by Pliny's Letter to Trajan, the Christians of those days did upon the first threatning of a Persecution; and when this fell out, while the Apostles were but newly dead, and while so much of an extraordinary spirit remained still in the Church, it is not to be wondred at if in our days too many have preferred this present World to the Faith, and to a good Conscience; but as that forced compliance had no other effect besides the giving those who had not the courage to stand firm, so much the more horrour at their Persecutors, so it very quickly turned the spirits of the whole Nation to a detestation of a Religion that had signalised it self with so much Cruelty. I will not take upon me to play the Prophet as to the effects that the present Persecution in France may have, tho the numbers that come every day out of that Babylon, and the visible backwardness of the greatest part of those who have fallen, are but too evident signs that this Violence is not like to have those glorious Effects which Mr. Varillas may perhaps set forth in his Panegyrick: one thing cannot be denied, that this persecution has contributed more to the establishing the Protestant Religion elsewhere, and to the awakening men to use all just precaution against the like cruelty, than all that the most zealous Protestants could have wished for or contrived; and of this some Princes of that Religion are sufficiently sensible, and do not stick to express their horrour at it in terms that they may better use than I repeat. In a word, Queen Mary in this point will be found to have the better of the French King: She found her people Protestants, and yet in eighteen months time she overthrew all the settlement that they had by Law; She turned them out of their Churches, and began to burn their Teachers and Bishops: whereas the French King had not of that Religion above the tenth part of his Subjects, and yet the extirpating them out of his Dominions, has cost him as many years as it did Queen Mary moneths.

The other Article of the preference that Mr. Varillas gives his Monarch to Queen Mary is, that whereas she could not do it without marrying the Prince of Spain, the King has been able to effect it without the aid of Strangers. If this were true, the praise due upon it will not appear to be very extraordinary, since he who has so vast an Army, and is in peace with all the World, has been able to crush a small handful without calling in forreign aid; but on the other hand, Queen Mary had neither Troops nor Fleets, and very little Treasure, so that her Imploying Strangers would appear to be no great matter; yet so unhappy is Mr. Varillas like to be in all that he writes, that it seems his Panegyricks and his Historys will be suteable to one another. Queen Mary indeed married the Prince of Spain, but she was not much the better for it; for she took such care to preserve the Nation from falling under his power, that as she would receive none of his Troops, so she neither gave him nor his Mininisters any share in the Government of England; of this he became soon so disgusted, that seeing no hope of Issue, and as little probability of his being able to make himself Master, he abandoned her; and She to recover his favour, engaged her self into a War with France, which ended so fatally for England, that Calais was lost; so that upon the whole matter, she lost much more than she gained by the Spanish Match: but as for her administration at home, if some money that she had from Spain, helped a little to corrupt a Parliament, that was the only advantage that she made by it: and thus if Mr. Varillas's Panegyrick is not better raised in its other parts than in this, it will be an Original; but I doubt it will not add much lustre to that Monarch, nor draw the recompences on the Author to which he may perhaps pretend. And if the Kings Parchment and Wax, which he says procured an Obedience from two Millions of persons, that were prepossessed against it by the most powerful of all considerations, which is that of Religion, had not been executed by Dragoons in so terrible a manner, it is probable that Edict would have had as little effect upon the Consciences of the Protestants, as it seems the Edict of Nantes had upon the King's, tho he had so often promised to maintain it, and had once sworn it. I would not willingly touch such a Subject, but such Indecent Flattery raises an Indignation not easily governed.

Mr. Varillas in his Preface to his third Volum mentions no Author with relation to English Affairs, except the Archbishop of Raguse, who, as he says, writ the Life of Card. Pool. I do not pretend to deny that there is any such Author, only I very much doubt it; for I never heard of it in England; and I was so well pleased with the discoveries that I made relating to that Cardinal, that I took all the pains I could to be well informed of all that had writ of him; so I conclude, that there is nothing extraordinary in that Life, otherwise it would have made some noise in England; and it does not appear credible, that a Dalmatian Bishop could have any particular knowledge of our Affairs; and if the particulars related in Mr. Varillas's 14. Book are all that he drew out of that life, it seems the Archbishop of Raguse has been more acquainted with Swedish than English Affairs: for there is not one word relating to England in all that Book, and as little of the Cardinal.

But Mr. Varillas has shewed himself more conspicuously in the Preface to his fourth Tome; he pretends to have made great use of P. Martys Works, in his 17. Book: but he gives us a very good proof that he never so much as opened them: he tells us, that P. Martyr delivered his Common-places at Oxford, where he was the Kings Professor, and that one Masson printed them at London some years after his death; he tells us, that an ambition of being preferred to Melancton had engaged him to that work: in which he adds, that if he is to be preferred to Melancton for subtilty, he is Inferiour to him in all other things; upon which he runs out to let his Reader see, how well he is acquainted both with P. Martyrs Character and History. All men besides Mr. Varillas take at least some care of their Prefaces, because they are read by many who often judge of Books, and which is more sensible, they buy them or throw them by as they are writ: Now since Mr. Varillas reproaches me with my Ignorance of Books, I will make bold to tell him, that the Apprentices to whom he sends me for Instruction, could have told him, that P. Martyr never writ any such Book of Common Places, but that after his death, Mr. Masson drew a great Collection out of all his Writings, of passages that he put in the Method of Common Places: so that tho all that Book, that goes by the name of P. Martyrs Common Places, is indeed his, yet he never designed nor dictated any such Work: and this Mr. Masson has told so copiously in his Preface, that I have thought it necessary to set down his own words:

Ergo quemadmodum in amplissima domo, & rebus omnibus instructissima, non omnia in acervum unum indistincta cumulantur, sed suis quaeque locis distributa seponuntur; ut in usus necessarios proferri possint: ita in tantis opibus quas sedulus ille Dei Oeconomus, Ecclesiae Dei comparaverat, operae pretium me facturum existimavi si ordine aliquo, omnia disponerem notisque additis indicarem; unde à studiosis quibusque suo tempore depromi possint: hoc autem meum judicium multo magis mihi probatum est cum in eadem sententia ipsum D. Martyrem fuisse intellexi. Sic enim à D. Ioanne Gravilla—qu • tempore D. P. Martyris domesticus, una cum multis aliis ejus consuetudine & colloquiis frueretur, ab illo quaesitum aliquando fuisse, quare locos communes uno volumine collectos, cudendos non curaret: Hoc enim Ecclesiae Dei fore utilius; & a piis quibusque magnopere desideraxi; cum iis quae dicta fuerunt annuisse: idque si per otium liceret, se aliquando facturum recepisse quod utinam illi prestare dedisset Dominus; neque enim dubium quin & limae labore addito & multarum rerum accessione longe cumulatiores opes Ecclesia Dei habitura fuisset: id autem cum ipsi minime licu • rit.

And if after all these discoveries, Mr▪ Varillas can find men that will still read his Books and believe them, it must be said, that the Age deserves to be imposed upon.

There is another particular set forth in this Preface, that is of a piece with the former: He tells us, he has drawn that which is most curious in his twentieth Book out of Commendons Negotiation in England, of which he gives us this account; Pope Iulius the third writ to Cardinal Dandino, ordering him to send some able man secretly over to England, to confirm the Queen in her resolution of reconciling England again to the See of Rome. He upon that sent over Commendon, who went to London in disguise; but by accident found one Iohn Lee, a Privy Councellor, who procured him a secret Audience; he had many Conferences with the Queen, who trusted him with her Secret, which was, that she believed she could never re-establish the Catholick Religion, unless she married the Prince of Spain, and by that means engaged the House of Austria to assist her with their Troops: but tho Commendon could not doubt that the Popes Intention was, that she should marry Cardinal Pool, and not raise Spain too much by so great an accession; yet he had been sent over in hast, and had no Instructions relating to that matter; so he complied with the Queens Inclinations for the Spanish Match, of which she spoke to him every time that she gave him audience; so that he saw into that Sectret, and had credit by that means to soften most of the Articles, which would otherwise have been of great prejudice to the Court of Rome. Mr. Varillas can pretend no Warrant for this part of his History but Gratians Life of Commendon; and if this be the most curious part of his 20. Book, we may conclude what judgment we ought to make of the rest. Commendon was in London when the Duke of Northumberland was executed, which was the 22. August: he had been sent from Brussels some days before that; and by consequence he was sent by Cardinal Dandino of his own motion, as Gratian represents it. For King Edward died the sixth of Iuly, and it was 10. dayes after that before Queen Mary was in possession: so here there will not be time enough for sending notice to Rome, and receiving orders from it. 2. Lee was a Servant of the Queen's, and no Privy Councellor. 3. The Queen never mentioned the Spanish Match to Commendon; on the contrary, she rather intimated to him her design for Cardinal Pool: for she asked him, if the Pope could not dispence with his marrying,Lib. 20. since he was only in Deacons Orders; which is confessed elsewhere by Mr. Varillas. 4. It does not appear by Gratian, that Commendon saw the Queen often; for as the thing was a great secret, and by consequence many audiences given by a Lady, that was so scrupulous as she was, could not be long concealed: so on the other hand, no doubt Commendon pressed a dispatch all that was possible, knowing what a step such a piece of news must be to the making his Fortune in Rome. 5. Nor does it appear, that there was the least motion yet made in the Match with Spain; and the first proposition that I could find of it, was in a Letter writ by the Q. of Hungary in the Emperours name, and subscribed by him, for he was then lame of the Gout, and dated in the beginning of November. 6. Mr. Varillas represents Queen Mary very ready to discover her greatest Secrets, when she would trust an unknown Man, sent to her by the Legate in the Emperours Court, with a matter of such Consequence. There was no danger in trusting him with her design of reconciling her self to the Court of Rome; for he that was a Creature of that Court, was not to be suspected in that matter; but it had been a strange loosness of Tongue in her to have blobb'd out such a Secret to such a Person; so that the preference he gives his King to so weak a Woman, will lose much of its grace. And thus by this Essay it appears, that Mr. Varillas holds on his Method of writing, and that he does not so much as take care to write his Prefaces correctly.

I. Mr. Varillas will shew, that he knows Genealogies as well as he does the other parts of History;P. 58. for he tells us, that Henry the Sevenths Queen, that was the Heiress of the House of York, had no Kinswoman of that Family nearer to her, than her Cou •• n-German Margaret. This is strange 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 Ignorance; for she had a Sister that married to Courtney Earl of Devonshire, who was Mother to the Marquis of Exeter, that was executed under Henry the Eighth. Now he should have known this, that so he might have given a stroke upon it against the Memory of that Prince.

II. He sets out Cardinal Pools great vigour in speaking so freely to the King,P. 59. against his Divorce, that he once intended to put him to death: but he pardoned him in consideration of the Compliance of his Mother and Brethren, and so he was sent by his Family to study at Padua.

All this is a Fiction, that was not so much as thought on, till many years after the persons concerned were dead: that Cardinal in his Book had no regard neither to K. Henry's Royal Dignity, nor to the relation in Blood that was between them; but treated him as a Pharaoh, and a Nebuchadnezzar: yet he upbraided him with no such thing: tho it had been a very natural Apology for all that Freedom that he then took, if he could have alledged, that he had expressed himself first so plainly to him in private. But so far was the Cardinal from such a behaviour, that • e complied with the Clergy in acknowledging the King to be the Supream Head of the Church of England: For Pool in his Book tells the King, that • e was in England when that Submission was made; and adds, that the King would not accept of the Present • hat was offered him by the Clergy, un • ess they would likewise give him that Title. Now it is agreed on by all, that • is submission was past by the whole Convocation unanimously; Fisher • eing the only man that stood out a • hile, but even he at last concurred • ith the rest. And Pool was at that 〈◊〉 Dean of Exeter, and so he was a • ember of the Convocation: he also •• joyed his Deancy several years after • is; so that it cannot be imagined, •• at the King would have let him go 〈◊〉 of England, and have allowed 〈◊〉 a good benefice for supporting 〈◊〉 in his Studies, if he had set him ••• f so vigorously to oppose him in a ••• ter that touched him so near.

III. Mr. Varillas tells us, that in the 〈◊〉 1536.P. 60. the King made a Law, obliging his Subjects to continue firm in the six principal Points, which the Hereticks disputed most: And to put his Reader out of doubt as to this matter, he cites the Acts of Parliament for that year: But Chronology is a study too low for so sublime a Writer: and therefore since he thought the Fable would go on the better if this Law were pu • in this year, he would needs Anticipate • three years, and put a Law that pas • not before the year 1539. in the yea • 1536. but in this he followed his Sanders, or which is all one, his Florimon •• de Raimond exactly.

IV. He reckons up the six Articles it seems as others had done before him;Ibid. but it is certain, he never looked into our Acts of Parliament for as they would have set him righ • as to the year, so they would hav • shewed him, that the sixth Article di • not at all mention the seven Sacrament • and as to Auricular Confession, it 〈◊〉 only decreed, that it was expedient 〈◊〉 necessary, and that it ought to be reta • ned in the Church: For upon this the •• was a great dispute, most of the Cle • gy endeavouring to carry the matl •• so far as to declare Confession necessary by the Law of God: but King Henry would not consent to that; and there is a long Letter yet extant, all writ with his own hand, in which he argues this matter liker a learned Divine than a great King.

V. He tells us, that Arch-bishop Cranmer conferred all Benefices in the quality of Vicar General of the Church of England,P. 61. and that he disputed with Jesus Christ the Institution of four Sacraments. But neither the one nor the other is true; for he gave no Benefices, but those of his own Diocess: and as for his expression of disputing with Iesus Christ the Institution of four Sacraments, I pass it as a Sublime of our Author's; yet even the thing is false: all the ground for it is, that in the first part of the Erudition of a Christian-man, that was set out this year, no mention was made of these four Sacraments; but they were all set forth some years after this, when that work was finished.

VI. He says, that upon this the zealous Catholicks of England concluded,Ibid. that the King himself leaned to Heresy, and that the Provinces of Lincoln and Northumberland, Cambridge-Shire, York-Shire and Durresm, were the first that revolted, and made up a body more than 50000. men. Here Mr. Varillas shews us still how well he likes Rebellion, by giving those Rebels no worse name than that of Zealous Catholicks; and here he gives us the accomplishment of the Cardinal de Bellay's threatnings: but one would have thought, that a Writer, who resolved to dedicate his Book to the King, should have softned this part a little; otherwise a Zealous Protestant may be naturally carried to make the Inference, that if the Fears of the change of Religion in England, might carry Catholicks to Rebel, on whom no worse Character is bestowed than that of Zealous; why may not Protestants, oppressed and ruined, contrary to the faith of irrevocable Edicts, claim the same priviledge. His laying of Lincoln-shire and Northumberland together, and then returning to Cambridg-Shire, and going back to York-Shire, shews how well he knows the situation of our • Counies; and he instead of Lanca-Shire and Westmorland, has out of his store put Northumberland and Cambridge-Shire in the Rebellion; he also represents this rising only as a beginning, whereas these were the only Counties that rebelled: nor did they ever joyn together; for those of Lincoln-Shire were suppressed within that County, before the rising in York-Shire.

