A sermon preached before the late King James His Majesty at Greenwich the 19 of Iuly 1604 together with two letters in way of apology for his sermon : the one to the late King Iames His Majesty : the other to the Lords of His Majesties then Privie Councell / by John Burges ...

A sermon preached before the late King James His Majesty at Greenwich the 19 of Iuly 1604 together with two letters in way of apology for his sermon : the one to the late King Iames His Majesty : the other to the Lords of His Majesties then Privie Councell / by John Burges ...

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Title page

A SERMON PREACHED BEFORE KING JAMES his Majesty, at Greenwich, the 19. of Iune, 1604.

The Copy of the Letter, presented with the Copy of his Sermon aforesaid, by Master Burges, to the Lords of his Majesties Privie Councell (being convented before them for the same) 22. Iune, 1604.

Master Burges Letter to the KINGS Majesty.

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A SERMON PREACHED Before the late KING JAMES His Majesty, at Greenwich, the 19. of Iuly, 1604.

TOGETHER With two Letters in way of Apology for his Sermon: The one to the late King IAMES his Majesty; the other to the Lords of his Majesties then Privie Councell.

BY JOHN BƲRGES Minister of Gods Word; since Doctor of Divinity and Parson of Sutton Cofield in Warwickshire.

LONDON: Printed by Thomas Brudenell, 1642.

A SERMON PREACHED BEFORE KING JAMES his Majesty, at Greenwich, the 19. of Iune, 1604.

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The Text, PSAL. 122.8, 9.

For my brethren and my neighbours sake, I will now speake peace unto thee: because of the house of the Lord our God, I will procure thy wealth.

THE title of this Psalme shewes the excellency and Author of it: a Song of degrees, a Psalme of David. The Psalme it selfe is gratulatory: Davids gratulation to and for the good estate of Ierusalem, the Metropolitan City of his Kingdome. In which he first professeth his joy for the present good estate thereof, and demonstrates his care for the future. That which he rejoyceth at in the present [Page] condition of it, is; first, the forwardnesse of the people to Gods service: secondly, the good estate of the City, which was built as a City united, made Ierusalem of Iebus and Salem, the Fort of the Iebusites being subdued by David, and by building united into one City, now at peace; in which also Religion was set up, yea the staple of Religion; for thither the Tribes went to worship; and Justice also, yea the royall seats of Justice.

The demonstration of care for the good of that City hereafter, hath in it two branches. The Kings incitation to all his Subjects to pray for the peace of it; and he sets them downe a forme of praye [...]: the holy Ghost knowes well enough how to pray in a set forme. The second thing is his owne promise, as it were his Magna Charta, the Kings great Charter, for the good of Ierusalem, in the words now read. A great Charter, but in few words, which yet are massie and weighty, containing the Kings grant in the word of a Prince to gratifie Ierusalem in two things. First, to use her kindely: and secondly, to procure her wealth. To both which he addeth his reasons▪ as we shall see in their places.

The promise of kinde and gracious usage is not so plaine in the words of our translation, as in the originall; for where the translation saith, I will wish thee prosperity, the originall saith, I will speake peace. A speech that every where as well as here, signifies all kinde usage, under one speciall kinde of it, that is good words. So Psal. 28.3. where David speakes of some that speake peace to their neighbours, but malice is in their hearts, they speake friendly. Psal. 85.8. God will speake peace unto his people; that is, will use them graciously. And in Hester 10.3. it is said of Mordecay, he spake peaceably, saith the translation (peace, saith the originall) to all his seed.

Whereby it may appeare that the first parcell of the Kings grant, is to use his people graciously, to speake peace unto them. In which parcell (if we marke it) be foure points. First, what he will doe; I will speake peace. Secondly, to whom, to thee, to Ierusalem. Thirdly, for what respect, for my brethren[Page]and companions sake. Fourthly, when? now: but that when is indeed why, as we shall after heare.

1. Touching the thing what we learne in Davids example. First, that it is the office and care of good Princes to speak peace unto their people. They are Fathers, a title as of power, so of love, to teach them to use their Subjects as children. They are Masters, but saith Paul to Masters, Ephes. 6. Know, that even your Master also is in heaven. The greatest Kings are servants to the great King of Kings; let them use their servants as they would be used of their Master graciously. To this end, because the disease of Princes oftentimes is the swelling of heart, and to dye upon such swellings, it pleased God in the 17. of Deutrinomy both to restraine them from windy and swelling meats, forbidding such multitude of Chariots and horses as might lift up their hearts above their brethren, so as to make them forget that they are men and rule over men: and also to give them a dyet, the Booke of God to meditate upon, which is able to moderate and temper the heart of any Prince; without which no Kings heart, no mans heart can be good as it ought. Secondly, now as it is a duty of Princes to speake peace, so it is an ornament unto them. Curtesie is a Christian vertue, commended to all men in the Epistles to the Ephesians and Colossians. That which is curtesie in a Subject, is graciousnesse in a Prince: a vertue of the same kinde, onely advanced to an higher place by the dignity of the person. And it is an ornament that becomes none so well as Princes, the images of the gracious God, whose Deputies they are, whose titles they beare. It was truly said of Pythagoras, that in two things specially we imitate the nature of God, truth and goodnesse. A Prince faithfull of his word▪ and gracious to his people, is a goodly image of God. We see that in greater Maps things are expressed more plainly then can be in the smaller (though they be drawne by one skill) so in the greatest personages this ornament is fairest, when they that of all others have the best: warrant to speake roughly, shall speake peace. Thirdly, and as it is a duty and [Page] an ornament, so is it a bond, and one of the best that Princes have to obliedge the hearts of their subjects unto them. It is therefore noted of Mordecay as the ground of his acceptance among the multitude of his brethren, that he did these two things (which the King here promiseth in his Charter) he procured the wealth of his people, and spake peace unto all his seed. The strength of this course, to melt the heart of the Subjects, appeares in David in 2 Sam. 19. who understanding the minde of the ten Tribes to fetch him home againe, takes the watchword, and sends to the men of Iudah this message, Why are you behinde to bring the King againe to his house? ye are my brethren, my bones and my flesh are ye, wherefore then are ye the last that bring the King againe? And to Amasa this protestation, God doe so to me and more also, if thou be not Captaine of the hoste to me for ever: to lead the Army for him, that had led it against him; what was the effect? He bowed the hearts of the men of Iudah, as one man, saith the text. Such strength hath the gracious usage of a Soveraigne in the hearts of good Subjects. Againe, Ioab knew well what strength was in the Kings good speeches, who (finding the King so wounded for Absolon, that he retired himselfe, as if he had lost a Kingdome that very day, in which the Kingdome was recovered, so as the people also stole away, as men that had lost the battell) comes to the King (and after other expostulations, rougher then became a subject to his Soveraigne, yet wholesome for that time) come out, saith he, and speake comfortably unto thy servants, for I sweare by the Lord, except thou come out, there will not tarry one man with thee this night, &c. Nor hath the holy Scripture alone this observation, but even among the heathen (that it might appeare a truth which nature is not ignorant of) we finde it still observed and recorded as a meanes that drew the hearts of the people to their Princes. Thus Suetonius notes of Titus, that he had that of nature or of fortune, good luck, as we say, to win every mans good will: and among many things, reports this one gracious speech of his, that no man should goe away sad from [Page] speeeh with a Prince. The like of Augustus, as the meanes that setled him in the hearts of the people, and by name this one observation▪ that when a poore man offered him a Petition trembling▪ he encouraged him, and said, Petitions should not be given to a Prince as meat to an Elephant, that one is afraid of. The like of Traian. Antoninus, and others is reported, which I forbeare to recite. All shewing, that it was observed as a meanes of gaining the affections of the people, to speake peace unto them.

