Liberty of Conscience Upon it true and proper Grounds Asserted and Vindicated. The First Part.

AMongst all the endowments bestow­ed upon the Sons of men, nothing is to have a higher price and value put upon it, than that we call Conscience, be­cause of the immediate reference it hath to the pleasing or displeasing of the great God, and those more noble concerns of a better life; and also the irresistible Influence it hath upon our selves, to determine our well or ill being here. CONSCIENCE is an Ability in the Understanding of man, by a Reflect Act to judge of himself in all he does, as to his acceptance or rejection with God; this is the inward Rule he hath to walk by: And 'tis but reasonable to believe, mankind bound to steer their course, by what (upon the utmost improvement of their understan­dings) they know, and believe best.

The proper seat of Conscience is in the Un­derstanding, and is no other thing, but this Reflect Act of our knowledge back upon our selves, dictating to us God's liking or dis­liking what we do, as good or evil: This ability is more or less, according to the suit­able light God affords to our understanding, either inwardly or outwardly, whether na­tural or divine; and is indeed to each man, the Rule of all other Rules God is pleased to govern him by; for whether it be by natural Light or divine Revelation, still the utmost bounds of his Conformity lies in the know­ledge and conception he hath of it, and of his duty in reference unto it. So that the infor­mation of the understanding is still the guide of the Conscience; for when we become once convinced that this or that is Gods will, my understanding reflects back to my self, and tells me, This is my Duty in reference to it, and so comes in upon each man the obligation of that we call Conscience; which is indeed so unavoidable a Reflection, suitable to the con­viction and impression the understanding lies under, that no man hath power in himself, if he would to escape it; Conscientiam non esse judicium theoreticum, quo verum à falso simpliciter discernitur, sed puncticum, quo par­ticulariter illa cognitio applicatur ab homine ad illud, quod ipsi vel bonum, vel malum est, ut sit interna Regula, dirigens voluntatem: Ames. [Page 3] de cas. Consci. That there was at first in A­dam a clear and perfect knowledge of God, and of himself, is not to be doubted; and that there was this Reflect Act in Adams knowledge, that he fully viewed and beheld himself, and knew in what a happy estate God had made him, is also clear; and that this exercise of his knowledge also, in a way of Conscience, he had to tell him, he was ac­cepted of God, and did well in whatsoever he did; but that equal reflection of mans Un­derstanding, both towards good and evil, al­lowing the one, and condemning the other, was first introduced when he did eat of the Tree of knowledge of Good and Evil; which was so called by anticipation, because by the sin committed in eating of it, Adam, who knew nothing before, neither in himself, nor any other Creature, but what was perfectly good, came to the miserable knowledge of good and evil. Evil, before he could not know; for till he had sinned, there could be no such thing presented to his view; but in that act of his sinning, he saw the greatest Evil, and the root of all other Evil; what was Good also, by his fall he came to know in another manner than before; for before he knew it only simply considered in it self, but now as it stood in a direct contrariety and opposition unto Evil. That perfect knowledge man had at the first so far retains, [Page 4] since the fall, its excellent nature, as to be a distinguisher between Good and Evil, and a constant witness for God in his soul, and by secret reference to what he was at first, tells him what he still ought to be: And this is the thing we call Conscince, which as it is the best thing left in man by far, since the fall, so 'tis the noblest and worthiest thing the world hath left in it, and which above all others ought to be cherished and valued, as that whereby God is most acknowledged, each man in his own brest most quieted and settled, and mankind best enabled to live peaceably in society and converse together.

That it hath continued amongst men ever since the Fall, is plain, if we consider, that even in the darkest times of divine Know­ledge, before any Law from God was writ­ten, this knowledge men had of themselves, in reference to God, was a Law unto them. Their natural light, derived to them from their first creation, dictating to them what they ought to do, and what not, and enabling them to pass a judgment upon themselves, of their due behaviour towards God; and this the Apostle in the Epistle to the Romans calls Conscience, which will either excuse them, or accuse them in the great Judgment day, when the secrets of mens hearts shall be made known.

There be since mans fall two things emi­nently [Page 5] left in him; A sence and knowledge of God, though remote, and that two ways: first, by Instinct in his very composition and constitution, God making him at first in his own Image: and secondly, by the use of his reason, in beholding the works of creation and providence, which he does daily behold, and converse with, and which do eminently preach God unto him; the other thing is a sence of pleasing or displeasing God, by do­ing what his understanding tells him is good or ill, and this is to each man a Law; so Paul in that place of the Romans tells us, That those that have not the Law written, are a Law unto themselves, and do by nature the things con­tained in the Law.

When afterwards men came to be under a law written, and the knowledge of Gods mind concerning man was more clearly re­vealed, every man came to have a larger view of his duty, and clearer reflection upon him­self in reference to it, and so came to have a more enlightned Conscience, suitable to the enlargedness of his understanding in his walking before God.

This then being premised, that mans per­fect knowledge which he had at first, does still retain a taste of, and a discerning prin­ciple between good and evil, and does enable a man to judge of himself, in reference to his pleasing or displeasing of God, by the one [Page 6] and the other; and that every man hath more or less in him of that we call Conscience; (un­less in some particular cases, whereby often endeavouring to resist and oppose Consci­ence, God in just judgment takes away the use of it) and that Conscience is wholly re­gulated by the understanding, and the light thereof.

We will consider, First, That men do, and always have differed in their understan­dings and apprehensions, and so in their Consciences about divine things, and their duty to God. Secondly, what the grounds and reasons are, upon which men come to differ: And, Thirdly, How far men are to be tolerated, and indulged one by another, in such variety and difference of knowledge and conscience. For the first, we shall find it too obviously plain, so to have been in all times; A man must have some ill will, either to himself or his Reader, that should spend much time in the proof of it. If we look into those early times, before any Law was written, though all men had one com­mon instinct of God in their nature and be­ing, and had the same outward Mediums of the knowledge of God, which were the works of Creation and Providence; for there is no place where their Voice sounded not, yet doubtless the various Apprehensions of God, and of mans duty to him were very [Page 7] great; some improving those common Ru­diments of Divinity, to more reverent thoughts of a Deity, and a more sober virtu­ous way of living, by their natural light; and others so far degenerating from them, as that when they know God, and might have known more of him, they glorified him not as God, but turned the glory of the true and incorruptible God into mock-Deities, of Birds and Beasts, and so came to be given up to all manner of Evil. Such who lived in those dayes, and were by dreams, visions, voices, and otherwise particularly enlight­ned, had other kind of apprehensions of God, and principles of Conscience suitable there­unto; which yet could reach no further than themselves, nor be obliging to others far­ther than they could justifie those divine dis­coveries in their own nature, or by the cre­dit of their own testimony gain belief, and perswade men thereunto.

When aferwards the Law came to be writ­ten in Stone, which was from the beginning written in the Heart, and was in truth no other than a transcript of the Law of Nature, and the Light thereof; yet what great vari­ety do we find in the Exposition of it, and what various Principles derived from it? he is a great stranger to all Rabbinical Lear­ning, who knows not the wide compass of the Jewish Debates and Controversies. And [Page 8] since the times of the largest and fullest Re­velation of the Mind and Will of God in the days of the Gospel, do we not see, that knowledge hath multiplied Division? What great variety of thoughts have arisen amongst men, not only concerning those more ob­scure Notions of the Order and Discipline of the Gospel Church, but of most of the other Doctrines and Truths of Religion? And so general have the mis-apprehensions been, that have possessed men in these things, that sometimes we find in the Christian Church, Truth shut up, and thrust into a very narrow Corner; and sometimes an A­thanasius, and some very few opposing the torrent of mistakes, with which the generali­ty of Christian understandings were possessed. And still the variety of mens Apprehensions have produced the same variety in several sorts of Consciences, and the effects of it. If we seriously ponder the reasons of these things, we shall find them to come under se­veral heads, in the viewing of which, we may arrive at some satisfaction, in the second thing proposed, which is to know, how such uneven, disproportionate Thoughts, Opinions and Consciences come to be amongst men.

The first and great account that may be given of it, is this: An innate infirmity in the Soul of man since his fall, not to be able always to make a right judgment of things, [Page 9] but to receive various impressions in the un­derstanding faculty (by reason of the infir­mity and imperfection of it) according to all the several accidents and circumstances re­lating to its information, and the object 'tis conversant about. Adam in his naming the Creatures, and what-else he did before the fall, was not capable of a mistake; but man since lies very open to all delusion and deceit, being not able always to represent to himself in his understanding-faculty, all those things that should be known to make up a perfect judgment, nor if he could do so, were he able by the intrinsick strength of that faculty, perfectly and infallibly to judge of what should evidently appear before him; nor lastly, to remain fixed in any determination, being not only subject to alter and change by seeing farther, and having more presented to his view than what he at the first knew, but also in his own nature now, become mu­table and apt to change in his best and truest resolves: And from such a womb of infirmity, 'tis not hard to conceive what various and differing thoughts may be born.

Secondly, The great variety there is of suitable means to operate upon such a weak­ness in the Soul, and to prevail over the In­firmity of mens understanding, to lead them in several Paths. This we shall easily find, if we consider the several postures and con­ditions [Page 10] mankind is settled in, as to Education, Company, Studies, and many such acciden­tial matters, by which the minds of men are variously seasoned and engaged in their ap­prehensions; and so come to have differing foundations laid of Conscience, according to impressions received thereby. And where (as in most it is) very weak and ordinary motives prevail, and no larger compass is taken to settle the judgment, than those acci­dential means that first prevail with us, yet as positive an obligation of Conscience ariseth from such things, as from any whatsoever; there can be no perswasion so impotent, but may meet with some capacities, over which it may easily have dominion, and the bounds of such mens knowledge, though never so mean, must needs be a rule to the Conscience; so that to imagine all mens Minds and Con­sciences should be the same, is to imagine all men to be educated a like, all Company to talk a like, and all Books to be written a like, and that all other things, that work upon the minds of men, should all concenter to incul­cate the same thing.

Thirdly, Besides all this, there is an in-bred disposition in the Souls of men, according to the Bodies they dwell in, to apprehend and believe diversly of things, without any other outward help to such a variety; some men being naturally prone to believe some things, [Page 11] and others to imbibe those of a contrary Nature; and this is to be found without much difficulty, in the several constitutions and composures of men, where we shall find their thoughts and opinions holding great correspondence with, and bearing much pro­portion to their natural inclinations and tempers, and at several times several thoughts prevailing, according as the concommitant Humours of nature are predominant in them; so that let a man but phylosophically view over the divers humors in mens Bodies, such as make men cholerick, flegmatick, or the like, and the wonderful mixture of those humors, in the various Temperament of them, and he will not be much to seek for the various Thoughts, Opinions and Con­sciences that are in the World; and to force men out of these, through any door than that of the understanding, and means suit­ed thereunto, is to force them out of their very nature and existence; that Soul in man that was at first Lord over the Body, and could receive no sophistication from it, takes now a great tincture from thence, and savours much in all its operations of the vessel 'tis kept in.

Lastly, Let us seriously ponder the won­derful variety there is in that inward divine illumination, afforded to men more or less, as God pleaseth, by which their judgments [Page 12] and consciences are in several measures set­tled and determined: As nothing can give us a clearer account of that variety there is in the World, in divine things, so nothing can be more prevailing upon us, to have compassion upon men severally informed and perswaded, than when we consider, God affordeth divine light severally to them, as he pleaseth, and gives it in what propor­tion, little or much, seems best to his Wis­dom; and by making men of several growths and statures in divine knowledge, does seem to let us know, he would have men of several sizes and attainments in that kind, to live quietly together in the World.

These things being able, in some measure, to discover to us the grounds of these disa­greeing Principles we find amongst men, we will go on to the third and chief thing we have in pursuit by this discourse, which is a serious Enquiry, How far men are to be Tole­rated one by another, whose Judgments and Con­sciences about Divine things are found to differ.

Conscience in it self considered (being no­thing else but the Understanding under such a kind of Exercise, as is before described) is such a thing as can by no means come un­der any possibility of Force or Restraint, be­yond its own Bounds, and is as much out of the reach of all humane Power, as the Soul it self is, and therefore is chosen of God to [Page 13] be the Witness, which he gives to himself amongst the Sons of men, of their due beha­viour towards him, and is a thing neither in the power of others, nor in the man him­self; no man can point out what another shall believe, nor can he chuse out his own Belief; but still the Understanding gives in its testimony by the Conscience, though in actings the Will may sometimes prevail against it. This is that which chiefly differs a man, as to his relativeness to God, from other Creatures, and is that whereby God keeps up his solemn claim of Soveraignity over us, in our own breasts, by such means as we can no way oppose nor avoid. This Dominion of God was never delegated to any substitute upon Earth, nor was there since the World began a judgment entrusted in any hands over the Consciences of men, nor was it indeed under a possibility to be, since no man, nor men, with the existence of humane Power, could ever come to know the state of another mans Conscience, nor the manifold Circumstances (only open to a divine Eye) relating to it; and therefore does Paul himself to the Corinthians wholly disclaim the exercise of such a Power.

The simple actings therefore of Consci­ence abstractedly considered, are not capable of a forcible impression from without; nor need any man fear the loss of liberty of Con­science [Page 14] in that sense of it, nor reckon himself under an obligation to any indulgence for it, since a donation of it from any, will with no more reality afford it to me, than a restraint from them will any way actually take it from me.

That which will (as most proper and genuine to the present enquiry proposed) come under consideration, will be, How far the products and effects of Conscience, in mens actings in pursuance of it, are to be indulged, and how far restrained; and this will all come under two Heads:

First, How far men are to be suffered to do, or not to do those things which they say they are in Conscience obliged to do?

Secondly, How far men are to be urged by commands to do such things which they say they are in Conscience obliged not to do?

That a punctual clear Answer to these Questions will be a Travel of great peril un­dertaken, none that have any way versed themselves in such Controversies will deny, and therefore the better to secure our pro­gress herein, it will be necessary chiefly and principally to reflect upon the Magistrate, and the Power he is entrusted withal; this method will carry its own evidence suffici­ently with it: If we consider the power that mankind hath over each other, is exercised by him, and that the success of this notion, [Page 15] and the influence both of freedom and re­straint depends solely upon him, and that the power of Princes and Magistrates do actually bind and loose in matters of this na­ture; I say, if we consider this, we shall soon make a discovery, that (finding out what the Magistrate may do, and what he may not do in Religious affairs) will give us a deter­mination of this matter. In the prosecution of this, these several things shall be attempt­ed:

First, To make it evident, that Magistracy is an Institution grounded upon the Light of nature, and how far he may and ought to pro­ceed by that both negatively and positively in these things.

Secondly, That a Magistrate by becoming Christian receives no addition of Power to what he had before, only stands bound to an improved exercise of his Power, suitable to the light he then receives.

Thirdly, To discover some eminent mista­ken extreams about the Magistrates Power in Religion, which have miserably involved us.

And Lastly, To shew how far the Magi­strate, under the Gospel, should and ought to act about Religion, and wherein he is not to interpose his Power, the right stating whereof is the true and solid Foundation up­on which all true Liberty of Conscience is built.

For the first of these, That Magistracy and Government is an Institution grounded upon the Light of Nature, is easie enough to be made appear, the first rise of it being in Families, where it was wholly natural and paternal; and therefore it is that the first Command­ment, wherein all subjection to Superiors is commanded, is comprehended under the Obedience of Children, required to their Pa­rents, that being the first Magistratical Power exercised: That first Power and Authority God gave Adam, upon the Fall, over the wo­man, being a distinguishing Power between the two Sexes, and not properly any Magi­stratical Power relating to a Community. Af­ter there came to be several divided Families in the World, they found a necessity of a Power, that might have a larger and farther extent than that in each Family; which could be no otherwise grounded, than by a joynt and common consent, God having not by particular designation appointed any to rule over the World; and no one Family could claim a right to rule over another, nor could the first born in any family exercise any Power, or extend his Dominion farther than that particular Family: The reason whereof seems plain, because that paternal Power which is originally in a family, is not successive; there is no succession of that power Parents have over their Children, and [Page 17] Masters have over their Servants (which is the ground of Family-Government) farther than those relations still reach; Hence it is the Power a Parent might exercise in his Fa­mily, as a Father and a Master, he cannot exercise upon any of his Kindred, or other collateral Relations in any degree further, and therefore that kind of Dominion must needs rest circumscribed within the bounds of each particular Family; and that more extensive Government of many Families to­gether, was by a joynt-coalition and agree­ment of them, dictated by the Light of Na­ture for general good; there being scarce any thing a more necessary direction of Na­ture for mans own Preservation and Good, since his Fall, than to associate himself in a Community under one common Govern­ment.

How the Light of Nature did at the first operate upon men, to convince them of a necessity to joyn together in a subjection to Superiors, and how greatly their interest lay in such a subjection, relative to such a publick Dominion, we may some-what discover, if we consider, First, That the Earth was at the first the Gift of the great Creator to the Sons of Adam, and what every man first pos­sessed was his own, and whatever he could by his labour produce from it (the same Law that is to this day, to the first Discoverers of [Page 18] any unpossessed part of the World:) Now the only way to preserve men in such a Pro­priety, and to make good that first Law of Gods donation, was to have by common con­sent a publick power to take care of it, and restrain the violence and exorbitant injustice, that would otherwise have filled the World.

Secondly, When private differences came to arise between man and man, between cause and cause, it would prove imposible to end any strife, while each man would be a Judge in his own case, and therefore it was found impracticable for men to live without a third Judgment, which did necessarily point them to a Magistrate.

Thirdly, Man was not only a sociable Crea­ture in himself, made to live in society, and prompted by particular inclination to it, but each man came to see men had common Con­cerns one with another, and Interests of a pu­blick nature, beyond the bounds of their own particular Families; & there could be no way found out to capacitate them, to enjoy those common advantages they might afford each to other, but by imbodying themselves to­gether, and creating a publick Relation each to other in one joynt-society, the very being of which must needs lie in having one to rule over it, and to exercise that publick care, requisite to its preservation, to which no [Page 19] mans private power or concern either could or ought to lead him.

Lastly, The sensible good each Family found in that Paternal Regiment exercised within it self, might well induce them to fall into that more general; and to unite them­selves under one Political Father, in whose care and protection they might live secured.

These and many other necessary inforce­ments upon the common sense and experi­ence of men, induced the power of command­ing, and the reason of obeying. That God that afforded to each Creature a capacity large enough for its own preservation, did not leave Man without sufficient light to dis­cover this great Engine of his safety and hap­piness. Well may we then look upon the power of Magistracy, as the greatest and most transcendant of all humane things, and pay the due tribute of all Reverence and O­bedience to it, as being the Soveraign Power of God, exercised in a way of Vicegerency amongst men, and that wherein the peace and quiet of mankind is most necessarily in­cluded?