VII. He says, The King ordered the Dukes of Northfolk and Suffolk to go to the Rebels,Ibid. and to promise them all that they demanded; upon which these Dukes undertook this Message, and went to the Rebels Camp, with all the shews of Humility that could have been expected from the most abject of the vanquished; they desired them to put their Complaints in writing, and when they saw them, they thought them very just, and signed a Treaty with them in the Kings Name; by which they obliged him to redress all the Innovations that had been made in matters of Religion: and with this they satisfied those who were in Arms, who were so foolish as to lay down their Arms upon the faith of this Treaty: yet the King, after he had thus dispersed them, did not trouble himself much with the keeping of his word to them; but as he knew the names of the chief Instruments of this Sedition, so he put them all in prison at several times, upon some pretended Crimes with which they were charged; and soon after they were proceeded against, according to the forms of Law; and not one of them escaped death, either in secret or in publick.

By this Relation of this Affair, one would think, that the King sent those Dukes as Supplicants to the Rebels: but they went both of them at the Head of the Kings Troops, and both to different Armies. 2. They were so far from promising every thing in the Kings Name, that the Kings Answers to their Demands are yet extant, in which he treats them as Brute Beasts, that medled themselves in things that they did not understand: the King told them, their duty was to obey, and not to command; and that he would not at all be advised by them. He did indeed promise a Pardon of what was past, to those who should return to their duty: but lie would not alter any thing at their sute. 3. Our Author did not know, that this Rebellion was after the suppression of the lesser Monasteries, and that this was one of the Chief of their Grievances: otherwise he had embelished it, no doubt. 4. He taxes them of Imprudence, for trusting the Kings promises; but one would have expected, that in a Reign of so much submission as this is, he should have rather shewed their Fidelity and Loyalty, that made them so easily believe a Kings word: but it seems Mr. Varillas thinks it is a piece of Imprudence to rely too much on that. 5. A Prince's breaking his Faith, is a thing that needs no aggravation; yet for certain reasons that our Author may guess at, if he will, he should not enlarge too much on this, even tho the promise had been given both frequently and solemnly; for this awakens ill Ideas in peoples minds: and makes them conclude with the Ecclesiastes, that the thing which hath been, is that which shall be. 6. King Henry excepted many out of the General Pardon; others were presently seised on for engaging into new Conspiracies: and against all these he proceeded upon no pretended Crimes, but upon that of High Treason, for having been in actual Rebellion against him. 7. All that suffered by form of Law for those Rebellions, were only two Peers, six Knights, and the Wife of one of them, six Abbots, and a Monk, and sixteen men of a meanner rank: now considering what a formidable Rebellion that had been, this will not appear to have been a very extraordinary severity; and without running too far back, to things past the memory of man, it were possible to instance Rebellions that were not so dreadful, and yet that have ended in many more Sacrifices. 8. He tells us of some that died in secret; if he means that died in their Beds in Prison, the thing may be very true: but then it is not extraordinary; but if he means the putting them to death secretly, and the using them so barbarously, that they languished and died under the hands of their Tormentors: he must know, that these are things which the English Nation knows not; they may be practised by Courts of Inquisition, or where Dragoons, and De Rapines have the Execution of the Kings Parchment and Wax put in their hands; but all Tryals and Executions in England are open and publick; which is too gentle a Nation to bear the Cruelty of Torture.

VIII. Mr. Varillas would needs have an extraordinary stroke of Providence appear here; for he tells us,P. 63. that the last of those who suffered under the hand of the Hangman, was no sooner dead, then the Kings beloved Son the Duke of Richmond, whom he had designed to make his Successor, died suddenly of a malignant Feaver. But I had warned our Author of the necessity of buying a Chronological Table; for I saw what would come on it, if he would not be at that charge: The Duke of Richmond died the 22. of Iune 1536. and the first of all the tumults that was begun in Lincoln-Shire, did not fall out before the October following: so here is a lovely stroke of the Poem spoiled. 2. It does not appear that the King had any such design on this Son of this: for as he gave him none of the Titles of the Royal Family, so he did not raise him up to any such degree of lustre as must have naturally followed on such a design.

IX. He joyns to this Edward the sixths Birth, and says, That his Mother not being able to bring him forth,Ibid. King Henry ordered her Belly to be opened; saying, that he could find another Wife, but that he was not sure to find another Son: and that he began presently after her death to think on a fourth Marriage.

Again it appears that Mr. Varillas wants a Chronological Table; for he joins King Edward's birth to the Duke of Richmond's death; tho there was sixteen moneths between them; for King Edward was born the twelfth of October 1537. and that was nine moneths after all the Executions were over. 2. King Edward was born in the ordinary way, and the Queen was as well a day after as any Woman in her condition could be: of this there are many good Proofs extant; for her Council writ Letters over all England, giving notice of her safe delivery, and of her good health, and two days after, others say three days after, she was taken with a distemper ordinary to Women in her condition, of which she died. 3. Our Author should have considered the decorum of his Fable better, than to make the King speak of a Son before he was born: it had been more natural to make him speak of a Child indefinitly. 4. This Queens death affected K. Henry so much, that he let two years pass before he entred into any Treaty for a new Wife. 5. He puts this in the year 1538. tho it fell out in the year 1537.

X. He opens upon the Death a Project for Reconciling England to the Court of Rome:Queens and says, Ibid. and P. 64, 65, 66. That in order to the satisfying that Court, it was not doubted but the Parliament of England would annual King Henry's second Marriage, and declare Elisabeth a Bastard. He adds, That a Marriage of King Henry with Margaret, Daughter to Francis the First, was projected: and here he shews, how great a resemblance of Humours there was between them. He adds, That Pope Paul the Third was much pressed by the Colledge of Cardinals, to fulminate against Henry, since the Cardinals Hat, which he had sent to Fisher, had only served to precipitate his death: upon which the Pope was bound both in Honour and Interest to revenge that contempt that was put on the Purple; for if the persons of Cardinals were not esteemed sacred, this would very much slacken their courage upon dangerous occasions: The Pope therefore very dexterously resolved to shew his Thunder without discharging it. So tho a new Sentence was past, yet it was not published, in hopes that the King, for the safety of his person, that was always exposed to the resentments of Zealous Catholicks, or for the securing himself from those Seditions which broke out in one place, as soon as they were quieted in another, would at last reconcile himself to the holy See.

The only Project that was ever set on foot after the breach, for reconciling England to the Court of Rome, was almost two years before this, upon Anne Bullens fall: for then the Pope proposed it to Cassali, that had been the Kings Ambassador at Rome, but the King rejected it with so much scorn, that in his next Parliament he past two Laws against all commerce with that Court, severer than any of the former. 2. There was no need of asking an Act of Parliament for annulling the Kings Marriage with Anne Bullen, and for illegitimating the Issue; for that was already done, upon a confession of a Pre-contract that was drawn from her: of which it is plain Mr. Varillas knew nothing, tho it is in our Statute Books, and these were then printed both in French and English. 3. It does not appear that there was ever the least motion of a Marriage between King Henry and Margaret of France, muchless that it was believ'd concluded. 4. Our Author does not observe the decency of the Cardinals pressing the Pope to severity, when he expressed it by his Revenging the contempt put upon the Purple. It must be confessed, that this is too haughty a stile for him that pretends to be the Vicar of Christ: the language of Revenge does not agree with the Meekness of the Lamb of God. 5. But if he makes the Cardinals speak a little too high with relation to the Popes Resentments, he makes them as abject as can be in their own particulars; since they own, that the ground of their courage in serving the Holy Se • on dangerous occasions, was the Sacredness of their persons, which must be maintained, otherwise it could not be expected that they would expose themselves any more. There is no courage when a man knows he is invulnerable. It seems Mr. Varillas thinks, that the Colledge of Cardinals have not the spirit of Martyrdom among them: now tho it is very likely that this may be true, yet Mr. Varillas had shewed more respect if he had suppressed it. 6. The Sentence which Mr. Varillas represents, as past at this time, but not pronounced, was passed two years before this, the first of September 1535. so little is he exact, that he does not examin the days of printed Bulls. 7. Bullar. Rom. Tom. 2. p. 704. Mr. Varillas represents this present Negotiation as in the year 1538. which he sets on his Margin, yet the final publishing of the Sentence was on the 17. of December 1538. So that all this delay of the Sentence, and that which follows, could not belong to this year; but it must come in here for Amours giving a lustre to Romances; our Author thought, it was necessary to make them have a large share in all his Relations, and if the dates of matters will not agree, there is no help for it, he must pass over such inconsiderable things. 8. Zealous Catholicks again for Rebels.

XI. He goes on to dream, and fancies, that since the Daughter of France was Christned by King Henry, P. 67. both Francis and he would be obliged to send to Rome for a Dispensation; and that the Pope resolved not to grant it, but after that England should be reconciled to the Holy See. Therefore to facilitate this matter, the Pope sent for Pool, who was then at Padua, and he made him a Cardinal, and sent him to France, to set on that Design: which Pool, who loved his Countrey to excess, undertook with all possible Zeal. But the King of England by a fatal Blindness rejected all this. And here he pretends to tell what might be the secret Reasons of it, in his way, that is to say, very impertinently. He adds, that King Henry sent to Francis, to demand Cardinal Pool as a Fugitive and a Traytor, and that he cited the examples of Charles the Fifth, and of his Father, who had delivered up Princes of the House of York to the Kings of England; and in conclusion, that Henry threatned Francis, that if he did not grant his desire, he would break the League in which he was with him, and would make one with the Emperour against him.

If Mr. Varillas had seen Card. Pools Book against King Henry, which he pretends to have lying before him,Answer to me. P. 305. he would have known that it was printed in the year 1536. in which he had used the King in a stile that no Crowned Head in the World could al ow of: but the conclusion of it was beyond all the rest; for he conjured the Emperour to turn his Arms rather against the King than against the Turk; and it was known in England, that he had obtained this Commission to be sent to France, only that he might set on a League between the two Crowns, against England; and so it was no wonder if the King resented his being well received in the Court of France. 2. It is not to be imagined, that when Charles the fifth was contriving how to make War upon England, and was the person that chiefly supported Cardinal Pool, that, I say, King Henry would be so highly displeased with the civility of the Court of France to the Cardinal, as to threaten upon that to join with the Emperour, who was the Kings chief Enemy, and the spring that set Pool in motion; therefore all this whole negotiation is to be reckoned among our Authors Fictions, since he gives no Proofs of it.

XII. Mr. Varillas says, that King Henry set fifty thousand Crowns on Cardinal Pools head: P. 72. and upon this he grafts a new Fable.

But in the Sentence, and Act of Attaindor against Pool, there is not a word of any sum set on his head; so this was a small decoration that was not to be omitted by a man that does not trouble himself to examin, whether what he writes is true or not.

XIII. If Mr. Varillas were not so excessively Ignorant as he is of the History of England, P. 73. he would not have passed over the great advantage he had here of reproaching King Henry, with that which was indeed the greatest blemish of his whole Reign, and that was first practised on the Countess of Salisbury, Cardinal Pools Mother, whom by an affectation contrary to our Rules, he calls Princess Margaret, the Title Princess being affected in England to our Kings Children; and not being so much as given to their Brothers Children, who are only called Ladies: this piece of Tyranny was, that she was condemned without being brought to make her Defence, or to be heard Answer for herself. Now I leave it to the Reader to judge how well informed Mr. Varillas is, who is ignorant of that which is to be found in every one of our Writers, that have given the History of that time: and which would have furnished him with the best Article of his whole Satyr against King Henry.

XIV. He tells us; that Calvin writ an Apology for King Henry's conduct in that matter; Ibid. upon which he makes a long excursion.

But I know nothing of this matter; I believe it not a whit the better, because Mr. Varillas sayes it; and it does not appear among his printed Works. He adds, that the accusation was false that was brought against Card. Pool, as if he had formed a design to raise Troops in Picardy and Normandy, and to make a descent with them to assist the Zealous Catholicks of England: one reason that he gives to prove it false, is, that the English were at that time Masters of the Sea. The good opinion that Mr. Varillas has of the Rebellions of the Zealous Catholicks of England returns often in this kind Epithet, that he bestows on them. But for this accusation of Cardinal Pools, our Author may very well answer it; for I believe, it was never made by any before himself: yet so unhappy is he, that he must discover his Ignorance in every Page and Line of his Book. The Kings of England had then no Fleets, and so they were not Masters of the Sea, unless he means that the Soveraignty of the four Sea's belonged to the Crown of England, in which sense I acknowledg, that not only then, but at all times, the King of England is Master of the Sea.

XV. Mr. Varillas, after he had carried his Romance to make the round to other parts,P. 149. returns back to England; but I do not know by what ill luck it is, that there is not one single Paragraph that relates to our Affairs that is true: he begins here with the pretended Sentence against Latimer, Bishop of Vigorne, and Scherton Bishop of Sarisbery, who were, as he says, not only degraded, but condemned to perpetual Imprisonment, for having spoke somewhat against the six Articles. 1. It is perhaps to descend too low to tell him, that he ought to have named those Sees Worcester and Salisbury, and that the latter of those Bishops was not Scherton, but Shaxton; for the marking such small faults looks like a want of more material ones. 2. These two Bishops were never degraded, but of their own accord they resigned their Bishopricks, within three days after the Act of the six Articles had passed; and it was some time after that, before they were put in prison, upon an Accusation relating to the six Articles, and not for Latimer's having eat meat on a Good Fryday, as our Author reports it in another place,Lib. 17. P. 76. having forgot what he had said here. For it is a very hard thing to remember Lies, especially when the number of them is so excessively great.

XVI. Upon Wolsey's fall he tells us, that the King cast his eyes upon Thomas Cromwel, to be his chief Minister;Ibid. who was a Gentleman of quality; upon which he tells us, that the Family of the Cromwels was very Antient, and had already produced some that had been raised to the Chief Imployments in the State; and so he goes on to make a Parallel between the late Protector and King Henry's Minister: only he will not in this place examin whether the one descended from the other or not.

One would wonder how it falls out that Mr. Varillas is so constantly mistaken, even in the most obvious matters: There is not one that writ in that time on those Affairs, that does not take notice of the meanness of Cromwel's birth; for his Father was a Blacksmith; and his base extraction is particularly mentioned in the Act that condemned him. 2. He is the first of his name that is spoken of in our Story: for the Family was so far from being antient, that it was not known before him. 3. Oliver Cromwel was no way related to him, and indeed not so much as by being originally of that name: being descended from an Antient Family in Wales, of the Ap William's, & at this time the Welchmen beginning to take Sirnames, who before went only by the name of some Eminent man among their Ancestors, with the Addition of Ap before it: this Ap Williams having received great Obligations from Cromwel, he made choice of his name. 4. Our Author says true here, that Cromwel succeeded Wolsey in the chief Ministry, but yet he contradicts himself; for he had said elsewhere,Lib. 9. see my Reflect. p. 103. numb. 38. that by Anne Bullens means Cranmer was raised at this time to the Dignity of being the first Minister: but he grows old, and it seems his Memory decays; all the rest of his Character of Cromwel, and the projects that he puts in his head are a continuation of the Romance.

XVII. Mr. Varillas will here rise above the Vulgar, and give a representation of the state of the Monasteries in England:P. 152, 153. he tells us, They had acquired the property of two thirds of the Kingdom: and among the other effects of the power of the Clergy, he mentions this, that the Popes had many officers in England: for levying the Peterpence, who had such an Influence over the Clergy, that they had the main stroak in our Parliaments; by which means it was, that tho the King of England was as to the outward appearance Master of his Kingdom, yet in effect he was far from it: and that as King Henry had a mind to 〈◊〉 off this yoke, so Cromwel suggested to him the method in which it might be done: and among other things, •• nce the chief resistance that the Crown had met with in Parliament, had always come from the Monks, he propos'd to the King the seising on their Revenues.