Fourthly, and on the contrary, to doe otherwise is not safe, neither at the entrance, nor when a Prince is setled. For the entrance, Rehoboam is a witnesse, who being a yong King followed yong mens counsell (indeed yong counsell though old men had given it) and as they bad him, told the people, his Father had scourged them with rods, but he would beat them with scorpions (that is, say some, with whips which have wires in the lashes ends, to make them bite where they goe) his little finger should be heavier then his Fathers loynes. The old men had given him better counsell, To serve the people that day, and give them good words, and the people would be his servants for ever. But this good counsell would not downe with the yong King; What was the end of it? Why, when the people saw that they were not regarded, they left him, and bad the house of David looke to it selfe. Thus for want of speaking peace, he put himselfe out of the greatest part of his Kingdome. And for an established State, we have a story of Caesar, that after he was growne great and strong in his State, yet his very speeches gave occasion of distaste, and conspiracy against him; as by name, that he said, the Senate (for that I thinke is meant by Respublica) was but a name onely. This was a meane of loosing their hearts, and his owne greatnesse; however God plagued those that conspired against him: as take this for a generall rule, God never spares those that rise up against Princes, how evill so ever they be. Finally, for this purpose Comines hath a grave discourse in his fifth booke out of his owne observations; I would I could [Page] speake it in his owne words, he speakes it so well, I will goe as neere it as I can: he tels what is the misfortun of a Prince, It is not (saith he) to take a fall off a horse, or to be smitten with a sharpe ague, that is no misfortune to a Prince; What is it then? When God will not suffer him to reigne (that is a misfortune indeed) but what be the prognosticates of it? First, saith he, God smites him in his wits which is a great blow, he meanes not surely in his sences, but in his judgement; then he sets division in his house▪ and (saith he) the Prince is so farre in Gods disgrace, that he flyeth the company of the wise, and advanceth fooles, oppressours, and flatterers, and such as sooth him in all his sayings. If he take a penny, they bid him take two; if he be angry with a man, they bid hang him. Further, they give him counsell in any wise to cause himselfe to be feared; and they also behave themselves cruelly and proudly, as though authority were their inheritance &c. This was that wise mans observation, which I have repeated (as I thinke) very neere in his owne words, to shew how Princes loose the hearts of their Subjects▪ when they grow perswaded not to use them graciously. So then, whether duty, or ornament, safety or danger be respected, it appeares that David had good cause to promise, and all good Princes to performe, gracious behaviour, towards their Subjects.

2. We have heard what he promised: now let us heare to whom. To thee, saith he, that is, to all his people; of which (as was said) Ierusalem was an abridgement. To shew favour to some, hath bin in those that were worst noted. Nero had his favorites, not worthy to be named. Galbo had his three Paedagogues, besides Vimius the Broker, that prevailed with Galba as gold did with himselfe in any thing: and so others. But this is the princely goodnesse of Christian Kings▪ to be good to all their good Subjects. All are their subjects, therefore should have the sun-shine of their soveraignty: all are their brethren and companions as we shall after heare: companions in scot and lot (as we say) I meane in every burthen [Page] of their troubles; and therefore should have so [...]e portion in the common comfort of their favours. And indeed this is Kingly graciousnesse, to be gracious to all their good Subjects▪ and to doe good to all; like the Sunne that shines to all like Christ that did good wheresoever he became. There is nothing more grievous to the Subjects then inclosure of Commons, or overlaying them when great men over-charge them so, that poore men can make no use of them for their reliefe: I say there is nothing more grievous, unlesse it be Monopolies, and I cannot tell which of them is more grievous, but there is no inclosure of Commons or Monopolies so grievous as the inclosure and ingrossing of a Kings favours, or to make a Monopoly of a King. What then, would we have the favour of Princes so common to all, that it should not specially abound unto some? God forbid: for as the vitall spirits in the body goe to the least member, yea to the fingers end, yet are most plentifully bestowed where nature hath the greatest imployment of them. So it is fit that the favours of Princes lying open as a common to all their Subjects in their proportions, should be specially placed on men of chiefest use and desert.