The Law and Light of Nature, having thus from the beginning placed the Magi­strate in his Throne, the same also did lead and guide him to the exercise of his Power, by bringing him under this obligation, to do [Page 20] whatsoever should be found necessary to the good of mankind, both in their private and publick capacity, and restrain whatsoever is destructive to it; this as it brings Princes and Magistrates to a tye of duty, so is the donation of this Power exceeding large and ample.

The First thing in which the power of the Magistrate is naturally exerted, is in his own preservation, wherein his Power is Paramount to all pretensions whatsoever; As in Nature each mans supream Law lies in self-preserva­tion, who is bid to love his Neighbour but as himself; So politically in Magistracy the preservation of it self in its Power and Pre­rogative, and the exercises thereof, is the first thing 'tis led to look after; he is to pre­serve himself in order to that preservation he is to afford to others. 'Twere very absurd to suppose a Magistrate bound to tolerate any thing destructive to his being, no pretence of Conscience is here to be suffered, 'tis a practice against the Law of Nature, 'tis to pretend Conscience to annihilate mankind; God hath not, nor will not promulge Laws to interfere one with another, nor will he ever reveal any thing against the standing Law of Nature [it being the remains of mans excellent creation at first] but what shall heighten and improve it to a further per­fection. Herein therefore Princes and States [Page 21] are sufficiently secured by a power inherent in their very being, that no abused preten­sions of a Liberty for Conscience can ever in­vade or disturb them.

Secondly, The extent of the Magistrates power reacheth to a total suppression of all moral evil, and encouragement of all moral good; and that for these Reasons: First, moral evil is an abomination to every mans Conscience, and therefore ought to be much more so to the Magistrate, who hath the on­ly power of suppressing and punishing it: Se­condly, moral evil and vice is most injurious to mankind, and destructive to that well-being and quiet the Magistrate is bound to provide for.

Thirdly, It brings down sensible and vi­sible Judgments upon Persons and Societies, with a voice easie enough to be heard by any natural ear, and therefore the Magistrate by the very Light of Nature, is loudly enough called upon to suppress it. This we have clear enough set down in the 13th of the Romans, where the Magistrate is said to be a terrour to evil-doers, and a praise to them that do well; the Magistrates power is there fully asserted, but it seems to be but the same pow­er he had before, his Commission seems only to be renewed with the same power he had from the beginning; that the Apostle there speaks nothing of the power of Magistrates, [Page 22] beyond what the Light of Nature gives them, seems to be very clear in two things: First, in that he instanceth in the present Roman power that then was; and Secondly, be­cause he sets down nothing that the Magi­strate is to do, but what the Light and Law of Nature doth directly guide him unto; That the Apostle speaks of Magistracy in general, is plain, and that he speaks of it in the present instance of the then Roman Power, is as plain; now if all that belongs to the Magistracy in the abstract, had not been com­pleat in the Roman power, as to the right of it, the instance had been no way proporti­onate nor right. The Apostle writing to Rome, no doubt intended to declare the Prin­ciples of the Gospel to be such, as taught all subjection to the Emperor; he says, The Powers that be, are ordained of God, speaking in the present sense of those that then were, and he says, For this cause pay you Tribute; that is, the present Tax you pay the Roman Emperor is upon this very account; so that he carries on the instance of Magistracy all along in the Roman Heathen power. Se­condly, he speaks of nothing to be done by the Magistrate, but what the Light of nature dictates, and what was the duty of the Em­peror then to do; to execute wrath upon him that doth evil, and to encourage those that do well; wherein he is a Minister of God to [Page 23] us for very much good. By this we see then, this farther power of restraint in the Magi­strate, in his natural constitution, that being to suppress all moral evil, and encourage virtue, he is bound not to suffer, upon any false pretensions of Conscience whatsoever, any practices that discourage the one, or fall within the guilt of the other.

These forementioned and unquestionable generals do contain in them the negative and positive execution of the Magistates natural power, in things purely moral and political. How far he is by the Light of Nature obli­ged about the Religious concerns of his Sub­jects, and wherein the Light of Nature lays an Arrest upon him, not to proceed, that so the due liberty of each mans Conscience may be secured, will come under a more pertinent consideration, in a following part of this dis­course. We see by these things, the Magi­strate negatively impowered in an ample manner in his first constitution, over all things relating to the moral and political good of mankind. The Light of Nature excludes all such Principles from the least to­leration, which make men cease to be true Subjects to the State, or good Common-wealths-men in relation to others: Liberty of Conscience is best secur'd by disclaiming such who neither by natural or divine Law, can make any just pretence to it; 'Tis only to be [Page 24] given in things divine and supernatural, such as neither destroy nor disturb the civil and political Interests and Rights of men.

The second thing proposed about the Ma­gistrate will have no hardship to make ap­pear, That a Magistrate by becoming Christian hath no addition of power to what he had before.

Magistracy is the same, and as legitimated amongst Heathens as Christians. A Magi­strate, when Christian, exercises the power he had before otherwise, but receives no ad­dition of power to his Office; Christ in the Gospel hath made no alteration in Magistra­tical Power, nor hath he given any addition to it, when exercised by Christian hands; but a Magistrate, when Christian, is bound to exert his power in a way suitable to the light he then hath: He that hath no other than the light of nature, hath as much power about Religion as if he were Christian, and is to take as much care of the Souls of his Subjects, suitable to that Light, as any Christian Ma­gistrate is to do, suitable to his. The power a Parent hath over his Child, a Master over his Servant, a Prince over his Subjects, is no more when they become Christian than it was before, only that power must be other­wise exercised, according to that improve­ment of light Christianity brings with it. All natural and moral Power was the same from the beginning, though God was not [Page 25] pleased to set that power distinctly in a Law written, till long after the light of nature gave a plentiful information about these things: The duty of all such relations, in the performance mutually of them amongst men, is greatly furthered by the Light of the Gospel, but the duty is still the same; several things do evidently evince this general Truth.

1st, All natural and moral Relations be­long to men as men, only so considered, and not as Chrstians, and are fully compleat and perfect amongst mankind, both in the power of the one, and the duty of the other, without any reference to any Perswasion in Religion, or other Qualification whatever.

2dly, It appears from hence, because what­soever the Gospel reveals to be the duty of such relations each to other, we find practised by the light and law of nature from the be­ginning, these things being of absolute ne­cessity to uphold the frame and policy of mankind, God had naturally endowed them with a sufficient discovery of his mind about them.

3dly, It appears to be so, because Christians are obliged by the Laws of the Gospel to give the same obedience, and perform the same duties in these Relations, to Unbelievers, that they are to Believers; the Gospel speaks of these things without distinction: Subjects [Page 26] are commanded to obey Heathen Magistrates in all things lawful [and we are to obey Chri­stian no farther;] Servants are commanded, with the utmost duty of Servants, to obey unbelieving Masters; and so Wives to be subject to unbelieving Husbands; all which declares these Relations perfectly in­herent in mankind, as such, and no way re­lative to any other Qualification whatsoever.

These two preliminary considerations of the Magistrate; 1st, That he has his original in the light and law of Nature: 2dly, That his power and being is thereby perfect and compleat, and that Christianity gives no ad­dition of Power to such an Office, will much further the right stating the chief and last thing proposed, How far a Christian Magi­strate, under the Gospel, is impowered negatively and positively in these things? Before I pro­ceed to which, I shall come to the third thing intended, which is, To shew how some eminent Mistakes about the Magistrates Power in Re­ligious things, have involved us into very de­structive and pernicious Extremities: A Pro­spect of which may be had in these three things, into which the various writings and discourses of that subject have chiefly issued themselves.

First, Some do make the Magistrate the sole Judge of all Spiritual matters; ascribe to him the power of setling what Government he pleases [Page 27] in the Church, appointing Officers in it, determi­ning all differences in Religious things, suppressing by his power all Errors and Heresies, and super­ceding all matters that appertain to the Gospel.

A second sort, with an equal warmth, af­firm the Magistrates Power in Religious things, but say, 'Tis never to be exercised but in a perfect subservency to the Church; and that whatsoever the Church determines, he is bound to execute by the temporal Sword, as the great Law of Christ.

A third sort, as wide of the Truth as either of the other, say positively, The Magistrate hath nothing at all to do in Religious concerns, that he is a meer civil Officer to take care of mens civil Interests, and hath nothing to do with things of a spiritual nature.

That all these Principles have produced hurtful effects, and that the truth lies distant from them all, will be found in a distinct con­sideration of them. The first does little less than revive in the Magistrate now, much of that power Christ himself, and the Apostles by his delegation, exercised at first, in set­ling the Gospel Church; and unless it can be punctually made appear, where in the Go­spel Christ hath substituted the Magistrate to exercise such a dominion over his House, it will soberly be found a dangerous Intrench­ment upon his Kingly Office; 'tis one thing to take care of the execution of what Christ [Page 28] hath already setled, and another to make Laws and Customs about those things: This opinion, as it is by many late Writers main­tained, dissolves all Ecclesiastical Regiment, and annexeth the Government of the Church to the civil Power, or indeed drowns the Church into the State, or at least mixes them as much or more than they were mixed together under the Judaical policy. What ever Government the Magistrate settles, can­not be Ecclesiastical, but Civil, if it be For­reign to what is already divinely appointed; if it be not, then its not the setling, but the executing of what is already setled, un­less you will say, that Christ entrusted him to settle the Ecclesiastical Government of his Church; and that will seem not a little strange, that the Magistrate, who is no spi­ritual Officer set in the Church, nor cannot himself administer in executing the least thing within it, should have such a supream Power over it. Either Christ and the A­postles did settle a Government in the Church, or they did not; if they did, the Magistrate, as well as others, is obliged by it; if they did not, but that 'tis left to the Magistrate, he has a greater power, at least in the exercise of it, than ever they had: For if we suppose, they had power to settle a Government, but did not think fit to exert that power, but left it to the Magistrate, his [Page 29] power in the execution of it is greater than theirs. 'Tis much that the infallible Wisdom of Christ and his Apostles could not better find out an order for the Gospel Church than to leave it to the mercy of every Magistrates discretion; and 'tis equally to be wondred at, that an Officer of such necessary import­ance to the Church, as to settle the Govern­ment of it, should be wanting when the Go­spel was first planted, and every thing ordi­nary and extraordinary belonging to it, was presented to accompany the Glorious Pre­sence of Christ upon Earth, and which might any way contribute to rear up the Fabrick of the New-Testament Church. 'Tis much that such an Officer of so absolute concern­ment, as this Opinion makes him, should not be in the Christian World for three hun­dred years together. If we will seek the meaning of this providential disposal of things; may we not soberly think it to be, that the Gospel was a thing wholly founded upon Spiritual Power, was compleat there­in, and needed not any Temporal power to contribute to its perfection?

This impowering the Magistrate with a Superlative Authority, in setling what re­lates to the Government of the Church, sup­poseth this, That the Scripture hath reveal­ed no Truth that is binding in this matter, but this, That what the Magistrate pleaseth [Page 30] to settle in every place, that is right, [and this I am sure the Scripture hath no where revealed] and so we are like to have as many distinct Governments, as there are States and distinct Kindgdoms in the World; 'tis strange, those that are for exact Uniformity in any one Church, should lay a foundation of such confused multiplicity in the Church Universal.

Either we must suppose, Christ was not faithful to reveal all that concerned the Go­vernment of the Gospel-Church, which God intrusted him with, or else that it was the Will of God there should be no more reveal­ed, but that all should be transiently left to the Magistrate. To say the first, were but to urge Blasphemy for Reason; if the se­cond, 'tis to impower an Officer in such a ne­cessary and weighty matter, whose very be­ing in the Church, with an ability to do it, had a futurity of three hundred years to come. During all which time, if Christ and the Apostles setled no Government in the Church, and there being no Christian Magi­strate that could settle any; How could the Church then come lawfully to have any? If it be said, Where there is no Christian Ma­gistrate, every Church may use their own discretion; then 'tis plain, the Govern­ment of the Church under the Gospel, hath no other bottom, than what every Magi­strate, [Page 31] and every particular Church pleaseth; and so not only Magistrates, but Churches, and indeed all the World may be their own Carvers in this weighty matter; 'Tis very hard to be credited, that the Government of the Church, which does so greatly relate to the preservation of the Truth of Doctrine in it, should be left to such floating uncer­tainties.

Besides, this Position makes all that part of the Gospel, which lies in Precept and Pre­sident about the Rule of the Church, and what was by the Apostles then practised and commanded, to be of no use to us, nor obli­gation upon us, farther then the Magistrate pleaseth; 'tis to give him a dominion over that part of the Scriptures, and opens a door to make him (as some have fully done) Lord over the whole New-Testament.

Two things are usually said to prop up this Power in the Magistrate.

First, That there is nothing positively de­termined in the Gospel about these things; because the Gospel being to take place throughout the whole world, no one frame or Model of Government could be composed, that would conveniently fit all Persons and Places where the Gospel might come to be received and setled; and therefore the Wis­dom of Christ hath left things of that nature wholly undetermined.

This is a thing taken for granted, and wholly without any Divine Ground to war­rant it, and is in the reason of the thing it self insufficient; for we find nothing in com­mand or practice by the Apostles in setling the Christian Churches, but what will agree with any Nation or People in the World. He that will say, That the Order of the Go­spel, as we there find it practised and requi­red, will not agree to any place; may with as much reason, if not more, say, That the receiving of the Gospel it self, in the gene­ral belief of it, will not agree to that place.

These things make it evident, that the Or­der and Discipline we find setled in the Gospel-Churches in the Apostles time, must needs fit every place and people, and can do no hurt any where.

1st, It highly intends to heighten and compleat the duty incumbent on all Moral and Natural Relations; that which Christ hath appointed to preserve order among Christians as Christians, will never hinder, but farther it amongst men as men.

2dly, The power upon which Christ's Rule, setled in his Church, is founded, is wholly Spiritual, it can never do any Vio­lence to mankind, nor clash with any humane power, because that is the Boundery of it.

3dly, The thing designed and attained by the Order of the Gospel-Church, is no more [Page 33] than to preserve men in a regular capacity to enjoy all Christs Institutions; and therefore he that will say, This Order will not sute any Nation, must say in effect, None of Christs Institutions will agree to that Nation.

4thly, There is nothing in Christs Go­vernment of his Church, that is properly re­lative to the Political Government of a State, or does any way determine the form of it, but it may be equally exercised under any Government whatsoever.

The Religious policy of the Jews did highly relate to the State, and was commix­ed with it, and the same Government of that Church could not have been without a suta­ble conformity of the State to it, and so could not well reach beyond that Nation, and peculiar Country and People. But the Go­spel-Church, and the Rule of it, is ground­ed upon quite other terms, and hath its first Principle in that saying of our Saviour, Where ever two or three are met together in my Name, there am I in the midst of them; And there is no place nor people under the Sun, but where, with much advantage, the order of the Gospel, as well as the Gospel it self, may be introduced.

A Second thing made to prop up this power in the Magistrate, is, Because of the won­derful difficulty we find in the New-Testa­ment about matters of this nature. This I [Page 34] acknowledge should put us upon much enqui­ry, and great indulgence to each other, but I cannot yield it a good reason to establish a visible Judge to settle a Civil Pope; for at last upon the same grounds it will be found out, that the Scripture in Doctrinals is ob­scure too, and so the Magistrate must be like­wise an Umpire in those things, and finally in all. Were once all these Carnal Interests, and Political Concerns that are now twisted into the Government of the Church, laid by, it would be found a thing very feasible to de­duce from Scripture Precept and Example, (limitted to no particular case in the reason of it) a systeme of Ecclesiastical Rule, suf­ficient for the obtaining all the holy and good ends designed by the Gospel, and compleat­ing men in a Spiritual Society, as an Orga­nical-Church; and if a Church can be so constituted (which is a thing in it self of no harship, if men would be contented with the simplicity of the Gospel, and Christs wis­dom in these things) as that Church will be most pure, as having nothing of humane make in it, so it will perfectly annihilate all those pretended necessities for the inter­position of humane Authority about such things.

If the Magistrate hath likewise a farther power to suppress all Errors and Heresies, and to establish by force the Orthodox Truth [Page 35] (the Rule of which must needs be what he thinks to be so) this will inevitably follow, that there can be never any such thing, as Liberty of Conscience in any case, or upon any terms in the world, under a Christian Magi­strate, he sins if he suffer to tolerate any thing but what he thinks punctually right.

If he be the proper Judge entrusted, first to judge, and then to execute his Judgment with the Temporal Power; all Liberty, to whosoever is not of his mind, is perfectly gone: This is no other than to make the Magistrate's Power a meer Inquisition; And by this means a Christian Magistrate will prove a marvellous hurt to much of the Church where he governs; for, unless you will sup­pose all the Truth, and all sound Christians to be included in what he establishes for Or­thodox, if there be any Truth, or true Pro­fessors of Christianity amongst all the other Opinions he persecutes, they are sure to be sufferers, and it will ever fall out, that all those that are not of the Magistrates Opini­on, had better live under one of Gallio's tem­per, than under a Magistrate so practising.

These large positions about the Magi­strates Power have no visible ground for themselves in the Gospel; and when 'tis said, the reason of it is, because there was no Christian Magistrate till long after, and so little mention is made of his Authority in [Page 36] these things, there is nothing said that can be any way satisfactory, because what Power soever any shall exercise in or over the Go­spel Church, to the end of the world, must have its rise and derivation from what was then established by Christ and his Apostles. However, they are sure of a popular accep­tance:

1. Because they bring us to a visible Judge, and a humane certainty, which most men had rather be at, than a laborious inquiry after divine Truth, in the way God hath reveal­ed it in the Scriptures.

And 2. Because they are positions that land us in a very safe harbour, and free us from any danger of suffering about those things; he that thinks it his duty to be al­wayes of the Magistrates Religion, is so se­cured in that duty, that no Religion can pos­sibly ever hurt him; and whoever thinks the Magistrate is Gods substitute, to determine all matters of Religion, as he pleaseth, must needs think it a duty to be of his mind.