One would think that Mr. Varillas had intended to prepare an Apology for King Henry's seising on the Abbey Lands: for if they had two thirds of the Kingdom, if they were influenced by Italian Ministers, and if they had always opposed the designs of the Crown in Parliament, here were very powerful reasons for suppressing them. 2. It is generally believed that the Abbey Lands might be one third of England: but no body ever carried the estimate of their wealth to so invidious a height before Mr. Varillas, as to imagin, that they were Masters of two thirds of the Nation. And as for that Interest that he pretends that some Italians have had in them, and the Opposition that they gave the Crown in Parliament, these are either Fictions of his own, or of some Author as bad as himself, if any such can be found. In the times of King Iohn, and of his Son Henry the Third, the Italians oppressed England severely, but they were far from doing it by the Interest they had among the Monasteries; for it appears by Matthew Paris, how much they complained of that Tyranny; which was in a great measure repressed when England came to have Kings who had more spirit: so that Edward the first and Edward the third made such effectual Laws, that after their time we find no evidences of any great stroke that Italian Officers had in England.

XVIII. He represents the dissolution of the Monasteries, as carried on by a Project of Cromwels, P. 154. who got a great party among the Monks to sign a Petition to the King, for which he cites on the Margin the expositive or Preamble of it, in which they set forth their real unhappiness, tho they seemed to be happy, & that they could not bear the hardness of their condition, and therefore they implored the King's Favour, that they might live as other Englishmen, free from the constraint of Vows, and the Tyranny of the Court of Rome: and they added, that if the King would grant this Petition, they prayed him to accept a free Surrender of all their Goods and Lands. This, he says, was sent from House to House, and it was looked on as the Master-piece of the Reformation.

Mr. Varillas has a mind to demonstrate to all the World, that he knows nothing of English Affairs: For 1. there was never any such Petition made. 2. I have published almost three hundred of the Surrendess, of which the Original Deeds are yet extant: and these were all of one form, but were not in one writing, as he dreams: the Preamble of all is the same:Sciatis n • s, deliberate certa scientia, & mero motu nostris, ex quibusdam causis justis & rationabilibus, nos, animos & conscientias nostras, specialiter moventibus, ultro & sponte, dedisse & concessisse Domino Regi, &c. That they have deliberatly, of certain knowledg, and of their own proper motion, and for some just and reasonable Causes, that did especially move their Souls and Consciences, freely and of their own accord, given and granted to the King, &c.

3. It is plain our Author knew nothing of the General Visitation that was made of all the Monasteries of England, and of the Discoveries that were made of the most horrid of all Vices, that God had punished with Fire and Brimstone from Heaven, which reigned among them: and of the discoveries made of the Instruments of coyning in several Houses; and of the False Relicks and the Impostures discovered in some Images, of which the Eyes and Mouth were made to move by secret Springs; for these things, that were laid open in the publickest parts of the Nation, disposed men to bear with the dissolution, which perhaps would not have been otherwise so easily brought about. 4. Nor does our Author know, that three years before the general dissolution, all the small Monasteries were dissolved. In short, the great discoveries I had made of the progress of this matter, might have engaged a man even of an ordinary degree of carelesness, to have read what I had writ concerning it. But Mr. Varillas must be an Original in every thing.

XIX. He says, This Petition was no sooner read in Parliament, than on the 28. of April 1539. they appointed that all the Monasteries in England should be set open,P. 156. and that their Lands should be appropriated to the King for the encrease of his Revenue; upon this all was seised on, and there was so much wealth found among them, that out of the Church of Thomas Becket alone, there were six Cart load of Plate and other things carried away; and for such of the Religious Persons as would not quit their Profession nor their Lands, they proceeded against those who were of a meaner rank as guilty of a Contempt of an Act of Parliament; and those that were more considered, were attainted of Treason, because some Libels that had been writ upon the Kings divorce, were found among their Papers, in which the Kings Amours were painted to the life; for these they were accused, as having not only concealed them, but preserved them to posterity: and by a new subtilty the Crime of lese Majesty was added to that of High Treason: and here he comes over again with that of King Edward's being cut out of his Mothers belly, as if the frequent repeating of Falsehoods would gain them the more credit. 1. Dates are unhappy things for Mr. Varillas; for this Act did not pass before the 28. of Iune. 2. This Act did only confirm what was already done, but did not at all threaten any that would not surrender. 3. There were eighteen Abbots present when the Act was first read, and seventeen when it passed in the House of Lords, and yet none of them opposed it. 4. There was no petition read in either House of Parliament, that had been made by the Monks; for this Act neither dissolved nor opened any Monasteries, but only confirmed the Kings Title upon their Surrenders. 5. His Author Sanders had raised up Two Chests of the Plate that belonged to Beckets Shrine, to Twenty six Cart Load: but it seems Mr. Varillas thought this a little too Extravagant, so that he reduces it to a modester number of six; but yet he should stick to his Author. And here I must call to mind a passage of our Author's, that had escaped me, concerning Thomas Beckets Bones being raised and burnt; as if the King had reviewed his Process,P. 83. and by a formal Sentence degraded him of his Saintship: whereas this matter passed without any sort of Ceremony. Becket did things that were of another nature than all that has been lately done in the business of the Regale; he was not content to disobey, but thundred against the King and the Clergy, and the whole Nation, that would not concur with him in his Violences, which were such, that at this day they would not pass unpunished even in Spain it self: and tho he was killed without any Order of the King's, it is known not only what Pennance the King was forced to do, but what a Superstition for his Memory there followed upon his Canonisation: there were Two Holy Days assigned him: there was a Iubily every fifty year, with Plenary Indulgences to all who visited his Tomb, which brought sometimes an hundred thousand persons together; and his Altar was so much more valued than either Christ's or the Virgins, that by the old accounts yet extant it appears, that some years there were no Offerings at all made at Christ's Altar; and tho there were indeed some made at the Virgin's Altar, yet those of Thomas Becket's made a sum about twenty times more. So it was no wonder if King Henry put an end to this Superstition: and therefore he ordered the Shrine to be broken, and the Bones to be buried, as our Authors say positively, tho the Italians say they were burned; for so it is specified in the Bull: and indeed there had been no great fault if they had been burnt. 6. No man could be punished for refusing to surrender; for the Act of Parliament required none to do it. 7. Those who were attainted of Treason, had been either in the Rebellion, or had sent their Plate to the Rebels. 8. Our Author shews how well he understands our Law, when he pretends to make a difference between High Treason and the Crime of lese Majesty; for they are one and the same thing: we do not use to express the highest sort of Crimes against the State by the term of Lese Majesty, but only by that of High Treason. 9. Those Libels of which he speaks, were only found among the Carthusians; and tho some of that Order were put to death upon other accounts, yet these Libels were only made use of to frighten them to surrender up their House: sure here are faults enough for one Paragraph.

XX. He gives us a long prospect of what Cromwel thought on,P. 160. and of what he should have thought on; both being alike true and equally judicious: then he goes on to tell us the Interests of the Duke of Cleves, and of his Sister's Qualities: and to shew us, how well he was informed of her greatest Secrets; he sayes, that she was fit for Marriage before she was twelve year old: but that tho she had been courted by many Princes, her Brother was resolved to reserve her for such an Alliance as might protect him against the House of Austria. She was a Lutheran, which did not please Henry,P. 164. yet at last the Marriage was agreed on, and She came to England,P. 166. and was married the third of Ianuary 1540. 1. She had been contracted to Prince of Lorraine, and tho this was really of no force in Law, yet it was afterwards pretended to dissolve her Marriage with Henry, as appears by the Sentence: So much is our Author a stranger to her Story, tho he would make us fancy that he had Memoirs concerning her from her Chambermaids, since he tells us when she was fit for Marriage. 2. I have often warned our Author to avoid the giving of Dates; for he is unhappy in them all: this Marriage was made the 6. of Ianuary, yet it is much for him to have hit the Moneth right; for he is not always so exact.

XXI. He says, The King was so well pleased with this Match, that immediately upon it,Ibid. he made Cromwel Great Chamberlain, and created him Earl of Essex, and made his Son a Lord. But this is so false, that the King from the time he saw Anne of Cleve, had an aversion for her; and intended once to have sent her away without Marrying her; and after he had married her, he told Cromwel how much he disliked her, and that he believed She was no Maid, and that her person was loathsom; so that he believed he should never be able to consummate the Marriage; so that Cromwel had rather reason to apprehend, that this proving so unhappy, it would be his Ruin. He was not made Earl of Essex till the April following; so that as this Marriage was too unlucky to do him any service, it seems it did not hurt him much neither.

XXII. He shews us, how well he understands our Constitutions, when he says,P. 166. That the Subsidy granted the King, was a Tenth and the Fourth part of a fifteenth: whereas it was a Tenth and Four Fifteenths.

XXIII. He says, That Cromwel having met with some Opposition by three members of Parliament, who were the Bishop of Chichester,P. 168. Dr. Wilson, and Frammer, a Merchant, he charged some false Crimes on them, and put them in prison: but he proceeded more severely against John Nevil, Knight of the Garter; for he subordned false Witnesses against him, so that he was beheaded.

1. The Bishop of Chichester comply'd with every thing that was done in Parliament, as appears by the Journal of the House of Lords: but some Correspondence that he held with the Court of Rome, being discovered about this time, he was put in prison; but upon his submission he was set at Liberty. 2. Wilson being a Clergyman, could not be of the House of Commons: and he was no Bishop, so that he could not be a Member of either House; but he was clapt up as a Compsice of the Bishop of Chichester's, and likewise set at liberty with him. Frammer is not named, there is indeed one Grunceter a Merchant named, who was condemned of Treason a year before this. 3. There was one Sr. Edward Nevil, a Knight, tho not of the Garter, who was indeed condemned and executed a year before this; but it was for being in a Confederacy with Cardinal Pool, and more particularly for having said, that the King was a Beast, and worst than a Beast. God only knows whether the Witnesses swore true or false against him.

XXIV. He tells us, That C • omwel, to fill up the measure of his Iniquities,,P. 169. got a Law to be made, by which he might easily dispatch all those who should oppose his Designs: which was, that any man condemned in absence, without being heard to justify himself, either in person, or by proxy, should be esteemed as justly condemned as if it had been done in the common form.

Here is indeed the great blemish of of King Henry's Reign, and of Cromwel's Ministry: but it is told in such a manner by Mr. Varillas, that it appears to be no extraordinary thing as he relates it. 1. There was no Law made about this, it was only practised by the Parliament, as the Legislative Body, without giving the common Courts of Judicature the power of using it. 2. The Condemning men in Absence has been always practised by our Law, when the Absence was wilful: and if Mr. Varillas accuses the putting men to death upon such a Sentence, it may probably be supposed to be an effect of his aversion to the King of England, and put here on design, to aggravate the Execution of Sr. Thomas Armstrong and the Duke of Monmouth, who were the two last that suffered being condemned in absence. 3. The Heinousness of this matter, which our Author shews he understood not, consists in this, that men who were in prison, were condemned upon the examination of Witnesses against them, without confronting them with their Witnesses, or bringing them to answer for themselves: now tho this was taken from the Holy Courts of Inquisition, and was only put in practise by the Parliament it self, yet I will not go about to soften, much less to justify a practice so contrary to the most Indispensable Rules of Equity and Morality.

XXV. He says, K. Henry being sooner disgusted at Anne of Cleve than he had been of his other Wives, dissolved the Marriage for two reasons; the one was, that she was Incapable of having children; and the other was her Heresy; to which the English Writers that favour Henry add two others; the one, that those of the League of Smalcald, would not receive the English into their Vnion; and the other, that K. Henry's Interests were then changed: to these four reasons he adds a fifth, that She had not that engaging Temper, that was necessary to charm Henry.

1. It is a strange thing to see an Historian mistake every thing, and that there should not be one single part of his work sound. The sentence annulling the K's. Marriage with Anne of Cleve is printed, according to the Record yet extant; in which, as there is not one of all the reasons mentioned by Mr. Varillas, so there are other Reasons that would have given him much better grounds to have censured this Action, than those he sets up, chiefly the second, which is, that K. Henry had not given an inward, clear, perfect, and entire consent to the Marriage, which I had laid open with the Indignation that so unjust a practice ought to raise in an Historian; since here a ground was laid down by which all Faith and Commerce among men is quite destroyed: so ill instructed was Mr. Varillas, that tho he had a mind to write a Satyr against K. Henry, he did not know where to take the true Advantages, that a man better Informed would have found if he writes Panegyricks, as he does Satyrs. Mr. Varillas will still be Mr. Varillas.

XXVI. He pretends, that Cromwell would not so far comply with the King's aversion to Anne of Cleves, P. 172. as to concur with him in the Divorce, which drew on him his Ruin.

His testimony was the fullest proof that the King made use of for obtaining the Divoce; but whether he consented to it or not, it cannot be known: if he refused to do it, he was so much the worthier man.

XXVII. He tells us a long story of the different Interests to which K. Henry was leaning;P. 176. at last he says, that Cromwellsigned a League in the Kings name with the German Princes, which some say, he did without the Kings knowledge, th • others say the contrary: upon which the Emperours Ambassadours reproached the King with it, but the King denying it, the discovery was made: and after a dressing up of the scene with more of his Visions, it ends in this, That Cromwell was put in Prison, yet he hoped to have justified himself for this Treaty, if he had been brought to make his Defence: but many other things besides this, were laid to his charge; and the Law that he had procured to be passed three moneths before this, of condemning men without hearing them, was applied to himself; so he was condemned and executed the 6. of Iuly; his body being cut up, as is usual to Traitors, and Quartered. And to justify all this he cites on the margin Cromwells Process. But that Process, or rather the Act of Parliament, that condemned him, is in print, taken from the Record, in which there is not one word of all this business, of signing a League with Forreign Princes without the Kings orders. 2. No such thing can be done according to our forms. Amhassadours that have formal powers can sign Leagues, but the Ministers about the King cannot bind him, nor sign Leagues without him: and no Prince would have either asked or accepted any such thing 3. All that is objected to Cromwell in his condemnation, is so Inconsiderable, that it is plain there was no great matter against him; some Malversations and illegal Warrants, some high boasting words, is all that is to be found in his Attaindor 4. There was no such Law ever made; for Parliaments do not make Laws, with relation to their own proceedings: but this practice was indeed begun, not three moneths, but a full year before this. 5. Mr. Varillas is incurable in his venturing upon Dates; for Cromwels Execution was not on the 6. but on the 18. of Iuly. 6. Cromwel was only beheaded; it is true the Hangman did it in a butcherly manner; but all the rest is fiction, and I am not much concerned whether Florimond or Mr. Varillas is the Contriver.

XXVIII. He says, Anne of Cleves was terrified with a Sentence of Death,P. 177. as being a Heretick, and that She was so far wrought on by that, as to become the Chief Instrument of her own Degradation; for She confessed that She had promised Marriage to another before King Henry had pretended to her; upon which her Marriage was dissolved, and She was sent back to Germany. I have already shewed the falsehood of this from the Sentence it self, that dissolved the Marriage. Nor did She ever go back to Germany, but stayd still in England, being contented with the appointments that were set off for her, and with the honour of being made the King's adopted Sister, which it seems was more supportable to her, than to return to her own Countrey with the Infamy of such a Degradation: which she indeed bore, either with the constancy of a great Philosopher, or with the insensibility of one that was extreamly stupid.