3. We see What, and to Whom, let us now see upon what respect. I will speake peace to thee; Sed quare? (saith Augustin) Non propter honores meos, non propter pecuniam meam, non propter vi [...]am meam: Not for mine honours, not for my treasure, not for my life; but for my brethren and neighbours sake [...]. For thine owne sake I will speake peace unto thee. And indeed this is true love; for love (saith the Apostle) seekes not her owne things. And this is trve graciousnesse, and like the goodnesse of God himselfe, who is good to us for his owne goodnesse sake, and for our good, not for his: He gaines not surely by any match at our hands. For my brethren and companions sake. These very words have weight, and carry a secret reason of that respect for which he will speake peace unto them. They are brethren, not of the same wombe, but of the same nature in common: Brethren [Page] by the mothers side, the common mother. Companions (for so the word signifies) not in the Court, but in the same Countrey; companions in the house of God, and in the Convenant of grace, and in that respect brethren by the fathers side; partners of that honour, which all good Princes take to be (and is) their greatest honour, that they are the children of God. Brethren in nature a thing which as no Prince will deny, so none need be ashamed of, seeing Christ himselfe, though he were the sonne of God, and thought it no robbery to be equall with God, yet in respect of the partnership in the flesh, was not ashamed to be called a brother, and to call us brethren, as the Author to the Hebrewes saith. This consideration is a great motive; it was so to Iob, he durst not contemne the judgement of his servants, no not of his maid, when they contended with him. For (saith he) what shall I then doe when God standeth up, and when he shall visit me, What shall I answer? Why so? He that made me in the wombe, hath he not made him? that is in effect, is he not my brother? It yeelds a gracious meditation for Christian Princes; as to thinke in time of famine, these that dye as starved, they are not dogs, they are my brethren: in the time of Pestilence, this is not a murren of cattell, they are my brethren that thus perish: in the oppression of a poore man, this is not an horse overloaden (which yet a man should pitie, though it were his enemies horse) this is my poore brother, whom God made, whom Christ dyed for. So in their lawfull suits and cries, these are not the cries of other creatures, nor of strangers, but of my brethren: How will my Father take it at my hands if I the elder brother use not my yonger brethren graciously?

So we see in the Kings Grant, what, to whom, and for what respect he promiseth. Of all which, the Vse is first unto Princes, then unto their servants about them, and lastly to all their Subjects. As touching to use to the Lords anointed, having dressed these things with so homely cookery, it will not become me to be a carver also to my soveraign [Page] Lord; but humbly, and in the feare of God doe beseech your Majesty, to give me leave to apply this unto you in Pauls words to Timothy, Consider what I say, and the Lord give thee understanding in all things: yea humbly beseech your Majesty to know your selfe, and your owne most gracious disposition, of which every man reporteth that speaketh with you in private, and still to use it, and to speake graciously to your loving Subjects. And for the rest, it remaines also, that your Majesty hunt away two beasts, the tame beast and the wilde, the flatterer and the false informer, which shall attempt to set off your sweet affections from any of your loving Subjects.

The second Vse is to the servants that attend about the Kings person, and to them it is a word of Admonition, that seeing it is the office and duty of a King, and the desire and disposition of our gracious King to speake peace unto his people, they would take heed of doing any evill office betweene the King and his good Subjects, by applying unwisely causticks to the sinewes: for if it be a cursed thing to set division betweene brethren, what is it betweene the Father and the children? Assuredly to alienate, by any meanes, the heart of the Prince from the people, or of the people from the Prince, is a worke for the Divell, and not for any of the Kings good servants.

And lastly, to us all, it is a word of incitation, that we should know what to be thankfull unto God for, that have a gracious Prince to speake unto us; and also to pray, that God would ever so dispose of the Kings heart unto his people and all his people unto him againe, that as he came unto us with the greatest applause that ever Prince entred with all, so he may continue with the greatest acceptance that ever Prince had, and may make us but one onely mourning day, that is, the day of separation, like the mourning for good Iosiah, for whom all Israel lamented when he dyed. And secondly, how to beare our selves as loyall and dutifull Subjects, with all reverence to the Lords anointed, that we may be worthy of [Page] gracious usage. And if perhaps something fall out otherwise, let us remember that of Salomon, If the spirit of him that ruleth rise up against thee, goe not out of thy place, take not the sturdy. Consider thy selfe if thou be a Master, how thou usedsts thy servants; if a Father, how thou art sometimes passionate to thine owne children: and then remember, that Princes have greater provocations, greater power. And if there be something in them which may not be justified, yet the reverence and duty of Subjects is to hide it, going backward.

Thus much for the first part of this Charter. Now come we to the other; wherein he saith, I will procure thy wealth. The word signifies to seeke, but with all endeavours to obtaine, and therefore is well translated, procure; that is, I will doe thee good. Indeed it is a gracious thing to speake peace unto them, but more gracious to doe them good. We say in an homely proverbe, Better meat without sauce, then sauce without meat; yet (no doubt) two good things together are best. A childe that is hungry may be stilled a while with dandling and singing, but it must have the brest, or else it will not be contented long, Good and gracious words please well, but good deeds, doing justice, seeking the common good, is that which gives the chiefe content unto the Subjects. But why, saith he, I will procure? had he not done it? yes undoubtedly, but he will doe it still, he will doe it more: as he had also spoken peace unto them before, but will speake it still unto them. God hath given Princes such power and meanes▪ that they should, and might be continuall fountaines of goodnesse unto the people. But let us consider now more particularly this part of the Kings promise. Wherin first, What he would doe: and secondly, Why.