The second Extream about the Magistrates Power, is in asserting the Magistrate to have ample concerns about Religion, and a power sufficient entrusted to him; but the manner in which it is to be exercised, is in a punctual suberviency to the Church; that is, they are to determine, and he is to execute; they are to be his eye, and he is to be their hand: [Page 37] As the first Extream debaseth the Church, and all Ecclesiastical power under the Magi­strates feet, and makes him the sole Lord of all, so this in another extream makes the Magistrate a Slave to the Church; this is an unreasonable Imposition upon him, and gives him less liberty than each private Christian ought to have, to oblige him to put a civil Sanction, and execute by his Authority whatever the Church decrees, whether he judge it to be right or no; this is only to make him a Sword-bearer to the Clergy: This is the great Engine, by which the Church of Rome has inslaved so much of the World; Antichrist could never have been setled in his Throne, if Kingdoms had not thus given up their power to him. How shamefully upon this pretence, that the Civil power must be subject to the Ecclesiastical, have the Popes of Rome brought Kings and Emperors, not only to employ their power as they pleased, but to suffer all the scorns and indignities from them imaginable? The story of what Hildebrand did to the Empe­ror Henry, and many others, do abundantly shew this. The truth is, the carnal Con­junction of the Temporal Power with the Spiritual, is that which has made all Eccle­siastical Regiment odious and unsavoury in the nostrils of the world in all Ages, and hath had no other effect, but to enable the [Page 38] Clergy, under a pretext of the power of the Gospel, to trample (by the power of the World) mankind under their Feet. That the Civil Magistrate ought not to employ his power in such a sub-ordination, let these things be considered:

First, This is to suppose, either an insuf­ficiency in that Spiritual Power which Christ did at first leave in his Church, or else that he fails in that Promise of being with them to the end of the World, and continuing his Pre­sence, to make his Laws effectual for the end they are intended: Christ hath appointed the means of Converting men to the Gospel, to be the preaching of it to them: If you will compel men by the Civil power to become Converts, it plainly intimates, we judge Christs way insufficient, and use the other as what we judge a better. As Christ hath ap­pointed Preaching the Gospel, as the great means to bring men into the Church, so he hath appointed Excommunication, as the great means to cast offenders out of the Church; and force is as unreasonable in the one as in the other. The outward advanta­ges a man has by becoming a Christian, lies in the enjoyment of all Christs Institutions; and the punishment of all Gospel-crimes, lies in being cast out from those priviledges, and undergoing the weight that Christ shall lay upon the Conscience thereby. When a [Page 39] person is excommunicated, to deliver him over to the Temporal power, to be corporally punished, must either be, because we think Christs punishment in that case not enough, or else, because our own animosity prompts us to go farther. Chrysost. Serm. de Anathem. hath a pious and prudent saying, Dogmata impia, & quae ab Hereticis profecta sunt, argu­ere & Anathematizare opertet, hominibus autem parcendum, & pro salute eorum orandum; that is, We must confute, and pronounce Ana­thema to the wicked opinions of Hereticks, but we must spare their Persons, and pray for their Salvation.

Secondly, This way alters the manner of Christs rule under the Gospel, which is in the Spirits and Consciences of men; 'Tis much of Christs glory to rule his Subjects un­der the Gospel by a Spiritual power; 'tis that power makes a man a Christian; 'tis that power in all Gospel Institutions, that keeps men in their due obedience unto Christ, and 'tis that power carries the sting of the punishment, when men are cast out of the Church: 'tis indeed that power does all under the Gospel; and to bring in the Temporal Sword, is to make the weapons of the Gospel, not mighty through God, but mighty through the Magistrates power, and wholly to alter the nature of the Gospel, and all its Institutions; 'tis to arm the Church [Page 40] with Weapons Christ never gave her, and to make her a Military, rather than a Spiri­tual Society.

Thirdly, Suppose but this truth, That all Churches, even the purest, are in the execution of Christs Laws, fallible and lyable to mi­stake; this Doctrine hath a marvellous ten­dency to bring the Magistrate under great transgression, and each Christian under a possibility of such bondage, as the Gospel no where imposes on him: If a man be un­justly cast out of a Church, and the Magi­strate proceeds against him, he executes an evil Sentence, and does it blindfold, being by this Doctrine an Officer no way compe­tent, nor in any capacity to make a judgment of the truth or error of it, and so cannot possibly escape a greater sin. A Christian unduly cast out of a Church, hath this secu­rity against such a proceeding, that Christ will never ratifie it upon his Conscience; but by this manner of execution, he is sure, whether the Sentence be right or no, to fall under as heavy an outward suffering, as the Magistrates Sword can inflict upon him. And by this means it will come to pass, that men shall be more dangerously concerned in their Lives and Estates, by being in the Church, than by being Members of any Society what­soever.

The third Extream in this matter, lies [Page 41] amongst those, who say, That the Magistrate hath nothing at all to do about Religion: This lies very wide from truth, and cannot in such a general Position be made good, if we con­sider:

First, That every man in the World, as he is a Creature? and a Subject to the great God, is bound in his station, and in Gods way, to promote his honour, and endeavour that his Will may be done in the World; it would be strange that the Magistrate who is his chief Officer, should be no way concern­ed to see the Laws, which God gives the World, put in execution, by the Persons, and in the manner he hath appointed it; 'tis not to be imagined, that he that hath the complicated relation of a Christian, and a Magistrate to others, should have no care re­lative to their Spiritual good, 'twere to say the Magistrate must not do that which every man else in the World is bound to do.

Secondly, God never since the world be­gan, trusted any with the care of mens bodies, but he entrusted them likewise with some care of their Souls: If we look over all the Natural and Moral Relations in the world, such as Parents, Masters, General of Ar­mies, we shall ever find it so; Men are to be ruled over as Creatures, that have immortal Souls to be chiefly cared for; and they are to be ruled over as such who have a special [Page 42] relation to God, and a homage to pay him, above all the rest of the world; a rule over men without some respect to this, would de­nominate mankind into Brutes.

Thirdly, To say the Magistrate hath no­thing to do about Religion, is to deny what hath been practised by the Light of Nature before the Law, was practised under the Law, suitable to that dispensation, and both com­manded and commended, and is to be pra­ctised under the Gospel, suitable to this dis­pensation, and is foretold as a blessing so to be, and in fact hath been so ever since there hath been a Magistrate Christian in the world.

Having thus considered these hurtful Ex­treams about the Magistrates Power, the last thing to come under consideration, will be the due bounds of a Magistrates Power under the Gospel, that is, How far a Magistrate, being Christian, may improvedly exercise his na­tural power for the advantage and benefit of the Gospel, and wherein he stands bounded and obliged not to proceed? The preserving a right state whereof, through the torrent of these Ex­treams, will be of singular moment to the matter in hand.

We have seen, that the power of a Hea­then and a Christian Magistrate differs no­thing at all in kind: A Heathen Magistrate hath the same right, and is bound to do as [Page 43] much in Religion as a Christian, only the one having more knowledge of God and his Mind, is bound improvedly to exercise his power accordingly: the first thing a Chri­stian Magistrate stands bound to do for the good of Religion, is to afford the Churches all negative good, that is, to remove all Oppression from them, and all things that do any way hinder them to enjoy the Institu­tions of Christ; he is to give them rest, that they may be edified, and walk in the com­forts of the Holy Ghost, and lead quiet and peaceable Lives, in all godliness and hone­sty: This, as 'tis a special blessing the Church does not often enjoy, so 'tis one chief part of that benefit it receives by Christian Ru­lers: And this the Light of Nature will easily guide a Magistrate to do for any Re­ligion, of the truth of which he is perswa­ded. In the Affirmative, he is not only to see that the Gospel be preached, and all un­der him fully instructed in the truths there­of, to unite all Christians, and as much as in him lies, preserve peace in the Church, to encourage those he finds most zealous, con­stant and sincere in the profession of the Gospel, and by his own example to lead forth his Subjects in all sound Orthodox Pro­fession and Practice: But to comprehend all in one, he is to endeavour in a Gospel-way to see all the Laws of Christ put in executi­on, [Page 44] and as much as in him lies, see his Will done in the World; he is so far from being bound to execute, only what the Church will have him, that he is to over-see their pro­ceedings, and to take care, as Christs chief Officer in the World, that all things in the Church be duly, and according to Christs appointment administred. The Apostles words are general and full, Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers: Wheresoever the highest power is, it must needs be so, unless you will have a highest, and a highest, which will breed inevitable confusion; the Civil power bidding a man do one thing, and the Ecclesiastical another, it hath ever in fact been so; but under the Roman Church, where the Emperors were made believe, that 'twas the highest piece of Religion, voluntarily to yield up their Power to the Church, and sub­mit to her direction for the use of it, which at first they confessed was inherent in the Emperors, and not in the Church. Before the Law, not only the Power, but the Ex­ercise of the Priesthood it self, naturally fell into the Magistrate: 'Twas so in Noah, in Abraham, and in Melchizedeck, who was a King and a Priest. 'Twas so in Moses, the Regal and Sacerdotal power were both in him, till they were by God divided between him and Aaron; ever since which time the exercises of Magistracy and Ministry have [Page 45] been, and are to be distinct. 'Twas so like­wise amongst the Heathens; Homer tells us of Princes and Heroes, that Sacrificed and performed the Worship to the gods. In Rome 'twas manifestly so, the first Roman Kings did the like. Since Magistracy and Ministry has been distinctly exercised, still the Inspection and Regulation of Religion, and the Officers Ecclesiastical, have been in the Magistrate. Under the Law 'twas plain­ly so. Under the Gospel, so soon as there was a Christian Magistrate that could exercise such a Power, we find it so. The right was the same in the Heathen powers (which hap­pily was the ground of Paul's Appeal unto Caesar) though they could not then ex­ercise it. There is nothing more plain, than that there may be a Right, where there is not an Ability to exercise it. Constantine and the Christian Emperors after him, till the Church of Rome had cheated them into sub­jection, took upon them the care and over-sight of all Religious things, and to see all Christs Laws executed. Constantine used to call himself, The general Bishop, to take care that all things were duly performed in the Church. Amongst our selves we reap the Advantage of our Kings and Princes care and concern, in that enjoyment we have of the Protestant Religion. This shews the great weakness on the one hand, of such who say, [Page 46] the Magistrate hath nothing to do with Religion; and the perfect mistake of those on the other hand, who would have the Magistrate wholly Subordinate to the Church; and the third ex­tream in those, who would place the Magi­strate in so supream a Power, as upon the matter, to do what he pleaseth; will be sufficiently e­nervated, if we consider, That as the Ma­gistrate is to see that executed that Christ hath appointed in Religion, so he is to bring in nothing of his own; he is punctually tyed up, neither to add nor diminish, neither in the matter nor the manner; his business is to see Laws executed, not to make Laws nor change Laws; Christ has no where grant­ed any such Commission, either to the Magi­strate, or any else upon Earth; and therefore we come to a right state of the Magistrates Power, when we consider him as Gods chief Officer in the World, directed by the Light of Nature, as well as otherwise, to see that which God reveals to be his Will, put in ex­ecution: And that which comes particularly to the present matter in hand, That he doth it under the Gospel in the manner Christ hath ap­pointed: The manner Christ hath appointed being as positively obliging as the matter; and therefore the Temporal Sword, when 'tis used by Magistrates in the concerns of the Gospel, is the Dead Fly that corrupts all their otherwise very laudable endeavours. [Page 47] Nor need it seem strange, that a Magistrate should have the care and over-sight of that wherein he is not to use the Temporal pow­er; as he is to endeavour to see that done by others under the Gospel, (as the Admini­stration of the Sacraments, and the like) which he is not to do in his own person, so he is to see that done by the Spiritual means Christ hath appointed for it, which he is by no means to force the doing of by the Tem­poral power. He that thinks the Magistrate cannot be useful to the Church without the Temporal power, may with as good reason say, That all other powers in the Church are useless, where there is not the Tem­poral Sword to execute them. All Societies of men are under the Regulation of the highest power, but yet may act, and ought to do so by distinct and proper wayes, and by means suitable to each. A Colledge of Physitians in a State, are under the Re­gulament of the highest Power, and yet it were very absurd to force them to give Physick, as a thing in it self both unnatural and unreasonable. The case is much more so in the Church, nor can any instance fully reach it, because the Church is a distinct thing of it self, and hath Powers proper and pe­culiar to it, in which it is so compleat, that it can subsist without the Magistrate, as it did in the primitive times. The Civil and Eccle­siastical [Page 48] Power are things perfectly in them­selves distinct, and ought in their exercise to be kept so. The highest Power governs men, as men, by the temporal Sword, but as Chri­stians by the spiritual, and by seeing all things done in Religion by those spiritual means Christ hath appointed; all which means he may make use of, though exercised by other hands than his own, and still in a subordina­tion to him, as Christ's chief Officer in the World, who hath the Charge incumbant up­on him, to see all that Christ hath command­ed duely put in execution: But the Magi­strate himself, with the Power proper to him, which is the temporal, is not immedi­ately to act any thing in the Church; what he does is in a collateral way: that were to bring a new Officer into the Church, and a Power new and forreign to execute the Go­spel, contrary to the nature, and totally de­structive to the being of it. The Magistrate hath wayes, such as Christ thought sufficient, to promote the good of Religion, and propa­gate the growth of the Gospel, without drawing the civil Sword, which will make no more impression in spiritual concerns than it will do upon a Ghost that hath no real body. In the execution of those he ought to acquiesce, but if not content therewith, he will use the civil Power to force men to believe and wor­ship according to his Light, and will take [Page 49] Offenders in the Church, and punish them by his temporal Power; what is this but to lord it over Gods Heritage, and to make the Gospel Church, and being a Member of it, a thing of greater, outward, carnal, fear, bondage and subjection to men, than ever the Law was? This use of the temporal Power is the sting that wounds all liberty of Consci­ence, and totally overthrows it. If the Ma­gistrate where I live be an Arrian, a Socinian, or in any such Error, while he enforceth this but in a Gospel way, and in Christs way of enforcing Truth, only by instruction and perswasion, this doth not mortally wound me, this does not Petere jugulum of my liberty to keep to the Truth; but if he come to esta­blish it by the civil Power, and by that sup­press all else as Error, my liberty in a differ­ing perswasion is totally gone. The admit­ting the Magistrate to use the temporal Power in executing his judgment about Reli­gion, hurries every man out of the world that is not of his mind; for whatsoever will make a man an Heretick, will bring a man to the Stake; and every Opinion that is not the Magistrate's, must needs make a man so. If Christ hath enjoyned the temporal Power to be used, it must have its utmost effect, not only upon Hereticks within, but much more upon those that are Infidels without the Church: If the Magistrate be appointed to [Page 50] use such a power, he must not tolerate any thing upon any terms, nor exempt it from the lash of that power. Where will he find a Rule in the Gospel to bear with some kind of Heresies, and not with others? He must not make submitting to a civil Penalty, to compensate for an Heresie, unless Christ had appointed that as the punishment of it; that's a selling of sin, and making a bargain for iniquity, for his own advantage and profit.

That therefore which the Magistrate under the Gospel may not do (and without him I am sure the Church cannot do) in which negative restraint upon him, all Liberty of Conscience is comprehended, and the Free­dom Christ hath so dearly and fully purchas­ed, comprised; and which is chiefly intend­ed to be made good by this discourse, shall be declared in this following Position, which is,

That no Prince nor State ought by force to compel men to any part of the Doctrine, Worship or Discipline of the Gospel.

The proof of which shall lie in the Rea­sons following:

First, 'Tis a thing against the light of na­ture so to do; and if the Magistrates Power be grounded in the light of nature, then to do a thing against that light of nature must needs be very Heterogeneal, and wholly out of his compass; it must needs be against the [Page 51] common Light and Reason of mankind, to force me to be believe a thing wholly out of the compass of my knowledge and capacity, and which nature reveals not to me. Such are all Gospel Truths, they are not like the matters of the moral Law, but they are things purely supernatural, and of divine Revela­tion, such things as from the beginning of the world eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, nor never entred into any mans heart to con­ceive of; these things the Apostle saith, [...]; A man with all the endow­ments of nature discerneth not, because they are spiritually discerned. No man can call Jesus the Christ, but by the holy Ghost. Will you punish a man for not having the holy Ghost, that is no way in his power to get, but is like the Wind that bloweth where and when it lists? 'Tis a strange contradiction to our common reason, to force men about things wholly un­known to them, and out of their own power. If Force should be used at any time, it should be to bring men from Paganism to Christia­nity, for without that we cannot be saved; but when once Christians, we may be saved under different apprehensions; and yet we may not force a man to be a Christian, 1st, because 'tis unlawful; and 2dly, because 'tis impossible. 'Tis not lawful, because 'tis not Christs way of making Christians, nor a means by him appointed for that purpose: [Page 52] 2dly, 'Tis impossible, because force upon men will never beget or change Principles or Opinions. And as we should not force men at the first to the Gospel, because till God reveals it we are wholly ignorant of it, so we should not force men that are under the Gospel to any thing they believe not; for they are as great strangers still to every farther attainment of knowledge in the Go­spel, till God please to reveal it, as they were at first to the whole; and therefore the Apostle calls us to patience in these things one with another, till God please to reveal himself. The light of nature must needs condemn that practice, for another to force me about such things, wherein my own eternal good or ill is only concerned; where it is not to be ima­gined, that I can have any aim but my own Salvation, and can hurt none by my belief but my self. When I have used rational suitable means to inform another, I ought to acquiesce, it being not a supposition to be made, that a man would willingly design that which he knows will be his own ruin, and which will hurt no body but himself. He that forceth me to a Religion, makes me hate it, and makes me think, there wants reason, and other evidence to evince it. Na­ture abhors compulsion in Religious things, as a spiritual rape upon the Conscience. No man by the light of nature was ever angry [Page 53] with another for not quitting his Conscience till his judgment was suitably informed, be­cause every man finds it an impossibility in himself so to do. That which some say, That though we may not force men to believe, yet men may be forced to the outward means of belie­ving, is very little to the purpose; for if by outward means, they mean a bare out­ward act, distinct from any Religious Worship, no doubt Superiors may com­mand it; but if they mean any Religious means, if the means be such as my Consci­ence is not satisfied in, I ought not to be forced to it; if it be such as I am satisfied in, force is altogether needless, and it be­longs not to this Discourse.

Secondly, To use force in Religion, is wholly unlawful in any hand whatever, be­cause 'tis no means appointed by Christ to bring about any Gospel end: For the Magi­strate to enforce the Laws of the Gospel by temporal power, or compel men into the Gospel by such a power, is to act without the least Precept or President, and to in­duce an Engine to execute the Gospel, con­trary to the nature of Christs Kingdom (which is not of this world) and contrary to the nature of all Gospel institutions. The Magi­strate, as he should be careful to see the Go­spel put in execution; so, in the manner, Christ in his wisdom hath appointed for the [Page 54] doing of it, which is by his own Institutions, and his own invisible power operating and working with them: The great Rule of the Gospel, is a rule of the Spirit in the hand of Christ as Mediator; and 'tis a Rule in the hearts and spirits of men; and to set up a Rule by any humane power, over any part of the Gospel, is highly to derogate from that mediatory dominion of Christ; nay, to use force, is not only to act without, but against the declared mind of Christ. Does not Paul positively deliver this, That the Weapons of the Gospel are not carnal, but spiritual, and mighty through God? 'Tis not Faggots and Halters, but spiritual means, by which men are both to be brought in and cast out of the Gospel Church. 'Tis hearing, and not forcing, by which Faith is wrought. The sword of the Spirit is the weapon by which Christ does all; yea, by which he will destroy Anti­christ, the greatest Gospel-enemy the world hath produced.