XXIX. He tells us of a new project of a Reconciliation with the Pope, P. 200. in which he is so particular, as to set down the Articles that were proposed, and King Henry's Exceptions to them: and he tells us at last, That King Henry stood so much on the point of Honour, that he thought it below his Dignity to make any Submission to the Pope.

All this is Fiction, without the least proof: for it does not appear, that after that proposition that was made upon Anne Bullen's fall, there was ever the least step made by either side in this matter. Our Author had heard there was one made, but not knowing where to place it, his fancy rambled about. Indeed the King was so much alienated from the Court of Rome, that Gardiner and Knevet being sent Ambassadours to the Diet at this time, one discovered to Knevet some secret Enterviews that had passed between Gardiner and the Legate: which Gardiner considered as so great an Injury to him, and as that which must have ruined him in the Kings spirit, that he prosecuted the Informer as a Slanderer, and got him to be put in Prison: concerning which, his Letters to the King are in print: which shew clearly, that there was no such Negotiation at this time on foot, otherwise those secret Enterviews could not have been such offensive things.

XXX. Mr. Varillas says, That the K. who would not submit himself so far as to confess his Sins,P. 202. did a much meaner thing; for he accused his Queen, Katherine Howard to the Parliament, for her disorders, both before and after her Marriage with Thomas Culper and Francis Dirham, and so her Head was cut off

There are few Writers that do not at some time or other tell things true; but Mr. Varillas must needs be an extraordinary person, and commit such Errors as no other man ever did before him. Catherine Howard's Incontinence was discovered, and proved many moneths before the Parliament met: nor would the King at all appear in the business, as it is expresly mentioned in the Record. It were too great an Honour to our Author, to insist on such small Faults as that he names the Persons wrong.

XXXI. Nor ought I to make any great Account of his Ignorance of our English Families, since he calls Catherine Parre Sister to the Earl of Essex, P. 203. who was Sister to the Marquis of Northampton; these things might indeed be forgiven him, if it were not that he sets them down to shew how well he is informed even in the smallest matters, which no doubt will make some Impression on Strangers, who do not know our Affairs, nor our Pedigrees.

XXXII. He reproaches the Emperour for making a League with Henry against Francis, P. 207. notwithstanding his Schism.

But why might not Charles the fifth do the same thing, that Francis had done for seven years together? It is known, that Francis was not so scrupulous as to decline the making of any League, that might be to his Advantage, not only with Schismaticks, but even with Mahometans: and some have been so malicious as to say, that this is a maxim that some of his Successors have thought fit to keep up and put in practise against the House of Austria.

XXXIII. Mr. Varillas tells us, That Richer was appointed to set on the King of Denmark against England,P. 293. and that he represented to him, that King Henry had taken occasion to come over to Picardy, at the same time that Charles the fifth entred into Champaigne with a formidable Army, and that K. Henry had besieged Bulloigne, and tahen it, therefore the K. of France resolved to make England the scene of the War: and that since he knew the great pretensions that the Crown of Denmark had upon England, which his Subjects had formerly conquered, he thought the present conjuncture proper for the renewing these: so he invited him to share with him, and to accept the Provinces that lay over against Denmark, while the French King should seise on those that lay nearer him. Now it is to be considered, that this was in the year 1542. as he warns us by his Margin; and all this is founded, as he told us in his Preface, on Richers Negotiation, of whose Relation he makes so great an account, telling us both that he was the first that negotiated according to form with the Kings of the North, and owning that he had drawn his thirteenth Book out of his Memoirs, in which there are some things that by the order of time had belonged to his fifth Book, but he had not seen those Memoirs when he writ his first Volum, therefore his Reader must forgive him if there is any disorder in the recital that he gives: and now from all this one would he disposed to believe, that there is some truth in this matter, and that he has really such a Book of Memoirs in his hands; but I need give no other proof to shew that all this is Imposture, save that Bulloign was not taken before the 18. of September 1544. so that all this Negotiation of Richers in 1542. must have been by the spirit of Prophesy. 2. The state of Denmark at that time must make this project appear very ridiculous, since they were far from being in a condition to set out great fleets, and make Conquests. 3. At this time Francis did indeed engage the King of Scotland to make an Invasion into the North of England, which was a more reasonable project: and that which our Author might have more justly guess't at, tho he had known nothing of it; for it was an easy thing to engage the Scots to fall into England, but that was too true and too natural, therefore our Author, who loves to elevate and surprise his Reader, would needs despise the Project in Scotland, and so would carry it over to Denmark. 4. It is also no less clear, that Francis was at that time in no condition to make a descent upon England, otherwise he used the Scots very ungratefully; for tho he had engaged them in the war, yet he left them to be overrun by the English without giving K. Henry any considerable diversion. 5. But our Authors setting on the King of Denmark to renew pretensions of five hundred year old, is of a piece with the Law at Metz: and when England will examin its Ancient pretensions to some Provinces in a neighbouring Kingdom, as it needs not go so far back, so it will not be put to found them on hostile descents and depredations, which was all the pretension that the Crown of Denmark could ever claim, but on clear and undisputed Rights: tho I confess they have been both discontinued and renounced; but I build on the modern Law, that neither Prescriptions, Treaties nor Oaths can cut off the Rights of a Crown, which are sacred and Inalienable.

Thus I have gone over his third Tome, and I think I have missed nothing that relates to English affairs. I confess I may have passed over some particulars that may perhaps lie Involved in other Relations, as this of Richers had almost escaped me. I have turned all his leaves over and over again to see for any thing that might relate to England. But I could not prevail with my self to read him all; for I am now past the Age of reading Romances.

XXXIV. Mr. Varillas begins his discourse concerning English Affairs in his fourth Tome, P. 62. with a Character of K. Henry's cruelty, that deserves indeed to be put in Capitals; he says, that during his Sickness, his Conscience had time to reproach him, with the 2. Cardinals, the 3. Archbishops, the 18. Bishops, the 14. Arch deacons, the 500. Priests, Abbots, and Priors, the 60. Canons, and 50. Doctors, 12. Dukes, Earles, or Barons, 29. Knights, 336. Gentlemen, and almost an Infinite number of people, whom he had put to death for establishing his Primacy over the Church of England. And because all this was so remarkable, he would not put the numbers in Ciphers, but in words at large; and by the exactness of his small numbers, a man that is not aquainted with his Talent, would be tempted to think this might be true: but what will he say, if of all those ten Items, besides the great Et cetera of the Infinit number, there is not one that is either true or near truth. 1. Fisher was the only person that can be called a Cardinal, that was put to death. 2. There was not one Archbishop that suffered; and tho the Archbishop of York concurred in the Yorkshire Rebellion, yet the King included him in the Indemnity. 3. There was not one Bishop that suffered, unless he subdivides Fisher, as he did Charles the fifth, and makes both a Cardinal and a Bishop out of him. 4. There is not an Archdeacon to be found among all that died in this Reign. 5. For the 500 Priests, Abbots and Priors, there were only 9. Abbots, 3. Priors, 18. Priests, and 9. Monks that suffered, which according to my Arithmetick makes only 39: but an Imagination that multiplies as Mr. Varillas's does, can swell this up to 500. 6. There is but one among all that suffered that can be thought a Canon, Crofts, that is designed in the Record Chancellor of Exeter. 7. There is but one Doctor, unless Fisher comes into the account again. 8. All of the Nobility that were executed during this reign, were one Duke, a Marquis, 3. Earls, and 3. Lords, which make 8. but this comes the nearest his number; yet since the Marquis that suffered was K. Henry's Cosen german, he might have put Marquises among the degrees of the Peers that he reckons up, as well as the rest. 9. There were only ten Knights that were put to death; so the 19. more are of his creating. 10. There are ouly 33. others that suffered, of which some were only Yeomen to make up his 336. Gentlemen; and now I have set down the list exactly of all that died by the hand of justice in this Reign: so that there is not a man left for his &c. of almost an Infinite number of people. But besides this, all these except only 12. persons, suffered either for being in actual Rebellion, or for entring into Conspiracies for the raising of one; so small was the number of those who suffered for denying the Kings Supremacy, and even of these a distinction is to be considered, which I must explain, because some have fancied, that I had contradicted my self in different parts of my History, having said in some places, that none suffered for not acknowledging the Kings Supremacy, and having set forth in other places, that men died for denying it. But the refusing to swear the Oath of supremacy was only punishable at first with a Premunire, that is loss of liberty and Goods, so that those who suffered were not condemned for refusing to swear that Oath, but for their having spoken against the Supremacy: now the refusing to swear it, and the speaking against it, are two different things; which some have confounded. It is true, afterwards a Law was made, declaring it to be High Treason to refuse to swear the Supremacy. But no man ever suffered upon that Law; for no man ever refused it after that Law was made. And thus we see what we may expect from our Author after such a beginning.

XXXV. He says, King Henry seemed to repent of what he had done when he was near death,P. 63. and that he spake with Gardiner concerning it, who upon that advised him to call a Parliament. But the Falsehood of this is too visible; for there was a Parliament then sitting, which was dissolved by the King's Death.

XXXVI. He says, The Church of the Franciscans was opened in London,Ibid. 25. dayes before his death; and he had said before, that King Henry was 57. years of Age compleat when he dyed. P. 61 This Church that he represents as the Cordelier's Church, was indeed opened; but it was in order to the making it an Hospital, and was no more the Cordeliers Church. But now I will shew Mr. Varillas, how just I am to him; for I think I am bound to take notice that this date is right: For tho it is of no great consequence, yet it is the first that I have found him give true: and perhaps it is true, because it is of no consequence: but he is above a full year wrong in a matter of greater importance, which is King Henry's Age; for he was born the 28. of Iune 1491. so on the 27. Ianuary or the 28. for he dyed in the night between them 1547. he wanted five moneths of six and fifty: So natural is it for Mr. Varillas to mislead his Reader in every thing.

XXXVII. He says, The disorder of the Kings Marriages, and the three Children that he had by three of them,P. 63. gave grounds to apprehend a Civil War upon his death, against which he provided by putting his only Son Edward first in the Succession. But out of what part of our Authors study of the Law, did he find this, that a Son of an unquestioned Marriage on all hands, could receive any opposition from two Sisters, both born in Marriages that had been questioned. The Succession had been also expresly regulated by Act of Parliament, and the Kings power of disposing of it by his Testament was only in default of all his own Children, or of issue by them.

XXXVIII. He gives us a character of the Duke of Somerset, that shews how well he knew him:P. 64. he says, He had an Extraordinary Capacity, and a Penetration of Spirit superiour to the greatest Affairs. The D. of Somerset was indeed a man of great probity; but his Capacity and Penetration of Spirit were far from Extraordinary. Mr. Varillas thought those strokes were magnificent, so he did not trouble himself, whether they were true or false.

XXXIX. Mr. Varillas tells us, that Somerset represented to the English Nobility,P. 65. the inconvenience of having 16. Governours for their young King, as King Henry had determined it: and that three parts of four of these were most zealous for reconciling England to the See of Rome; and so no doubt they would breed up the King in those sentiments, and by consequence as soon as the King came of Age, he would annul all that his Father had done, which would ruin the whole Nobility: and that since it was much fitter to have only one Regent, he engaged to them, that if they would pitch on him, he should take care of the Kings Education, and should be so far from disturbing the Nobility in the possession of the Church Lands, that he should grant them all the Ratifications that should be necessary: all this was so well received, that King Henry's true Testament was suppressed, and a new one was forged, by which Somerset was declared Regent and Protector; which surprised all those who had the chief Interest to maintain the Government during the Minority, in the state in which King Henry had left it.

1. King Henry died the 28. of Ianuary, upon which the young King was presently brought up to London, and upon the first of February Somerset was declared Protector. 2. This was not done by the Interposition of the Nobility, but by the consent of the major part of the sixteen Governours, whom King Henry had named; and the Original Instrument of this under all their hands is yet extant. 3. There was no new Will forged; for that which was then published, was the same that made all the sixteen equal in power: and Somerset had the Title of Protector given him by these only, with this express condition, that he should do nothing without the Advice and Consent of the rest. Nor was it ever pretended, that King Henry had ordered it so by his Will: so all that Negotiation with the Nobility, is to pass for a Fiction of Mr. Varillas's, or of some other that is about his pitch of sincerity.

XL. He says, Vrisly the Chancellour was the only person that complained of this;P. 67. but that was made use of as a pretence to send him away from the Court.

1. Wriothesley the Chancellour perhaps did not like Somerset's Advancement; but he signed it with the rest. 2. The pretext upon which he was turned out, was the passing an illegal Patent, for divolving the Execution of his Office, in the matters of Justice to some other persons, which being contrary to Law, he to redeem himself from a further Censure, resigned his place.

XLI. He says, Somerset forbad the Bishops to confer Orders without the Kings permission,P. 68. and made them come up to London to obtain it, and that he granted it only for a limited time, and during pleasure: and that he forced the new Preachers to take their Mission for it under the Kings Name: and by this means he hindred those to preach who were able to defend the Catholick Doctrines. And for the Proof of all this he cites the Ordonnances of Edward the Sixth. There is a particular misfortune on Mr. Varillas in all he writes; for tho there was indeed an Act of Parliament, passed before the end of this Year, that did very much subject the Bishops in many things to the Regal power; yet there is a special exception in it of Collations, or Presentations to Benefices, and of Letters of Orders, in which no Limits were set them. 2. The Licences that were given to Preachers, were only Civil things, being Permissions to preach; but there was nothing of Mission pretended to be in them. 3. Tho the King did Licence some Preachers, to preach in any part of England, yet the Bishops retained still their Authority of granting them within their own Diocesses. 4. That which Mr. Varillas perhaps relates to, in some parts of this Period, is, that under King Edward, the Bishops were obliged to take out new Commissions from the King, such as they had taken out under King Henry, for holding their Bishopricks during the Kings pleasure. This Bonner, and some of the other Popish Bishops, had first set on foot under King Henry, hoping by so abject a Submission to gain much credit with him: but Cranmer prevailed so far as to get this to be quickly laid aside. And now all these things shew that our Author is still as careful as he was in his Citations.

XLII. He pretends, That Cranmer set out at this time a Catechism, which inclined more to the Lutheran Doctrine,P. 69. upon which the Protector looked down upon him, not thinking it fit to carry his displeasure farther. Cranmer could not know to what the Protector's coldness was to be ascribed, but fancying that a further Declaration of himself was expected, he professed himself a Lutheran, and took a Wife, whom he had seduced while he was in Germany, and had entertained ever after as a Concubine.

1. Cranmer did not set out his Catechism, till about two years after his. 2. Somerset and He were always in a very perfect Friendship. 3. He had married his Wise before he came out of Germany, and had owned it to King Henry. It is true, upon the Act of the six Articles he had sent her over to Germany, so that all he did at this time, was only to bring her over again, and to own her more publickly.

XLIII. I pass over what he says here of Latimers Degradation, having reflected on that formerly: he says, P. 77. The Duke of Sommerset set two men about the King for his Education; the one was Richard Croc, and the other was John Cheek, a Libertin, that every day gave new cause of Scandal.

But 1. These who were trusted with the Education of King Edward, were no other than those that his Father had set about him, ever since he was six Year old, as is set down by that young King in the Iournal of his own Life, writ with his own hand. 2. Our Author it seems knows both their Names and their Characters alike; for he, whom he calls Croc, was Cox; and for Sr. Iohn Cheek, he was not only one of the learnedest, but was esteemed one of the vertuousest Gentlemen of his Age: he was indeed prevailed on thro fear, to sign an Abjuration of his Religion in Queen Mary's days; but that did so strike him, that he not only went out of England quickly, and made an open Retractation of what he had done, but was so affected with the sense of it that he could never overcome it, but fell into a Languishing, of which he soon after died.