The thing, What, hath in it two branches. First, the very object of his care; that is, their good. Secondly, the manner of procuring it, noted in the word of seeking: which is a word of strong signification, and importeth all diligence and industry in seeking their good. For the former, let it be observed, [Page] that the good of the Subjects is the charge of Princes. For to this end hath God ordained them, witnesse the Apostle, Rom. 13. He is the Minister of God for thy wealth, for thy good; if then doe well, for thy comfort, if thou doe ill, for thy terrour, and yet therein for thy good: for it is as good for some to be terrified, as for others to be comforted. and indeed this is the proper greatnesse of Kings and Princes, that God hath made them the great instruments of common good. As if no blessing could be passed to his people but under the great seale of their office. A wonderfull honour unto them: For even as Ioseph in Aegypt was set over the corn, so as he might have relieved, or starved, not the Egyptians onely, but the Countries of the World neere unto it, in the time of famine; and this Ioseph was there for the second man in the Kingdome. So Princes are the second to God himselfe, in that God hath put into their hands to doe universall good unto their people. A goodly honour, which as it doth require great residence upon so great a charge; so may it much encourage Christian Princes to doe their office, the benefit whereof is so universall. And if it might please Princes sometimes to looke about them, and when they shall see a poore man labouring and toyling all day as a servant in base worke, and all for the backe and belly, or (perhaps) for a few poore children at home that cry for bread; and then to think, good Lord, how this man toyles, and all his worke is but for himselfe, where I labour not as a servant, but as a Lord, in workes not base, but honourable; and not onely have the good of it to my selfe, but am an universall good as a blessing sent of God to the whole Land. Such a meditation shall greatly encourage them to seeke the good of their people. I will seeke, saith he, that is use all diligence and endeavour. If Princes seeke not the good of their Subjects, it will not be found. Great things will not be done without great labour; if they seeke not, things will be other wayes done then they would, and (which is the mischiefe) other mens faults will be scored upon their accounts. It is said of Galba, that many [Page] things passed under his name, of which he was innocent; yet because he permitted them whom he ought to have brideled, or was ignorant of that which he ought to have knowne, he lost reputation, and opened the way to his owne overthrow. The fault was other mens, the blame his. If they seeke not, they may be abused by such as I spake of before, Flatterers and Misinformers, such as will alwayes be about Princes to cast shadowes, and stand in the light of their best Subjects: as Ziba did to Mephibosheth: unlesse Princes be wise, as an Angell of God to finde out the hand of Ioab in the disguisings of the woman of Tekoah.

2 We have heard now what he will doe, He will seeke their good: but let us also consider, Why: For the house of the Lord. What is that? The Tabernacle, the Temple being not built as yet. But how was that Gods house? doth the Lord dwell in houses made of hands? or could he be contained in a Tent, that filleth heaven and earth? Surely no; but because he did there reveale himselfe by Sacramentall representations; as Princes sometimes marry by their pictures, he is said to dwell there, and that to be his house. The thing is, because of Gods true worship and service, he will seeke their good. Where (I beseech you) that it may be marked, that this should be the speciall end of procuring the wealth of the people, for the house of the Lord, for the religion sake, and the true worship of God. Indeed this is the speciall thing, to know God, and feare God aright. And if Princes provide not this for their Subjects, peace and traffique, and such like, makes no better provision for them, then is made for oxen in good pasture, nay not so good; for an oxe therein hath all he needs, but a man without this, is left unprovided in the farre greater part, even in his soule. And as Princes without this care provide not well for their people, so they provide but ill for themselves; for they can have no certaine assurance of their Subjects without it. The great bond of Allegiance is an oath of the Lord. What if a professed Atheist take an oath, is hee bound? He is not sui iuris. What if he that is an Atheist in [Page] effect take an oath, one (I meane) that denies the power of godlinesse, that hath a dispensatory conscience and will make licences to his conscience, as Roagues doe to themselves under hedges? What if a man be a Papist, that beleeves (as he is bound by their rules to doe) that the Pope hath power at his pleasure, to dispence with an oath, and to dissolve any bonds; hath the Prince any assurance of such a Subject, which hath his dependency upon the pleasure of a foraigne power? It is true then that nothing can cast a sure knot upon the conscience of the Subject, but the true knowledge and feare of God. So as when Princes doe advance the good of Gods house they establish the good of their owne all in one. I adde further in this point▪ that which is to be observed in all the Kings of Israel and Iudah, that their Stories begin with this observation (as with a thing first worthy to be Chronicled) how they dealt in matters of Religion. Such a King, and such a King, and what did he? He did that which was right in the sight of the Lord. And such a King, he walked in the wayes of Ieroboam the Sonne of Nebat, which made Israel to sinne. I spare to cite places, but it is the generall observation of those Bookes of Kings and Chronicles, as they that read them know; yea farther it may be marked, that as generally, when Princes have forgotten to seeke the good of their Subjects, to which they were ordained of God, God hath surely plagued them himselfe; perhaps so much the more severely, because none may doe it but he▪ and he will doe it throughly when he takes it in hand. So yet specially hath God humbled Princes, and even povred contempt upon them, when they have contemned▪ or forsaken the house of the Lord. Of this the Scripture gives us examples▪ as well in such as never advanced the house of God, as in those that fell off, in part or in whole. As we may see in the stories of Iehoram, Iehoas and even of Salomon, whose fal I cannot name without trembling, to thinke that such a man so wise, that had spoken with God twice (as it were familiarly) I meane by vision, should in his old dayes be seduced, and fall to set up grose idolatry. [Page] As for Iehoram, he refused the house of the Lord; God raised him up adversaries, and after smote him with a disease in his bowels, of which he died miserably, and when he was dead, his people made no mourning for him as for other Kings: so he was neither happy living, nor honoured dead, because he sought not the good of his people for the house of the Lord. Iehoas also did well as long as Jehoida his good Councellour lived▪ but when Jehoida dyed, the Kings goodnesse dyed with him. Then the Princes came to the King and spake reverently to him, and compasse him with good words as with a net (for as Salomon saith, He that flattereth a man, spreads a net for his steps;) he yeelds, and forsakes the house of the Lord. But what became of it? First, the Aramires came and with a small band they overthrew a great Army and slew the Princes that had misled the King, and left the King himselfe in great diseases; so that he was spared to live longer, to be (as it were) but longer in dying; and yet at last his owne servants slew him: and when he was dead, they buried him not in the sepulcher of the Kings, as not thinking him worthy of a Kings sepulcher, that had not done a Kings office for the house of the Lord. I might speake of others and all to shew that God hath specially humbled Princes, when they have forsaken or impugned his true worship; doing executions upon them on as high a stage, as they played their parts on; that their punishment, as their faults, might be of speciall height and note.