Among all the arguments that are brought to prove the Compulsatory Power of the Magistrate under the Gospel, the greatest weight is laid upon the Practice of the Kings of Israel and Judah, and what they did under the Law in compelling men to the Worship of God then established. In the due con­sideration whereof, we shall find the truth in hand no way invalidated, and that what was [Page 55] then done by the Kings of Israel and Judah cannot reasonably be made a Rule to Magi­strates now under the Gospel; and that the Analogy will no way hold, may be made appear both from the different station and posture those Kings were in from all Magi­strates now, and also from the different con­dition of the Church then and now, and many circumstances peculiarly relating to both.

First, The worship and policy of the Jews being in it self typical and representive of what was to come hereafter, their Govern­ment was likewise so, and in their Kings very eminently; that David and Soloman did very plainly in the type represent the Kingly Dominion of Christ, none will deny; and 'tis as plain, that the very Throne of David it self, upon which the succeeding Kings of Judah sate, was likewise so, there being that Prophesie long before, That the Scepter should not depart from Judah until Shiloh came; and therefore the Power David and Solomon, and the succeeding Kings of Judah (for a­mongst the Kings of Israel, after Solomon, we find not one concerned for the true Worship of God) who were of the lineage of David, exercised, had a peculiarity in it, that is not applicable to any Magistrate now.

Secondly, God was pleased in those times, upon all eminent occasions of reformation in his Worship, and proceedings of that [Page 56] nature, to send Prophets to declare his posi­tive mind, and to put an end to all doubts that could be about such things; nay, some of the Kings themselves were Prophets im­mediately inspired, and did not only take care of the Worship established by Moses, but did themselves by divine Authority bring in things of a new Institution into the Worship of God; this David did, and Solomon, in bringing Musick into the Temple, and setling the courses of the Priests, and were divinely inspired to write part of the holy Scriptures. No Magistrates now can pre­tend to any such power in themselves, nor have they any such extraordinary direction to guide them, but are punctualy obliged to whatever Christ hath revealed in the Gospel; and therefore in this respect the Analogy no way holds good.

Thirdly, The state of the Jewish Church and Common-wealth was such, as wholly dif­fered them from all others, since that was a Church and a State in the very constitution of them mixed together; none could be brought into one, but he was a member of the other; nor could a man be cast out of the Church, but he was thereby cast out of the State; to be out-lawed and excommunica­ted, was there amongst the Jews the same thing. Grotius expresseth it well; At that time (saith he) the Wisdom in Divine and [Page 57] Humane Law was not divided; and he proves it by this, As the Magistrate did intermeddle in Church Affairs, so the Priest did intermeddle in Cvil things: For (saith he) the Priest was a Judge, and did not only give Judgment in Sa­cred, but in Civil Affairs, being the best Inter­preter of the whole Law. And saith the same Grotius further, That the Priest had Magi­stracy. This alone may be proved in Deut. 17.8. That he is to dye, who obeys not the Com­mand of the Priest. 'Tis most clear also, That Eli was chief Priest in Israel, and chief Judge in Shiloe. 'Tis not any way to be a­voided, but that the Civil and Ecclesiastical Power lay then interchangeably mixed; and with as equal reason may we bring Magistra­cy into the Ministerial Power of the Gospel, from what the Priests then exercised, and their example, as to bring such a power in Religion into the Magistrates under the Go­spel, from the parallel of what those Kings did then. Besides, the Magistratical power was so absolutely necessary to the Jewish Church-Policy so mixed, that it could not be upheld without it, the very Municipal Law of the Nation was their Religion: He that was chief in the State, must needs be Head of the Church. They were a Holy People, living in a Holy Land, appointed to Worship in one Holy City, and in one Holy place of that City, and to offer upon [Page 58] one Altar in that Holy place. The Church of the Gospel is totally of another nature, perfectly distinct from the civil State, can well subsist without a relation to it, and is no way intermixed in its Concerns with it; And therefore to say all Magistrates now must do as those did that governed such a mixed complicated Church and State in one, car­ries no proportion at all of reason or equity in it, more then if a man should argue from a Par ratio, that what Moses did at first a­mongst the Jews (who was King in Jeshuron) that Kings may now do amongst Christians under the Gospel.

Lastly, What was then done was by Gods command, and was in a way suitable to the frame and state of the Church the Jews were imbodied in, and lay chiefly in bringing men from Idolatry to the Worship of the true God: (for in differences between Sect and Sect amongst themselves, there was nothing that we find, done at any time, they con­tinued till our Saviours time;) and putting such a kind of Worship in execution, as lay in outward carnal Services, and was in every minute particular, exactly set down and de­termined. First, The state of the Gospel-Church now is wholly differing from what that was, and is setled upon clear other grounds and principles. Secondly, Here is no command in the Gospel for the [Page 59] Magistrate to do any thing of that nature. Thirdly, Let it be granted as truth, that in parity of reason, because Magistrates were appointed to take care of Religion then, they are to do so still; it must of necessity be granted also, that they must do it by the means appointed by Christ under the Go­spel, as they did heretofore, by those God appointed under the Law. It is an Inference very infirm, That because the Kings of Israel and Judah compelled men by Gods own ap­pointment, to acknowledge the true God, and forsake Idolatry, therefore Magistrates now may not only without, but against Christs commands, and the whole tenor of the New Testament, compel men to the Spi­ritual Belief and Worship of the Gospel. The truth is, the civil Power of the Magi­strate is no means of Christs appointing, for the carrying on of the Gospel; the Gospel in the very nature of it, carries an Antipa­thy in it to all outward force. Instead of all the temporal promises, and corporal punish­ments under the Law, Christ makes this De­claration, He that believes shall be saved, and he that believes not, shall be damned; That's the Language of the Gospel; Christ sets Hell and Wrath to come before men, and by his Spirit working upon, and convincing the Conscience, works more admirable effects upon men that way, than all the outward pu­nishments [Page 60] in the World could ever bring about; The Word of Christ is quick and pow­erful, and sharper than any two-edged Sword; and can divide between the Soul and the Spirit, the Joynts and the Marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the Heart. We have in the Hebrews a very perfect account of Gods dealing with men under the Law, and now under the Gospel, and the plain diffe­rence in the manner of the one and the other, Heb. 10.28, 29. He that despised the Law of Mo­ses, died without mercy, under two or three Wit­nesses: Of how much sorer punishment, suppose ye, shall he be thought worthy, who hath trodden under Foot the Son of God, and hath counted the Blood of the Covenant an unholy thing, and done despite unto the spirit of Grace? Here is the highest offence imaginable against the Gospel; and the punishment, as 'tis clear in the next Verses, is not Corporal, but Spiritual and E­ternal, and to fall into the hands of the living God himself to execute it. He that broke Moses's Law, fell but into the hand of man, and suffered corporal death; but this offence un­der the Gospel brings a man to fall into the Hand of God for eternal death. The sorer punishment he speaks of, cannot be outward or corporal, for there can be no sorer punish­ment of that kind, than what was inflicted under Moses's Law, to put a man to death; and therefore he speaks of another punish­ment [Page 61] in the nature of it. So Piscator upon the place (Graviori supplicio scilicet Eterno) the Supream Punishment under the Law was inflicted by Moses upon the Body, suitable to that outward state of things; that sorer Punishment for Offences under the Gospel, according to the nature of it, is inflicted by God himself upon the Soul eternally: And so the kinds of the Punishments under the Law and the Gospel, suitable to the offences relating to each, are here clearly distinguish­ed.

Those Scriptures that are usually urged out of the New Testament, to justifie compulsion in the Magistrate, and corporal punishment for spiritual offences, are of so little cogency, and so apparently wrested from their native sense, that every eye may (if unprejudiced) perceive it. I will instance in two or three of those chiefly insisted on by Mr Prinne, and those who earnestly contend that way. Ana­nias and Saphira were struck to death by Peter; therefore corporal Punishment is to be inflicted under the Gospel. Who is there that does not see that whole business to be miraculous and extraordinary, as the healing the Lame & the Blind was? First, the punishment is wholly extraordinary; and secondly, the ground of it so: For it was upon a Judgment pas­sed on Hypocrisie, and Evil latent in the heart, However, if we will continue that [Page 62] Power to any now, we must (I hope) derive it to the Church, and not to the Magistrate. Another Scripture earnestly urged, is that of our Saviour; Luke 19.27. But those mine E­nemies, which would not that I should reign over them, bring them hither, and slay them before me. This speech relates to the Parable be­fore, which is of a noble man going into a far Country, to receive a Kingdom, and to return, and then to take an account of all his Servants, what they had done in his absence. What can be more clear, than that this Pa­rable is spoken to set forth Christs ascension into Heaven, and his return to Judgment in the end of the World? And this place is a clear Prophetick expression of that Judg­ment Christ will then execute upon his Ene­mies, both Jews and Gentiles. The words of Calvin upon this place are very express this way, and indeed, 'tis not possible to interpret yet any other: His words are these; ‘In this second part he seemeth specially to re­prove the Jews, yet he toucheth all, which in the abscence of the Master do bend them­selves to fall away. And Christ purposed not only to terrifie such with denouncing of horrible Vengeance, but also to keep his in faithful obedience; for it is no light temptation to see the Kingdom of God shaken by the faithlesness of many. There­fore, that we might remain quiet amongst [Page 63] so many tumultuous stirs, Christ saith, That he will come again, and will be revenged at his coming, of that ungodly falling away.’

Another Scripture pressed to serve for the proof of this, is that wish, not command, of Paul's, in Gal. 5.12. I would they were even cut off that trouble you. This makes as little for the purpose as the other: Some amongst the Galatians highly pressed the ob­servation of the Jewish worship upon them, in Circumcision and other things; the Apo­stle bespeaks them to a Gospel-punishment, in the Jewish Language; Casting-out under the Gospel, comes in the room of Cutting-off under the Law; the Apostle means a Go­spel-rejection under the Jewish terms of cut­ting-off, which was oppositely expressed to those that pressed the observance of the Law. So Beza upon the place; Paulus ad pelliculae sectionem alludit, quam ipsi urgebant. And a little after, Possumus istud de Excommunica­tione simpliciter intellegere, qualis fuit illa in­cestuosi Corinthij. Nothing is more usual, than to express Gospel-matters in the Typical Language of the Jewish Church. So the Saints are called Priests; their Alms Sacri­fices; and we are bid to eat the Passover. And so in that famous place of our Saviour, where he bids us, If an Offender refuse to hear the Church, to count him as an Heathen man and a Publican. 'Tis nothing but a Gospel-Precept [Page 64] expressed in the Jewish dialect: Of as little moment, or less, if it may be to the purpose in hand, are the other Scriptures in­sisted on. Let the New Testament be but fairly dealt with, and suffered to enjoy its own native sense, and we shall not find a word to countenance the execution of the Laws of the Gospel by Temporal force, nor to inflict upon any man corporal punishment, for a Spiritual offence committed in the Church. Our Saviour directly tells Pilate [and Paul to Timothy calls it a good confession] That his Kingdom is not of this World; (he means, no doubt, the Kingdom of the Go­spel) and therefore his Empire would no way invade Caesar's; though the Jews told Pi­late, If he let Christ go, he was none of Caesar's Friend. His meaning was, That his King­dom, as Head of his Church, was a Spiritual Kingdom, distinct from the World: and that as God governed the World by the Temporal power, in the hand of the Magi­strate; so Christ governs his Kingdom by the Power of his Spirit, and by Officers and Institutions wholly different and distinct from the World, and suitable to such a Do­minion. Nothing since Christ's Ascension hath more disturbed the Christian World, or brought more disorder into Religion, than mixing those two Dominions in their distinct powers, that of the World, and this of the [Page 65] Church together: 'Tis absolutely necessary to keep these Powers distinct and several. The Magistrate will be most useful to the Church, by keeping the civil Power in its due bounds; and the Church will be most safe and secure in the use of its Spiritual weapons. Let the Sword of Justice govern in one, and the Sword of the Spirit in the other, and men will be most happy in both.

That the Laws made to punish Offenders corporally under the Jewish Church, are not now to be executed without making our selves debtors to the whole Law, sufficiently appears. Take an Instance in that Law about putting Idolaters to Death, where, if we consider the circumstances attending it, we shall find it impossible, nay, unlawful now to be executed: Whosoever tempted ano­ther to Idolatry, was not to be conceal'd, but the Person tempted was obliged to kill him himself, whether he were his Brother, Son, Wife, or whatever Relation it were. In the 13th of Deut. vers. 9. Thou shalt surely kill him, thy hand shall be first upon him, and then the hand of all the People, and they shall stone him. And afterwards we find there, whole Cities of I­dolaters are to be raced to the ground, and their Children and Cattel utterly destroyed. These are Laws that cannot be now executed under the Gospel; nay, they are forbidden; for we are bid to walk in Wisdom to those that [Page 66] are without, to do good to all men, and to give no offence, neither to Jew nor Gentile. Nay, Believing Husbands and Wives are bid to live with their Unbelieving Relations, in hopes to convert them. Who can avoid, see­ing that these Punishments, as well as Promises were relative to that People, and that state of things, to preserve them from the rest of the World, and expired with the distinction of Jew and Gentile.

Thus I have endeavour'd to oppose the Ma­gistrates using the civil Power to force Reli­gion under the Gospel, First, because 'tis against the Light of Nature; And secondly, 'tis not only without, but against the Com­mand of the Gospel so to do. Famous is that saying of Tertullian to Scapula; It appertaineth unto the Authority of the Law of Man and Na­ture, that every man Worship as he thinketh good; and one mans Religion doth not hurt nor profit a­nother: Neither is it any piece of Religion to inforce Religion; which must be undertaken by a mans own accord, and not through Violence. So thought Turtullian antiently. So saith Lactantius, Who shall inforce me either to believe what I will not, or not to believe what I will? So saith Cassdor, Religion cannot be forced. And Bernard hath an excellent saying to the same purpose; Faith is to be planted by Perswasion, not obtruded by Violence. Bede tells us, That here in England, so soon as King Ethelbert was [Page 67] converted by Austin the Monk, he made a Law, That none should be compelled to Religion, having understood, that Christ's Service ought to be vo­luntary, and not compelled.

A third Reason against using Force & Com­pulsion about things under the Gospel, is, Be­cause 'tis not adequate to the Malady; for if the meaning be to make a man forsake Error, and imbrace the Truth, 'tis no Remedy suit­able to the Disease, nor will it ever reach such a Distemper, or effect such a Cure. The Di­sease lies in the Soul, and in the Understand­ing; the compelling and punishing the Body will never help it; the end will be wholly lost: A man can never be forced to alter or imbrace an Opinion; he may deny it, or con­ceal it: But if he had a desire, through fear, or other slavish considerations, to do it, yet he cannot, and so a man is compelled to an impossibility. This usually makes Hypo­crites, and at last Atheists, but never makes a right Convert: So the Souls of men this way are endangered, the Devils Interest pro­moted; but neither the Salvation of Souls, nor the Honour of God, by enlarging Truth, any way furthered. He that useth no other Medium, but force to me, makes a Lyon and a Mastiff-Dog as capable of converting me, and giving Laws to my Understanding, as he. We are bid to restore Persons fallen into Error, by a Spirit of Meekness, considering our selves, [Page 68] lest we also be tempted. So Paul to Timothy; The Servant of the Lord must not strive, but be gentle to all men, in Meekness instructing those that oppose themselves, if God peradventure will give Repentance. No man ever yet did any good to himself or others, by forcing a man against the Law of his own Light and Rea­son. How many that through fear and op­pression have gone against their Light, have repented openly, to the shame and disgrace of those who violently obtruded Principles upon them, contrary to what was natively and properly their own.

Take amongst many, one famous instance, recorded by Socrates in his Ecclesiastical Hi­story. The Emperor Valens, by threats and menaces to confiscate and banish him, made Elu­sius Bishop of Cyzicum turn Arrian, and ap­prove the Decrees of the Council of Arminium: The effect of it was, Elusius presently fell into horror of Conscience, openly at Cyzicum recant­ing what he had done, crying out of the Emperors unjust cruelty, and made all men loath such a proceeding. A late Author undertakes to justifie the use of Force in Religion, from the Opinion of Saint Austine, whose Opinion at first, as is well known, was, That it was no way lawful to use Force to men of differing Opinions in Religion. The retraction of that, and the change of his mind was occasioned by a particular accident at Hippo; and it may [Page 69] be, if we consult all circumstances, we shall find his last Opinion had more need of a re­tractation than his first; and yet at last he is very positive against all capital punishment, his words are, Nullis tamen bonis; 'Tis a thing says he, that pleaseth no good man, that any Heretick should be put to death. We may see by this, how men do curtail and enlarge these things according to their interests and particular affections, and set bounds at their own pleasure; some are for one kind of tem­poral severity, and some for another: and so when we leave the Scriptures, that give no direction for any, we lose our selves, and wander as the fancies and interests of men lead us. But the Authors words are these: Though Force (saith he) will not remove the Error, yet it may prevent its spreading; though it doth not take away the Cause, yet it hinders most of the mischievous Effects. The mischie­vous effects of an Opinion is considered, as it relates to a man himself who is possessed with it, and as it relates to others who may be by him infected with it: Force doth in no wise hinder the spreading of an Opinion; for if a man be punished for declaring to o­thers what he thinks is right, and he thinks himself bound in Conscience to declare, others are more easily taken, and by his Suf­ferings made more pleased with his Notion, and sooner become his Proselites. In the [Page 70] other case, he that forceth me to deny my Opinion, sins in doing it, but I sin likewise if I comply with him: for such mischievous effects, as relate to the Person himself pos­sessed with an Opinion, hinders them not at all, unless you can convert him by it; for it either confirms him in one Error, or leads him into a worse: If he stand it out and suffer, he will be the more rooted in his per­swasion by it, and be apt to think, want of Arguments brings men to Club-Law: If he comply against his Light, he runs then into an apparent and certain evil that way. But the Author proceeds, and tells us, In a little time it will remove the cause of the Error: That is to say, Forcing men, if you do it long enough, will convert them; and the reason he gives, is this, Because Paul ranks his Here­sies amongst the works of the Flesh; and it is not seated so solely in the mind, but that it hath often no sublimer motives then other sensual transgressions; and as outward considerati­ons are sometimes the cause, so they may be the cure of it. That ever any man did change an Opinion, first or last, by being forced, since the World began, is without instance, and impossible in the nature of the thing to be: One says well, You may as well cure a man of the Cholick by brushing his Cout, or fill a mans Belly with a Syllogisme. These things do not communicate in matter, and [Page 71] so neither in action or passion. But Heresie is a work of the Flesh, so is every mistake of the Soul; Heresie is a work of the Soul rather in mis-believing than mis-doing; 'tis a thing in Opinion, rather than Fact. The Apostle, in Galatians 5. where Heresie is reckoned amongst the works of the flesh, does not put the distin­ction between works of the flesh, as things outwardly acted, opposite to what is in­wardly believed; but by the flesh he means the corrupt and carnal mind, opposite to the Spirit of God; for he says plainly in the Verse before, The Flesh lusts against the Spirit, and the Spirit against the Flesh. By the Flesh there, he means the corrupt state of man in Soul and Body; so that Heresie may be a work of the flesh, and yet purely seated in the mind: Every corruption in the mind is a work of the flesh, and yet as 'tis there only, is in some sence a thing spiritual and specu­lative. But saith he, Outward considerations are sometimes the cause of an Opinion, and may be sometimes the cure of it. If outward con­siderations, suitable to a conviction of my understanding, have wrought upon my un­derstanding, and made me really believe a thing, there is then no proportion at all of reason, to say, That force, because 'tis an out­ward thing, wholly incapable of working upon my understanding, may make me as well disbe­lieve it. And if those outward considerati­ons [Page 72] he means, have not really convinced me, then 'tis not my Opinion: Either outward considerations are the ground of such Opini­ons, or they are not; if they be, they will best discover themselves in their effects: such causes are best so known, and only so known, and those effects will be obvious, if they be evil, to a due punishment; if they be not the cause of them, 'tis first, a super­lative want of Charity, to make our selves evil Judges of other mens hearts, and then an eminent piece of injustice to punish men upon such a false supposition. He that will take upon him to judge the grounds of any mans Principles which he knows not, may make any Opinion have what Original he pleaseth. 'Tis a most absurd thing to be­lieve, any man for outward respects should suffer all reproach and persecution: You may as well say, all the Martyrs suffered only to set up a Pillar, and get themselves a Name; 'tis obvious enough to any impartial eye, those outward considerations are more pro­bably to be mens temptations that go another way.