XLIV. He says, that Bucer avowed to the Duke of Northumberland, that he did not believe all that was said of Jesus Christ in the New Testament. P. 96.

1. Sanders, who very probably made this Story, said, it was to the Lord Paget▪ that Bucer said this; but now the man is changed. 2. If this had been said to the Duke of Northumberland, it is very probable that when he declared his Aversion to the Reformed Religion, and to the Preachers of it, at his death, this, which was beyond all other things, would have been mentioned. 3. Or at least, when Bucer's Process was made, and his Body burnt, this would have been very probably made use of, if the Lye had been then made. 4. No man of that Age writ with a greater sense of the Kingdom of Christ, than Bucer did, in the Book on that subject which he writ for King Edward's use.

XLV. He tells us, that on the fourth of November, 1547. at London, Ibid. a new form of Religion was set up, which as to the Doctrine was almost the same with Calvinism; but they retained the Rites and the exterior of Lutheranism; they appointed all the Church-Lands of England to be annexed to the Crown, and never to be again dissolved from it: they also appointed, that there should be a new form of Administring the Sacraments, different from the Roman: that Bishops and Priests should be ordained by this Form: that Images, which were yet held in reverence in some places, for the Miracles that had been wrought before them, should be taken away; and the Kings Arms put in their stead: that the Roman Missal should be abolished, and that the Sacrament should be given in both kinds; and in fine, that the Divine Offices, and above all the Canon of the Liturgy, should be said only in English, tho the Irish and Welsh, who were almost as numerous as the English, understood that Langage no more than they did the Latin. And thus by a Revolution that will appear almost incredible to those who know perfectly the Genius of the English Nation, they peaceably changed their Religion, under a Minority, without any Opposition.

Here much patience is requisite to read or examin such a confusion of matters, as Mr. Varillas gives us all at once. But 1. The new form of Religion was not set out till five year after this, in the year 1552. 2. The Church-Lands were never annexed to the Crown; but Mr. Varillas's mistake is, that those Chantry-Lands, that had not been suppressed by King Henry, were indeed given to King Edward by an Act that passed not the fourth of November, but the fourteenth of December, 1547. 3. The new form of Administring the Sacraments was not set out till the fifteenth of Ianuary, 1549. 4. The new form of Ordinations was not set out before the year 1550. 5. Images were ordered to be all removed by an Order from the Council the eleventh of February 1548. 6. There was never an Order made for setting up the King's Arms in the Churches, tho it was done in most places. 7. Our Author had said, that a new form of Administring the Sacraments different from the Roman was appointed, and now as in a new Article he tells us, that the Roman Missal was abolished; but this is one of the Indications from which we may measure his profound Judgment. 8. He puts at the end, that the Sacrament was appointed to be given in both kinds, whereas this was done first of all in an Act that past the twentieth of December, 1547. 9. He very learnedly makes a distinction between the Divine Offices, and the Canon of the Liturgy, tho as they are in themselves one and the same thing, they are likewise used promiscuously in England. 10. The Law for the Service in English did not extend to Ireland, and care was taken to put it quickly into Welch. 11. It seems he knows the estimate of our Numbers as well as he does other things, who says, the Welch and Irish are as many almost as the English; whereas they are not perhaps above the tenth man to the English. 12. Thus we see his fruitful fourth of November, 1547. which he had made so productive, is stript of all, and not any one of all those great Changes belongs to it. But to comfort Mr. Varillas a little, I will tell him, that the Parliament that enacted one or two of the things he names, was indeed opened the fourth of November, 1547. but it is long after a Parliament is opened, before an Act is passed: and thus it appears, that all that sudden change, was a Dream of our Author.

XLVI. He says, There were five Bishops, London, Winchester, Duresm,P. 97. Chichester, and Worcester, and some of the most learned in the House of Commons, that opposed these things; but yet as soon as they were decreed, they complyed, and professed the new Religion.

There were many of the other Bishops that opposed them, as well as those five; nor did they ever concur with that which he calls the new Religion; for they were all turned out of their Bishopricks before the year 1552. in which the Articles of our Religion were agreed on, and set out by Authority. So that if our Author had known the Story better, he should have valued them as Confessors; for tho they comply'd in a great many things, yet it appers that they were still true to their old perswasions; upon which they fell in trouble, and were not only turned out illegally, but kept in prison for several years, till Queen Mary set them at liberty.

XLVII. He says, that King Henry had ordered the Bible to be printed correctly,P. 98. and that he had put with it Erasmus's last Paraphrase on the New Testament; but the Duke of Somerset found this Translation did not agree so well with the Doctrine of the Sacramentary's, so he ordered a new Translation to be made, that was more favorable to their figurative expressions. At which the Press • s wrought so long, till there was not only a sufficient number of Copies printed off for all the Parish Churches, but likewise for all that could read.

There was no new Translation of the Bible thought on during this reign; for that was done in Queen Elisabeth's time: so that King Henry's continued all this Reign. Nor had King Henry put Erasmus's Paraphrase either with the Bible, or in the Churches; for that was done by the Duke of Somerset; and Gardiners Letters to him are yet extant and in print, complaining of that Paraphrase in a great many particulars. So constantly mistaken is our Au • hor even in matters concerning which it had been easy for him to have found better Information.

XLVIII. Mr. Varillas tells us, that the Archbishop of York, and the Bishops of Chester,Ibid Mena and Sadore comply'd outwardly as Sacramentaries; but lived in the secret practice of the Catholick Religion: Somerset was informed of this, so he ordered some to tell them, that they were the only Prelates of England, that were opposite to the publick Religion: and therefore the King desired to be satisfied in that matter: so the tryal that was required of them, was, that they should marry: which tho it was somewhat uneasy, to men past threescore, yet they comply'd, even in this: and Somerset having by this means rendred them very contemptible, did not only banish them, but put them in prison: and he treated other Bishops in the same manner for their defending the Catholick Religion in full Parliament, tho they had done it very feebly.

1. I find Mr. Varillas is as Ignorant in Geography, as he is in Chronology: for among all the Bishopricks of England he will neither find Mena nor Sadore. 2. There is indeed an Island, that lyes between England and Ireland, that is a Soveraignty, belonging to the Earl of Derby. But the Island is Man, or in Latin Mona, but was never called Mena. In this Island there is a Bishop, who is called Bishop of Man, but he writes it in Latin Sodore: so this is wrong put by Mr. Varillas Sadore; yet these may be faults of the press: but the making two Bishopricks out of one, and the making this Bishop subject to the King of England, and receiving Orders from the Protector, are Faults that he cannot turn over upon his Compositor. 3. It does not appear that either the Archbishop of York, or the Bishop of Chester, did ever oppose any thing in Parliament: for tho many of the other Bishops voted against the changes that were made in matters of Religion, as appears by the Journals of the House of Lords, yet these two concurred in every thing: and all Henry's time, Holgate was considered still as one united to Cranmer, and he was by his Interest raised to the See of York: as for the Bishop of Chester, I confess, I know no particulars. 4. It is true that they were both married; for I found a Commission issued out by Queen Mary for turning them out, because of their Marriage: but it is certain, that they were neither in disgrace, nor in prison, all King Edwards Reign: for the Archbishop of York was all this while in High Favour. 5. England is not a Countrey in which the displeasure of a Regent, or even Letters under the Cachet can either banish or imprison men, chiefly when that is founded only on some suspitions. No; it is a Countrey governed by Law: but it seems Mr. Varillas had his head full of somewhat nearer him when he writ this.

XLIX. He sets out the Constancy of Queen Mary, during her Brothers Reign,P. 100, 101, 102. and that She continued firm in the Religion of her Ancestors: that tho Somerset brought the Italian Divines Martyr and Ochin to her, to convince her, She answered all their Objections with great vigor; She spoke stoutly to Somerset; She interrupted the Privy Councellours, when they spoke to her of those matters; and She would • ever hear any of their Sermons, but one only. In short, that she threatned those, that threatned her: and told them, a time would come in which they should answer for that. Her constancy was such, that at last Somerset desired only, that she would at least shut her Chappel doors when Mass was said; but even in that she satisfied him as little as in other things.

Here are so many lovely strokes, that it is a great Pity they are all false. 1. Some Letters past between the Protector and her, that are in print; but it does not appear that ever he spoke to her upon this subject. 2. She never pretended to be of the Religion of her Ancestors; but by all her Letters she declared, she was of the Religion that her Father had setled: and she always insisted on his Laws, pretending that in a Minority they could not be altered. 3. She spoke French well, and understood Latin; but she could neither speak Italian, nor Latin: so she could have no conversations neither with P. Martyr, nor Ochin: nor is this named among all the Letters that were writ concerning this business. 4. She would never hear any one Sermon; so here the Character was as much slackened, as it was raised in the other parts of this paragraph. For when Bishop Ridley went to her, and offered to preach before her, she told him plainly, that she would never hear any one of them. 5. The Princess was too discreet to threaten her Brothers Ministers, or to talk of a time in which they might be called to an account for what they did: for such Language never comes from Collateral Heirs, unless they are extream indiscreet. 6. The great dispute with the Princess, fell out after Somerset's disgrace, and was chiefly set on by the King her Brother, who could hardly be prevailed with by the Privy Conncil, to consent to her having Mass still said in her Chappel; and after he had talked with her himself upon that matter, he sets down these words concerning the Resolution that was taken, in his Journal. The Bishops of Canterbury,The 20th▪ day of March 1550. London, Rochester, did consider, to give licence to sin was sin: to suffer and wink at it for a time, might be born, so all hast possible might be used.

L. He says, There was no appearance that King Edward could live till he should be of Age,P. 103. so that Princess Mary was considered not only as the Presumptive, but as the necessary Heir of the Crown. But at this time the Prince of Spain lost his Wife, and Charles the fifth comforted himself with the hopes of uniting England to his other Dominions by marrying his Son to her; so that Emperour resolved to protect her, and sent Vargas both to entreat, and if that prevailed not, to threaten Somerset, in case he gave any further disturbance to her, upon which he was forced to let that matter fall.

All this is so false, that the Emperour set on a Treaty of Marriage for the Princess with the Prince of Portugal, of which I gave an account in my History: but since that time a Volum of Original Letters has been sent me by the Heirs of Sr. Philip Hobby, who was then Ambassadour in the Emperours Court: in which I find more particulars relating both to this Marriage, and to the Princesses permission for having Mass in her House. There is one Letter, dated the 19. of March, 1550. signed by all the Council, in which they write, that since the Infant of Portugal was only the Kings Brother, they give up the Treaty for the Match: yet the Emperour insisted on the Proposition that he had made: so there is another Original Letter, dated the 20. of April thereafter, in which they desire to hear all the particulars that related to the Infant of Portugal, and in that they write, That as for the Lady Mary's Mass, they had formerly connived at it, but now stricter Laws were made: they had connived so long, hoping that at last she would be prevailed upon: but that a diversity of Rites in matters of Religion was not tolerable, therefore they would grant her no Licence, yet they would connive at her a little longer: but She abused the young Kings Goodness, for she kept as it were open Church both for her Servants and Neighbours. They therefore conclude, wishing that the Emperour would give her good Advice in this matter. This Letter of which I had the Original long in my hands, is signed by ten Privy Councellours, and will be I suppose a little better believed, than the quotation that Mr. Varillas sets on his Margin of Vargas's Negotiation; and all this was transfacted after the Duke of Somersets Disgrace.

LI. He tells us a long story of the methods that the Admiral used to compass the Marriage of the Queen Dowager: P. 122. and the ways he took to engage his Brother Somerset, to consent to it. Somerset moved it to the King, who consented to it likewise, so that the Marriage was made up in hast, and without any solemnity.

Mr. Varillas knows this matter, as he does other things, notwithstanding the shew he makes, by citing on the Margin the Relation of that Intrigue, which is another of his Impostures; for by the Articles that were objected to the Admiral, which are in print, and of which the Original is yet extant in the Council Book, it appears that the Admiral had first courted the Kings Sister Elisabeth, and that failing in this design, he afterwards married the Queen Dowager so secretly, that none knew of it, and so indecently, that if she had become with Child, soon after the marriage, there would have been a great doubt whether the Child should have been accounted K. Henry's or His: that he kept the Marriage long secret, & he prevailed with the King to write to the Q. Dowager, and with his Brother to speak to her in his Favour: and when all this was done, then the Marriage was declared. So that all his Fictions of Somerset's design of marrying his Daughter to the King, and of the Remonstrances that the Admiral made to his Brother, as well as his Citation, are manifestly false.

LII. He sets out the common story of the Dutchess of Somerset's Disputing the Place with the Q. Dowager: P. 125. and as if it had been a great Affair, he spends two Pages arguing both their Pretensions. He reckons up the Duke of Somersets Dignities, 1. He was the Kings Governour. 2. He was Regent of the Kingdom. 3. He was Protector of the English Nation, a dignity inferiour to none of the other, which was not much inferiour to the Dictatorship among the Ancient Romans: and on the other hand, the Admiral was the second Office of the Crown, and a Charge for Life. So that here was as he thought a Section fit to be copied out by those who would treat of Precedence. But 1. I have shewed fully, that all this quarrel of Precedence among the Ladies seems a Fiction; for it is not mentioned in all that time. 2. The Offices of state in England, do not communicate any Honour to the Wife: So that the Queen Dowager had either still her rank of Queen Dowager, or she was only a Baroness, her Husband the Admiral being only a Baron. As the Dutchess of Somerset had only the rank of a Dutchess. 3. It is clear that the Q. Dowager retained her rank, and was mentioned in all the publick Prayers, even before the Kings Sister. 4. All those three places that Mr. Varillas gives Somerset, were but one single Office, and held by one single Patent; for to be Protector and Regent is the same thing in England. His comparing the Protectors Dignity to that of the Roman Dictators, is another stroke of his ill-will to the Crown of England; for among the Romans all other Offices ceased, when there was a Dictator: so if this were in the English Law, here were a short way of Dethroning our Kings. 5. The Admiral is far from being the second Office of the Crown; for it only has the Precedence of all those that are of the same rank; so that the Admiral was only in rank the first Baron of England: and tho the great Navyes that have been built since that time, have made it indeed the first Office, as to the real value of it, yet it was but an ordinary elevation when there were no Royal Fleets. 6. The Admiral's charge is forfeitable as well as any other in England, and of this a remarkable Instance appeared in the year 1673. 7. The true occasion of the Quarrel between the Brothers, was, that tho the Protector was Governour of the King's person, yet these two trusts had been sometimes divided: so the Admiral pretended to be made the Governour of the King's person, and this gave his Brother just cause of Jealousy. He had engaged all that were about the King in his Interests, and had once got the young King to write a Letter to the Parliament, recommending it to them. The Protector was twice willing to be reconciled to him, after great Quarrellings; but his Ambition was incurable. Now since all this Process and the Articles against the Admiral are printed from the Original Records, it is like Mr. Varillas to falsify this matter as he does.