I will adde one observation more, that through neglect of this care of Religion, the power of Christian Princes was lost; and while they put off to the Prelates all the care of the house of God, God also cast from them their authority, and made them vassals. So they lost their greatnesse, and the Clergy found it, and it hurt them both. It is (as I remember) a note of Platina in the life of Adrian the third, that after they had fully ingrossed the Emperiall power, there was never since Emperour of strength, or Pope of vertue: so they lost both by it. And indeed, as the blood if it fall any way out of the [Page] veines too much, there is some danger, but if it fall into the body extra vasa, there is more danger, for there it will corrupt and putrifie: so was it with the supreame authority of Princes, when they suffered it to fall unto the Clergy (as it were) extra vasa. And here I desire to informe a mistery, a mistery of iniquity, to shew how from the authority usurped in Ecclesiasticall causes claime is made to the whole power of Princes. Bellarmine saith in his fift Booke of the Roman Bishop, a fourth and sixt Chapters, that the Pope hath nothing to doe with temporalties of Kings, properly (nay his word is directly, but he hath it indirect, indirectly (as true as may be indirectly indeed). As how? He may not (saith he) depose Princes simply as a Lord, but for the safety of soules, for the good of the Church: so from the care of the Church they challenge power over Princes. Good cause have Princes then to maintaine their supremacy in causes Ecclesiasticall, and to be jealous of that title, as also to use that power for the good of the house of the Lord, lest if they cast away one moity, God cast away the other.

And here may come in that last branch of the first part, which through haste I forgot which I desire might be of use, though it come somewhat out of the proper place; I meane that time, that Now, of which he said, I will speake peace. Why now? ment he that he would doe it out of hand, and keepe the word of a Prince, which is to them as great a band as an oath of the subjects? Nay, but by this note of time (Now) as Illericus well observes in his Clavis Scriptura, not so much the time, as the circumstance of the time is often noted. And so it carrieth a reason why he would now speake peace unto them; yea, and (as I thinke) why he would now procure their good, for the house of God sake. For I see not but that it may be referred to the whole Grant, I will now speake peace unto thee, I will now procure thy wealth. But why Now? Because the people were so forward▪ and came thus to the house of God, and said, Our feet shall stand in thy gates, O Jerusalem. Therefore in this float of good affections in the Subjects, the [Page] Kings heart is inlarged, and he promiseth now to speak peace, and now to seeke their good.

Wherein it is good to consider, that when God disposeth the hearts of the people to goodnesse, to Religion, Princes should specially cherish them and incourage them. It is noted of David in 1 Chron. 29. that when the people offered willingly, the King rejoyced. Of Hezekiah also in 2 Chron. 20. when he drew the people to Jerusalem to worship, and they came and offered, that the King rejoyced that God had made the people so ready; for the thing was done sodainly. And indeed then to use them graciously, and then to seeke their good for the house of Gods sake; when God hath best disposed their hearts, is a speciall meanes to cherish goodnesse it selfe▪ and is the crowne of the benefit. We read of Ethelbert (that Christian King of Kent) that he would compell none to Religion, but he drew religious men about him, and countenanced them, and by that meanes increased them innumerably. And surely this is a worthy course to advance godlinesse and vertue, as strong as any compulsary meanes. Because, every man (saith Salomon) seekes the face of the Ruler, which if no man could finde but in the way of godlinesse and honesty, none would seeke to finde in the way of vice and flattery. To this circumstance I adde, that as by the course of the Moone, there be spring-tides at the change, and at the full: so at the change, if any man will change a false religion for the truth; and at the full, if any man be growne to a full measure, such as we attaine in this poore life; I meane, if any man be well thriven in goodnesse it is sit that spring-tides of favour should slow unto such.

But now to returne to the consideration of the house of God, for which he will seeke their good. The very words carry their weight, and shew why he should specially seeke their good▪ for the house of Gods sake, and the good of the house of God: It is the house of the Lord of Jehovah; Should not that be cared for? there is care of provision for the Kings house, and good cause there should be so, and he is not worthy [Page] to be the subject of a good Prince that should grudge it. Now should there not be care for the provision of▪ Gods house? He addes, our God; that is, his God, and their God. He must needs seek their good for the house sake of that God which was their God. One God to both, one house of God to both, chara pignora: one God, one faith, one baptisme, one religion, the sweetest bands. And assuredly, whosoever should goe about to set up severall Religions, should also goe about to sever the Prince and the people.

Thus have I bin bold this day, but it is before the Lord and before his anointed. Now for the Vse which belongeth unto my deare Soveraigne; I humbly beseech your Majesty (and speake it with a kneeling heart, as becometh me, and in the feare of God) to stirre up your owne most noble spirit, and to set your heart to seeke the good of your people, for the house of God. God gave you as this day to be borne, for the good (I am perswaded) of all Christendome. God hath brought you to this goodly Kingdome, and established you in it, with wonderfull peace and acceptance: God hath given you goodly knowledge, and it appeares in publique how able you are, to teach all the duties of all Kings. Now I beseech your Majesty remember what great things God hath done for you, and answer him in goodnesse, and set your heart (as I know you doe) to seeke the good of his people, and specially of the house of God: and be assured, that so long as you shall maintaine and advance the house of God, God will establish your house, and your posterity, so long as they shall uphold the Lords true service, or else (assuredly) this Word of God hath no truth in it.