Fourthly, No man under the Gospel ought to be compel [...]ed to believe or practice any thing: [and if not to believe, then not to practice, for the practice ought to corre­spond with, and be but the counter-part of the belief; 'tis strangely unreasonable to re­quire uniformity in the practice, where [Page 73] there is variety and difference in the Judg­ment; 'tis to bid a man go directly against his Light; 'tis miserable to rend a man into two pieces, his Conscience in one part, and his outward man and practice in another part: God arrests him, and draws him in a way suitable to his rational Soul one way, and men by means wholly contrary, another: Who, think we, has the greatest right; and whether is it better to obey God or man in such a case? Those that thus impose upon men, do what in them lies to ruin them eternally,] I say, 'tis not reasonable to com­pel men to believe or practice; (for practice should suppose belief) because God tells so very often, He only accepts a willing Service in his Worship, and abhors all other; God detests the smell of a Sacrifice, where the heart is not, where the heart is far from him; and 'tis impossible it should be near him, where a man is compelled directly against his own judgment. How much does the beauty of the Gospel lie in this, that Gods People are made by him a willing People, and that God hath his Creature wholly in his Service? Such are the Converts of the Gospel, where every man is in his rational Soul so satisfied, en­lightned and convinced, that he does all freely: 'Tis a severe thing to enjoyn me by penal Laws to worship God in a way I nei­ther like nor he accepts; which he does not, [Page 74] though it be what he has appointed for the matter; if I come not in the manner he has likewise appointed to it, I shall neither please him, nor advantage my own Soul. This was the case of the Jews, when God hated their solemn Assemblies, and said, Incense was an abomination to him. 'Tis usual­ly false worship that needs force; 'twas Je­roboam that upon Politick grounds began to force a Religion, and 'tis said of him, He made Israel to sin, by compelling them to Dan and Bethel. If men intend to make Con­verts to God, they must not do more for him, than he does for himself; he never vi­olates the liberty of the rational Soul, but approves things to the understanding; if they under this pretext intend to make Pro­selites to their own power, 'tis very sinful.

Fifthly, The practice of Christ and the Apostles, positively contradicts this course; they could have commanded what power they had pleased, if that had been the way of setling the Gospel in the world: Christ would have no Fire come down from Heaven, but that of the Holy Ghost; nor no Sword used in the Church, but that of the Spirit; he bids them Teach all Nations, Baptizing them, &c. that is his way of initiating men into the Church; Not as the Spainards Con­vert the Indians, who leave them no choice, but to be Baptized or Murthered. Men are [Page 75] first to be enlightned, and then led into con­formable practice. Paul prays for men, That the Eyes of their understandings might be enlight­ned: And our Saviour, when he preached, called for an eye and an ear, to hear and di­scern his Doctrine. 'Tis no matter for either, where force is the Medium. This deserves to be very well weighed, that the Apostles never urged the Truths of the Gospel in their infallible Ministry of them, upon far­ther or other terms than Perswasion and Ra­tiocination, and give every man freedom of debate, and counted it a noble thing in the Bereans, to examine the Scriptures, Whether the things they preached were so or no. After all means used, every man was left to his own Light. Paul professeth he was not Lord over any mans Faith. The truth is, that part of the Soul where Faith and Conscience is seated, cannot be reached by any compul­sion; and therefore force reaching but to outward practice, there can be no other end of it but to make us suffer, or else practice contrary to what we believe.

Sixthly, Forcing men to a Religion which is wholly supernatural, and imposing Prin­ciples upon them, which are out of the com­pass of Moral Light, as all Gospel-Principles are, supposeth a perfect infallibility in the Imposers, and the thing imposed, or else 'tis strangely unreasonable; to force men [Page 76] against their own Light, to be guided by ours, unless we are sure we cannot mistake, is a strange absurdity. There is some ex­cuse for being guided by a mistake of our own, if it be the best light we have; but there is no excuse for being guided by a mi­stake of another mans. Three sorts of men there have been in the world, eminent for Imposition in Religion, and common dis­cretion taught them, that the necessary sup­port of such Imposition must be a pretended Infallibility in themselves & their Doctrines. Such were the Jewish Rabbies of old, who had so deluded the People, that Luther tells us, The Jews thought they were bound to believe what their Rabbies taught, though they should say, The Right hand was the Left, and the Left the Right. Such also was Mahomet and the Mufties, who impose all upon the ground of Infallibi­lity; Mahomet at the first laying this down as a Maxim, That there was to be no debate nor discourse of what he prescribed; and his Mufties subdue the People by carrying on the same ever since. Grotius gives a very full account of this in his Book of the Truth of Christian Religion, Sect. 3. Famous for Imposition are the Popes and Priests of the Roman Church, and they with the Hammer of Infallibility beat down all Opposition. That's a refuge never fails to justifie things against Scripture, Reason, and common Senses of man; That the arrogant [Page 77] assumption of Infallibility, since the time of Christ and his Apostles, is nothing else but a political Cheat upon the World; God by his Providence, in fact, as well as otherwise, hath made it clear to us, since those who pre­tend to it, have as often contradicted each other, and erred, even in the Opinions each of other, as any People in the World: God in his just Judgment leaving those that pretend to be so much above all men, to ap­pear as weak, and as depraved men, as any the world has. But Imposition, where Infal­libility is not pretended nor claimed, must needs be but weakly underset. He that im­poseth a Religion upon me, intends I should take his Light instead of my own: Imposing a Religion upon me, supposeth a duty in me of perfect subjection, or else 'tis ridiculous, and signifies nothing. Admitting a man to use his own Light in judging, destroys the being of Imposition in Religion, upon any tolerable grounds of Reason; and no body is to be obeyed in whatever they command, but those that are infallible. Whoever it be, the Church or the Magistrate, that confesseth himself fallible, must needs admit a possibility of mistake, and so gives ground unquestion­able, to reason and consider what is offered to me; and to what purpose will that be, but farther to ensnare me, if I must necessarily obey? and unless I discover the weakness [Page 78] and mistake of what is put upon me, I may refuse it.

Amongst the Protestant Churches, where Infallibility is not claimed, and this Doctrine taught, That if any man command any thing sinful [of which every mans Conscience is likewise acknowledged the Judge] we are to suffer passively, and not obey actively. There can be no other success of Imposition, but to make me suffer for being an honest man, and following the Light of my own Con­science; for if the thing enforced be accor­ding to my own judgment, forcing me to it is needless; if it be not, I am bound by Prin­ciples, acknowledged by all, not to obey, and so the event must needs be my suffering in performing my Duty. Nay, suppose further, that the thing enjoyned be Infallible in its own nature, and the Person enjoyning it be so in that very act, yet till I am con­vinced in my reason of both those, they are to me as if they were not so, and I shall never upon that account yield implicit obedience; and when I am convinced of such an Infalli­bility, my own Reason, without any other motive, forceth me into subjection, as that which is best for me. No man can or ought to command me to alter my Judgment and Conscience, guided by the best Light I have, till he can shew me, that as I am fallible, so he is infallible, and that he is so in that act of [Page 79] imposing a Religion upon me, my own light is more safe to me than any other mans, that is not so intrusted, and is but equally fallible with my self, though in knowledge never so far above me. He that owns, he may be mistaken as well as I, and yet would have me obey what he commands, against what I be­lieve, would at the same time make me both a sinner and a fool; a sinner to God, and a fool to my own Reason; a sinner to depart from my own Conscience, by which God ex­pects I should be guided, and by which I shall hereafter be judged; and a fool to eat by another mans taste, and to part with my own Reason, without any assurance of being guided by a better. A Magistrate imposeth Uniformity in Religion, acknowledgeth him­self not infallible, but that he may be under mistakes, acknowledgeth likewise, that no man is bound to obey him actually in any thing sinful; acknowledgeth that the Judg­ment of what is sinful, lies in every mans own Conscience, as to his particular actings, and that every mans Conscience, though errone­ous, is to be followed till better informed. Take the coherence of these things, which are all granted Truths amongst us, and the result will be twofold; 1st, That a man that cannot in Conscience conform to such an im­posed Uniformity, as thinking it sinful, is punished for doing what is acknowledged to [Page 80] be his duty. 2dly, there can never be any other end in forcing Uniformity, where such Principles are taken for granted, but to bring such men into suffering, who resolve to keep their Integrity.

Seventhly, Every man in the World is to be a Judge for himself in all matters of the Gospel Religion, and so ought not to be forced to believe or practise any thing he is not convinced of. To what end is preaching or discoursing to men, but that they may judge of what is said? A man being obliged to answer for himself, he must needs be so to judge for himself. And this Foundation once laid, upon which many of our most ir­refragible Arguments against the Papists are built, all pretensions of imposing upon men, contrary to their own Judgments and Con­sciences, will with apparent reason fall to the ground: For if I stand obliged to God, as a creature by him enabled and fitted so to do, to make a Judgment within my self, ac­cording to the measure of Light I have, of all things I believe or practise in Religion, then I can never come under an obligation to obey any Commands that compel me against my Light, nor ever to follow the Judgments of others, farther than I am convinced by it, and it becomes my own. Now to make this evident, that every man under the Gospel is bound at last to judge for himself, in all [Page 81] things relating to God and his own Soul, let these things following be considered:

First, Every Person in the World is under a Scripture-command, To prove all things, and hold fast that which is good; Whatever comes from Ministers by way of instruction, or from Magistrates by way of command, 'tis a duty to give a due respect to it, and serious­ly to way it, and at last, by the best Light we have, to make a judgment of it, and settle the Conscience about it; but no way are we bound to follow blindfold, whether we like it or not: To prove and examine, shows a necessary use of Reason, and an act of the Understanding, in weighing and pondering, and to hold fast in choosing and determining. We are bid, To obey God, rather than Man: That Command can never be put in practice, but by judging what is of God, and what is of Man; and it must necessarily refer to a judgment of our own; for all mens pretence is, that what they enjoyn is of God.

Secondly, Every man is bound to do, what­ever he does in Religion, in Faith; for that the rule is positive, Whatsoever is not of Faith, is Sin; he that doubts is damned if be eat: To do an action in Faith, is to do it upon a judgment made within himself, that what I do, is that I ought to do, and that I perform my duty therein. And herein I must neces­sarily be my own judge, no other mans Faith [Page 82] can so serve my turn, as to excuse me from sin: If any thing be commanded me con­trary to my own judgment, I can never obey it in Faith, and so never obey it without Sin. The ground of all Faith lies in the in­formation and satisfaction of the Judgment; without the concurrence of that, no action in Religion can ever be done in Faith, and so never be done as it ought to be done. And therefore it is that the Apostle pronounced him happy, that condemneth not himself in the thing that he alloweth. A man through an Er­roneous Judgment may do a thing in Faith, and yet do it sinfully: his Faith will not ex­cuse him; but yet he is bound to exercise Faith in every thing he does. He that doth any thing without Faith, sins in it: he that doth an ill action in Faith, hath an ex­cuse for it; thereby à tanto, though not à toto; so that in the one, Faith lessens the sin of the action, and in the other, makes it compleatly good.

Thirdly, Every man must needs be a Judge for himself, because God will accept or not accept, and deal with him here and hereafter, according to what his own judgment was, and his suitable conforming himself thereto. For this we have a plain Scripture; Every man shall give an account of himself to God: Every mans Understanding is his Talent, God expects he should imploy it, and not [Page 83] hide it, and accordingly deals with men; Where much is given, much is required; and where little is given, little is required. Whence comes the satisfaction of Conscience in this World, but that while we walk sincerely according to our Light, we rest satisfied of an acceptance with God, and we find accor­dingly, God accepteth such, and abhors an Hypocrite. That God will hereafter judge men according to the knowledge they have, and the Judgment they make within them­selves, the Scripture is every where clear: He that knows his Masters will, and doth it not, he shall be beaten with many stripes. God will judge men out of their own Mouthes, and out of their own Breasts; if then God deals with men here, and judges them hereafter according to the Light they have, 'tis that sure that should be the Rule of our living. To say, I did what others bid me, and never judged within my self what God required from me, nay, when I was convinced, he required the contrary from me, will be but a poor excuse, when mens Consciences shall come upon the Stage to do the Office of ex­cusing or accusing in that great day. Our Divines say very right, when they tell us, Every mans Light is to be his Guide: If it be false and erronious, he lies under sin, because 'tis his duty to be better informed; but till [Page 84] he is so, 'tis his duty to puruse that light he has, as the lesser evil.

Fourthly, To say a man is not to judge for himself, is to unman him, and change him from a rational Creature to a Bruit: What has God lighted such a Candle in man (as knowledge and understanding) for, but to judge and discern by, and be a guide to him? God that has given a man an ability to judge, does he ever forbid, nay, does he not always enjoyn the use of it that way? Besides, 'tis impossible that a man (supposing him a ra­tional Creature) should consent any thing without passing first an act of his Judgment upon it. He that yields up himself to the Infallibility of Rome, passes a Judgment first, that 'tis best to do so; and therefore when men are perswaded to joyn themselves in the Roman Church, and trust wholly to that, in believing whatever the Church believes, they are first admitted to judge, that 'tis best to do so; and are made first Judges for them­selves, before they resign up their Judgment to others; to what end else were all Perswa­sion and Reasoning about such matters? The Papists, while they profess against this private judgment as a detestable thing, that every man should be a Judge for himself, they cannot deny, but that every man is actually so; and therfore Bellarmine flies to this sorty shift, he says, Before men are in the Church, [Page 85] they must judge for themselves, but when they are once in the Church, they must resign themselves to her Infallibility. The English of which is, That before a man is a Romanist, he may use his Reason, but after must be led and driven like a Bruit. And the truth is, a Church constitu­ted with an implicit Belief, under an imposed Infallibility, differs little from a dumb Herd of Cattel. Either in such a case I make use of my Reason, or I do not; if I do not, I cease to be a man under the denomination of a ra­tional Creature; if I do, I must necessarily be a Judge for my self; for if I am guided by another judgment than my own, as that I think best for me, there is as clear an act of my judgment in so doing, as if I were punc­tually directed by my own.

This we call knowledge in men, God hath given to taste Principles and Notions, as the Mouth tasteth Meats; take away once the use of this taste, and you take away the noblest accomplishment of a man: You make a man, created in honour, if he do not understand, like a Beast that perisheth; as the Eye guid­eth the Body, so the judgment of the Under­standing guides the Soul; force a man once from the use of this, and you betray him in­to a dark Chaos of slavery and bruitish sub­jection, and render him an object fit for the same scorn and contempt that Sampson found when he had lost his two Eyes. By these [Page 86] things we may plainly discern, that the ne­cessity of every mans being a Judge for him­self in divine things, is grounded both upon Scripture and Reason; and that 'tis not only lawful, but a positive duty, God expects the performance of, and obliges every man living to. And this being so, for any Power on Earth to compel men to believe or practise contrary to their Judgment and Conscience, must needs be both unlawful and unreaso­nable.

Lastly, The ill success Force and Imposition in Religion hath ever had, and which it hath a necessary tendency to have, may very well make us out of love with it; there can possibly be no other effect of it, but either to debauch men in their Consciences, or bring violent Persecutions upon their Persons and Estates. If the first, those that impose, bring a guilt upon themselves, and partake of the sin, as being the great occasion and causers of it: So did Jeroboam when he made Israel to sin, the guilt stuck to himself, as well as to the People. If the second, men are sufferers from men, for doing their duty to God, and part with their Estates, because they cannot with their Integrity; and in this case the Pu­nishment falls upon the Sufferers, but the Guilt still upon the Imposer. Either a Ma­gistrate, imposing in Religion, is to be obey'd in whatsoever he commands, or not; [Page 87] if he be, we shall then excuse those that obey'd Jeroboam, and cast reproach upon all the Martyrs that have suffered for refusing the sinful commands of Superiors. If they be not, there must be then some judgment when they are to be obey'd, and when not; and that can be no other than every mans own Conscience: And if every mans own Conscience, and the light of it is to be his Rule, by which he is to judge, then when­ever I refuse to obey a command in Religion, because my Conscience tells me, 'tis sinful, I am plainly punished for doing my Duty, and following that Light God hath given to guide me. Nay, suppose my Conscience be erroneous, 'tis confessed by all, 'tis a sin not to follow it till better informed; and if so, I am sure 'tis likewise a sin to force me out of it. Con­scientia quamvis errans semper ligat ita ut ille peccat qui agit contra Conscientiam quoniam agit contra voluntatem Dei quamvis non materialiter & vere tamen formaliter & interpretive, Ames. de cas. Con. If we look upon this practice in the Roman Church, where 'tis in its Meri­dian, what a Massacre of Souls hath it made? What Darkness and miserable Ignorance is grown up in the Laity by it? And amongst the Clergy, what Pride, Corruption and Tyranny? Where it has been practised in the Reformed Churches, it has introduced nothing but Divisions and Animosities, and [Page 88] the sad effects of them; those who have been freed from the Roman Imposition, and enlight­ened in the Protestant Truths, being less able to endure Imposition than any; being by their departure from Rome, furnished with Principles that do wholly overthrow any such Power, by whomsoever exercised. How little hurt would variety of Opinions about Religion do in the World, if it were not for this? What hurt could any mans Opi­nion do me, if he used no other Weapons than Reasoning and Discourse? 'Tis the Impo­sing Opinions makes them pernicious and troublesom to the World, and makes every Party strive to get the Magistrate on their side that they may suppress the rest, and turn Re­ligion into a worldly Interest. Religion troubles no body as Christ left it, but as men make it. By this practice, men of differing judgments in Religion can never live toge­ther in the World, nor enjoy the great ad­vantages they might afford one to another in civil concerns, and in Religion too, so far as they agree, because their Consciences will not let them come up to the practice of an imposed Uniformity in all things. How dif­ferent from this were the thoughts of Paul? he bids us joyn together, so far as we agree; and in other matters wherein we do not agree, to wait till God shall reveal himself to us. What an un­reasonable thing is it, to oblige Christians [Page 89] either to suffer, or follow all the changes made by human Powers in Religion, upon what worldly or political ends soever, to have the Conscience floating about at the Ma­gistrates pleasure, as his property, which is only God's peculiar? Those that lived in the days of Henry the 8th, Edward the 6th, Q. Mary and Q. Elizabeth, had occasion e­nough to experience this, who must either have withstood a conformable practice with suffering, or else surely have been sometimes out of the way.