LIII. He tells a long Story, of a Sermon of Latimers, in which he named the Admiral as one that disturbed the Regency: and this was done by Somerset's direction;P. 129. yet he seemed offended when it was told him; and sent for Latimer, and ordered him to retract that which he had said concerning his Brother. But Latimer reply'd boldly, that he knew the Admiral had layd a design against the Kings Life, which he thought himself bound to discover: upon this the Duke of Somerset ordered the Iudges to take his deposition; yet he threatned to proceed against him with the utmost severity, if he were found to be a false Accuser Latimer had his Witnesses laid, and the Conspiracy was proved, upon which Somerset seemed to be very much troubled; yet he said, he must prefer the King's safety to all Considerations whatsoever: so he signed a Warrant for his Brothers Imprisonment, his process upon that was made, and he was found guilty of High Treason, and condemned to be quartered, which was accordingly executed the 20. of March, 1549.

I do not know how it comes that in such a series of Falsehoods, our Author has hit the date right: but it is the only circumstance of this whole Recital that is true. For 1. It is true Latimer in a Sermon at Court reflecting on the Atheism of some about the King, described the Admiral, who was a man that laughed at Religion: but this had nothing to do with the State, and nothing followed upon it. 2. The Admiral had broke out the former year, and thought to have made a Rent in the Parliament: yet that had been made up, and Somerset had made him a very considerable grant out of the Lands of the Crown; but he laid his design next year deeper, he bought Magasins of Arms, and listed many men: he intended to have carried away the King, and had ordered much False Money to be coined: so that all this being discovered, he was clapt in the Tower: yet a moneth past before the matters against him were brought in to the Parliament: and during that time, Somerset tryed, if it was possible to bring him to a better mind, but all was in vain. 3. He was not tryed by a Common Court of Peers, but was condemned by Act of Parliament. 4. There was not a word said in the whole Process, of any Design on the Kings Life: on the contrary, he had gained so much upon the young King, that this gave the greatest jealousy of all. 5. He was not quartered, but only beheaded: for the Original warrant for his Execution is yet extant in the Books of Council, signed by all the Privy Councellours, that mentions expresly, that he should be beheaded, and that his Head and Body should be buried in the Tower. And now is not Mr. Varillas a very Credible Author?

LIV. Our Author sets down the Agony, into which the Admiral's Death threw his Wife, and after he had turned this as Romantically as he could,P. 131. he makes her to dye, so soon after her Husband, that She was buried at the same time with him.

But if Mr. Varillas had seen the Articles upon which the Admiral was condemned, he would have found that the Queen Dowager was dead long before, (for she died in the September preceding, and as was suspected of poison) and that after her death, he had renewed his pretensions to the Kings second Sister, Elisabeth, which is reckoned among his Crimes, as it was certainly a very great one: and is it not now a great pity to see so tender a stroke in the Romance spoiled?

LV. Mr. Varillas tells us a long story of the Earl of Warwick's Designs to dismount Somerset: P. 133. for doing which the two occasions that presented themselves were, First, the taking of several Forts in the Bolognese, and that as the English had often failed in observing the Law of Nations, so the French treated them in the same manner, and put all that they took Prisoners, to the edge of the Sword: that the English Souldiers who came over, complained that the Forts that were lost, could not be longer desended for want of Provisions; that upon this Warwick advised some Malecontents, to demand the calling of a Parliament: and perswaded Somerset likewise to agree to it. The other was a general Insurrection that was among the Commons of England against the Nobility: upon which Warwick likewise pressed Somerset to call a Parliament. So the Members were all chosen by the Earl of Warwicks Means. There appeared before them more Accusers and Witnesses against the Duke of Somerset, than was needful for destroying him: upon which he was put in prison the 14. of October 1549.

How it comes that Mr. Varillas has thus given two Dates one after another true, amidst so much falsehood, is that which amases me. But the rest of this Section is writ in his ordinary strain. Yet before I open that, I will take the liberty to set down a passage relating to King Henry the Seconds invading the Bolognese, which I have found in an Original Letter of the Councils, writ to Sr. Philip Hobby, tho Mr. Varillas will perhaps tell me upon it, that I have done an irreparable Injury, to the Memory of that King. In that Letter, that bears date the seventh of September, 1549. and is signed by the Duke of Somerset and seven other Councellors, they write, That the King of France had corrupted two, that had the Charge of one of the Forts, which was by that means lost, and this occasioned the loss of the other Forts; they were surprised with this Invasion: for on the 20. of July last, the French King had promised to their Ambassadour, par la foy d'un Gentilhomme, that he would not make War without giving warning first: and yet he having heard of the Progress of the Insurrections that were in the several parts of England, broke his word four days after he made it.

That was indeed thought strange in those dayes, but in our days it would not appear extraordinary: since we have seen promises publickly made, and broken in the very time▪ in which they were made.

But now to return to Mr. Varillas, 1. He forgot to mention the Western Rebellion, that hapned a little before that rising of the Commons against the Gentry: tho this was not kindly done of him, since it was by his Friends, the Zealous Catholicks, who declared openly, that the change made in Religion, was the reason of their rising. 2. There was no demand made of a Parliament; nor was there any need of calling or choosing one; for there was one then on foot, running in a Prorogation. 3. Those Insurrections were all quieted before there was any opposition made to the Duke of Somerset's Government. 4. He was not at all questioned in Parliament; but in Council; for the greatest part of the Councellors went to London, and joyned with the City to demand the King out of his hands, whom he had carried to Windsor: and he finding that he was not able to stand against so strong a party, submitted himself to them, upon which he was not only turned out of his Protectorship, but was also sent to the Tower. And is not Mr. Varillas a fit person to undertake the writing of History, who does not know the most Publick and the most Important transactions of those times.

LVI. The next time that Mr. Varillas returns to English Affairs,P. 298. he tells us, that Dudley, Earl of Warwick, made head against the Duke of Somerset, and threw him out of the Government, clapt him in prison, and cut off his Head, according to form.

Now I lookt over and over again to see if there was an a linea here, because there was an Interval of two years between: for the Duke of Somerset came again into a share in the Government, with the rest, and was not beheaded before Ianuary, 1552. above two year after this. Mr. Varillas had excused the like Error in another place, by telling me, that he had begun a linea. And so by that, I should have known that there was an Interval of two years: but that being omitted here, I hope he will forgive my taking notice of it.

LVII. After this he gives a long Negotiation between Dudley now Duke of Northumberland, P. 300. and the Court of France: which I must conclude to be all a Fiction; for I never saw the least mark of any thing like it, in all the Papers of that time. There is in this a lovely dash of a Pen in the character of Mr. de Novailles, which no doubt Mr. Varillas hopes will draw him some Recompence from his Heirs. It is the greatest that can possibly be given, but it is certain, that it is as true as the other things that our Author gives out so liberally: he says, that his foresight went so far,P. 301. that the first advance that those who treated with him made, was sufficient to make him discover that which lay hid in their Intentions what care soever they took to disguise them. But I allow him to go on in such excessive praises, only I wish he were a little less excessive, in something else, that I will not name.

LVIII. He pretends here, That both King Edward's Sisters, Elisabeth, as well as Mary,P. 302. made open Profession of the Catholick Religion. The contrary to this is so well known, that tho it was often objected to Queen Elisabeth, that she had dissembled her Religion in her Sister Queen Mary's time, it was never so much as once objected to her, that she had professed Popery in King Edward's time.

LIX. After a series of things that are equally true and pertinent, he tells us,P. 310. that when the D. of Northumberland got the Marriage of Jean Grey for his Son Guilford; her two Sisters were married to the Earles of Pembrok and Huntington.

But I have warned him not to medle with Genealogies: yet nothing will prevail upon him. The Duke of Northumberland married his second Daughter to the Earl of Huntington, his eldest having married to Sidney, the Earl of Leicester's Ancestor, in whose Arms King Edward dyed. Lady Iean Gray's second Sister was indeed marryed to the Earl of Pembrok's eldest Son, and her third Sister that was crooked, was married to one Keyes, an ordinary Gentleman.

LX. He says, upon this nothing remained for the Duke of Northumberland to do,Ibid. but to forge a Testament for King Edward, by which both his Sisters and the Queen of Scotland were excluded from the Succession: his Sisters as being both Bastards; and the Queen of Scotland because born out of the Kingdom: so that the Succession came to the Dutchess of Suffolk's Daughters.

All this with all the other particulars mentioned by Mr. Varillas, which are too many to be set down, are all false. In the Declaration that King Edward made, there is no special exclusion of his Sisters, or of the Queen of Scots, tho they are in effect excluded, the Daughters of Suffolk being declared the next Heirs. 2. This was not done by a Testament, but by a Declaration made in Council, all writ with the King's own Hand; upon which an Act of Council was also signed by all the Board: and then Letters Patents were passed under the Seal conform to it. 3. There was no possibility of Forgery here, for it was done too solemnly to admit of that: and here I will publish the discovery that I have made in that matter, since I writ my History. The Original Paper all writ with K. Edward's own Hand, and the original Act of Council, signed by all the Council, have come into my Hands: and as I kept them long enough by me, to shew them to many persons, so I have thought fit to publish them here, as Papers that are extremely curious: and I would gladly do somewhat that may be a better entertainment to the Reader, than the constant discovery of a series of Errors, which come so thick one upon another, that there is not any one part sound.

By these Evidences it will appear that what Faults soever may be charged on the Memory of the Duke of Northumberland, this of forging King Edward's Testament is none of them.

LXI. He says, the D. of Northumberland obliged all Mary and Elisabeth's Friends to abandon them, P. 312. and made them be kept as close Prisoners in Hunsden-Castle, as if they had been Criminals. But these two Sisters were never so good Friends as to live together. 2. They were both so free with their Families, that Princess Mary was on her way to see King Edward, and on the road she met the news of his Death.

LXII. He says, It was five moneths past from the time of Northumberland's Son's marrying L. Jean Gray,P. 313. when K. Edward died on the sixth of Iuly. There was but five weeks past, for they were married in the beginning of Iune, but on what day of Iune it is not certain, for ought I know.

LXIII. He tells us, that Northumberland concealed King Edwards death as long as he could: and that some days after that, P. 314. Jean Gray made a magnificent Entry thro London, and then came on the War with Queen Mary. But this whole business lasted only nine dayes; from whence it is thought that the English Proverb of a Nine days wonder, took its beginning. So he ought to manage this time a little better: Indeed this Phantasm of Lady Iean Gray, as it disappeared soon, so it never had force enough to pretend to any Magnificence: two dayes after King Edward's Death, she was conveyed secretly to the Tower of London, out of which she never came; for after a weeks Pageantry of her Queenship, she was kept there till her Head was cut off.

LXIV. Mr. Varillas, who will always discover the secretest springs of mens thoughts, pretends to tell us,P. 315. that the ground of the hatred that the Nation bore to the Duke of Northumberland, was his rendring of Bulloigne to the French. And here he tells us in his way (that is, with an equal measure of Ignorance and Presumption) the various Reflections that the English made on that •• tter. But as for the rendring of •• lloigne, it was indeed necessary, since 〈◊〉 Forts that covered it, had been ta •• n: and this having fallen out during •• merset's Ministry, the blame of this •• ss was laid wholly on him. 2. There •• ere several Sessions of Parliament af •• r that rendition, which fell out im • ediately upon the Duke of Somerset's all; and a new one was called in the •• d of this Reign, yet no complaint • as ever made in Parliament upon •• at head. 3. The Duke of Northum • erland was less guilty of it than any of 〈◊〉 Ministry; for when the Emperour •• efused to assist them, the Ministry 〈◊〉 , that a War with France and Scot •• nd was too great a load upon them 〈◊〉 a Minority, in which their only • onsiderable Ally failed them: so that • hey resolved to make a Peace by the endring of Bulloigne: yet tho the Duke • f Northumberland saw this could not • e opposed, he absented himself for • ome days from Council, and so did not •• gn the Peace with the other Privy Councellors, who signed it, and of which the Original Order was long in my Hands. For the Original Cou •• cil-Book, in which all the most Impo •• tant Resolutions were signed by t •• whole Board, had fallen into priva •• hands, and was presented to me: b •• I delivered it in to the Clerks of t •• Privy Council to be preserved by the • with the care that is due to the mo •• Authentical Remain of the last Ag • 4. But as Mr. Varillas tells a fa •• ground of the Aversion that the E •• glish had to the Duke of Northumbe •• land, so he did not know the true one tho they are mentioned by all our A • thors. He was excessively haughty, a •• violent; he was believed to be a man 〈◊〉 no Religion: It was generally though that he had destroyed the Duke of S •• merset by false Witnesses; he had no • excluded the right Heirs of the Crow • to set up his own Son; and which w •• beyond all the rest, in the spirits of th • people, it was generally believed th •• King Edward was poisoned by his d •• rections: and here are grounds of a general dislike, that were a little bette • founded than that feigned one for th • delivering up of Bulloigne, three yea • before: but a man that will needs b • Writer of History, in spite of so pro •• nd an Ignorance, must ramble about 〈◊〉 conjectures: and if he has as little •• dgment as sincerity, he must make •• ch as Mr. Varillas does.

LXV. He tells us, that immediatly •• n King Edward's death, • orthumberland sent a body 〈◊〉 Horse to seise on Queen • ary. P. 318. But here his Memory failed • n too soon; for he had but six pa • s before said, that both She and her •• ster Elisabeth were kept close priso •• rs in Hunsden: so there was no oc • sion for seising on her person.

LXVI. He tells us, that Petre, Se •• tary to the D. of Northum •• rland, who was a Catholick,Ibid. •• he had pretended to be a Cal •• nist, that so he might raise himself, • as prevailed on by the same Ambition, •• w to betray his Master: so he went •• mself, as soon as King Edward ex •• ed, to give Queen Mary notice of 〈◊〉 design, that was laid against her: •• d he made such hast that he came to •• nsden two hours before the body of • orse: so he being well known to those 〈◊〉 kept her, was admitted to her, and he not only warned her of her dange • but he found a way to convey both 〈◊〉 and himself away.

Some body in Charity to Mr. Var •• las should have told him, that the • was at present a Iesuite, in great cred •• in a certain Court of Europe, that is 〈◊〉 neally descended from this Petre; yet 〈◊〉 comfort him, tho those of that Orde • are not much celebrated for their gre •• readiness to forgive, I am confident 〈◊〉 Petre will think him below his wrat 〈◊〉 notwithstanding this injury that he do the memory of his Ancestor. I dare n •• say, his Grand-Father, lest he finds o •• as he did in the case of the L. Darn •• that he was his Great Grand-father. 〈◊〉 will not call this an irreparable Inju •• to use Mr. Varillas's terms in the case King Henry the Seventh; for I do n •• think that he is capable of doing 〈◊〉 Irreparable injury to any body. But 〈◊〉 return to Petre, he had been long S •• cretary of State, both to King Her • and King Edward, and so was n •• Northumberland's Secretary. 2. 〈◊〉 was always esteemed a Protestant, a •• was a vertuous and sincere man: if was a Catholick, he was a very bad on for his Family to this day feels what a great Estate he made out of the Abbey Lands. 3. He continued stile with Northumberland, and was one of those who signed the Letter to Queen Mary, in the pretended Q. Iean's Name, ordering her to lay down her pretensions. 4. He was removed from his Office of Secretary, as soon as Q. Mary came to the Crown: and here I lose sight of him, and do not know what became of him afterwards, or when it was that the Family was raised to the dignity of being Peers of England 5. It was the Earl of Arundel, that sent Queen Mary the notice of her Brothers Death, and of the design then on foot against her; for she was then within half a days journey of London on her way, to see her Brother; and it seems that Northumberland durst not venture on so hardy a thing, as the seising on her, but he intended to make her come, as it were to see her Brother, and so to get her to throw herself into his hands.