Now for the house of God, that which is to be done, is, first to repaire it well; and then to keepe it so. The repaire requireth two things: first, that the people be built up in knowledge. I thinke the Kings Majesty knoweth it not (would God he did know it) that there be very many of his poore subjects wonderfull ignorant: the people in many places are naked, and Aaron hath made them naked, I meane the Ministry: [Page] a naked Ministry hath made a naked people: the Lord helpe them and incline the Kings gracious heart to pity them. The other thing for the repair of the house of God is that the inside of the Lords house the gold of the Temple be looked to; I meane, that with knowledge there be joyned the power and practice of religion in a good conversation. And herein beseech the Kings Majesty to give leave unto his poore servant to informe him that, which perhaps he knoweth not, that (from the occasion which some foolish, turbulent and proud spirits, spirits of separation have given) there is a name of common scorne cast upon every man, that setteth his face towards the practice of true godlinesse: Wherein, I beseech your Majesty to consider, if the life and soule of Religion be let out, what will become of the body of it? will it not fall and grow ugly and rot? and become a shame unto it selfe? Now as the things are to be looked to▪ for the repaire of the house of God; so to keepe it in a good repaire, two other things are to be cared for. First that the common enemy may be suppressed: It was a noble speech (and blessed be God that put it into the Kings royall heart) to say, He would shed the last drop of his blood, rather then tolerate another Religion. But the Lord will not suffer one drop of that precious blood to be shed, that is prepared to be shed for him. The other thing, is to establish peace in the Church it selfe. A worthy worke, and fit for a King. It is true, and all men know it, that while we have striven which way to entertaine Christ best, as the Tribes of Judah and the ten Tribes did, about the receiving, home of David their King, Shebah the Sonne of Br [...]hri hath wickedly blowne the trumpet of seperation, and much hurt hath come in the Church of God, by our unbrotherly and unfruitfull contentions, for which godly men have beene much grieved: the division of Ruben were great thoughts of heart. But now (thanked be God) the hearts of men are more moderate, and disposed to peace, that a very little thing, a small matter (as I am perswaded) would establish this Church of God in so good tearmes of peace, as it [Page] never saw. In which respect, I am bold to speake unto your Majesty, but I speake unto a most gracious King, and to a wise King that can tell how to pardon things somewhat foolishly spoken, when they are spoken from a well meaning heart. I could speake it upon my knees, if the place would beare it, but my soule shall kneele before my Soveraine: I beseech your Majesty, take unto your selfe that Princely worke to strike through a peace in this Church of God; I will not direct, but pray leave to tell a story; It is reported of Augustus the Emperour, that supping with one Pollio, he was informed that a servant of Pollios had broken a christall glasse of his Masters; a foule fault if he had done it willingly, if negligently a fault: but for this the poore servant was adjudged to be cut in peeces, and cast to the fishes: a marvailous sore sentence for such a fault. The Emperour reversed the sentence, and thought it punishment enough to the servant▪ to have bin in feare of such a punishment; and after breakes all the glasses, that they might not be occasion of like rigorous sentence afterwards. I will not apply it, but do humbly beseech your Majesty to use your owne most godly wisdome, now to make peace in the Church, when so small a thing will doe it: that so the Bishops may love the poore Ministers, as brethren and Ministers reverence the Bishops as fathers in the Lord, as Hierom adviseth, and every honest man wisheth they should doe.

The second Vse▪ is to his Majesties servants and attendants; to whom I may speake more freely, but yet with reverence (and as becometh me) to beseech them, that (seeing it is the office and desire of the King to seeke the good of his people, and specially of the house of the Lord) they doe their faithfull service herein to the King and take heed that they hinder not any of his godly purposes towards his people, or the house of God: Curse ye Mero [...]h (said the Angell of the Lord) curse ye the inhabitants thereof, because they came not out to helpe the Lord, to helpe the Lord against the mighty. If they were [Page] subject to a curse that came not out to helpe, what shall such be, as come out to resist, to hinder.

The last Vse is to us all, the Kings loyall subjects, to stirre us up to be thankfull to God that hath given us a King that seekes our good and the good of Gods house, and that we strive to walke worthy of such a blessing, in all loyalty and reverence. And if any man be otherwise minded, let the Lords hand finde him out; yea surely, it will finde him out, and make him an example. And secondly, this should admonish us, to serve God and please him, that so we lose not the benefit of a good King; which the people sometimes doe for their owne wickednesse: as we read in 2 Chron. 20. The high places were not taken away in good Jehosaphats time (who was a godly Prince) because the peoples hearts were not prepared to the God of their Fathers. Finally, seeing the hearts of Kings are in the hands of God, as the rivers of waters; it is our duty now and alwayes, to become humble sutours to almighty God, so to guide the heart of our gracious Lord the King▪ as he may ever seeke the good of Gods people, and specially of the Church of God, to all our comforts, and his owne immottall honour, and everlasting happinesse through Jesus Christ, to whom with the Father and the holy Ghost be honour and glory now and for ever, Amen.

FJNJS.

The Copy of the Letter, presented with the Copy of his Sermon aforesaid, by Master Burges, to the Lords of his Majesties Privie Councell (being convented before them for the same) 22. Iune, 1604.

[Page]

MOst humbly giving thanks unto your Honors, for so gracious usage of me at my late convention before you, I now present unto you the copy of my Sermon, preached before his excellent Majesty. To say that there is no word added, abated or altered, were a speech not credible of a Sermon penned since, and not before the preaching of it. But this J professe, before the God of truth, unto your Honours, J know not where J have varied from my selfe in matter or manner of speaking, to the benefit of one word. And therefore, as in the preaching (through a slip of memory) J lost one whole branch of the first part, out of the proper place; and recovering it afterward, did insert it in a place not so fit; so have J willingly misplaced it now, as then unwillingly: yea, for some allegations, wherein J missed some words of the Author, which J could now by the Authors have supplied, J have chosen rather to shew the then failing of memory, then now to faile in that (which is a point of honesty) a just report of my speech, as J remember it, aecording to my promise to your Honours.

For the rest, J doe (upon my knees) beseech your Lordships, [Page] to lay the whole together, before you censure the parts of it; and to consider the generall doctrines respectively to his Majesty, by mine owne particular applications to his royall person. As touching the to sparing acknowledgement of his Majesties Princely graces, and the unspeakable good we have by him, I humbly pray your Lordships to beleeve, and I take God to witnesse, that I failed mine owne purposes therein: a fault in a speech unset, to one not acquainted with such a presence, contracted by the time, much more easie to commit it then excuse; because it is as needfull to acknowledge to the full what we have received, as to incite unto that which is to be continued, or added; lest we seeme captious rather, then zealous, of small things studious, of greater unthankefull.

Farther, my most Honourable good Lords, perceiving his Majesty, out of his apprehensive depth, to be jealous of some secret purposes in me, to aime undutifull intentions to his Majesty, under generall coverts, as I cannot deny unto his Highnesse most just cause of indignation at me for ever, if I should have intended so, to a King, a Christian King, my King, and in his presence, and before his servants; so I wish the Lord even so to give me favour with your Honours, yea with his Majesty, nay with Christ at his [...]oming, as my heart and purposes were upright to God, the King and State, in that service; free from popularity, and from all purpose of depressing the glory of so worthy a Prince, or depraving personally any of his Highnesse servants.