But that which should put us perfectly out of all charity with the use of Force in Reli­gion, is, when we consider, the true Wor­ship of the Gospel can never be established by it. You may establish a false Worship, or a formal outside Worship, but never make such Worshippers as Christ speaks of, when he saith, The true Worshippers under the Gospel are such who Worship the Father in Spirit and in Truth. You may establish a false Worship, that is, a Worship of mens appointing; for if they be but outwardly obey'd in what they institute, they look no farther. Jero­boam's business was to keep the People from Jerusalem; if they came but to Dan and Be­thel, he cared for no more; he little minded the Religion he had set up, for he made Priests of the meanest of the People; his end was Political, to bring men into subje­ction [Page 90] to himself. You may also establish a formal Worship, you may by force make men hypocritically conform to the out-side of true Worship; you may force men to the Sacraments, but without they be qualified with those Praerequisites God requires, in­stead of performing an acceptable Service, you force them to commit a great Sin.

That you cannot by force establish the right Gospel-Worship, appears by these two things: 1st, 'Tis a spiritual Worship; and 2dly, 'Tis a voluntary Worship. First, 'Tis a Spiritual Worship; there is no one part of Gospel Worship lies in the bear outward performance of any duty: The Word (said Paul) did not profit, because 'twas not mixed with Faith. In hearing, praying, receiving Sacraments, and all others, there is more required than the bare outward act, 'tis Faith in these things, and that which is Spiritual in them, that gives them an acceptance be­fore God; and that men cannot be forced into: you can never compel into that which is purely Spiritual. Secondly, 'Tis a volun­tary Worship; the Gospel is a Proclama­tion made to every one that willeth, to eat and drink of the Bread and Water of Life. 'Tis the very evidence of Christ's Power under the Gospel, That his People are made a willing People; and therefore the Service of the Go­spel cannot be forced: 'Tis a contradiction [Page 91] to say, That may be well done by Compulsion, that ought to be freely and voluntarily done.

Two things are with great vehemency opposed to this, and which do indeed con­tain the greatest shew of Reason for Com­pulsion in Religion, of all the Arguments brought for it. 1st, 'tis said, That compelling men to the outward means of Religion, is a way God often useth to work inward Conversion. 2dly, That though it do not so work, yet a bear outward compliance is acceptable to God, and blessed by him. And for this the example of Ahab's humiliation, and the Ninevites Fast is brought.

To the first, I say, That somethings under the Gospel are as well Moral as Religious, and have a foundation in the light of nature, as well as in the institution of the Gospel; and to these, men may be commanded by the Magistrate. As Hearing is an act purely moral, as well as divine, a man may be injoyn'd to hear the Gospel preached with­out being forced to give his assent to it. The Light of nature guides the Magistrate to instruct his Subjects in whatever he thinks for their eternal good; and the light of nature obligeth every man to hearken to every providential Instruction God affordeth, and improve it for his good. A man that is only commanded to hear and receive Instru­ction, is dealt with as a rational Creature, [Page 92] and forced to nothing; the judgment is still left in himself. A man may hear, and be no way concluded; hearing is in order to choice and determination. But such things as are purely of a Gospel institution, and are perfectly supernatural; to these, men may not be any way compelled, nor can we ever expect a blessing upon it; First, Because in­struction, and not compulsion, is the way Christ hath appointed to bring men, and fit them to partake of all Gospel-Ordinances. Secondly, Because a man joyning himself to the Gospel, and partaking in the Ordinan­ces and Worship of it, upon no other ground but compulsion, and is in his heart all the while either ignorant of it, or against it, sins in all he does; and therefore though God can over-rule the sins of men to good ends, yet must not we do evil that good may come of it, nor anticipate Converts to the Gospel by undue means. God can work mens conversion by any means, or without means, but yet we are bound to seek mens conversion by such means as God hath ap­pointed for that end, and left us under an obligation to prosecute.

Mr Prynn, who is earnest for compulsion and corporal punishment under the Gospel, when he is told, That it is not a way to make Converts, and to work upon the understanding; [Page 93] Replies, That corporal sufferings, afflictions and pressures upon the outward man, are an usual means of Gods sanctifying and saving men. 'Tis true, a means that he over-rules, and a means he reserves in his own hand, to use as he pleaseth, but no means appointed in the Go­spel for us to use, and so we cannot expect the concurrence of Gods operation, which can only make it effectual upon it. Because God many times sanctifies the pain and sick­ness of mens Bodies, and the sufferings and losses in their Estates and Reputations, to the saving of their Souls, we may not (I hope) bring these things upon men for that end, because they are not means God hath intrust­ed us with the use of; nor has indeed any outward force upon the body a natural ten­dency in it self to alter a mans mind, but rather the contrary; but God by his influ­ence upon it, can over-rule it that way; and unless it be by him a means appointed, that so we may expect such an operation, 'tis both unlawful and unreasonable to make use of it. In short; if by compelling men to outward means, be meant, only to compel a man to a bare outward moral action, and such are all things relating to instruction, men may be commanded to it: If by means be meant, a Religious Gospel means of Christs institu­tion, and purely relating to the Gospel, such as the Sacraments, and the like, no man ought [Page 94] to be compelled to them, nor can we expect any good from such a Compulsion, farther then as God is pleased to bring good out of evil.

For the second thing, That though compul­sion do not work real Conversion, yet an outward conformity, though there be nothing else, is plea­sing to God: That is, That to compel a man by force to profess he believes that which he no way believes, and to practice that which he no way likes, is a Reformation God ap­proves of, this I utterly deny; unless it can be made appear, that God is pleased with Hypocrisie, accepts the outward Man, where the heart and the inward Man is far from him, and has no better means to bring men into the Church, than unreasonable compul­sion, which must needs beget an unreaso­nable Service. As such a Conformity can ne­ver please God in the persons conforming, so neither in the persons imposing. Not in the persons conforming, because they do it not from a right Principle, nor to a right end, they do it either without knowledge ignorantly, or against knowledge unwilling­ly. Besides, he that comes to partake of any Gospel-Ordinance in an undue manner [which he must needs do, that comes only by compulsion] sins in the very act: He that receives the Sacrament without a due quali­fication, sins in the very act; and therefore [Page 95] such Conformity may satisfie men, but can never please God. Not in the persons im­posing, because they do not execute any Law of Christs in so doing, and therefore it will be said, Who required this at your hands? The forcing an outward Reformation in manners is quite of another nature, that the Magi­strate may and ought to do, and is a thing highly pleasing to God, a thing taught by the Light of Nature, commanded by God so to be, and a thing that is well done, both in those that command, and those that obey; when the bare outward act of evil is restrain­ed and forborn, and the contrary command­ed and practised. The forcing men to re­frain from the practice of gross evil and wickedness, though they do it in Hypocrisie, has a wide difference from the forcing men to perform Gospel-Duties in Hypocrisie. Moral Actions are positively good and evil in their own nature; Gospel-Duties per­formed are only so, as they are circumstan­tiated. And therefore the two Instances of Ahab and the Ninevites will no way fit this matter: What was done by the Ninevites, for ought appears, was well done, with all the circumstances that should make it to be so; for our Saviour saith, They repented at the Preaching of Jonah.

What Ahab did, will be clearly differen­ced in two things; First, it was a volun­tary [Page 96] action; And Secondly, it was only a Moral action. 'Twas voluntary, for it a­rose from the dictates of his own Conscience, upon what the Prophet Elijah said to him. And Secondly, it was purely a Moral act, his Humiliation was no other; He himself was an Hypocrite, and his Service was hypo­critical and abominable in the sight of God; yet the outward act of his Humiliation was in it self good, and God rewards it with an outward blessing. That men may be com­pelled about actions Morally good and evil, is out of doubt, and that God does likewise with outward blessings and judgments re­ward and punish Moral good and evil, is also plain. But herein lies the difference of force­ing men in things Moral and things Divine: In things Moral, the action in it self, how­ever circumstantiated, is positively good or evil. Things of Divine Institution are quite otherwise; there the manner of the per­formance makes the action good or evil. He that sacrificeth an Ox, is as if he killed a man; he that killeth a Lamb, as if he cut off a Dogs neck: Where the manner of performing the command is not observed, as well as the bare outward act of performance. And so in all Gospel Duties, the Institutions of Christ, as Baptism, the Lords Supper, and the rest, the actions themselves in those things are not simply good; nay, they are [Page 97] accidentally evil, unless they have all the due circumstances attending them; the goodness of those things depends wholly upon Insti­tution, and there the manner, as well as the matter, must be punctually observed. Nay, the manner of doing such things determines the matter of them; for if they be perform­ed in their due manner, the Action is good; if not, the Action it self is sinful.

Having thus far endeavoured to establish this Truth, That the exercise of force by the hand of the civil Power, is ho means ap­pointed by Christ, either for setling or re­gulating the Churches of the New-Testa­ment, and is a thing in its own nature alto­gether unreasonable so to be; And that Princes and Magistrates under the Gospel should imploy their care, to see the Laws of Christ's Kingdom put in execution, in the way and manner he himself hath appointed, and ought to rest themselves satisfied there­with, as that which his infinite Wisdom hath provided, and to leave things that are purely Gospel-offences to Gospel-punish­ments, as most adaequate and proper; know­ing well, that if after such punishments in­flicted, Errors and Heresies shall continue in the Church, Christ will over-rule the Being of them for holy ends and purposes, acccor­ding to that of Paul, There must be Heresies, [Page 98] that those that are approved may be made mani­fest; which though it be no good ground to indulge Heresie, from any punishment Christ hath appointed for it, yet 'tis a very good ground to satisfie our selves upon, after all Christs means used, and to stop us from all violent and irregular proceedings, when we consider, That Christ will extract good out of such evil, and turn such things to his own Glory, and the good of such as are sincere. I say, ha­ving endeavoured the proof of these things, that the plainest Truths of the Gospel ought not to be enforced upon men, much less those more doubtful and obscure, concerning Dis­cipline and Order [of the obscurity of which there needs no other evidence, than that the holiest, wisest, and most impartial men have in all Ages differed about them.] How may we lament over the present Impo­sition of the Ceremonies, now enjoyned a­mongst us in England, which are no part of Divine Truth, nor any of Christs Instituti­ons, but things perfectly Humane in their creation, and yet are enforced by the civil Power upon the practice and Consciences of men. If Christ did not appoint his own Laws to be inforced upon the Church, but to be received and executed by the influence and operating power of the Holy Ghost, concur­ring with them; How little pleased will he be to have Laws and Rules made by others, [Page 99] to be so inforced? If it be neither reasonable nor warrantable for a Magistrate to inforce the Truths of the Gospel in his own sense of them, How much less is it so to enjoyn things in the Worship of God, wholly fra­med by men, and of their devising? Those, as being Divine, are in their own nature in­fallible and certainly true. These as being Humane, are lyable to all Error and Mi­stake. How unmerciful a thing is it, and how unlike the Primitive Christians, to make such Ceremonies a Rule of the Churches Communion, which used to be nothing but the Creed? That a man now only out of Conscience to God, and without a just im­putation of either Faction or Folly, or any other designed end, may very well become a Non-Conformist to these present imposed Ce­remonies, hath been often evinced.

These things may afford us some prospect into those grounds upon which Liberty of Conscience ought to be asserted, and also the due and natural bounds of it. When men discoursing of this Subject, are enumerating what parties may be tolerated, and what not. What Fundamentals are necessary to be belie­ved to make a man a capable Subject of this Li­berty, and how far the punishment is to be in­flicted upon men for matters of this Nature, are to proceed, and where to be terminated; they do but lose themselves, and come to be [Page 100] involved with inextricable inconveniences, and do usually little more then discover their own particular inclinations and interests; and at last often end in this Determination, That none are fit to be Indulged, but such as are punctually of their own belief and perswasion. The general Laws of Nature, and the ge­neral Laws of the Gospel, are the best Um­pire in this Case: As the first renders it a thing unreasonable, so the other makes it unlawful to tolerate any thing upon any pre­tence against the common Light, and the common Interest and natural good of man­kind. And so on the other hand, 'tis equal­ly as unreasonable and as unlawful, to force men about things wholly Supernatural and purely Spiritual; and so are all the matters of the Gospel, which lie seated in mens Be­lief and Perswasion, in reference to their own Eternal Condition: and as they have no proper relation to Humane Concerns, so they are in Aliena republica, and are only cognizable there, and only to be dealt with by such Spiritual means and punishments, as Christ in the Gospel hath appointed for that end.

Hear the Opinion of the Learned Alsted, on this subject at large: De pace Religionis (ut vocant) seu de Libertate Religionis, seu de bono Autonomiae: An & quatenus concedi possit a pio Magistratu. Concerning Liberty of [Page 101] Religion, and how far it may be granted by a pious Magistrate, he saith, That though the Magistrate be to defend but one Religion, even that which he judges to be Truth by the Word of God, yet none ought to be compelled to that by outward force, but every mans Conscience to be left at Liberty. Et nonnunquam diversaram Religionum exercitium, si non publicum, saltem privatum, aut clandestinum ex singularibus cau­sis permittendum esse statuimus; Atque hoc de­mum sensit pacem, & concordiam externam seu politiam inter Orthodoxos & non Orthodoxos, saepe etiam Hereticos simul colendam, ab ipso pio Ma­gistratu procurari, & posse & debere existima­mus. And he gives these three following Reasons for his Judgment.

Prima nititur generalibus illis Scripturae dictis, quae justiciam, & charitatem, studiumque pacis & concordiae serò nobis omnibus commendant: & ne quid aliter adversus proximum statuamus, quam qualiter nobiscum agi vellemus diserte prae­cipiunt. Denique at conscientiis suam liberta­tem concedamus, & dissentientes in negotio Re­ligionis amice toleremus, omnino mandant, Mat. 5.7. Rom. 12.14. & alibi.

Secunda petitur ab exemplis sapientium & pi­orum Regum, tum in veteri, tum in novo Testa­mento, &c.

Tertia ab ipsa naturali Equitate, itemque ad­juncta utilitate, quam etiam experientia quoti­diana fere comprobat. Nam praeterquam quod [Page 102] aequissimum est, in causa Religionis ab omni vi & coactione externâ abstinere, ipsis etiam rebus publicis ut ita fiat, omnino expedit, atque con­ducit; quippe quae alioqui facillime turbarentur, ut intestinis bellis, ac mutuis lanienis tandem considerent: prout hactenus in multis Europae provinciis, Galliâ praesertim & Belgio, accidisse novimus. Cum contra in Germania, Helvetia, Polonia, & alibi locorum, in quibus Religionum libertas hactenus indulta fuit, istis discordiis & lanienis non fuerit locus. Ergo resipsa per se licita, & bona est, etiam si per accidens abusus aliquis accidere possit, Alst. de Eccl. Lib. 4. Cap. 14.

What can be said with more truth and soberness about this matter?

LIBERTY of CONSCIENCE The Magistrates Interest: Or, To grant Liberty of Conscience to Persons of Different Perswasions in matters of Religion, is the Great Interest Of all Kingdoms and States, and particu­larly of ENGLAND. Asserted and Proved.

HAving thus far considered those things, which do most immediately reflect up­on the Magistrates Duty, in allowing a due Liberty to each mans Conscience, We will in the next place consider how far his Interest engages him this way. That 'tis the great Interest of all Protestant States, and parti­cularly of England, To give Liberty to men of differing Apprehensions in the Protestant Religion, is evident, if we consider, That a Prince or State, by imposing the Principles of any one party in Religion, makes himself of that party, and engages all the rest against him. 'Tis no way prudent for a Prince, [Page 104] when his Subjects consist of many differing Judgments, to resolve to have them all of one mind, (a thing impracticable) or else to be their declared Enemy and Persecutor; 'tis a ready way to interrupt his own quiet and repose, without any other effect: for he will never by force and violence unite them in one Opinion, those differences will rather be fomented, and all Animosities ari­sing thereupon, and men rather fixed and confirmed by such Persecution, than any way removed from their Principles by it. 'Tis not the having several parties in Religion under a State, that is in it self dangerous, but 'tis the persecuting of them that makes them so. First, It puts them all under dis­content, and then unites them together in such discontent; Thuanus, a wise States-man, saith, Heretici, qui pace datâ factioni­bus franguntur, persecutione uniuntur contra Rem Publicam. Those who in their Princi­ples largely differ from each other, when they come to be all bound up together in one common Volumn, and linked in the same chain of Persecution and suffering, will be sure to twist themselves into an united Op­position, to such an undistinguishing seve­rity: Whereas the thing in it self rightly considered, so many divided Interests and Parties in Religion are much less dangerous than any, and may be prudently managed [Page 105] to ballance each other, and to become gene­rally more safe and useful to a State, than any united party or interest whatever. He that is suffered to enjoy, under a State, the free­dom of his Religion, when differing from the publick Profession, has not only the com­mon tye of a Subject upon him, for his pro­tection as a man, but the cumulative obliga­tion, and thanks to pay for his Indulgence as a Christian under such a Character. Sub­jects in such a posture, as they will ever be studious of an opportunity to testifie their grateful fidelity, and by some eminent ser­vice to lay up a stock or Merit, that may se­cure their future quiet; so they will be, of any, most careful not to forfeit so pleasing an Indulgence, by falling under a publick displeasure. A Prince in such a state of things, by making himself a common Father to the whole Protestant Religion, though made up of some differences within it self, will be secured not only of that common Ho­mage of Obedience and Subjection, but with it, that more noble, of the Hearts and Af­fections of all his Protestant Subjects. To say any party in Religion is disaffected to a State, and therefore not fit for such favour, when such disaffection, if it be, does plainly arise from the Severity of the State against them, in that case; the reason why favour should not be shewed, is removed by showing [Page 106] of it: For, as persecuting men for their Re­ligion, must necessarily disgust them; so giving them the freedom of it must needs equally oblige them. 'Tis no true measure to take of any parties in Religion, to say the one are better Subjects than the other, when the one are favoured and countenanced, and the other still kept under and oppressed: There is no reason, but to believe there is an equal Tendency in all to love that Prince or State, where they find favour and protecti­on; 'tis a common disposition runs in the blood of all men; and by how much the Principles of any party are less taking and plausible, the less dangerous still is that par­ty; and as they will need favour more than others, so they must needs lie proportiona­bly secured to a State, by the Obligation is put upon them.