LXVII. He says, Northumberland had four things for him; King Edward's Testament,P. 320. the Publick Treasure, the Army, and the Fleet: but Queen Mary went to Norfolk, where She knew how much he was hated for his having sold Bulloigne to the French. But I have already shewed, that the Settlement of the Crown was not done by Testament, but by Letters Patents. And as at that time there was no Fleet, nor standing Army at all: so there was scarce any Money in the Treasury. 2. The Duke of Northumberland was indeed much hated in Norfolk, but not for the business of Bulloigne; but besides the general Considerations, that had rendred him odious to the whole Nation; he had subbued the Insurrection of Norfolk of the Commons against the Gentry, and had been very severe in his Military Executions. 3. Q Mary did not go to Norfolk: she went indeed very near it, but she staied still in Suffolk.

LXVIII. Mr. Varillas tells us, that the Earles of Derby, Essex and Hastings, P. 321. were not Inferiour in any respect, to those who had married the Lady Jean Gray's Sisters: so they declared for Q. Mary, on two conditions, the one was, that She should never marry a Stranger: and the other, that She should make no change in matters of Religion; but tho Q. Mary was absolutely resolved to observe neither of these; yet since there are few Examples of those who would lose a Crown rather than not promise the things which they neither can nor will observe, She promised all that was asked of her; upon which those three Earles being perswaded that they had provided sufficiently for Calvinism; took the Field with their Friends, and having assured all people that they had received a full Security for the established Religion, they quickly brought together an Army of 15000. men.

Our Author is always unhappy, when he comes to particulars: for 1. the Earl of Derby was a zealous Papist and had protested in Parliament against all the Changes that had been made. 2. He had no hand in the re-establishing of Queen Mary, for the business was done before there was any occasion of raising the remote Counties. 3. There was no Earl of Essex at this time: for that Title was bestowed on none from Cromwels fall, till the exaltation of Queen Elisabeth's Favorite to it. 4. There was no Earl of Hastings: the Earl of Huntingtons Son carries the Title of Lord Hastings: and our Author had bestowed on him L. Iean Gray's Sister. 5. The Earl of Sussex was the person that did the greatest service of all to the Queen, who is not so much as named by Mr. Varillas. 6. It was the People of Suffolk and Norfolk, that asked those assurances of the Queen in the matters of Religion; but it does not appear that any of the Nobility made any such demands. 7. Nor is there any mention made of their asking any Assurances of her, that she should not marry a Stranger. 8. The care, that our Author uses here, in setting forth Queen Mary's Dissimulation, and her granting of Promises, that she never intended to observe, and the general Reflection that upon that he makes on Crowned Heads; looks as if he had a mind to cover the Infamy of some late Violations of Promises and Oaths, by shewing that this has been the way of Crowned Heads at all times: and perhaps this is to be a part of the Panegyrick; but since Mr. Varillas had taxed the zealous Catholicks of England, as Imprudent, for laying down Arms upon King Henry's word, why might not he have put the same Censure here, on those zealous Protestants, who took up Arms upon Queen Mary's word; since as he sets out the matter, they had less reason to trust her, than the other Rebels had to trust her Father?

LXIX. He tells us, that Northumberland marched against her with some old Troops,P. 322. that he had ready: fancying that She was but 15000. strong; but he found She was 30000. strong: two parts of three of his Army refused to fight, and some went over to the Queen with flying Colours: so he was forced to return to London, reckoning that he was still Master of the City, and the Fleet: but at his return he found the Gates shut upon him; and that the City had declared against him, whose Example was followed by the Fleet. So seeing all was lost, he rendred himself upon discretion, ten dayes after he had crowned Jean of Suffolk.

This Section is as exactly writ as the former; for 1. Northumberland had no old Troops, and he marched from London with 2000. Horse, and 6000. Foot, such as could be brought together of the sudden. 2. Iean Gray was never Crowned: she was only proclaimed Queen. 3. Northumberland never marched back to London, but seeing the Queen's forces encrease, and that none came in to him, he came into Cambridge, and proclaimed Queen Mary. 4. It was not so much the City of London, as the whole Privy Council that declared for Queen Mary. 5. There was no Fleet then to change sides: for Mr. Varillas knowing nothing of the past Age, and only hearing that at present the English Fleet is the greatest in the world, he has this ever in his head, and fancies that it was so at all times. 6. Nothumberland did not render himself, but was apprehended as a Criminal by the Earl of Arundel, who was sent to seise on him.

LXX. He tells us, that Northumberland was presently put in Irons;Ibid. but he retained so great a presence of Spirit, when he came to be examined before the Council, that Mr. Varillas thought fit to set this out with all the Pomp that his Sublime could furnish: he puts Harangues in his mouth, by which he confounded the Privy Councillours, among whom he names the Earl of Chieresberi: but his crimes being so notorious, he with his four Sons were condemned to dye as Traitors. The Queen pardoned three, but was inexorable to the fourth: and when Northumberland saw there was no hope of life, he declared that he had been only a Calvinist out of Interest; and expressed a great detestation of that Religion, and of th • Preachers of it: and suffered with a constancy that was admired by 〈◊〉 that saw it: those who suffered with him imitating his conversion; this had a great effect on peoples spirits.

1. Men of the Duke of Northumberlands quality, are never put in Irons in England. 2. He shewed so little courage, that he threw himself at the Earl of Arundel's feet abjectly to beg his Favour. 3. Our Author confounds his being brought to his Tryal, before a Lord Steward, and the Peers of England, with an Examination before the Council: and his making the Council condemn him, shews that he does not know the commonest points of form in the Government of England. 4. All this Constancy and arguing that he puts in Northumberlands mouth, is taken from two points in Law that he proposed to the Peers, that were his Judges: The one was, whether a man acting by Order of Council, and by Warrants under the Great Seal, could be esteemed a Criminal: the other was, whether one that had acted so, could be judged by Peers, that had given him those Orders, and that were as guilty as himself. 5. Tho these were points in Law that 〈◊〉 have some colour in them, yet they were far from confounding any: for a Council or a Great Seal flowing from an Vsurper, is nothing: so this Authority could not justify him: and as for those who were as guilty as himself, and yet were now his Iudges; they were not convicted of the guilt: and no Peer can be • et a • ide in a Tryal, upon general surmises, how true soever they may be. 6. I confess it was some time, before I could find out who this Earl of Chieresberi was. At last I saw it must be Shrewsbury, who should have been a little better known to Mr. Varillus: unless he has read the French Story as carelesly as he has done the English; for the Illustrious Ancestors of that Family left such marks of their valour behind them in France, that one should think that Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, should be the Family of all England, in which a French Writer should be the least apt to mistake. And this confirms me in my opinion, that Mr. Varillas has never read History. 7. There were none of Northumberlands Sons tryed at that time, but his eldest Son the Earl of Warwick: for he had been called by writ to the House of Lords, and so was to be tried as a Peer: but the rest were Commoners; and were tryed some moneths after this. 8. He makes Queen Mary less merciful than she was: for it was believed she would have pardoned both Iean of Suffolk and her Husband; if upon the Rebellion that was raised six moneths after this, it had not been then thought necessary to take to severer Councils. 9. It was believed at that time, that Northumberland declared himself a Roman Catholick, in hope to save his life by the means. 10. His constancy was not very extraordinary; for there passed some severe expostulations between Sr. Iohn Gates and him: who as they had been complices in the Rebellion, so now being brought to suffer together, they died reproaching one another. 11. It does not appear, that any other of those who suffered, changed their Religion: Nor 12. Is it likely that such a Declaration of men, who were so odious to the Nation, and who in the making of it, did likewise shew that they had made a small account of Religion, could have any great effect on those who saw it.

LXXI. Mr. Varillas will never give over his bold Quotations; for here he tells us,P. 328. that Charles the fifth advised Queen Mary, not to proceed so hastily in the change of Religion; and that he believed She would find before, long, that it would not be safe to her, to break her promise. And to confirm this, he cites on the margin, Charles the fifths Letters to Q. Mary. •

This would make one that does not know the man, fancy that there was some Register or Collection of those Letters, which he had seen; I have indeed seen those Letters; for the Originals of them are extant; and I shewed them once to the Spanish Ambassadour at London, Don Pedro de Ronquillas, who did me the honour to desire me to accompany him to the Cotton Library, where I not only shewed him these Letters, but as many of the other Original Papers, out of which I had drawn my History, as could be examined at one time: but for Charles the fifths Letters, they are so little legible, and the Queen of Hungary's hand is so little better than his, that I could not copy them out, nor print them: some little hints I took from them, but that was all. 2. It seems Mr. Varillas was not much concerned in Queen Mary's breaking her word; for in those Letters, that he makes up for Charles, all that he makes him set before her, is the danger of it, and that she could not do it long safe (Impunement) if she had a vast Army in any strong places, a great Fleet, and a huge Revenue, then the breaking of her word would have troubled Mr. Varillas so little, that it would not have hindred him from making her Panegyrick: tho the violation of her Faith was so much the more scandalous, that those to whom she gave it, had setled her upon her Throne; and perhaps he will find somewhat parallel to this, to put in his Panegyrick.

LXXII. He goes on with his Romance, and tells us, that Queen Mary writ back to the Emperour a more Heroical Answer than can be found among all the Letters of the Crowned Heads of the last Age:Ibid. She told him what Wonders of Providence She had hitherto met with, and that therefore She was more bound than any other not to be unthankful: and to conclude with a soft period, She said, She would be guilty of as many Crimes • s She lived minutes without acquiting her self of her duty. These effects followed on those words: She repealed by Authentical Acts, all that had been done by her Father or her Brother, to the prejudice of the Catholick Religion: and tho She had reason to fear the Malecontents of some, who having lived long without Religion, would not willingly receive again that yoke which they had thrown off, yet She reduced them all with more haughtiness, than the most esteemed and the most absolute Prince that ever reigned in England: She dismissed the Armed Companies that were about her; She renounced the title of Head of the Church of England, and re-established the Exercise of the Catholick Religion every where. And it is to be considered, that all this was done in the year 1553. and before Haviets Rebellion.

Mr. Varillas would make his Reader believe, that Queen Mary was a Heroine indeed; and he carries the character as high as he can, that so when he comes to write his Panegyrick, all the Praises he has bestowed on her, may give so much the more lustre to his Monarch, who after all is to be preferred to her: for tho she excelled all the Crowned Heads of the last Age, yet she must come humbly & lay down all her Glory to enrich the Panegyrik of one of the Princes of the present. 2. Mr. Varillas would make us believe, that he saw both her Letters, and the Letters of all the other crowned Heads of the last Age; & I believe both is alike true. 3. Those soft and melting Periods that he gives us out of her Letter, have a sort of an affected Eloquence in them, that may pass from a man like Mr. Varillas; but they have not that native Beauty and Greatness, that is the stile of those that are born to command. 4. If our Author had examined Queen Mary's Letters, he would have found some of them of a far different strain: he would have found her acknowledg King Henry's Supremacy; renounce the Popes Authority; confess that her Mothers Marriage was by the Law of God and Man incestuous, and unlawful: he would have found her express her Sorrow for her former Stubbornness, and Disobedience to her Father's most just and vertuous Laws; and put her Soul in his hands; vowing never to vary from his Orders; and that her Conscience should be always directed by him: and when her opinion was asked of Pilgrimages, Purgatory, and Relicks, he would have found her declare, that in all these things She had no opinion at all, but such as She should receive from the King; who had her whole Heart in his keeping, and might imprint upon it, in these and all other matters, whatever his inestimable Vertue, high Wisdom, and excellent Learning should think convenient for her. These were her strains, while she was yet a Subject, and under the yoke of a Father: and of these the Originals are yet extant. 4. All the change that she made the first year of her Reign, was to abolish what her Brother had done, and to bring things back to the state in which her Father had left them: upon which Cardinal Pool writ her a Letter full of severe expostulations; for he said, this was to establish Schism by a Law. 5. Our Autho • represents all these changes as made of the sudden, before she dismissed the people that came up with her to London, and as if she had done all by her own Authority, whereas it was the work of three Parliaments one after another. 6. The Queen kept still her Title of Supream Head of the Church, above a year after this, and in two Parliaments that she called, she carried that among her other Titles, and in the vertue of it turned out Bishops, and licensed Preachers, besides a great many other exercises of her Supremacy: so far was she from laying it aside at first.

LXXIII. Mr. Varillas, after he had diversified his Romance with the intermixture of other Affairs,P. 352. returns back to England, and lets us see how little the Queen was inclined to keep the Promises that She had made her Subjects: for the day after her Coronation, it appeared to the Curious, that She had made some Infractions in her Promises touching Religion; tho She had not yet been tempted to break the other. She ballanced indeed whether She should marry one of her own Subjects or not. Card. Pool and Courtney, Earl of Devonshire, were the only two that were left of the Blood Royal. Pool had many great Qualities, which are set out as Romances paint their Hero's, as well as Courtney's: who was descended by his Mother from the House of York: He was beautiful, had a good meen, and was so well bred, that at two and twenty, he was the most accomplished Cavalier of Great Brittain. He spake the Chief Languages of Europe, and was very learned. His Mother had been Queen Mary's Friend, that never left her day nor night: and some have said, that the Queen once promised to her, that She would marry her Son. But he adds, That the Queen had owned her Design for Pool to Commendon: yet after all, Pool was near sixty, and Courtney was very loose: so this disposed her to the match with the Prince of Spain, which Charles the fifth, who had projected the Conquest of France, desired extreamly, in order to the accomplishing of that design.P. 361. A little after this, he tells us, that both Pool and Courtney were equally near the Crown: Pool was the Grand-child of a Sister of Henry the Sevenths, and so he was of the House of Lancaster, but Courtney was the Grand-child of Edward the Fourth.

And now here are as any faults as could be well laid together in so few words: 1. The Queen was not Crowned till the tenth of October, and long before that time not only the curious, but men as ignorant as Mr. Varillas, saw how little regard she had to her Promise for preserving the established Religion: most of the Bishops were by that time clapt up in the Tower, all preaching was prohibited, except by those who had the Queen's Licences; and such as came to put her in mind of her Promises, were punished as Insolent Persons. 2. He says, she had not been yet tempted in the point of Marrying a Stranger: yet in his Preface he had set her forth as entertaining Commendon, with her design for marrying the Prince of Spain, and he left her in August. 3. There were several others of the Royal Family, and in the same degree with Cardinal Pool, whose Posterities are yet remaining: these were the Earl of Huntington's Family, and that of the Baringtones in Essex. 4. Cardinal Pool, who died five year after this, was but 59. when he died. 5. Courtney's Mother was not of the House of York, but his Grandmother, who was Edward the Fourth's Daughter. A Mother for a Grandmother is as great a fault as a Grandmother for a Great-grandmother, with which he reproaches me so severely in his Answer to my Reflections. 6. Courtney was so far from having any advantages of breeding, that he had been kept a Prisoner thirteen years in the Tower of London, ever since his Father was attainted. 7. His Mother was likewise all that while a Prisoner, and so had not those opportunities of being with the Queen. 8. Cardinal Pool was of the House of York, his Mother being Daughter to the Duke of Clarence, that was Edward the Fourths Brother. 9. Courtney was so far from being vicious and lewd, that he was rather too sullen, which was imputed to his Imprisonment in his youth, that had made him Melancholy and studious. 10. The pretence of a promise that Queen Mary gave to Courtney's Mother, to marry her Son, is by all other Authors put upon Cardinal Pool: but I believe both are alike true. 11. Courtney was not Grand-child, but Great-grandchild to Edward the Fourth. 12. It was believed at that time, that the Queen had really such Inclinations to Courtney, that if he had not by a strange coldness neglected her, applying himself more to her Sister Elisabeth, she would have married him: and that her hatred of her Sister, was encreased when she saw to which of the two Courtney gave the Preference. 13. The Queen had only insinuated to Commendon her inclinations for Card▪ Pool.