I doe also further crave leave to protest, that I had therein no intelligence, no conference with any man living; but ran that course out of opinion, that it was my duty to speake before the King and State, of such things as the best Kings and States shall have need to consider of, while the world standeth. As touching mine owne reverent heart, and particular opinion of his Majesties gracious disposition, if my speeches to that end cleared it not enough, yet even that doth, which is made to accuse me, my freedome to speak of that duty so liberally before his presence; an undoubted argument of good times, like those of [Page] Trajan, wherein (as it is said) one might thinke what he would, and speake what he thought. Howbeit, I am so sensible of his Majesties distaste, as I could not out live the discouragement thereof, if the integrity of my heart before God in that poore Sermon, and his Majesties gracious readinesse to receive satisfaction did not relieve me. As for any construction of my speech by his Mnjesties subjects, whom I have elsewhere and often taught, and incited to be joyfull, and thankefull to God for this favour, that (not being best people) we are blessed with the best King under heaven; I should mourne not a little, if any spiderly minde, sucke poyson out of that (not flower, but) pothearbe, that had no poyson in it. And because it is matter of humbling, to be thought casually, and unwillingly the instrument of any hurt, I doe freely offer, that if the honest wise Auditors will say upon their conscience, that my Sermon incited them to lesse reverence of his Majesty, or joy in him; then to silence my selfe from preaching, to give up my maintenance, and (if that be to little) to depart my Countrey; in which yet, I had rather live under his Majesty, poore as I am, then to abound in any other Kingdome of the world. But what meane I to sentence my selfe? I am in your Lordships, to whom I submit my selfe with all reverence: nothing so much fearefull of any punishment, as sory to have grieved that royall heart, the joy, comfort and contentment wherof I wish and pray for, more then my life, as I am bound to doe 'and shall doe, whether his pleasure shall be to pardon, or punish his poore servant.

And thus professing my selfe to have great cause already, to thinke the more reverently of your Honors while I live, and to pray to God the more earnestly for you, I humbly crave leave of you, of presenting to your Honours an account of my selfe for my twenty yeeres Ministry; which if I shall give untruly in any point, I aske no favour of your Honours, no mercy of God himselfe: And for the rest, beseech God to make you as honorable in life, & happy in death as ever were any in your places.

Your Honours in all humble duty, JOHN BVRGES.

Master Burges Letter to the KINGS Majesty.

[Page]

Most mighty King,

MY no lesse dear then dread Sovernigne, I recount mine owne secret intentions in my Sermon preached before your Majesty, the dearnesse and tendernesse of my heart to your Majesties person and honour, and the many prayers and teares spent upon it, that it might be faithfull, and acceptable to God and your Majesty; I am amazed at that distaste which your Highnesse hath taken of it and of me. But when I review some ambiguous speeches thereof, in which your Majesty had great reason to suspect undutifull intentions in me; I wonder more at that divine providence, that carried me unawares upon such things, as gave occasion of distaste to your Majesty, to me of humbling under your displeasure: which my sorrow should have bin the lesse, if your Majesties dislike had broken out in a tempest of indignation, and not in a melting griefe of a sweet and Princely spirit. Now God even so deliver my soule out of all adversity, as I was farre from purpose of grieving my Lord the King, and as my heart is wounded for the griefe of your heart. And yet unto this one affliction hath come another, that all that faithfull Councell, which I meant to have conveyed closely unto my dearest Lord, as a word in season, and which I thought my selfe bound unto, as I would answer it to God, to whom I had vowed it, [Page] is now spilt, and made not unprofibable onely, but intolerable, through an evill taste, which my supposed intentions gave unto it. And yet (that my misery might want no weight) there is this added, that whiles the markes which your Majesty tooke notice of, were as much hidden from the common hearers sight, as they were from mine owne thoughts, I am judged to be now committed for the Doctrines, which were found and generall, and never out of season for any State. And so (as I spake to the Lords with teares) I am casually an occasion of that which is no honour to your Majesty; for whose honour I entended that service, and desire to sacrifice all things but my soule. And these are the respects for which your poore prisoner is abased. As for imprisonment, it is, in a sort but to be locked up in my Study, and death it selfe were but to fall asleepe: nor can I be disgraced in the world, in which I never had or sought gracing. Now for remedy, I have but two receipts; the one of prayer to God, that can recover your favour to me: the other, of humble suit unto your Majesty for reliefe, not so much out of prison, as out of your Majesties displeasure. Together with which suit, I doe humbly present unto your Majesty, upon my knees, an account (more sincere then cautelous) of such things as your Highnesse desireth to be answered in.

First, Some things I spake in mine owne phrase unpremeditate, as that of the swelling of Princes hearts, &c. and of their mariage by their pictures: and some things I aleadged out of Comines; as of a fall from a horse, a sharpe ague, smiting in the wits, division in the house, &c. in all which, I take God to witnesse against my soule, if I had any thought of aiming at, or so much as knowledge of those respects, which I was conceived to glance upon, but spake therein as Balaams Asse did, to his Masters understanding, not to his owne.

Secondly, for the generall discourse of the graciousnesse of Princes to their Subjects, and the arguments and amplifications thereof, I confesse upon my knees unto your Majesty, [Page] that taking notice (to my hearts griefe) of the generall murmurings and complaints (which every man heares sooner then your Majesty, or your neerest servants) as that you grace not your people, you speake not to them, you looke not at them, you blesse them not; and therefore (say they) you love them not; fearing whereto the divell might carry such conceits, I thought my selfe bound in conscience as on the one side by sundry Sermons, and in sundry places, to reprove all unthankfull and undutifull thoughts toward so gracious a King; so on the other side in your owne presence, to propone such generall discourse, as your Majesty might make use of, for your owne good and all ours that live (as it were) by your breath; and yet without touch to your reputation in your peoples hearts. For which, I not onely did intend, but so provide in my particular applications to your Majesty, as I dare say, that the honest hearers did reverence you the more; as many testified at the instant, by their teares: arguments of good and not of bad affections toward their Soveraigne.

Thirdly, and as for my speech of two beasts to be hunted away, the tame beast and the wilde, the flatterer and the false informer, being an allusion to a speech of Diogenes; I protest upon my knees unto your Majesty, I ment not any two particular persons, but kindes of such evill instruments: of which (there is no doubt) but your Majesty hath more then two about you, though I know them not.