Take it for Truth, which is commonly affirmed, That all such for whom Liberty is at any time desired, are men full of Faction and full of Error: For the first, 'tis certain, Per­secution will not only continue, but foment such Faction, and give it a plausible pretence to justifie it self upon; whereas a Liberty granted in matters of Conscience, will ei­ther wholly win such men to a due and hear­ty Obedience, as finding themselves in a po­sture they cannot expect to mend, or else will lay them open to such apparent justice [Page 107] for punishment, and bring them under such a general contempt, as shall leave them stript of all pretensions, and render them wholly inconsiderable. 'Tis marvellous prudence to separate between Conscience and Faction, which can never be, but by a Liberty of the one, that so they may distinctly pu­nish the other: He that hath liberty granted to worship God according to his Conscience, and yet is not satisfied, but continues trouble­som, makes every body ready to be his Exe­cutioner, and makes that discovery, which could never have been made before; that Faction was his end, and Conscience but the pretended means; such men will not only lie open to the States just severity, but to the hatred of all men who do generally dislike ill actions most, when they come from men of the best pretensions.

Punish men for their Religion, because you judge them Factious, and mix all toge­ther, and you fall into this double Error; Either you punish men for Faction that de­serve it not, and so, besides a piece of In­justice, do what you can to make those Ene­mies who are not, nor would not be so; or else those that are so, you give them the pre­tence of Conscience to justifie themselves in whatever sufferings comes upon them. When people differing from the publick Religion meet to worship God, and are seized and [Page 108] punished for so doing, the Magistrate saith, He punisheth for Faction; they say, They suffer for Religion. And all People who see the actual punishment inflicted, for things re­lating to Conscience and Religion, will be sure to believe and pitty them, and be ready to condemn the State. A due Separation, as 'tis best to be made, so 'twill only by a Liberty given, be obtained. He that in­tends nothing but to give God the Homage of his Conscience, will have freedom to do it; and he that under that has other ends and aims, will be justly punished for it: But for a State to imbibe a general belief, that all who differ from the State-Religion, are factious to the civil Power, and not to be suffered, and so to punish them as such, and if they be not so, to tempt them thereby to be so, is to do an act of injustice to them, and to forfeit their own prudence towards them­selves.

For the Errors you may suppose men pos­sessed withal; as an eager Persecution is apt to make the Professors of them think them more than ordinary Truths, and themselves some great men in maintaining them; so it makes others seek after that, when driven into a Corner, which were it in the open Streets no man would regard. He that preaches and writes under restraint, that restraint begets him readers and hearers, that [Page 109] would else pass through the World with very little notice taken of him; things difficult and hard to come by, carry some weight in mens expectancy: Foolish and absurd Opi­nions are only put to Nurse by Persecution, and by that made to have something in the concerns and fears of others, which has in­deed nothing in it self. The hiding men by a keen pursuit after them, in the profession of such things, keeps them alive; whereas if they were openly preached, written, and discoursed of, the folly of them would ap­pear such, as not only others, but the men themselves would be ashamed and a weary of them: Besides, punishing men for Religion, where there are several parties, lays a Foun­dation of endless troubles and perpetual feuds: for that ill Opinion and anger, which makes one party, when prevaling to sup­press and punish the rest, propagates still the same anger and dislike in the parties punish­ed, and begets by such provocation a cer­tain resolution to retort the same again, and a readiness to embrace all opportunities to effect it; whereas that party that once gives liberty to the rest, buries all those Evils, and unites all in the common union of their own interest and security. 'Twill be impossible to find out a way for men of differing Judg­ments in Religion to live together, and en­joy the common advantages, which as men [Page 110] they may afford one to another, unless they exercise an Indulgence to each other, in that variety they stand in as Christians. Where there are many differences, and a State de­nyes any Liberty, but strictly imposeth the State-Religion upon all, the case always falls out to be, that the earnest desire of that we call Liberty of Conscience, lies glowing in the Embers of mens discontent, and is a thing in it self so popular, a thing of so great evi­dence of Reason, when it may be discoursed upon equal terms, and so much the concern of every man, but the present Imposer, that 'tis very apt to kindle and flame out, and up­on any strait or emergency of State, either by Forreign War, or Domestick Division, to make such an Earthquake as may endan­ger the whole: 'Tis most prudent in a State to give Liberty, when there is least power to demand it; those may be gained by giving it, that may prove dangerous in forcing it: To force and pen men up in such things is wholly unnatural, and will, like Wind pen­ned up in the Earth, or the Sea shut up by Banks, break out at one time or another with the greater violence. Liberty in Re­ligion was never yet denyed in a Protestant State, but it had first or last a mischievous ef­fect: To instruct men in Protestant Principles, and then to put a Yoke of Ʋniformity upon them, hath no more proportion in it, than [Page 111] to educate a man at Geneva that is to live at Rome, and to breed him a Calvinist, whom you intend for a Papist.

Were there no other reason to make a Prince or a State out of love with punishing men for Religion, and matters of that na­ture, this were sufficient; to consider such punishment ever falls upon the most honest of his Subjects in every differing party; men of loose jugling principles and unsound hearts will be sure to escape the Net; only the sincere plain-hearted man, that cannot dissemble, is caught; 'twas the device a­gainst Daniel heretofore, they knew, in the matters of his God, 'twas easie to deal with him, because in those he would not upon any terms dissemble.

This has Three ill Effects always attend­ing it.

First, It disobliges the best sort of men in every party, whom the State should most cherish and engage; whatever is said to the contrary, those that are the truest Subjects to the Great King, will be also found the best to his Vice-gerents here: 'Tis a strange Heterodox kind of policy, to make all the ho­nest sincere men in a Nation of every party, but that one the State adheres to, the object of the States displeasure, and to make Laws that can have no other effect but their Suffering.

Secondly, All standers-by, the generality [Page 112] of a Nation looking on, must needs be dis­satisfied, to see a plain honest man, upright and punctual in all his dealings amongst men, punished meerly for his Conscience to God; and because he will not comply to save him­self, which nothing but his Conscience can lead him to, and by parting with which he may at any time purchase his quiet; in such a case common Ingenuity begets pity for him, if not Proselites to him, and great dis­like of the course taken with him.

Thirdly, Though it be a secret, yet 'tis a very sure and certain way of bringing Na­tional Judgments upon a People; no doubt God takes great notice of the punishing men, meerly because they are true to him; for so every man is, that is true to his Conscience, though it be erroneous. Upon no other ac­count was it that Paul justified himself before the High-Priest, in saying, He had walked before God in all good Conscience to that time. His meaning was, He had gone according to his light, as a thing pleasing to God, though otherwise, as to the matter, his Conscience was erroneous, and his Judgment mis-in­formed. And he tells us afterwards, That he obtained Mercy from God, because what he did against the Church was done Ignorantly, and in pursuance of the best Light he then had.

The punishing men meerly for following [Page 113] the pure dictates of Conscience, is no doubt the true cause of many National miseries; And a State should be careful to avoid this, as they would preserve their own safety & wel­fare. If we look into that which naturally oc­casioneth several Opinions in Religion, 'tis that which a Prince should for his own Inte­rest highly encourage, and that is Know­ledge; for no doubt, as Knowledge en­creaseth, it expatiates it self into variety of Thoughts and Principles; and as it en­largeth all other Sciences, so Religion. Knowledge is the Glory of a Nation, and that by which all matters of concern to it, as War, Trade, Policy, and every thing else is highly enlarged. 'Tis the high Honour of a Prince to govern a Wise and a Knowing People, as well as a Great People; 'Tis an impotent piece of Policy, and equally de­structive to all publick Interest, to say, Sub­jects must be kept ignorant, as to say, They must be kept poor. They are Maximes only fitted for a Tyrant, and such who only govern for themselves, and calculate all Interests, at they concenter in their own, and by so do­ing make themselves their own Idols. No­thing damps all Noble Undertakings a­mongst men of Conscience like Imposition in Religion; it makes them hang down their Heads, it makes them heartless in their Cal­lings. If they are denied freedom in Reli­gion, [Page 114] men of Conscience will care little for any thing else. Solomon tells us, A wounded Spirit no man can bear. He that carries a taint of trouble in his mind about these things, is impotent in every thing; 'tis Li­berty in Religion that breeds the noble and generous minds. Let a man know his duty to God, and have freedom to perform it, and that man will have Wisdom & Courage above any man. Imposing Religion upon men has never other effect than either to lull men asleep into implicit ignorance, and so make them as sottish and useless Members of a State, as they are of the Church, or else, where it meets with Knowledge and Inte­grity, sinks men under the greatest grief, and provokes them to the greatest dissatis­faction. If we look amongst our selves, who be they that desire favour in this particular? And who be they that will be gratified and engaged by it, but every where men of Re­ligious Principles? And are they not gene­rally the sober and serious men that bring good to a Nation? Are not they in all Cal­lings and Trades generally most industrious and thriving? Are not they most saving in their Expences, and every way, either in War or Peace, most useful and serviceable? 'Tis debauched, loose, expensive people that over-live their Estates, and neglect their Callings, that help to pull a State down; [Page 115] such men will be sure to Conform to any thing, that secures them in present Luxury: 'Tis the Sober, Serious, Religious sort of men that every way make a Nation prospe­rous; to discontent such, and to put them in­to one common Dungeon of imputed Faction and actual Persecution, will never be found any right measure of a true National Interest.

Several things with great Evidence, seem to plead for Moderation and Indulgence here in England.

First, The Number and Quantity of those concerned, as well as the Quality, is such, that it can be no way prudent to discontent them upon that which will no way compen­sate the inconvenience; there can be no good Policy to leave so many men mixed every where, even in the highest places of the Nation under dissatisfaction, without the least effect, but the reproach of imprudence in doing it; and to put a disgraceful distin­guishing Character upon them, as men un­faithful to the State, only because they can­not comply with some Ceremonies (as the case is general amongst us) and worship God just in the publick way, a thing of no more intrinsick concern to the State, than to have all men of the same Opinion in a dispu­ted point of Philosophy, and a thing of as equal likelihood to be attain'd. A Subject that gives the same Testimony [Page 116] of his Fidelity to his Prince that others do, and behaves himself in all civil Con­cerns as a faithful and profitable Member of the Common-wealth, and yet is looked upon as a publick enemy, and made the object of publick anger, because he cannot in every Circumstance comply with the publick Re­ligion, is without doubt very severely and impolitically dealt with. As every Subject hath an Interest in his natural Prince, so hath the Prince in every Subject, and should be like the true Mother that would by no means divide the Child. To take such a course is to furnish out a party ready; for whoever first makes a disturbance, nay, its to tempt men so to do, by seeing a party so prepared.

Let Liberty of Conscience be once fitly given, and the Root of all mens hopes and preten­sions, that desire publick mischief, is pulled up, and the King will be the greatest and the most beloved Prince that ever yet sate upon the Throne.

Secondly, We shall never have a flourishing Trade without it.

1st, Because the pressure in these things falls generally more upon the Trading sort of men, than any in the Nation; we may see it in the great City, and in all Copora­tions; It makes many give over Trading, and retire; It makes others remove into Holland, and other Forreign parts, as it did [Page 117] heretofore from Norwich, to the irrecove­rable prejudice of our Cloathing-Trade up­on the like occasion; And it certainly pre­vents all Protestant Strangers to come to live and trade amongst us. It puts great Advan­tages into the hands of the Hollander every way, who have not a better Friend in Europe than Ʋniformity in England. As Liberty of Conscience here is that they fear above any thing, so it would insensibly more weaken them than all the Victories we have obtained over them.

2dly, Men will never trade freely where they do not live and converse freely: Where a man is afraid to be watched to a Conven­ticle, and most of the time he serves God is fain to hide himself; no man will chuse to live so if he can avoid it: Every man that cannot conform to the publick Religion, lying under the lash of the Law, will pru­dently shun both Business and Company, will never lay out his Estate where 'tis in any mans power to do him a mischief. A man conscious to himself that he cannot comply with the Law, will avoid medling with any thing, and chuse privacy as his best secu­rity. This we have had a sufficient demon­stration of in the Papists, who for many years, ever since they lay under the lash of the penal Laws, have been of little use to the Nation, have retreated from all publick [Page 118] Commerce amongst us, kept their Money by them, sent their Children abroad, and dis­joyned themselves from all the publick con­cerns of the Kingdom.

3dly, 'Tis the King of England's true In­terest to become Head of all the Protestant party in the World; and he will never do that, but by first making himself a common Father to all his Protestant Subjects at home. That 'tis his Interest to head the Protestant party abroad, is plain, because being the greatest and most powerful of all Protestant Princes and States, he will necessarily draw them into a dependance upon him, and de­sire of Protection from him; by which not only the Protestant Interest in it self will be much secured by being so united and con­joyned, but the King of England also will receive a great Accession of Power, by the Influence he will have on so great a part of Christendom, which he may make use of, not only to secure the Protestant Religion against the common Enemy of it, but to advantage himself every way, by the great respect and interest he will have in all Protestant States.

To bring the Protestants into an Union amongst themselves, will be of advantage to every Protestant-State, but to none so much as England: First, Because England natural­ly becomes the Head of such a Union: And secondly, Because the Designs and Practices [Page 119] of the Popish party ever since the Reforma­tion, have lain and will lie more united a­gainst England than any Protestant-State, as supposing that the chief Support of all the rest; and therefore England can never be truly safe, nor secured in its proper Interest, but when 'tis inviron'd with all Protestant-States adhearing to it, and depending upon it. How sadly England has miscarried, when it has espoused any other collateral Interest but the Protestant, has been too obvious ever since the first Reformation: England has been always greatest at home, when it has been the greatest Defender of the Protestant Faith abroad. Now if the King will thus rightly state his Interest abroad, he must begin the work at home; if he persecute and keep un­der any of his Protestant Subjects at home, those of their Opinion abroad will never put themselves under his protection: As he must make no distinction in Christendom, but Protestant and Papist, so he must make no other amongst his Subjects at home. He that imposeth any one Opinion amongst Prote­stants, and will tolerate no other, makes the distinction to be still between Protestant and Protestant, and makes himself but Head of a Party amongst them, and will never so head the Protestant Interest as to oppose the Popish party with it, or unite the Protestants [Page 120] so under him, as to make them acknowledge him for their Head.

Whoever would be Head of all the Pro­testant Interest, must have no common Ene­my but Popery, and concenter all there: Im­posing Conformity to the Opinion of any one Protestant party upon all the rest, is but to make himself so much the weaker by eve­ry Dissenter, and is indeed totally destru­ctive to the very being of such a thing.

First, Liberty of Conscience is the best way to secure us to the Protestant Faith, and to prevent a relapse to Popery; the Protestant Religion will be fastest rooted by exerting fully the Principles of it, and a throughout adhearing to them: By our practice in deal­ing one with another, to deny those Prin­ciples by which we justifie our Separation from Rome, is the ready way to make them return thither again. Teach men, that there is no man nor men under any one denomination since the Apostles time, that are infallible in de­livering Divine Truth. Teach men, that the Scripture is the only Rule of Religion, and let them read it: Tell them, they are to follow no men farther than they follow that Rule; and that every man is Judge according to the best Light he hath of that Rule, and how far other men comply with it, and differ from it: And [Page 121] that every man is bound to behave himself towards God, according to the Judgment he shall so make within himself: All which are Protestant Principles and Eternal Truths. And then collect the sense which these Principles issue themselves into, and how unreasonable will it then appear to force men to comply with the belief of others, contrary to their own? And when you have bid them use their Light and Reason to punish them, because they will not oppose it, and go against it; How can we otherwise justitie forcing men, where such Principles are avowed, but by a flat de­nyal of them, and recurring to those Popish Weapons of the absolute Power of the Church, and her uncontrolable Authority? And so by condemning others, that upon the exercise of their own Light and Reason now differ from us, condemn our selves, who upon the same at first departed from Rome. When we oppose the Church of Rome, we justifie our selves upon the very same Arguments, by which Dissenters now amongst our selves make their defence against us; And when we dispute against them, we take up the same Arguments the Papists use against us: There is scarce any considerable Argument urged of late for Conformity and Imposition, but if you trace it to the Seat, you shall find it in Bellarmine or Suarez. The truth is, he that cannot indure to have any differ from him [Page 122] in Opinion, about the supernatural Truth of the Gospel, and will have no toleration of several perswasions of that kind; and thinks it destructive to mankind, and the being of every State, to suffer any so to be; That man is a Protestant by mistake, and will find himself at home in his Principles no where but at Rome. The farther we remove in our Reformation from the Practices and Principles of the Church of Rome, and live upon our own, the less like we are to return to it. If we make use of their Arguments and Principles at one time, we may come to use them at another, and at last espouse them altogether; and what serves our turns at some times to oppose others, may at last prevail upon our selves. And so it is in our Practices, reserving any of their Ceremonies, may at last bring us to some of their Doctrines. He that keeps a Holy­day, is within a step of praying to that Saint for whose sake he keeps it, especially if he have the wit to consider why he keeps it. He that kneels and puts weight up­on it, is in a fair way to adoration; and he that is for joyning the Cross with Bap­tism, may come to do it after Grace, and cross himself in time. 'Twas Bishop Bon­ner's observation, when he saw the Refor­mation, and how many of the Popish Ce­remonies were retained, being asked, what [Page 123] he thought of it? If they like (saith he) the taste of our Broth so well, they will eat of our Beef shortly.

Secondly, Liberty of Conscience is the great means to diffuse Gospel-knowledge in divine things, and that's the best and surest way to bar out Popery, and lock the Door upon it forever. Ignorance is the great and only preparative for implicit subjection. Christendom cannot (I dare say) afford an instance that ever any State or People, where Divine-Knowledge by Liberty of Conscience, and a Liberty for the Gospel was once spread, were in the least danger of turning Apostates to Popery, but have grown daily more and more into a detestation of it, and generally almost e­very man amongst them carrying a Weapon in his understanding to defend the Protestant Cause.