LXXIV. Mr. Varillas tells us of one Sr. Thomas Haviet, a zealous Calvinist,P. 359. one of a great Family, and highly esteemed, both by the Nobility and the People (which he sets out in his Romantical way very elegantly as he thinks, no doubt) and in a word, one that had all the Qualities necessary for the Head of a Party, except that of being of the Blood Royal. This Haviet then resolved to hinder the Match with Spain, and in order to the doing of it, he found it necessary to set up the Princess Elisabeth: and Courtney being set on by Rage and Iealousy, since he saw the Queen disappointed him, and was treating for the Spanish Match, joined likewise into Haviets Conspiracy.

Most men besides our Author know the names of those of whom they undertake to write; but who would think that this Haviet, that has so large a part of this story assigned him, was no other then Sr. Thomas Wiat, that as is pretended, owned that he had corrupted Anne Bullen: and yet now he is made a Rebel to advance the Daughter, who certainly could never forgive so publick an injury as he had done her Mother, if our Author's former Story of him is true. Perhaps Mr. Varillas perceived this: and therefore resolved to give him here a new Name; for tho all the printed Histories make him Sr. Thomas Wiat; yet he will make him Haviet, tho this name is not so much as known in England. But Haviet may pass for Wiat as well as Millethon for Maidston, P. 362. and Camdavart for Southwark, P. 366. and Quincethon for Kingston. P. 367. It is true, there is some sort of affinity between Millethon and Maidston; for they begin and end with a Letter; and even that is much for Mr. Varillas. Quincethon and Kingston are more remote, yet an ill pronounciation, might make a man mistake the one for the other; for I have often taken notice of this, that Mr. Varillas has heard a great deal, but has read very little History: yet how Camdavart could pass for Southwark, is that which I cannot comprehend: and as little how Haviet was put for Wiat, if this last was not an Artifice of Mr. Varillas's. But instead of following Mr. Varillas thro all his Impertinences, I fancy it will please my Reader better, if I mention some particulars of that business, which I drew from a Relation of the matter writ by Sr. Thomas Wiat's own Son, of which I give an account in my Reply to Mr. Varillas. Sir Thomas Wiat, tho the Duke of Northumberland's Kinsman, would not join with him in the business of L. Iean Gray: but proclaimed Queen Mary at Maidston, before he knew that any others had done it: yet he did not run to her for thanks, as many others did: but she was so sensible of this service, that she sent the Earl of Arundel with her thanks to him, to which he appealed in his Trial. But he quickly saw how matters were like to go, so he had obtained a pass to go beyond Sea: which he had put in Execution, if his Wife's being big with Child, had not stayed him till she was brought to bed. He had observed so much of the temper of the Spanish Ministers, when he was Ambassador in Charles the fifths Court, that his love to his Countrey made him extream apprehensive of the Misery of the Nation, if it should fall under that yoke. He never so much as pretended that Religion was his motive: and Papists as well as Protestants joined with him: and if he had designed any mischief to the Queen, it was in his power to have executed it; for when he passed by Charingcross, Whitehal was ill defended: and many of the Earl of Pembrokes men came over to him: but he marcht on to the City of London, having no other intentions but to concur with them in opposing the Match: and the Queen her self was so fully assured that he designed no hurt to her, that she was resolved to pardon him, if a Message had not come from Brussels, upon which his Head was cut off. He never accused the Queen's Sister, tho he was once so entangled by Questions, that were put to him, that he answered somewhat that reflected on the Earl of Devonshire, for which he afterwards beg'd his pardon: and to shew that he had alwayes vindicated Queen Elisabeth, he not only did it in very plain words on the Scaffold, but said likewise, that she was not privy to his Matters, as he had delivered in his Declaration made before the Privy Council. This account of that matters, as it supplys some defects that are in my History, so it shews that Mr. Varillas had told both the name of the person, and the History it self, alike true.

LXXV. He tells us, that this Haviet having made himself sure of the town of Millethon, P. 362. put off the Mask: and came up to Rochester, at the head of 1200. Horse and 8000. Foot: and was received into it the 22. of Ianuary, 1554. He intended to go on in great marches to London, but all this did not disorder the Queen, who put the Troops that She had about her, under the Command of the Duke of Norfolk, and of his Brother, that was Admiral of England: and ordered them to march in the very minute in which She received the news of the Insurrection, tho it was just at midnight on the 22. of Ianuary. The two Brothers marched, but four of their Companies revolting, and the rest being disheartned by that, the Brothers found it convenient to return back to London: where the Queen left nothing undone, that was necessary to animate or encrease her Army: yet She fearing lest the Citizens of London should open to Haviet the Rochester Port, sent some to treat with him, and to assure him, that if the Spanish Match displeased the English, She would never think on it any more▪ But he asked such extravagant high terms, that all treaty was broke off.

But 1. this Haviet when he was strongest, and advanced to Mr. Varillas's Camdavart, was but 4000. strong in all: but Mr. Varillas is generous, and would bestow a good Army on him. 2. Those who have been in Maidston, will not find it a great matter to be sure of such a place. 3. Mr. Varillas comes pretty near▪ the true Date here, but yet does not hit it; for it was on the 25. of Ianuary, and not on the 22. that Wyat came to Rochester. 4. His Ignorance of the Map of England must be suteable to the rest of his learning; since it is but a very short day's Journey from Rochester to London: and even his hearsay, which next to Florimond is his chief Garand, might have helped him here: since this is the part of the whole road of England, that is best known to Strangers. 5. Notwithstanding all the expedition that he makes the Queen use, some dayes past before She sent out any Troops, and so the Midnight March is spoiled, which no doubt he thought a beautiful stroke, and for which he has somewhat in parallel, perhaps to enrich the Panegyrick. 6. The Queen had no Troops about her, and all she could get together, was two Troops of Horse, and six Companys of Foot, with which the City of London furnished her: so she sent first a Herald to Rochester, to try if Wiat (alias Haviet) could be persuaded to return to his duty. 7. The Duke of Norfolk's Brother was never Admiral of England, nor did he go along with him at this time. 8. The Queen made no such abject Propositions to Wiat as he pretends; for she only sent some to see what it was that he demanded, and when he proposed very high Terms, they gave over all treaty with him: here the Heroine sinks a little, perhaps this must be to hide some feeble stroak that must appear in the Panegyrick. 9. The Queen went indeed into London, and gave the Citizens very tender Assurances of the love she bare to her People, and that she did nothing in the Treaty for the Spanish Match, but by the Advice of her whole Council; but she never said that she would not think on it any more. 10. For his Rochester Port to the City of London, he will find it in the same Map, in which the Suburb at the end of the Bridg, on the other side of the River, is called Camdavart: for he has given us all these marks of it, and perhaps he found it so in some of those Manuscripts, that were communicated to him, under the confidences of Friendship: and I dare answer for him, that he will keep this Secret most Religiously.

LXXVI. He goes on, and says, that Haviet stopt a little; either to see what answer the Queen would send to his Propositions:P. 365. or perhaps it was because his Troops were weary with a long march: in the mean while the Queen put matters in a most wonderful order: She sent away the Spanish Ambassadours, who were an Eye-sore to her People: She called the Nobility and chief Citizens about her, and promised to them in a most pathetical Harangue, to call a Parliament, and not to take a Husband but by its Advice; by this She prevailed so far that the Citizens were contented to let all the Locks of the City Gates be changed, and to deliver the Keys to the Duke of Norfolk, which was the critical thing that saved all; so small a matter serves to preserve or to overturn Monarchies, where Heresy has once got in. So the Queen having by the efficacy of her Harangue, gained many brave men to come to encrease her Troops, She placed some on the Banks of the River to hinder the Rebels, who were now at Camdavart, from passing: and She drew up the rest at St. James's, which was the place where probably they would endeavour to enter the City: but Haviet finding the Bridg at Camdavart was cut by the Duke of Norfolk, left his foot that were heavily armed, and marched with his light Horse to Quincethan, where he passed the River, having defeated 500. men that the Q. had sent thither to dispute the passage.

Every tittle here is Fiction, and the Fiction is very ill contrived. 1. Wiat could expect no Answer from the Queen to his extravagant Demands; for those whom she had sent to him, broke with him in very ill terms. 2. That Treaty was at Deptford, and instead of a long March from that to his Camdavart, it is but a short walk of an hour or two at most. 3. The Spanish Ambassadours were never sent away; here again the Heroine sinks. 4. She made no Promise to call a Parliament: but said only, that she would do nothing but by the advice of her Council. 5. It seems there is some Mystery in this, that Mr. Varillas makes the Queen as ready at all times to make Promises, as she was resolved to break them: now since Mr. Varillas writes History, not as he finds it, but as he thinks fit to dress it, there is some reason to believe, that in his representing Queen Mary so little a Slave to her Word, he had still his Panegyrick in his Eye. 5. If one apprehended any had Pick-locks to his House, the changing of Locks, and the looking after the Keys, were a very proper method; but this is I believe the first time, that ever the security of a great City was thought to turn upon such a matter: and Mr. Varillas may pretend to the Monopoly of this Secret in Fo • tification, since it is most certainly his own Invention. 7. If Mr. Varillas is so ignorant as not to know that Gunpowder was in use at that time, yet Hatchets and Hammers were always in use, and these are good enough against Gates and Locks. 8. The Queen's Troops could not well stand over against his Camdavart, to hinder Haviets passage; unless they stood to the midle in water: for there is no Key there, the Buildings being continued to the Rivers side. 9. The Bridg of London was not cut, but only defended. 10. Haviet had no Foot heavily armed, but a Company of Countrey People brought together, and he marched with them all. 11. As our Author describes S. Iames's, it seems he fancies there is another Bridg upon the Thames there: but since Haviet had not Boats enough for passing, he could not cross the River lower than Kingston Bridg; for the Thames is not fordable in winter below that. 12▪ Kingston Bridg was indeed cut; but that was all the Opposition that he met there: yet as our Author describes it, it does not seem that he knew there was a Bridg there; for he speaks only of Crossing the River.

LXXVII. But now to conclude the Romance, he tells us, That Haviet broke thro the Queen's Army at St. James's,P. 367. and advanced to the Gate of the City; but here, the new Locks and Keys did mighty service: for the Gates could not be opened, so he was forced to retire, but even that was no more possible for him to do, since the Queens Troops were in too good a • Order, and She her self appeared at the Head of them, and did so wonderfully animate them, that in the end poor Haviet was taken, and 200▪ more with him, who were all led along with him to the Execution.

1. There was no resistance made to Wiat at all; for he marcht straight on to the Gates of the City. 2. Certainly by Mr. Varillas's Story he was the modestest Rebel that ever was, who came and knockt at the Gates, and then went away, because the D. of Norfolk had the Keys. 3. If the Queen's Troops had been in such order, one would think they would not have trusted so much to their Locks and Keys, as to have suffered Wiat to go on to the City Gates. 4. Our Author is unhappy in every thing: for he did not know that which was set out as the most Extraordinary part of the Queen's behaviour; who did not come out and ride at the Head of her Troops, as he fancies; but it being Ashwednesday morning, She went on with the Devotions of the day, and continued all the morning at prayers. Mr. Varillas says nothing of this, for one or two reasons, either because he knew it not, or because he had not found out what was fit to be set against this in his Panegyrick. 5. It was perhaps upon some other part of the same piece, that he was thinking, when he makes 200. to be taken with Wiat, and all to be carried to accompany him to his Execution. For there were fifty eight persons that were attainted for the Rebellion; but there was only a small number even of those, that were pickt out to be made Examples: many of those that were condemned, being reserved to be Instances of the Queen's Mercy: and She was so far from delighting in Scenes of Blood, that her Clemency on this occasion was much magnified. To make every one of the Prisoners dye, comes nearer the severity of some later Practices, than the Mildnesses of that Princesses Reign, who except in the matters of Religion, gave no cause to complain of the Rigor of her proceedings: She had not Chief Iustices that hanged up Rebels by Hundreds, or that condemned them so suddenly, that they were to be led out immediatly to Execution; such things were not then known in England: but She on the contrary, when 600. Prisoners were taken, was contented with their coming to beg their Pardons with Halters about their Necks, and gave them all their Lives. Her Council was wise: She designed to change the Religion, and therefore She thought the best way to recommend her own, was to shew the greatest readiness to forgive the most dangerous Rebellion that perhaps ever Princess went through. The hanging up of Rebels by hundreds, She knew well, would raise in the minds of her People a Horror against her and her Ministry, and against her Religion; as if they had delighted in Blood. Since Cruelty in all persons has somewhat that is base as well as black. She was merciful in her own nature, and the Councils of that Religion were at that time better laid, than to be capable of such Errors.

And now I have done with Mr. Varillas's History, and I fancy the world will have done with it likewise very soon. I dare answer so far for the Tast and the Iudgment of the English Nation, as to depend upon it, that none of his works will be any more asked after there. I have kept my self as much within the temper of stile, that I thought became me, as was possible. I confess, it raises nature somewhat, to see a man of his Age, and that had, by I know not what chance, gained some Reputation in the world, imploy his Pen with so much malice to defame our Nation, and our Religion: but by a curse peculiar to himself, his Ignorance is such an Antidote to all the ill Effects of his Malice, that his Writings can do no hurt, but to himself, and to his Printers. I thought a severe Correction was necessary, when he had now for a second time shewed that he was Incurable: and that the discipline that I had formerly given him, had not brought him to a sounder mind. And therefore if this goes a little deeper, it was the Inveteracy of the Evil, that forced me to it. Let men write truth as to matters of Fact, let them write it decently, and let them set themselves against my History as much as they will, I will answer them with all 〈1 page duplicate〉 〈1 page duplicate〉 the Softness and Decency, that becomes a Man and a Christian: and I will either confess my Mistakes, if I am convinced of them, or discover theirs with that Gravity of stile, that is necessary: for to handle a man without mercy, tho not without Iustice, (which was the censure that an Eminent person passed upon my former Reflections on Mr. Varillas) is a thing so contrary to my nature, that it must be a very Extraordinary provocation that can carry me to it. And I dare appeal to all men, even to those of the Roman persuasion, if the Venom and Folly that is spread over Mr. Varillas's second Volum, does not justify all that Scorn with which I treat him. It must be confessed to be somewhat Extraordinary, that in an Age, such as ours is, and in a City such as Paris is, a man should undertake to bring in the History of a Nation, into his Work, concerning which he has so little Information, as neither to know the Map, nor the Names, the Laws, nor the Government, nor the most publick Transactions that are to be found even in the worst and cheapest Books; and yet the most amasing part of all is, to see this man write with such an air of Assurance, and to pretend to discover the profoundest Secrets. He that would desire to see very ill sights, if they are but extraordinary, would he tempted to go and look upon Mr. Varillas, and examin his Meen and his Phisiognomy a little; for certainly he is a man of the most singular Composition, that the present Age, or for ought I know, that any other has ever produced.