Fourthly, as to the point of the generality of a Princes favours, and that simitude of Monopolies used in discourse thereof; I likewise upon my knees crave leave to protest, that I spake it not, as thinking your Majesty to be strict hearted or handed; or because I knew that some have ingrosed your favours; but because that also is muttered of, as if your favours were not immediate, nor tole-free: and because it hath beene the ordinary mishap of the best Princes to be so inclosed▪ I thought it my duty, ad majorem cautelam, to advertise that under a generall discourse unto a wise Prince, which I thought none could possibly, and certainly apply [Page] unto particularities, unlesse the fault were both certaine and open.

Fiftly, For the second part of my Sermon, and that discourse of furthering Religion; I doe upon my knees crave leave to protest before the God of heaven, that I spake nothing as doubting of your Majesties owne purposes and integrity of heart, or to detract from the honour of your former proceedings amongst us, which unhappily and unwillingly I forgot to relate: but because I thought it my duty to stirre up your pure minde unto those things which belong unto your royall power, and duty therein; to which (I confesse) my heart moved me the more earnestly, because it is generally complained, that Popery and licenciousnesse grow upon us; that the new and unwonted urging of the Ceremonies and Subscription beyond Law (whereby six or seven hundred of the ablest Ministers in the Land are like to be put out) the generall depraving of religious persons (if they be conscionable) under the scorne of Puritanisme; as if the body of Religion standing upright, men would yet cut the throat of it: the connivency at Papists and Jesuites, and too little regard of religious men; the dignifying of such in the Church, as never were of best desert, gifts, and report; the withdrawing of Ecclesiasticall causes from the Parliament; though in present, and in your Majesties dayes safe, yet in the President and succession of doubtfull consequence, computed with the insolencies and brags of the Papists; make many men sigh and grieve, and say in secret that these things may be the tracies to Popery: and that though your excellent Majesty intend the contrary, yet being in your owne purposes led out onely against Dothan of the Puritans, you may at last, unwillingly and unawares, finde your selfe inclosed in Samaria of the Papists.

Sixtly, As to the point of the good disposition of the people to be cherished by good Princes (which God knoweth I cast unwillingly into that latter part of my Sermon) I doe humbly confesse unto your blessed Majesty, that the time [Page] gave me as good an heart, as the text did occasion to speake of it; the rather, because I have perceived good mens discourses to this effect. Surely, the undoubted affections of the most religious Subjects, made the Kings happy entrance amongst us, to be so open and so easie. Others, when they saw it unpossible to resist, hasted to be before us in favour, as they were behinde us in affection: no otherwise then Shemei came in first to salute David at his returne, that in his trouble went out to curse him: we were then ready with our lives in our hands, to have cut out his Ma [...]esties way to the crowne, with our owne swords, and now are ready to dye for him, at any houres warning. Good Lord, what is it? that we cannot be gratified in a suit so generally made, so easily, and not safely alone, but profitably granted? and no lesse (in our conc [...]i [...]s) for the Kings honour and safety, then for our common comforts and quiet of the Church of God.

Seventhly and lastly, I doe upon my knees confesse unto your most excellent Majesty▪ that by Pollios glasses, I did intend to notifie the Ceremonies for which this Church of God hath bin in vexation above fifty yeeres. And though they be small things, yet have they caused great troubles; as light exhalations breed great tempests: and the course of Religion hath bin much hindred by them, as is the way of a ship in the sea, by the little fish Remora as Plinie writes. Things (which I confesse) I hold not impious but needlesse and scandalous, of some so extreamely hated of others so supersticiously affected, as a good man cannot tell, whether to please himselfe best, in pleasing or displeasing others. Many hundred worthy Ministers thinke them unlawfull, and would surely dye, rather then use them; some others will much more willingly performe their subjection to your Majesty, in bearing the penalty, then suffer by their occasion so many to fall off to Brownisme on the one hand, and others to rise up in scorne, and contempt of their lightnesse, on the other. Thus is the state of the poore Ministry, like that of the Britons, betwixt the sword of the Saxons, and the Sea: in which case, most [Page] noble Prince, I protest to God▪ I durst not but speak (by way of supplication) before your presence more then ever I spake before the people; for what knew I, whether God had brought me thither for that time? and whether the Kings Ma [...]esty would hold out his golden Scepter unto me? and thought this motion the more seasonable, because the things yeelded upon suit for peace sake, might goe out with flying colours, one side satisfied with their justification, the other gratified with their remove; both reunited within themselves, and strengthned against the common enemy; the frame of the present government being still continued with good approbation, and confirmed by our inward peace.

These Motives, most dread Soveraigne, led me into that course which I tooke, was without counsell or conference with other person or persons. Now durst I prefer mine own possibilities of attaining the Princes service to this duty. In all which, I had no unreverend thought in my heart, to compare my Soveraigne to any of those evill examples, which I alleadged in my discourses. For the rest, I could onely plead (as Luther before the Emperour) for pardon of rudenesse, that I have not beene acquainted with the tender eares of Princes; but doe onely beseech your Majesty, for Christs sake, to pardon the errours of my love unto you. Beseeching God to blesse your Majesty, and all your progeny, and to make your name more honorable, then the name of all the Kings your predecessours in this Land.

Your Majesties most loyall subject, and poore prisoner in the Fleet John Burges.

Information about this book

Title statement

A sermon preached before the late King James His Majesty at Greenwich the 19 of Iuly 1604 together with two letters in way of apology for his sermon : the one to the late King Iames His Majesty : the other to the Lords of His Majesties then Privie Councell / by John Burges ...

Burges, John, 1561?-1635.

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1642

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Text Creation Partnership,

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2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1).

ID [DLPS]

A30293

ID [STC]

Wing B5720

ID [STC]

ESTC R313

ID [EEBO-CITATION]

12625632

ID [OCLC]

ocm 12625632

ID [VID]

64627

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(EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A30293)

Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64627)

Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 251:E145, no 5)

Source

— A sermon preached before the late King James His Majesty at Greenwich the 19 of Iuly 1604 together with two letters in way of apology for his sermon : the one to the late King Iames His Majesty : the other to the Lords of His Majesties then Privie Councell / by John Burges ..., Burges, John, 1561?-1635..

Extent

[2], 29 p.

Printed by Thomas Brudenell,. London :: 1642.. (Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library.)

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The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source.

Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data.

Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so.

Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor.

The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines.

Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements).

Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site.