Were Liberty of Conscience granted in Italy and other Popish States, we should soon see the Mitre totter upon the Popes Head, and probably see as fair Churches there as in any other part of Europe. 'Twas observed in the Wars of the Low-Countries, that when ever any Catholick began to look into the Bible, he was not long-liv'd in the Roman Profession.

Thirdly, Liberty of Conscience will breed men up with an irreconcilable dis­like to all Imposition in Religion and Con­science, and so unite them in a general ab­horrence of POPERY, as the grand Mother and Author of it all Chistendom over: All Principles and Parties born from a Liberty given in Religion, have an Antipathy in them to that Romish Yoke, and do naturally unite against the Popish Reli­gion, as the grand and common Enemy of them all.

Let Liberty of Conscience once be given in a Protestant-State, and though there be never so many differences amongst them­selves, yet men of all perswasions will concenter in that. He that has the free­dom of his Religion will be concerned to defend it, and look upon Popery as the great Grant he is in danger of. Experience and Fact, the best of all demonstrations, do evidence this. Take a view of those places where Liberty of Conscience hath been most given, and you will find there the greatest aversion to Popery that is in any parts of Christendom.

'Tis in other places, where other Me­thods of Imposition and Persecution are used, that compliance with Popery hath been attempted, and projects set on foot to [Page 125] compound the Protestant and the Papists in­to an Agreement.

'Tis Imposition in Religion sweeps the House, and keeps the Nest warm for Po­pery: Liberty of Conscience mortally stabs it; where that is once given, it may be said to the Pope, as it was to Bel­shazzar, God hath numbred thy King­dom, and finished it; And the place where he once Tyrannized, shall know him there no more.

Lastly, If the Church of Rome under­stand their own Interest, as we have good reason to believe they do, this Case is de­termined to our hands: for upon every occasion since the Reformation, both in Germany, France, Swisserland, and all places where Liberty of Conscience hath been endeavoured, the Popes have toto animo, every way opposed it, and declared it a thing perfectly destructive to the Church, and such, as where-ever it was suffered, would destroy the Roman Faith; and in that Maxim, I believe their Infallibility is not much to be denied. Some are so much otherwise-minded, that they believe Li­berty of Conscience will be the ready means to induce Popery again amongst us; The Reasons of it seem invisible, unless it be done by some new Rule of contraries: It [Page 126] must either come to pass by giving Liber­ty in general to Protestants of differing per­swasions, or else by giving Liberty to the Papists themselves, as included in a general Liberty.

For the first (I hope) it appears evi­dently to have another tendency.

And for the second, The giving Liber­ty to the Papists themselves amongst us, no man well informed, can imagine that they should be included in any such Li­berty.

First, Because in their Practice amongst us, they refuse to give that publick assu­rance every Subject ought to give of his Fidelity that expects the favour due to a Subject.

And secondly, Because their Principles are such, that if they understand their own Religion, they can never be good Sub­ject to any Protestant State: He that knows not this, knows not the RO­MAN RELIGION. And to prove it so by Fact;

Amongst very many other Instances, let what was done here in the time of Queen Elizabeth to her, and at the same time in France to Henry the Fourth, forever lie upon Record against them. Nor can a [Page 127] Papist ever become a true and hearty Sub­ject to a Protestant Prince, but by that act he ceaseth to be so. And as common Justice does deny them all pretentions to Liberty, so common Equity opposeth them; for as both they and their Religion abhor giving Liberty to any but themselves, so is their practice accordingly; for they ne­ver give Liberty to a Soul living, that dif­fers from them, where they are able and dare deny it.

To say, That Liberty of Conscience can have no other effect, but to tolerate damnable Heresies, and all kind of Sectaries, which is the usual way of discoursing it; and so to enlarge into all kind of Satyrical Rheto­rick upon that Topick, is to put a Bears skin upon it, and then to bait it. 'Twill be to impose a thing of a very hard belief upon me, to say, That Truth never gains by Liberty, and that the Imposer is al­wayes in the right, and the Sufferer in the wrong; especially considering, he that thinks me an Heretick, another thinks him so, and a fourth thinks us all so; and all the while we are all of us weak, imperfect, fallible men, sitting in judgment, and sentencing one another: And there can be no other end of it, but that he that is strongest makes himself in the right, and destroys the rest. When ever Truth comes [Page 128] to suffer by Imposition, as many times it does, and comes afterwards to be so acknow­ledged, the evil of such Imposition carries its own evidence.

But suppose such Truth never gets any good, and Liberty should be only to men under Errors and Mistakes, 'twere not fit then to deny it, that is, 'twere not fit then to impose upon them; for Liberty is no­thing but a Negative upon Force and Im­position: If we consult the good of such men themselves, so lapsed into Error, and desire their Conversion, Force and Impo­sition is no way to it; If we consult our own Security, there is no danger at all can come by it; for as long as such Errors lie in the understanding, and are only con­versant about supernatural things, they have no reference at all to the being or well-being of Mankind, as such: What hurt does an Error in Religion do me in my Neighbour, that is otherwise an honest and good man? He is rather in that an object of my Pity and Instruction, than of my Anger.

If we desire to have all men of our Opi­nion, because we think we are in the right, 'tis a very commendable thing; and if we do it with such a publick Charity, we shall use only such Christian means as naturally conduce to bring it about. But, if through [Page 129] the Pride of mens Hearts, and the Inten­tion of their own Exaltation thereby, they will have every body of their Opinion; and because they cannot convince and perswade them, will therefore force them, and trample upon them, that's an Odious Super-intendency.

To say, That upon a prudential Account, Liberty should never be allowed in a State, because 'tis that which will unite Parties, and bring them to a Consistency amongst themselves, and so render them much more dangerous, is to say a thing upon a great Mistake. For common Experience shews us, That nothing unites Parties more amongst themselves, than a hot Persecu­tion; For does any thing bring them so much together as that? 'Tis like a great Storm that drives Cattel, that are scattered about, altogether, and brings them to meet in one common shelter to save them­selves.

Ridly and Hooper agreed in the Goal, that would hardly have disputed themselves Friends.

There is no Bond of Union amongst Dis­agreeing Persons like PERSECUTION: The common Concern of their Security then begets Correspondency, Acquaintance, and such Intercourse and mutual Assistance, [Page 130] as endears them above any thing one to ano­ther.

And for the Danger there may be of any Party, there is nothing sure so like to remove that, as indulging them with a Liberty: The best way to be secured against the dis­content of any Party, is to remove the Cause of such Discontent; and the best way to be out of fear of them, unless you can totally destroy them, is to oblige them, and so at once to engage and win them over, and thereby disband our own Fears.

A late Author tells us, with particular Re­mark, That Maecenus heretofore gave advice to Augustus, That upon no terms he should endure such who would bring in any strange Worship into the State. I believe it, and 'twas such kind of Advice (no doubt) that caused the Ten first Persecutions.

Methinks the Author should have re­membred, That that advice would have kept Christianity out of the World. For if we follow the Track of such Policy, we shall find, that what we now say against Tolera­ting Dissenters amongst our selves, the Papists first said, and do still say against us all; and if we go one step higher, the Hea­thens said the very same against the Christian Religion it self, and thought it a Factious, [Page 131] Fanatick Project of sick-brain'd men, and a thing not to be endured, that men should not content themselves with the same Godds that the rest of World worshipped and acquiesced in. 'Tis a sad thing, and much to be lamented, that the Protestants should take up the Dregs of those Politicks, and make use of them one against another, upon very small difference amongst themselves.

The same Author, in another part of his Book propounds this Question:

‘If divers ways of Worship (saith he) be allowed in a Nation, what shall a Prince do? If he keep any men of any Profession or Party out of Employment for their Opinion sake, he disobliges that Party: If he bring all men indifferently alike into Employment, if he be of any Party himself, he will disoblige his own Party, who will expect Pre-eminence in that kind; and so in Conclusion, by endeavouring to please all, he will lose all.’

This is a Knot very easily untied. I will suppose a Prince strict in the Profession and Practice of what he thinks is the Truth; and the more strict Personally he is, the greater will the favour of Indulgence appear to those that differ from him: But there is [Page 132] no necessity that he should make a Party of those who are of his Opinion, distinct from the rest of his Subjects: 'Tis below his Greatness, and besides his Interest so to do; they will soon become like the Sons of Zer­viah, and in time grow to be too hard for him. Those that are of his Opinion, he may think them (in his private judgment) better Christians than others; but there is no Policy so to distinguish them, as if they were thereby better Subjects than others.

All men in a State are to give one Com­mon Assurance of their Fidelity; and such who are allowed a Liberty in their Reli­gion, when differing from the publick Pro­fession, the Political end of it is, to make them good Subjects; and the end of that must needs be, to make them serviceable to their Prince: And there is no Reason to doubt, but that they will be so, and emi­nently so, because they lie under an Obli­gation to his Favour, those of his own Opi­nion are not capable of.

A Prince should seat himself in his Throne with an equal Political Aspect to all his Subjects, and employ them as their fitness for his Service qualifies them: There is no Reason to narrow and limit a Prince to any Party, or to let any Party grow into [Page 133] such a Praedominant Opinion, as if the Prince were confin'd to them.

No mans bare Opinion in such things should qualifie him for an Employment, nor no mans Opinion ought to put a Negative upon him in that kind: that is for a Prince after he has obliged all his Subjects to him, to lose the use of a great part of them. Let a Prince but chuse men to serve him, whose Ability and Fitness carries the evidence of his Choice, and other Exceptions will soon vanish. 'Tis below the Greatness of a Prince to have any Subject to pretend to Im­ployment upon any score but his Judgment of his fitness for it.

The King of France hath often with good success employed his Protestant Subjects; Nay, has often trusted the Command of his whole Army in the hand of the Protestant, and yet feared not the disobliging of the Popish Party, or being thought a man of no Religion for so doing. 'Tis a most Absurd and Impolitick thing, because men differ in some divine supernatural things, to put them under such Characters, as to make them un­useful one to another in all other humane things.

Let a Prince once give Liberty of Con­science, and he obliges all Parties to him, and makes them wholly depend upon him; [Page 134] the Tenor of their Liberty will be a Tenor in Capite, and Quam diu se bene gesserint; and for employing men, and dispensing favours to them, let all Parties with a due subjection lie under the Prerogative and So­veraignty of his pleasure.

Two things are with much earnestness usually Objected against the Grant of Liberty:

First,

That it is unbecoming the Zeal and Concern a Magistrate should have for the Truth of Religion to give Liberty to any thing but what he thinks to be so; and that such a Lukewarmness, as Liberty to se­veral Opinions supposeth, does no way become him.

Secondly,

That giving Liberty to men of several Opinions, is the way to Propagate and Encrease them, and is of great danger to a State.

For the First:

It is very fit that the Magistrate should espouse what he thinks to be the Truth, and [Page 135] keep himself to the strict Practice of it, and use all lawful means to possess others with it; let him use all the means Christ and the A­postles used to convince and convert men; but let him not lay Violent hands upon mens Persons, because he cannot satisfie their Un­derstandings: That's Zeal without Know­ledge, and Religion without a Rule, either in Reason or Divinity: That is to run into so wide an Extream from Laodecean Luke­warmness, as to become like Paul before his Conversion, who saith of himself, That he was Mad, Persecuting the Church.

To say, A Magistrate is Lukewarm in Religion, because he will not Force men to his Opinion, is to say, He is Lukewarm be­cause he will not do a thing that Christ hath no where required of him; and to do a thing that is to no purpose to do, for that very end for which it is done.

Tolerating men has no more in it, than not Forcing men: 'Tis only a Negative Favour, there is nothing Affirmative in it. A Magistrate will never be charged with Lukewarmness in Religion, that makes use of all Gospel means to promote Truth, and that he may do, and yet never violate the due Liberty of any mans Conscience.

If we consult the Antient Practice of the first Christian Magistrates, we shall find it [Page 136] plain, That Liberty of Conscience was given by the Christian Emperors. Constan­tine did it fully. Eusebius in his Life time tells us, That he made a Decree in these words, Ʋt parem cum Fidelibus, ij qui errant, pacis & quietis fruitionem gaudentes accipiant. 'Tis true, he banished Arrius; but let any man consult the Ecclesiastical History, and he shall find Arrius so Factious and Base a Person, that there needed no part of his Opinion to be the cause of his Exile. Gra­tian the Emperor made likewise a Decree for Liberty in Religion. The Jews had granted by all the Emperors, the same Rights with other Christians. Jovinian and Valentinian, most Noble Princes, suffered Christians of several Perswasions to enjoy their Liberty: Of this, Grotius in his Book De Imp. Sum. Potes. Circ. Sac. Cap. 8. takes particular notice, adding these words, and saith, which is more to be Noted, The Emperor did not only permit Jmpunity to Disagreeing Sects, but often made Laws to order their Assemblies.

Liberty therefore in Religion is not either so new, or so strange a thing, or so great a Monster as men would make it. State-Re­ligions are not always Infallibly true; Truth [Page 137] sometimes keeps men from embracing them, it doth so in many parts of Christendom; and in that case a Negative Restraint upon the Magistrates compulsion, is the only shelter of Truth. The Wisdom of Christ, who hath forbid the use of the Temporal power under the Gospel, about Religion, hath left things best. For if a Magistrate be in the right, he may promote Truth, as far as in the nature of the thing, and by Christ's appointment, it can be pro­moted; If he be not in the right, where the Temporal Power does not interpose, men are secured in the profession of Truth, and not hazarded in refusing a publick Error.

He that would have the Magistrate force all men to his Religion, will himself be burnt by his own Principles, when he comes into a Country where the State-Religion differs from him: To say, He is in the right, and the State that does it in the wrong, is a miserable begging the Question. If one Magistrate be to do it, all are to do it, and there can be no other Rule of Truth and Error in that case, but what they think so. If a Magistrate be once admitted to punish with Death, what is really and truly in it self an Heresie, he may and must by the same Rule, so punish every thing he thinks [Page 138] so: Where shall the Definition of Heresie terminate? And who shall set the Magi­strate bounds in such a case? Mis-informa­tion, Passion, or some sinister Interest can only lead men into such Principles, which tend to nothing but to make Religion disturb the peace and quiet of all Mankind; and as one saith well, To bring Christians to a But­chery one of another, and to make a meer Shambles of Christendom.

For the Second Objection:

That giving Liberty to several Parties, Encreaseth them, and makes them dangerous to a State.

First, 'Tis very fit, that wheresoever you will suppose Errors to be sprung up, all the means Christ hath appointed for that end, should be used to suppress them, and re­claim men from them: Let their Mouthes be stopped with sound Doctrine, and spiri­tual Censures; the only Question is about the use of the temporal Power in such things: And Experience tells us, That since the World began, to this day, Prin­ciples and Opinions in the Mind were never extinguished by the punishing the Body: That old Saying verifies it, [Page 139] ‘Sanguis Martyrum, Semem Ecclesiae.’

Nay, there is nothing under the Sun to promote an Opinion in Religion, like ma­king men suffer for it: The Constancy and Courage of men in suffering for an Opinion, will sooner perswade men to it, than all the Discourses and Sermons in the World.

If the Magistrate take a Violent course to root out all different Opinions in Religion, such as the Emperors heretofore, when Heathen, took with the Christians, and the Popish States, where they are able, do at this day with the Protestants; besides the Cruelty of it, with which he will besmear himself, he will miss of his end, and find a Succession of those Principles in others, rising out of the Ashes of those Destroys, as it used to be said heretofore by the Martyrs;

If he take a mild and more gentle way of Persecution, he only exasperates them, and then leaves them arm'd with all possible Dis­content to hurt him.

Consider the giving Liberty under these two Heads.

First, The giving of it to several Opinions [Page 140] and Parties, where they are already actually existing.

And Secondly, The giving Liberty so, as will occasion and produce such Parties and Opi­nions.

For the First; Where there are several Parties in Religion already in being, and diffused all over a Nation, as the case is with us, there is no way to secure them, but to indulge them; for they are by their Number outgrown the Political part of Per­secution.

For the Second Consideration of Liberty, the giving it so as will naturally produce several Principles and Opinions in men; he that would prevent that, must give no Li­berty to the Protestant Religion, must not let the Bible be read by the Vulgar: There is no way to keep out several Opinions in Religion, but an implicit ignorant Sub­jection to an imposed Infallibility, and to do as the Turks do, who will not have any Learning or Discourse amongst them of Religion, for that very Reason, because they will have no Religion but Mahomet, nor no Learning but the Alcoran: Such Policy to Murder mens Souls, is hatcht in Hell!

The Art of Printing was at the first thought dangerous, because it was looked on as a thing like to introduce several Opinions in Religion. Cardinal Woolsey in a Letter of his to the Pope, hath this Passage about it:

That his Holiness could not be ignorant what divers Effects the New Invention of Printing had produced; for as it had brought in and restored Books and Learning, so together it hath been the occasion of these Sects and Schisms which daily appear in the World, but chief­ly in Germany, where men begin now to call in question the present Faith and Tenents of the Church, and to examine how far Religion is departed from its Primitive Insti­tution. And that which particularly was most to be lamented, they had exhorted the Lay and Ordinary men to read the Scriptures and to Pray in their Vulgar Tongue. That if this were suffered, besides all other dangers, the common People at last [Page 142] might come to believe that there was not so much use of the Clergy; for if men were perswaded once they could make their own way to God, and that Prayers in their native and ordinary Language might pierce Heaven, as well as in Latin, How much would the Authority of the Mass fall? How Prejudicial might this prove unto all our Ecclesiastical Orders? Lord Herberts History of Hen. 8.

Liberty of Conscience lies as naturally necessary to a Protestant State, as Imposition to a Popish State; he must be a good Artist that can find a right middle way between these two. 'Tis the Glory of Protestant-States, to have much of the Knowledge of God amongst them, and that variety of mens Opinions, about some less weighty and more obscure matters of Religion, as it much tends to a discovery of the Truth of them, so it no way breaks the Bond of Protestant Union, where men generally agree in the same Rule of Religion, and in all the chief and necessary Fundamentals of Salvation. Liberty of Conscience in such States, as it is [Page 143] their true and genuine Interest, and without which they will but deny themselves those advantages they might otherwise arrive at; so with the forementioned Boundaries, can never prove hurtful or dangerous, there be­ing always a just distinction to be made be­tween those who desire only to serve God, and such who pretend that, to become inju­rious to men.

And thus we have seen, that not only Re­ligion but Reason, not only Duty but Interest, do invocate Princes and States in this parti­cular: To whom it may fitly be said, in the words of the Psalmist, Be wise now therefore, O ye Kings; and be instructed, O ye Judges of the Earth.